[Transcriber's Note: The spelling inconsistencies of the original havebeen retained in this etext. ]

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. 

BY

ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. 

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. 

VOL. II. 

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:

AND T. CADELL, LONDON. 

MDCCCXXIV. 

CONTENTS OF VOL. II. 

PART. I. --(Continued. )

CHAP. XX. Account of various early Pilgrimages from England to the Holy Land, between the years 1097, and 1107. 

XXI. Discovery of Madeira

XXII. Account of the Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands

PART II. 

General Voyages and Travels, chiefly of Discovery; from the era of DonHenry Prince of Portugal, in 1412, to that of George III. In 1760. 

BOOK I. History of the Discoveries of the Portuguese along the Coast of Africa, and of their Discovery of and Conquests in India, from 1412 to 1505[A]

[A] This title was omitted to be inserted in its proper place, and may be supplied in writing on the blank page opposite to page 23 of this volume. 

CHAP. I. Summary of the Discoveries of the World, from their first original, to the year 1555, by Antonio Galvano

II. Journey of Ambrose Contarini, Ambassador from the Republic of Venice, to Uzun-Hassan King of Persia, in the years 1473, 4, 5, and 6; written by himself

III. Voyages of Discovery by the Portuguese along the Western Coast of Africa, during the life, and under the direction of Don Henry

IV. Original Journals of the Voyages of Cada Mosto, and Pedro de Cintra, to the Coast of Africa; the former in the years 1455 and 1406, and the latter soon afterwards

V. Continuation of the Portuguese Discoveries along the Coast of Africa, from the death of Don Henry in 1463, to the Discovery of the Cape of Good Hope in 1486

VI. History of the Discovery and Conquest of India by the Portuguese, between the years 1497 and 1505, from the original Portuguese of Hernan Lopez de Castaneda

VII. Letters from Lisbon in the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, respecting the then recent Discovery of the Route by Sea to India, and the Indian trade

_Note_. In p. 292 of this volume, 1, 2 and 18, the date of 1525ought to have been 1505. 

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

PART I. 

(CONTINUED. )

CHAP. XX. 

_Account of Various early Pilgrimages from England to the Holy Land;between the years 1097 and 1107_[1]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The subsequent account of several English pilgrimages to the Holy Land. 

[1] Hakluyt, I. P. 44. Et sequ. 

SECTION I. 

_The Voyage of Gutuere, or Godwera, an English Lady, towards the HolyLand, about 1097. _

While the Christian army, under Godfrey of Buillon, was marching throughAsia Minor from Iconium, in Lycaonia, by Heraclea, to Marasia, orMaresch[1], Gutuere, or Godwera, the wife of Baldwin, the brother of theDuke of Lorain, who had long laboured under heavy sickness, became soextremely ill, that the army encamped on her account near Marash, forthree days, when she expired. This lady is said to have been of nobleEnglish parentage, and was honourably interred at Antioch in Syria[2]. 

[1] Now Konieh, Erekli, and Marash; the two former in Karamania, the latter in Syria or Room. --E. 

[2] For this story, Hakluyt quotes Hist Bel. Sacr. Lib. Iii. C. Xvii. And Chron. Hierosol. Lib. Iii c. Xxvii. 

SECTION II. 

_The Voyage of Edgar Aethling to Jerusalem, in 1102_[1]. 

Edgar, commonly called Aethling, was son of Edward, the son of EdmondIronside, who was the brother of Edward the Confessor, to whomconsequently Edgar was nephew; Edgar travelled to Jerusalem in 1102, incompany with Robert, the son of Godwin, most valiant knight. Beingpresent in Rama, when King Baldwin was there besieged by the Turks, andnot being able to endure the hardships of the siege, he was deliveredfrom that danger, and escaped through the midst of the hostile camp, chiefly through the aid of Robert; who, going before him, made a lanewith his sword, slaying numbers of the Turks in his heroic progress. Towards the close of this chivalric enterprize, and becoming more fierceand eager as he advanced, Robert unfortunately dropt his sword; and whilestooping to recover his weapon, he was oppressed by the multitude, whothrew themselves upon him, and made him prisoner. From thence, as somesay, Robert was carried to Babylon in Egypt, or Cairo; and refusing torenounce his faith in CHRIST, he was tied to a stake in the market-place, and transpierced with arrows. Edgar, having thus lost his valiant knight, returned towards Europe, and was much honoured with many gifts by theemperors both of Greece and Germany, both of whom would gladly haveretained him at their courts, on account of his high lineage; but hedespised all things, from regard to his native England, into which hereturned: And, having been subjected to many changes of fortune, as wehave elsewhere related, he _now_ spends his extreme old age in privateobscurity. 

[1] Hakluyt. I. 44. W. Malmsb. III. 58. 

SECTION III. 

_Some Circumstances respecting the Siege of Joppa, about the year_1102[1]. 

In the second year of Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, Joppa was besieged bythe Turks of Cairo; and Baldwin embarked from the town of Assur, in avessel called a _buss_, commanded by one Goderic an English freebooter, intending to proceed to the relief of the besieged. Fixing the royalbanner aloft on a spear, that it might be seen of the Christians, theysailed boldly towards Joppa, with but a small company of armed men. Theking knew that the Christians in Joppa were almost hopeless of his lifeand safety, and he feared they might shamefully abandon the defence ofthe place, or be constrained to surrender, unless revived by his presence. On perceiving the approach of the royal banner of King Baldwin, the navalforces of the Turks, to the number of twenty gallies and thirteen ships, usually called _Cazh_, endeavoured to surround and capture the singlevessel in which he was embarked. But, by the aid of GOD, the billows ofthe sea raged against them, while the kings ship glided easily andswiftly through the waves, eluding the enemy, and arrived in safety intothe haven of Joppa, to the great joy of the Christians, who had mournedhim as if dead. 

While the Saracens continued the siege of Joppa, 200 sail of Christianvessels arrived there, with pilgrims who wished to perform theirdevotions at Jerusalem. Of these, the chief leaders were Bernard Witrazhof Galatia, Hardin of England, Otho of Roges, Haderwerck, one of theprincipal nobles of Westphalia, and others. This power, by the blessingof God, arrived to succour the distressed Christians then besieged inJoppa, on the 3d of July 1102, in the second year of Baldwin king ofJerusalem. When the numerous army of the Saracens saw that the Christians, thus reinforced, boldly faced them without the walls, they removed theirtents, during the night, above a mile from the town, that they mightconsider whether to retreat to Ascalon, or to continue to harass thecitizens of Joppa with frequent assaults. But they confided in theirnumbers, and continued to annoy the Christians by severe and repeatedattacks. 

Having allowed three days rest and refreshment to this powerfulreinforcement, Baldwin issued out from Joppa early in the morning of thesixth of July, to the martial sound of trumpets and cornets, with astrong force, both of foot and horse, marching directly toward theSaracens, with loud shouts, and attacked their army with great spirit. The land attack was assisted by the Christian navy, which approached theshore, making a horrible noise, and distracting the attention of theSaracens, who feared to be attacked in flank and rear. After a sharpencounter, the Saracens fled towards Ascalon, many being slain in thebattle and pursuit, and others drowned, by leaping into the sea to avoidbeing slain. In this battle 3000 of the Saracens perished, with a verysmall loss on the side of the Christians; and the city of Joppa wasdelivered from its enemies. 

[1] Hakluyt, I. 45. Chron. Hierosol. IX. Ix. Xi. Xii. 

SECTION IV. 

_Of the Transactions of certain English, Danish, and Flemish Pilgrims inthe Holy Land, in 1107_[1]. 

In the seventh year of King Baldwin, a large fleet from England, containing above 7000 men, many of whom were soldiers, arrived at theharbour of Joppa, along with whom came other warriors from Denmark, Flanders, and Antwerp. Having received permission and safe conduct fromKing Baldwin, together with a strong band of armed men as a safeguard, they arrived in safety at Jerusalem and all the other places of devotion, free from all assaults and ambushes of the Gentiles; and having paidtheir vows unto the Lord in the church of the Holy Sepulchre, theyreturned with great joy, and without molestation, to Joppa[2]. FindingKing Baldwin in that place, they made offer to assist him in any militaryenterprize; for which offer he gave them great commendations, saying, That he could not give an immediate answer, without consulting thepatriarch and barons, of his kingdom. 

He therefore called together the Lord Patriarch, Hugh of Tabaria, Gunfridthe governor of the Tower of David, and the other principal officers ofthe kingdom of Jerusalem, to consult together in the city of Rames, howbest to employ this proferred assistance of so considerable a body ofvolunteers. 

In that assembly, it was agreed upon to lay siege to the city of Sagitta, otherwise called Sidon; upon which, having directed every one of thenobles to go home, that they might provide armour and all othernecessaries for the siege, he sent messengers to the English, requiringthem not to remove their fleet and army from Joppa, but to wait there forhis farther commands; informing them, that he and his nobles had resolved, with their aid, to lay siege to the city of Sidon, but it would requiresome time to provide the necessary engines and warlike instruments, forassaulting the walls of that place. The pilgrims answered, that theywould attend his orders at Joppa, promising to be obedient to him in allthings, even unto death. The king went soon afterwards, with thepatriarch and all his attendants to the city of Acre; where, during fortydays, he was busily employed in the construction of engines, and manydifferent kinds of warlike instruments, and of every thing necessary forthe intended siege. 

When this intended expedition came to the knowledge of the inhabitants ofSidon, and they understood that a powerful army of pilgrims lay inreadiness at Joppa, to assist the king of Jerusalem, they were afraid ofbeing subdued and destroyed by the Christians, as Caesaria, Assur, Acre, Cayphas, and Tabaria had already been; and they sent secret emissaries tothe king, offering a large sum of money in gold byzants, and aconsiderable yearly tribute, on condition that he would spare their livesand refrain from the intended siege. After a lengthened negotiation, during which the inhabitants of Sidon rose considerably in their offers, the king, being in great straits for means to discharge the pay of hissoldiers, hearkened willingly to the offers of the Sidonians; yet, afraidof reproach from the Christians, he dared not openly to consent to theirproposals. 

In the meantime, Hugh of Tabaria, who was a principal warrior among theChristians of Palestine, and indefatigable in assaulting the pagans onall occasions, having gathered together 200 horse and 400 infantry, suddenly invaded the country of a great Saracen lord, named Suet, on thefrontiers of the territory of Damascus, where he took a rich booty ofgold and silver and many cattle, which would have proved of greatimportance in assisting the army at the siege of Sidon. On his returnwith this prey by the city of Belinas, otherwise called Caesaria Philippi, the Turks of Damascus, with the Saracen inhabitants of the country, gathered together in great numbers, and pursued the troops of Hugh, thatthey might recover the booty. Coming up with them in the mountains, overwhich the infantry belonging to Hugh of Tabaria were driving their prey, the Turks prevailed over the Christians, and the plunder was recovered. On receiving this intelligence, Hugh, who happened to be at some distance, hastened with his cavalry to succour his footmen, and to recover thespoil: But happening to fall in with the Turks in a strait and craggyplace, and rushing heedlessly among the enemy, unprovided with his armour, he was shot in the back by an arrow, which pierced his liver, and he diedon the spot. His soldiers brought back the dead body of Hugh to the cityof Nazareth near Mount Thabor, where he was honourably interred. Gerard, the brother of Hugh, lay at this time sick of a dangerous illness, anddied within eight days afterwards. 

Taking advantage of the death of these two famous princes, King Baldwinagreed to receive the money which had been offered to him by the city ofSidon, yet kept his intentions of making peace private, and sent to Joppa, desiring the chiefs of the English, Danes, and Flemings, to come withtheir fleet and army to Acre, as if he had meant to prosecute the siege. When they arrived, he represented to their chiefs the great loss he hadsustained by the death of two of his chief warriors, on which account, hewas constrained to defer the siege to a more convenient opportunity, andmust now dismiss his army. On this the strangers saluted the king veryrespectfully, and, embarking in their ships, returned to their owncountries. 

[1] Hakluyt, I. 47. Chron. Hierosol. Lib. X. 

[2] Though not mentioned in the text, it seems presumable that thesepilgrims deemed it necessary for them to proceed unarmed in execution oftheir devotions, under an escort. --E. 

SECTION V. 

_The Expedition of William Longespee, or Long-sword, Earl of Salisbury, in the year 1248, under the Banners of St Louis, King of France, againstthe Saracens_[1]. 

When Louis, King of France, went against the Saracens in 1248, WilliamEarl of Salisbury, with the Bishop of Worcester, and other great men ofthe realm of England, accompanied him in the holy warfare[2]. About thebeginning of October 1249, the French king assaulted and took the city ofDamietta, which was esteemed the principal strong-hold of the Saracens inEgypt; and having provided the place with a sufficient garrison, underthe Duke of Burgundy, he removed his camp, to penetrate farther eastwards. In this army William Earl of Salisbury served, with a chosen band ofEnglishmen under his especial command; but the French entertained a greatdislike to him and his people, whom they flouted upon all occasions, calling them English _tails_[3], and other opprobrious names, insomuch, that the King of France had much ado to keep peace between them. Thisquarrel originated from the following circumstance: Not far fromAlexandria there was a strong castle belonging to the Saracens[4], inwhich they had placed some of their principal ladies, and much treasure;which fortress the earl and his English followers had the good fortune totake, more by dexterous policy than by open force of arms, through whichcapture he and his people were much enriched; and when the French came tothe knowledge of this exploit, which had not been previously communicatedto them, they were much enraged against the English, and could neverspeak well of them afterwards. 

Not long after this, the earl got secret intelligence of a rich caravanof merchants belonging to the Saracens, who were travelling to a certainfair which was to be held near Alexandria, with a multitude of camels, asses, and mules, and many carts, all richly laden with silks, preciousjewels, spices, gold, silver, and other commodities, besides provisionsand other matters of which the soldiers were then in great want. Withoutgiving notice of this to the rest of the Christian army, the earlgathered all the English troops, and fell by night upon the caravan, killing many of the people, and making himself master of the whole cartsand baggage cattle with their drivers, which he brought with him to theChristian camp, losing only one soldier in the skirmish, and eight of hisservants, some of whom were only wounded and brought home to be cured. When this was known in the camp, the Frenchmen, who had loitered in theirtents while the earl and his people were engaged in the expedition, cameforth and forcibly took to themselves the whole of this spoil, findinggreat fault with the earl and the English for leaving the camp withoutorders from the general, contrary to the discipline of war; though theearl insisted that he had done nothing but what he would readily justify, and that his intentions were to have divided the spoil among the wholearmy. But this being of no avail, and very much displeased at beingdeprived in so cowardly a manner of what he had so adventurously gained, he made his complaint to the king; and being successfully opposed thereby the pride of the Count of Artois, the kings brother, who thwarted hisclaims with disdainful spite, he declared that he would serve no longerin their army, and bidding farewell to the king, he and his people brokeup from the army and marched for Achon[5]. Upon their departure, theCount d'Artois said that the French army was well rid of these tailedEnglish; which words, spoken in despite, were ill taken by many good men, even of their own army. But not long after, when the governor of Cairo, who was offended with the Soldan, offered to deliver that place to theFrench king, and even gave him instructions now he might best conducthimself to accomplish that enterprize, the king sent a message in allhaste to the Earl of Salisbury, requesting him to return to the army, under promise of redressing all his grievances; on which he came back andrejoined the French army. 

The king of France now marched towards Cairo, and came to the great riverNile, on the other side of which the Soldan had encamped with his army, on purpose to dispute the passage. At this time, there was a Saracen inthe service of the Count of Artois, who had been lately converted to theChristian faith, and who offered to point out a shallow ford in the river, by which the army might easily cross over. Upon receiving thisintelligence, Artois and the master of the Knights Templars, with about athird of the army, crossed to the other side, and were followed bySalisbury and the English. These being all joined, made an assault upon apart of the Saracen army which remained in the camp, and overthrew them, the Soldan being then at some distance with the greater part of his army. 

After this easy victory, Artois was so puffed up with pride and elated bysuccess, that he believed nothing could withstand him, and would needsadvance without waiting for the coming up of the main body of the armyunder the king of France, vainly believing that he was able with thepower he had to conquer the whole force of the Saracens. The master ofthe Templars, and other experienced officers, endeavoured to dissuade himfrom this rash conduct; advising him rather to return to the main army, satisfied with the signal advantage he had already achieved; that therebythe whole army of the Christians might act in concert, and be the betterable to guard against the danger of any ambushes or other stratagems ofwar, that might have been devised for their destruction. They representedto him that the horses of this vanguard were already tired, and thetroops without food; and besides, that their numbers were utterly unableto withstand the vastly superior multitude of the enemy; who besides, having now obviously to fight for their last stake, the capital of theirdominions, might be expected to exert their utmost efforts. To thissalutary counsel, the proud earl arrogantly answered with opprobrioustaunts; reviling the whole Templars as dastardly cowards and betrayers oftheir country, and even alleged that the Holy Land of the Cross mighteasily be won to Christendom, if it were not for the rebellious spirit ofthe Templars and Hospitallers, and their followers: which, indeed, was acommon belief among many. To these contumelious remarks, the master ofthe Templars angrily desired him, in his own name and that of hisfollowers, to display his ensign when and where he dared, and he shouldfind them as ready to follow as he to lead. The Earl of Salisbury nowremonstrated with Artois, advising him to listen to these experiencedpersons, who were much better acquainted with the country and people thanhe could be; and endeavoured to convince him that their advice wasdiscreet and worthy to be followed. He then addressed his discourse tothe master of the Templars, prudently endeavouring to sooth his angeragainst the arrogance of the Count of Artois. But Artois cut him short, exclaiming in anger with many oaths, "Away with these cowardly Englishmenwith tails; the army would be much better rid of these tailed people;"and many other scandalous and disdainful expressions. To this the Englishearl replied, "Well, Earl Robert, wherever you dare set your foot, mysteps shall go as far as yours; and I believe we shall go this day whereyou shall not dare to come near the tails of our horses. "

And it so happened as Earl William said: For Earl Robert of Artoispersisted to march forward against the Soldan, vainly hoping to win allthe glory to himself, before the coming up of the main body of the host. His first enterprize was ordering an attack on a small castle, orfortified village, called Mansor; whence a number of the villagers ranout, on seeing the approach of the Christians, making a great outcry, which came to the ears of the Soldan, who was much nearer with his armythan had been supposed. In the mean time, the Christians made an assaulton Mansor with too little precaution, and were repulsed with considerableloss, many of them being slain by large stones, thrown upon them as theyentered the place; by which the army not only lost a considerable numberof men, but was much dispirited by this unexpected repulse. 

Immediately on the back of this discomfiture, the Soldan came in sightwith his whole army; and seeing the Christians in this divided state, brother separated from brother, joyfully seized the opportunity he hadlong wished for, and inclosing them on all sides, that none might escape, attacked them with great fury. In this situation, the Earl of Artois sorerepented of his headstrong rashness, when it was too late; and, seeingEarl William Longespee fighting bravely against the chief brunt of theenemy, he called out to him in a cowardly manner to flee, as God foughtagainst them. But William bravely answered, "God forbid that my father'sson should flee from the face of a Saracen. " Earl Robert turned out ofthe fight, and fled away, thinking to escape from death or captivity bythe swiftness of his horse; and taking the river Thafnis[6], sank throughthe weight of his armour, and was drowned. On the flight of Earl Robert, the French troops lost heart, and began to give ground: But WilliamLongespee, bearing up manfully against the whole force of the enemy, stood firm as long as he was able, slaying and wounding many of theSaracens. At length, his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he fellto the ground; yet he continued to mangle their legs and feet, till atlast he was slain with many wounds, being finally stoned to death by theSaracens. After his death, the Saracens set upon the remainder of thearmy, which they had surrounded on every side, and destroyed them all, sothat scarce a single man remained alive. Of the whole, only two templars, one hospitaller, and one common soldier escaped, to bring the melancholytidings to the king of France. Thus by the imprudent and foolish rashnessof Earl Robert, the French troops were utterly discomfited, and thevaliant English knight overpowered and slain, to the grief of all theChristians, and the glory of the Saracens; and, as it afterwards fell out, to the entire ruin of the whole French army. 

[1] Hakluyt, I. 70. 

[2] Hakluyt dates this expedition in the 32d year of the reign of Henry III. Of England. He mentions, in a former passage, I. P. 59. That the same Earl of Salisbury, accompanied Richard Earl of Cornwall, in the 23d year of the same kings reign into Syria against the Saracens, with many other English of note, where they performed good service against the unbelievers, but gives no relation of particulars. --E. 

[3] The meaning of this term of reproach does not appear; unless, from some after circumstances, it may have proceeded from their horses having long tails, while those of the French were dockt. --E. 

[4] Probably Aboukir. --E. 

[5] St John d'Acre. --E. 

[6] This is probably meant for that branch of the Nile which they had previously crossed on their way to Mansor. --E. 

 * * * * *

CHAP. XXI. 

_Discovery of Madeira_[1]. 

Although the Era of modern discovery certainly commenced under theauspicious direction of Don Henry of Portugal, who first conceived andexecuted the sublime idea of extending the knowledge and commerce of theglobe, by a judicious series of maritime, expeditions expressly for thepurpose of discovery; yet as Madeira is said to have been visited, andthe Canaries were actually discovered and settled before that era, itappears necessary to give a previous account of these discoveries, beforeproceeding to the second part of this work. 

Several authors have left accounts of the real or pretended originaldiscovery of this island of Madeira, all of whom concur in asserting thatit was first discovered by an Englishman. Juan de Barros, the Livy ofPortugal, mentions it briefly in the first decade of his Asia. Thehistory of this discovery was written in Latin, by Doctor Manoel Clemente, and dedicated to Pope Clement V. Manoel Tome composed a Latin poem on thesubject, which he intitled _Insulana_. Antonio Galvano mentions it in atreatise of discoveries, made chiefly by the Spaniards and Portuguesepreviously to the year 1550[2]. Manoel de Faria y Sousa, the illustriouscommentator of Camoens, cites Galvano in illustration of the fifth stanzain the fifth book of the immortal Lusiad, and likewise gives an accountof this discovery in his Portuguese Asia. But the earliest and mostcomplete relation of this discovery was composed by Francisco Alcaforado, who was esquire to Don Henry the _infant_ or prince of Portugal, thefirst great promoter of maritime discoveries, and to whom he presentedhis work. No person was more capable of giving an exact account of thatsingular event than Alcaforado, as he was one of those who assisted inmaking the second discovery. His work was first published in Portugueseby Don Francisco Manoel, and was afterwards published in French at Parisin 1671[3]. From this French edition the following account is extracted, because the original Portuguese has not come to our knowledge, neithercan we say when that was printed; but as the anonymous French translatorremarked, that "Don Francisco _keeps_ the original MS. With great care, "it may be concluded, that the Portuguese impression did not long precedethe French translation. The French translator acknowledges that he hasaltered the style, which was extremely florid and poetical, and hasexpunged several useless and tedious digressions, etymologies, reflections, and comparisons; but declares that he has strictly presented, the truth and substance of the history, so as not to vary from it in theleast, or to omit the smallest material circumstance. 

It is remarkable that there is no mention whatever in any of the Englishhistories of Machin, Macham, or Marcham, the supposed author of thisdiscovery; so that Hakluyt was beholden to Antonio Galvano for theimperfect account he gives of that transaction[4]. By the followingabstract the complete history becomes our own, and we shall be no longerstrangers to an event which has for several ages, rendered an Englishmanfamous in foreign countries, while wholly unknown in his own. It must not, however, be omitted to observe, that some objections may be statedagainst the authenticity of this history, on account of certaincircumstances which do not quadrate with the time assigned for Machin'svoyage by the author. From these it is obvious, either that the relationgiven by Alcaforado is not genuine, or that it has been interpolated. Howfar this objection may be admitted, without prejudice to the authority ofthe whole story, must be left to the judgment of our readers; we shallonly add, that so far as relates to Macham it agrees with the traditionof the inhabitants of Madeira. 

According to Alcaforada, Juan Gonsalvo Zarco, a gentleman of thehousehold of Don Henry, being sent out by that prince upon an expeditionof discovery to the coast of Africa, made prize, in the year 1420, of aSpanish vessel filled with redeemed captives, on their way from Moroccoto Spain. In this vessel there was one John de Morales, an experiencedand able pilot, whom he detained as an acceptable present to his masterDon Henry, and set all the rest at liberty. Morales on being madeacquainted with the cause of his detention, entered freely into theservice of the prince, and gave an account to Gonsalvo of the adventuresof Machin, and the situation and land-marks of the new discovered island, all of which he had learnt from certain English captives in the jails ofMorocco, who had accompanied Macham, or Machin, in his expedition. 

The year of this extraordinary adventure is not mentioned by Galvano, whoonly says, that in 1344, Pedro IV. Reigning in Arragon, the chronicles ofhis age reported, that about this time the island of Madeira wasdiscovered by one Macham, an Englishman. It must be confessed that anobjection arises against this history which is not easily removed. We aretold that, immediately after the death of Macham, his companions sailedover to Morocco, and that Morales was in prison when they arrived. Supposing the discovery by Macham to have been made about 1344, asrelated by Galvano, from the Castilian chronicles, Morales must have beenno less than seventy-six years a prisoner when redeemed, and when he wasdetained by Gonsalvo in 1420. Herbert places the adventure of Macham in1328, which would increase the captivity of Morales to ninety-two years. Alcaforado places the event in the reign of Edward III. Of England, whichbegan in 1327 and ended in 1378; Even supposing it to have happened inthe last year of Edward, Morales must have remained forty-two years incaptivity; which is not only highly improbable, but is even contrary tothe sense of the historian, who supposes but a small space to haveelapsed between the two events; besides, the records quoted by Galvanoare said expressly to assert that Macham went himself into Africa, whencehe was sent to the king of Castile. This last circumstance may have beeninvented by the Spaniards, to give them a better title to the island ofMadeira: But the former objection remains in full force, and can only beobviated by supposing that either Morales advanced a falsehood inasserting, that he had the account of this discovery from the Englishthemselves, instead of learning it from the other slaves, among whom thetradition might have been current for many years after the event; orAlcaforado may have mistaken the report of Morales in this particular. The following is the substance of the narrative, as given by Alcaforado. 

In the glorious reign of Edward III. Robert a Machin, of Macham, agentleman of the second degree of nobility, whose genius was onlyequalled by his gallantry and courage, beheld and loved the beautifulAnna d'Arfet[5]. Their attachment was mutual, but the pleasing indulgenceof ardent hope gratified and betrayed the secret of their passion. Thepride of the illustrious family of d'Arfet was insensible to thehappiness of their daughter, and they preferred the indulgence of theirown ambition to the voice of love. The feudal tyranny of the age wasfriendly to their cruelty, and a royal warrant seemed to justify thevanity of her parent. The consolation of an ingenious mind supportedMachin under confinement, and enabled him to seek after redress withoutyielding to despondency. On his releasement from prison, he learned thatthe beloved cause of his persecution had been forced to marry a nobleman, whose name he could not discover, but who had carried her to his castlenear Bristol. The friends of Machin made his misfortune their own, andone of them had the address to get introduced into the service of theafflicted Anna under the character of a groom. The prospect of the oceanduring their rides, suggested or matured the plan of escape and the hopeof a secure asylum counteracted the imagined dangers of a passage to thecoast of France. Under pretence of deriving benefit from the sea air, thevictim of parental ambition was enabled to elude suspicion, and embarkedwithout delay, in a vessel procured for the purpose, along with her lover. 

In the successful completion of this anxious design, Machin was alikeinsensible to the unfavourable season of the year, and to the portentoussigns of an approaching storm, which in a calmer moment he would haveduly observed. The gradual rising of a gale of wind, rendered theastonished fugitives sensible of their rashness; and, as the tempestcontinued to augment, the thick darkness of night completed the horrorsof their situation. In their confusion, the intended port was missed, orcould not be attained, and their vessel drove at the mercy of the windsand waves. In the morning they found themselves in the midst of anunknown ocean, without skill to determine their situation, and destituteof knowledge or experience to direct their course towards any known land. At length, after twelve anxious mornings had dawned without sight of land, with the earliest streaks of day an object dimly appeared to their eagerwatchfulness in the distant horizon, and when the grey haze, which hadalternately filled them with hope and despondency was dissipated by therising sun, the certainty of having discovered land was welcomed by ageneral burst of joy. A great luxuriancy of trees of unknown species, was soon observed to overspread the land, whence unknown birds ofbeautiful plumage came off in flocks to the vessel, and gave theappearance of a pleasing dream to their unexpected deliverance. 

[Illustration: Chart of North Western Africa]

The boat was hoisted out to examine the new found island, and returnedwith a favourable account. Machin and his friends accompanied theirtrembling charge on shore, leaving the mariners to secure the vessel atan anchor. The wilderness and rich scenery of the adjacent countrypossessed great charms to these thankful guests, just escaped fromapparently inevitable destruction. An opening in the extensive woods, which was encircled with laurels and other flowering shrubs, presented adelightful retreat to the tempest-worn voyagers; a venerable tree, ofancient growth, offered its welcome shade on an adjoining eminence, andthe first moments of liberty were employed in forming a romanticresidence, with the abundant materials which nature supplied all around. The novelty of every object they beheld, induced curiosity to exploretheir new discovery, and they spent three days in wandering about thewoods, when the survey was interrupted by an alarming hurricane, whichcame on during the night, and rendered them extremely anxious for thesafety of their companions, who had been left in charge of the vessel. The ensuing morning destroyed all prospect of being ever enabled to getaway from the island; the vessel had broke from her moorings by theviolence of the storm, and was wrecked on the coast of Morocco, where allon board were immediately seized as slaves. 

The afflicted Machin found this last calamity too severe for histerrified and afflicted companion to endure. Her susceptible mind andtender frame, overcome by the severity of the scenes she had gone through, and oppressed by consciousness of having deviated from her duty, sunkunder her afflictive situation. From the moment it was reported that thevessel had disappeared, she became dumb with sorrow, and expired after afew days of silent despair. This heavy stroke was too much for theinconsolable lover to support; though watched over with the utmostsolicitude by his afflicted friends, all attempts to administerconsolation were entirely fruitless, and he expired on the fifth dayafter the death of his beloved mistress. With his parting breath, heearnestly enjoined his surviving companions, to deposit his body in thesame grave, under the venerable tree, which they had so recently made forthe victim of his temerity; and where the altar which had been raised tocelebrate their deliverance, would now mark their untimely tomb. 

Having performed this painful duty, the surviving companions of theseunfortunate lovers fixed a large wooden cross over the grave, on whichthey carved the inscription which Machin had composed to record theirmelancholy adventures; and added a request, that if any Christians shouldhereafter visit the spot, they might erect a church in the same place, and dedicate it to Christ. Having thus accomplished the dictates offriendship and humanity, the survivors fitted out the boat, which hadremained ashore from their first landing, and put to sea with theintention of returning if possible to England; but either from want ofskill, or owing to the currents and unfavourable winds, they likewisewere driven on the coast of Morocco, and rejoined their former shipmatesin slavery among the Moors. 

This story is reported in a somewhat different manner by Galvano alreadymentioned. According to him, one Macham, an Englishman, fled from hiscountry, about the year 1344, with a woman of whom he was enamoured, meaning to retire into Spain; but the vessel in which the lovers wereembarked, was driven by a storm to the island of Madeira, thenaltogether unknown and uninhabited. The port in which Macham tookshelter is still called Machico. His mistress being sea-sick, Machamlanded with her and some of the people, and the ship putting to sea, deserted them. Oppressed with sickness and grief at seeing herself inthis hopeless state of exile, the lady died; and Macham, who wasextremely fond of her, constructed a chapel or hermitage dedicated toJesus the Saviour, in which he deposited her remains, and engraved boththeir names, and the cause of their arrival, on a rude monument which heerected to her memory. He afterwards constructed a boat or canoe, whichhe hollowed out from the trunk of a large tree, in which he, and those ofhis companions who had been left on shore along with him, passed over tothe opposite coast of Africa, without the aid of oars, sails, or rudder. He was made prisoner by the Moors, who presented him to their king, bywhom he was sent to the king of Castile. 

Madeira, in the Portuguese language, or Madera in Spanish, signifies_wood_; and this island derived its name from the immense quantity ofthick and tall trees with which it was covered when first discovered. Oneof the two capitanias, or provinces, into which this island is divided, is named Machico, as is likewise the principal town of that district, supposed to have originated from the traditionary story of the misfortunesof Macham; the other capitania, with its principal town, the capital ofthe island, is named Funchal, from _Funcho_, the Portuguese term forFennel, which abounds on the adjoining rocks. 

[1] Astley, I. 11. And 586. Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 167. Although in our opinion a mere romance, we have inserted this story, because already admitted into other general collections. --E. 

[2] This work was printed in 1560, and was translated by Hakluyt: There is an abstract of it in Purchas his Pilgrims, II. 1671, and it will be found at the commencement of the second part of this Collection. --E. 

[3] In small duodecimo and large print, under the title of Relation Historique de la Decouverte de l'Isle de Madere: containing 185 pages, besides twelve pages of preface. --Clarke. 

[4] Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 167. 

[5] In a note, Mr Clarke says the name of this lady has been supposed by some writers to have been Dorset, corrupted by a foreign orthography into D'Orset, and thence into D'Arfet. It may have been D' Arcy. --E. 

 * * * * *

CHAP. XXI. 

_Account of the Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands_[1]. 

The island of Nivaria, and others mentioned by Pliny, as known to Jubaking of Mauritania, were most probably Teneriffe and the other CanaryIslands; for Pliny notices that the summit of Nivaria was generallycovered with snow, which is frequently the case with the peak ofTeneriffe, and from this circumstance the name of Nivaria is obviouslyderived. They appear likewise to have been known in the middle ages tothe Arabs of Morocco; as the Nubian geographer mentions two islands, under the names of Mastahan and Lacos, as among the six fortunate islandsdescribed by Ptolemy; these probably were Lancerota and Fuertaventura, the latter of which may be seen in clear weather from the nearest coastof Africa. All knowledge, however, of these islands had ceased in Europe, till some time between the years 1326 and 1334, when a French shiphappened to be driven among them by a storm. Upon this discovery, DonLuis de la Cerda, count of Claramonte, whose father, Don Alonzo, had beendeprived of his right to the inheritance of the crown of Castile, procured a grant of these islands, with the title of king, from PopeClement VI. , on condition of causing the gospel to be preached to thenatives[2]. Don Luis equipped a fleet from some of the ports of theSpanish kingdom of Arragon, in order to take possession of his newkingdom, but the design failed, and he died soon after. 

In 1385, some Biscayners and inhabitants of Seville joined in theequipment of five ships at Cadiz, in order to make descents for the sakeof plunder upon the Canary islands, and the adjacent coast of Africa. After coasting along the African shore, they sailed westwards, and fellin with the island now called Lancerota, where they landed; and after askirmish with the natives, plundered the town, front which they carriedoff a large booty of goat-skins, tallow, and sheep, and 170 of theinhabitants, whom they sold into slavery. Among these were Guanareme, king of the island, and his wife Tingua-faya. A similar expedition inquest of plunder and captives was made to Lancerota from Seville in 1393. 

In the year 1400, John de Betancour, a gentleman of Normandy, and Gadiferde Sala, a person of considerable fortune, fitted out three small vesselsfrom Rochelle in France, containing 200 persons, exclusive of themariners, and made a descent upon Lancerota, where they erected a fort ata harbour, to which they gave the name of Rubicon. Leaving there a smallgarrison, they passed over to the island of Fuertaventura; but beingopposed by the natives, they prudently retired without fighting. Betancour afterwards applied to Don Henry III. King of Arragon, forassistance to enable him to make a conquest of these islands; who madehim a grant of them in due form, with the title of king, and supplied himwith money to defray the expence of an armament to accomplish theirsubjugation. He easily effected the conquest of Lancerota, and dividedits lands among the French and Spanish adventurers who had assisted himin the expedition. 

After the death of John de Betancour, his nephew, Mason de Betancour, sold the Canary Islands to Don Henry de Guzman, Count of Niebla; whoafterwards conveyed them to Guillen Paraza, and from whom they fell byinheritance to Diego de Herrera, who died in 1485. In 1487, thesovereignty was resumed by the crown of Castile, with the title of akingdom[3]. 

[1] Glas. Disc. And Conqu. Passim. 

[2] The Author of the History of the Canaries, omits the date of this grant. Clement VI. Was Pope from 1343 to 1352, between which years the papal grant must have been made. --E. 

[3] A more extended account or these islands will be found in Part III. Of this work. --E. 

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

PART II. 

GENERAL VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, CHIEFLY OF DISCOVERY FROM THE ERA OF DONHENRY, PRINCE OF PORTUGAL, IN 1412, TO THAT OF GEORGE III. IN 1760. 

CHAP. I. 

_Summary Deduction of the Discoveries of the World, from their firstOriginal, to the year 1555, by Antonio Galvano_[1]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

This treatise was written in the Portuguese language, by Antonio Galvano, who had been governor of Ternate, the chief of the Molucca Islands, andwas first translated into English by the celebrated Richard Hakluyt, whodedicated it to Sir Robert Cecil, Principal Secretary of State to QueenElizabeth. It was afterwards inserted in Osbornes, or the OxfordCollection of Voyages and Travels, and forms an appendix to the firstvolume of Clarke's Progress of Maritime Discovery; and from these sourcesthe present edition has been carefully prepared. Of Richard Hakluyt, theoriginal translator, the following notice is worthy of being preserved. "The _great_ Richard Hakluyt was descended from an ancient family atYetton in Herefordshire, and was educated at Westminster School, fromwhence he was elected a student of Christ Church, in the University ofOxford, where he took the degrees of Bachelor and Master of Arts. Entering into holy orders, he was first made a prebendary of Bristol, andafterwards of Westminster, and rector of Witheringset in Suffolk. Besidesthis translation, he illustrated the eight decades of Peter MartyrAngelericus _de Novo Orbe_ with curious notes. He also translated fromthe Portuguese, _Virginia_, richly valued by the description of Florida, her next neighbour; and wrote notes of certain commodities, in goodrequest in the East Indies, Molucca, and China; but what has mostdeservedly perpetuated his name, is his great pains, and judgment, incollecting _English Voyages, Navigations, Trafficks, and Discoveries_[2]. "

Both from the nature of this treatise on the origin and progress ofmaritime discovery, and from respect to the memory of Hakluyt, the fatherof our English collections of voyages and travels, it has been selectedfor insertion in this place, as an appropriate introduction to the_Second Part_ of our arrangement; because its author may be considered asalmost an original authority for the early discoveries of the Portugueseand Spaniards. Although it may be considered in some measure as notprecisely conformable with our plan, yet one portion of this summary isdirectly in point; and, the whole being curious, and in no respecttedious, it is here given entire; changing the antiquated English ofHakluyt into modern language. Although said in its title to extend to theyear 1555, the chronological series of Galvano properly ends in 1545; andthe only subsequent incident, is a very slight notice of the voyage ofSir Hugh Willoughby and Richard Chancellor, towards the White Sea, in1553. In the original translation, and in the Oxford collection, thistreatise is preceded by a dedication from Hakluyt to _Sir Robert Cecil_;and another dedication from the Portuguese editor, Francis de SousaTavares, to Don John, Duke of Aveira; both of which are here omitted, ashaving no directly useful tendency, except so much of the latter asrefers to the history of Galvano. Besides the present discourse, Galvanocomposed a history of the Molucca Islands, of which he had been governor, which work has unfortunately been lost, or at least is unknown in thiscountry. He is likewise said to have published at Lisbon in 1555, anaccount of the different routes by which the merchandize of India hadbeen conveyed into Europe at different periods. 

Antonio Galvano, the author of the following Summary of the Discoveriesof the World, was a Portuguese gentleman, who was several years governorof the Molucca Islands, and performed signal service to his country inthat honourable station, by dissipating a formidable league, which hadbeen entered into by the native princes of these islands, for theexpulsion of the Portuguese; and, though possessing very inadequateresources for the protection of so important a commercial establishment, he confirmed and extended the dominion and influence of Portugal in theseislands. When first appointed to the command in the Moluccas, Galvanocarried with him a private fortune of 10, 000 crusadoes, all of which heexpended in the public service. Though he added a clear revenue to thecrown of 500, 000 crusadoes, in consequence of his successful, vigilant, and pure administration, he was so zealous in patronizing the propagationof the Christian religion among the islands belonging to his government, that, on his return to Lisbon in 1540, he was reduced to such extremepoverty, as to be under the necessity of taking refuge in the _hospital_, where he died in 1557. 

Francis de Sousa Tavares, the original Portuguese editor of this treatise, in a dedication of the work to Don John Duke of Aveira, gives thefollowing account of the work, and of its author:

"Antonio Galvano, when on his death-bed, left me this book, along withhis other papers, by his testament; and, as I am certain he designed thatit should be presented to your highness, I have thought proper to fulfilhis intentions in that respect. It was fitting that this treatise shouldbe written by a native of Portugal, as it treats of the various ways inwhich the spiceries and other commodities of India were formerly broughtto our part of the world, and gives an account of all the navigations anddiscoveries of the ancients and moderns, in both of which things thePortuguese have laboured above all other nations. In this treatise, andin nine or ten other books, concerning India and the Moluccas, this truePortuguese described the unfortunate and sorrowful times, before our day, in which he had been engaged. When he was appointed to the command of theislands and fortresses of the Moluccas, all the kings and chiefs of theseislands had agreed to make war against our nation, and to drive them outof the country. Yet he fought against them all in Tidore, though he hadonly 130 Portuguese soldiers, against their whole united power, and gavethem a signal overthrow, in which their king, and one Ternate, theprincipal author of the war, were both slain; besides which, he conqueredtheir fortresses, and compelled them all to submit to the obedience andservice of our sovereign. In this war, two great and wonderful eventstook place: the _first_, that all the chiefs and kings of these islandsunited against us, who used ever to be at variance among themselves; and_secondly_, that Galvano, with only the ordinary garrison, should obtainthe victory against so great a combination. It has happened to othergovernors of the Moluccas, with an extraordinary number of Europeantroops, and assisted by all the other native lords, to go to war with oneking only, and to come back with loss; whereas he, with a small andinadequate force, successfully waged war against a confederacy of all thelords of these islands. 

"Three brilliant exploits have been performed in India, beyond all others. The capture of Muar by Emanuel Falcon; the winning of Bitam by PeterMascarenas; and this victory obtained by Galvano. Besides this greatexploit, his father and four brothers were all slain in the kings service;and he, being the last of his lineage, carried with him about 10, 000crusadoes into the Moluccas, all of which he expended in propagating ourholy faith, and in preserving these valuable islands, using all his powerand influence to bring all the cloves into the kings coffers, by which headded 500, 000 crusadoes yearly to the royal revenue. Had he gatheredcloves on his own account, as other governors of the Moluccas have done, he might have come home very rich; but returning poor, and, in thesimplicity of his nature, expecting to be rewarded for his honestservices, he was entirely neglected, and had to take refuge in anhospital, where he remained seventeen years, till his death, when he was2000 crusadoes in debt; partly for demands upon him from India, andpartly borrowed from his friends to maintain him in the hospital. Afterhis death, the cardinal desired me to give his other writings to Damiende Goes, promising to content me for them, which otherwise I should nothave done; yet hitherto I have not received any thing with which toexecute his will. Yet, for all this, as in the prosperity of hisvictories he made no boast, so, in his adversity, he always preserved anunabated spirit. Your grace, therefore, may perceive, that this treatise, and his other works, were written under great afflictions; yet was he notwilling to use the remedy of Zelim, the son of the great Turk Mahomet, who took Constantinople, and died in Rome, who used to make himself drunk, that he might forget the high estate from which he had fallen. Neitherwould he follow the councils of many of his friends, in withdrawing fromthe kingdom; saying, he had rather resemble Timocles the Athenian, thanthe Roman Coriolanus. For all which, this treatise ought to receivefavour from your grace, allowing for any oversights of the author, ifthere be any such, as I am unfit to detect or correct then. God prosperyour grace with long life, and increase of honour. "

[1] Oxford Collection, II. 353. Clarke, Progr. Of Marit. Disc. I. App 1. 

[2] Oxford Collection, I. Viii. 

SECTION I. 

_Epitome of the Ancient and Modern Discoveries of the World, chiefly bymeans of Navigation, from the Flood to the close of the FifteenthCentury. _

When I first desired to compose an account of the ancient and moderndiscoveries by sea and land, with their true dates and situations, thesetwo principal circumstances seemed involved in such difficulty andconfusion, that I had almost desisted from the attempt. Even in regard tothe date of the flood, the Hebrews reckon that event to have happened1656 years after the creation: while the seventy interpreters make it2242; and St Augustine extends the time to 2262 years[1]. In regard togeographical situations, likewise, there are many differences; for therenever sailed ten or an hundred pilots in one fleet, but they made theirreckonings in almost as many different longitudes. But considering thatall these difficulties might be surmounted, by just comparison, and theexercise of judgment, I at length resolved to persist in my undertaking. 

Some allege that the world was fully known in ancient times; for, as itwas peopled and inhabited, it must have been navigable and frequented;and because the ancient people were of longer lives, and had all one lawand one language, they could not fail to be acquainted with the wholeworld. Others again believe, that though the world might be onceuniversally known by mankind, yet, by the wickedness of man, and the wantof justice among nations, that knowledge has been lost. But as all themost important discoveries have been made by sea, and that chiefly in ourown times, it were desirable to learn who were the first discovererssince the flood. Some allege the Greeks, others the Phenicians, whileothers say the Egyptians. The inhabitants of India, on the contrary, pretend that they were the first navigators; particularly the Tabencos, whom we now call Chinese; and allege in proof of this, that they werelords of all the Indies, even to Cape Bona Speranca, and the island of StLawrence[2], which is inhabited by them; as likewise all the coasts ofthe Indian seas, also the Javas, Timores, Celebes, Macassar, the Moluccas, Borneo, Mindanao, Luçones, Lequeos, the Japans, and many other islands;also the countries of Cochin-China, Laos, Bramas[3], Pegu, Arracones[4], till you come quite to Bengala. Besides all these, New Spain, Peru, Brazil, the Antilles, and all the adjoining lands, are possessed by thesame race, as appears by the fashions and manners both of the men andwomen, who have small eyes, flat noses, with other proportions resemblingthe Chinese. And to this day, many of these islands and countries arecalled by such names, as Bato-China, Bocho-China, and the like, indicating the countries of, or belonging to China. 

It farther appears, that the ark of Noah rested upon the north part ofthe mountains of Armenia, in 40 degrees of latitude or upwards; and thatScythia, being a high land, and the first that appeared out of theuniversal deluge, was first peopled. And as the province or country ofthe Tabencos, or Chinese, is one of the chiefest of all Tartary, itsinhabitants may be considered as the most ancient nation, and the oldestnavigators. Their seas are calm; and, as lying between the tropics, theirdays and nights are nearly equal, and their seasons differ little intemperature; and as no outrageous winds swell their seas into storms, navigation among them is safe and easy. Their small barks calledcatamorans have only a large bough of a tree set up in the middle, serving as mast and sail; the master steers only with an oar, and thepassengers sit on poles fastened to the bark. 

It is said that the people of China were anciently lords of almost allScythia, and were in use to sail along that coast, which reaches fromeast to west, in seventy degrees of north latitude. Cornelius Nepos says, that, in the time when Metellus, the colleague of Afranius, was proconsulof Gaul, the king of the Suevi sent to him certain Indians, who came tohis country in a ship by the north and the flats of Germany[5]. Thesepeople probably came from China; as in that country, in the latitudes of20, 30, and 40 degrees, they have strong and well-fastened ships, whichcan bear the seas and encounter the severity of the northern climate. Cambaia also has ships, and its inhabitants are said to have long usedthe seas; but it is not likely they should have gone to Gaul; for theyonly trade to Cairo, and are indeed a people of little trade and lessclothing. 

Those who escaped from the flood kept the hills, not daring for a longtime to descend into the plains and low countries; and Nimrod, an hundredand thirty years afterwards, built the tower of Babel, intending it as arefuge in case of any future deluge[6]. Upon the whole, it seems probablethat the inhabitants of China and the east were the first sailors; thoughothers think the inhabitants of the west, particularly of Syria, were thefirst to use the sea[7]. This contest about the antiquity of navigation, I leave to the Scythians and Egyptians, who each challenge the honour tothemselves. But leaving all contested points in this matter, I now applyto my proposed deduction, resting only upon what has been recorded inauthentic histories. Ancient history says that Tubal, in the hundred andforty-third year after the flood, came by sea into Spain[8]; whence itappears that in these early times navigation was usual from Ethiopia toour parts of western Europe. It is also said, that Semiramis invaded thecountry on the river Indus, whence the Indians derive their name, andgave battle to king Stabrobates, in which he lost a thousand ships[9]; bywhich it clearly appears there were then many ships in those parts; andthat the seas were much frequented. 

In the six hundred and fiftieth year after the flood, there was a king inSpain named Hesperus[10]; and Gonsalvo Fernandez de Oviedo, thechronicler of antiquities[11], affirms that he made discoveries by sea asfar as Cape Verde and the Isle of St Thomas, of which he was prince, andthat in his time the islands of the West Indies were discovered, andcalled the Hesperides, after his name. He alleges many reasons in proofof this assertion, and even says particularly, that these earlynavigators sailed in forty days from Cape Verde to these islands. Otherssay, that the islands of St Thomas and de Principe are the Hesperides, and not the Antilles; which is the more probable, as these ancientnavigators only sailed along the coast, not daring to pass through themain ocean, having no compass, nor any means of taking altitudes fortheir guidance. It is not to be denied that many countries, islands, capes, isthmuses, and points, the names of which are found in histories, are now unknown; because, in course of ages, the force of the waters haswasted and consumed them, and has separated countries from each otherformerly joined, both in Europe, Asia, Africa, New Spain, Peru, and otherplaces. 

In his dialogue called Timaeus, Plato says there was anciently a greatcountry and large islands in the Atlantic, named Atlantides, greater thanEurope and Africa, and that the kings of these parts were lords of agreat part of Spain; but that, by the force of great tempests, the seahad overflowed the country, leaving nothing but banks of mud and gravel, so that no ships could pass that way for long after. It is also recordedby Pliny[12], that close by the island of Cadiz, there was a wellinhabited island called Aphrodisias, towards the Straits of Gibraltar, abounding in gardens and orchards; but we have now no knowledge of thisisland, except from the bare mention of it in ancient authors. The Isleof Cadiz is said to have been anciently so large as to join the continentof Spain. The Açores are held to have been a continuation of themountains of Estrella, which join the sea coast beside the town of Cintra;and the Sierra Verde, or Green-mountains, which reach the coast, near thecity of _Sasin_ in the land of _Cucu_, or the island of Moudim in whichAlgarbe is situated, are supposed to have reached to Porto Santo andMadeira. For it is considered as an indubitable fact, that all islandsderive their roots from the firm land or continent, however distant, asotherwise they could not stand firm. Other authors say, that from Spainto Ceuta in Barbary, people sometimes travelled on foot on dry land; thatthe islands of Corsica and Sardinia were once joined; that Sicily wasunited with Italy, and the Negropont with Greece[13]. We read also of thehulls of ships, iron anchors, and other remnants of shipping, having beenfound on the mountains of Susa, far inland, where there is now noappearance of the sea having ever been. Many writers affirm, that inIndia and Malabar, which now abounds in people, the sea once reached thefoot of the mountains; and that Cape Comorin and the island of Ceylonwere once united; also that Sumatra once joined with Malacca, by theshoals of Caypasia; and not far from thence there is a small island which, only a few years ago, was joined to the opposite coast. Ptolemy advancesthe point of Malacca three or four degrees to the south of the line;whereas its most southerly point, now called Jentana, is in one degree ofnorth latitude, by which people pass daily the straits of Cincapura tothe coasts of Siam and China; and the island of Aynan is said to haveformerly joined the land of China; the southern extremity of whichPtolomey placed far to the south of the line, though it now only reachesto twentieth degree of north latitude. 

It may even have been that Malacca and China, as Ptolemy sets forth, extended beyond the line to the south; as Malacca might join with theland called Jentana, and the islands of Bintam, Banca, and Salistres, andthe land might be all slime and ouze; likewise China might be united withthe Luçones, Borneo, Lequeuo, Mindanao, and others. Some are of opinion, that Sumatra joined with Java, across what is now the Straits of Sunda;and that Java also joined with the islands of Bali, Anjave, Cambava, Solor, Hogalcao, Maulva, Vintara, Rosalaguin, and others in that range, all of which are so near as to appear continuous, when seen from a smalldistance; and they still are so near together, that in passing throughthe channels which divide them, the boughs of the trees on each side maybe touched by the hands. It is not long since several of the islands ofBanda in the east were drowned by the sea overflowing them; and in China, about 180 miles of firm land are said to have become a lake. All thesethings are to be considered as coming within the limits of probability, especially when we take into account what has been related of similarevents by Ptolemy and others, but which I here omit to return to mysubject. 

About 800 years after the deluge, the city of Troy was built by theDardanians; and even before that time, spices, drugs, and many otherkinds of merchandize, which were then more abundant than now, werebrought from India to Europe, by the Red Sea. Hence, if credit can begiven to these accounts, we may conclude, that the sea of old was muchfrequented, those of the east bringing their commodities to the haven ofArsinoe in the Arabian Gulf, now called Suez[14], in lat. 30° N. And atthe northern extremity of the Arabian Gulf; from whence the goods werecarried by caravans, upon camels, asses, and mules, to Cassou, a city onthe coast of the Levant sea, in lat. 32° N. Allowing seventeen leaguesand a half to every degree of latitude, these two cities are said to havebeen 35 leagues, or 105[15] miles distant from each other. On account ofthe heat, these caravans, or great companies of carriers, travelled onlyin the night, directing themselves by the stars, and by land-marks fixedin the ground for that purpose. But finding this journey attended withmany inconveniencies, the course was twice altered in search of a morecommodious route[16]. About nine hundred years after the flood, andprevious to the destruction of Troy, Egypt was ruled by a king namedSesostris, who caused a canal to be cut from the Red Sea to that arm ofthe Nile which flows past the city of Heroum, that ships might pass andrepass between India and Europe, to avoid the expence and trouble ofcarrying merchandize by land across the isthmus of Suez; and Sesostrishad large caraks or ships built for this purpose[17]. This enterprize, however, did not completely succeed; for, if it had, Africa would havebeen converted into an island, as there are even now only twenty leaguesor sixty miles of land between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. 

About this time the Grecians gathered a fleet and army, called theArgonautic expedition, under the command of Jason and Alceus[18]. Somesay they sailed from Crete, and others from Greece; but they passedthrough the Propontis and the _sleeve_ of St George into the Euxine, where some of the vessels perished, and Jason returned back to Greece. Alceus reported that he was driven by a tempest to the Palus Maeotis, where he was deserted by all his company; and those who escaped had totravel by land to the German ocean, where they procured shipping; andsailing past the coasts of Saxony, Friesland, Holland, Flanders, France, Spain, and Italy, returned to the Peloponnesus and Greece, afterdiscovering a great portion of the coast of Europe. 

Strabo, on the authority of Aristonicus the grammarian, says, that kingMenelaus, after the destruction of Troy, sailed from the Grecian sea tothe Atlantic, coasted along Africa and Guinea, doubled the Cape BonaSperança, and arrived in India[19]; concerning which voyage many otherparticulars might be collected from the writings of the ancients. ThisMediterranean Sea was sometimes called the Adriatic, the Aegean, and theHerculean Sea; and had other names, according to the lands, coasts, andislands, which it skirted, till, running through the Straits of Hercules, between Spain and Africa, it communicated with the great Atlantic Ocean. Thirteen hundred years after the flood, Solomon caused a navy to beconstructed at Ezion-geber on the Red Sea, which sailed to Tharsis andOphir, which some believe to have been islands in the East Indies. Thisfleet was three years on its voyage, and on its return brought gold, silver, cypress-wood, and other commodities[20]. The islands to which thenavy of Solomon traded were probably those we now call the Luçones, theLequeos, and China; for we know of few other places whence some of thethings mentioned as forming their cargoes can be had, or where navigationhas been so long practised. 

Necho, one of the kings of Egypt, was desirous to have joined the Red Seawith the Mediterranean, and is said in history to have commanded somePhenicians to sail from the Red Sea by the Straits of Mecca, and toendeavour to return to Egypt by the Mediterranean[21]. This theyaccomplished, and sailed along the coast of Melinda, Quiloa, and Sofala, till they reached the Cape of Good Hope, which they doubled; and, continuing their course to the north, they sailed along the coast ofGuinea all the way to the Mediterranean, and returned to Egypt after twoyears absence, being the first who had circumnavigated Africa. 

In the year 590 before the Incarnation, a fleet belonging to Carthaginianmerchants sailed from Cadiz through the ocean, to the west, in search ofland[22]. They proceeded so far that they came to the islands now calledthe Antilles, and to New Spain[23]. This is given on the authority ofGonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, in his General History, who says that thesecountries were then discovered; and that Christopher Columbus, by hisvoyages in after times, only acquired more exact knowledge of them, andhath left us a more precise notice of their situation, and of the way tothem. But all those historians who formerly wrote concerning the Antilles, as of doubtful and uncertain existence, now plainly allow them to be thesame with New Spain and the West Indies. In the year 520 before Christ, Cambyses, king of Persia, conquered Egypt, and was succeeded by Darius, the son of Hystaspes. This latter prince determined upon completing theprojects of Sesostris and Necho, by digging a canal between the Red Seaand the Nile: But, being assured that the Red Sea was higher than theNile, and that its salt water would overflow and ruin the whole land ofEgypt, he abandoned his purpose, lest that fine province should bedestroyed by famine and the want of fresh water[24]; for the fresh waterof the Nile overflows the whole country, and the inhabitants have noother water to drink. 

It may not be too great a digression from the subject, to say a few wordsconcerning Egypt. The natives allege that they have in their countrycertain animals, of which one half of their bodies seem earth, and theother like rats, one species of which keeps continually in the water, while another species lives on the land. In my opinion, it is theseanimals which break the serpents eggs, of which there are many in theNile, but which serpents are also called crocodiles. It is said, that inancient times these animals were inchanted, so that they could not doharm to any one: But since they have been freed from the power ofinchantment, by the arts and learning of the Egyptians decaying, theyhave done much hurt, by killing people, wild beasts, and cattle, moreespecially those which live in the water and come often on land. Thosethat live continually on the land become strongly venomous[25]. Thepeople beyond the city of Cairo used to catch these animals, and even toeat them, setting up their heads on the walls of the city. Concerningthese crocodiles, it is related[26] that they often lie along the shoresof the river with their mouths wide open; on which occasion, certainwhite birds, little larger than our thrushes, fly into the mouths of thecrocodiles, and pick out the filth from between his teeth, to the greatdelight of the crocodile; which, however, would surely close his mouthand devour the bird, had not nature provided the bird with a sharp sting, growing from the top of his head, which pricks the roof of the crocodilesmouth, and forces him to gape, so that the bird flies away unhurt. Inthis manner, by means of a succession of these birds, the crocodiles gettheir teeth cleansed. In this same river, there are many beastsresembling horses; and upon the land, there are certain birds like ourcranes, which continually make war upon the serpents, which come thitherout of Arabia: Which birds, and likewise the rats, which eat the eggs ofthe crocodiles, are held in great reverence and estimation, by theEgyptians. 

But now, to return to my subject of discoveries. In the year 485 beforeChrist, Xerxes, king of Persia, sent his nephew Sataspis to discoverIndia; who sailed from the Mediterranean through the Straits of Hercules, and passed the promontory of Africa, which we now call the Cape of GoodHope; but, wearying of the length of the voyage, he returned back again, as Bartholomew Diaz did in our days[27]. In 443 A. C. Hamilco and Hanno, two Carthaginian commanders who governed that part of Spain now calledAndalusia, sailed from thence with two squadrons. Hamilco, sailingtowards the north, discovered the coasts of Spain, France, England, Flanders, and Germany; and some allege that he sailed to Gothland, andeven to Thule or Iceland, standing under the Arctic circle, in 64 degreesnorth, and continued his voyage during two years, till he came to thatnorthern island, where the day in June continues for twenty-two hours, and the nights in December are of a similar length; on account of whichit is there wonderfully cold. His brother, Hanno, took his course to thesouth, along the coast of Africa and Guinea, and discovered the FortunateIslands, now the Canaries, and the Orcades, Hesperides, and Gorgades, nowcalled the Cape de Verde islands. Proceeding onwards, Hanno doubled theCape of Good Hope, and went along the eastern coast of Africa to anothercape, called Aromaticum, now called Gardafu, and thence to the coast ofArabia, and was five years employed in this voyage before his return toSpain[28]. Others allege, that Hanno proceeded no farther than SierraLeona, which he colonized, and afterwards discovered as far as theequinoctial line; but it would rather appear, from the length of time heemployed, that he must have accomplished the more extended navigation. 

It is reported that the inhabitants of the country at the Cape of GoodHope are great witches, and by inchantment bring certain serpents so muchunder command, that they preserve their churches, churchyards, gardens, orchards, barns, and cattle, both from wild beasts and thieves. Whenthese serpents see any person doing or intending to do harm, they windthemselves in such a manner around them as to make them prisoners, andthen command their young ones to give notice to their masters, that theymay come and secure the thieves. But if the thieves be numerous, or thewild beasts of too much strength, so that the serpents dare not encounterthem, they go to their masters house, and if it happen to be in thenight, they give many strokes with their tails, so as to awaken theirmasters, that they may provide for their defence[29]. 

A certain Italian, named Aloisius Cadamosta, relates, that when he wasupon the discovery of Guinea, and resided in the house of Bisboral, thegrandson of king Budomel, he heard one night, when in bed, a great noiseand many blows given about the house, upon which Bisboral arose and wentout; and, upon his return, Cadamosta demanded of him where he had been, and he answered that he had been with his cobras or snakes, which calledhim[30]. In the Indies there are many snakes, and some of them very fullof poison; yet the Indians carry them about their necks, and put them intheir bosoms, and under their arms, without fear or injury; and atcertain sounds, the snakes will dance, and do many other strange thingsat command. 

I was informed by a certain Portuguese, who had been beyond the Cape ofGood Hope, towards Sofala, Quiloa, and Melinda, that there were certainbirds in that country, which would come to the negroes on a call, and asthe negroes moved on through the woods, the birds would do the same fromtree to tree, till at length they would alight on a tree whence theywould not remove: And, on examining that tree, the negroes were sure tofind wax and honey, but knew not whether it grew there naturally ornot[31]. In the same country, they find much wax and honey in ant-holes, made by the ants, but somewhat bitter. In the seas of that coast, thereare certain fish, known to the fishermen, which commonly swim upright inthe water, having the faces and breasts of women[32]. 

In the year 355 before Christ, the Spaniards are said to have gone by seato the flats of India, Arabia, and the adjoining coasts, to which theycarried various merchandizes in great ships; and sailing to the north-west they came to certain flats which are covered by the tide, and leftbare by the ebb, where they caught many _tunnies_ of great size; whichfishing turned out to their great profit, as they were very abundant andmuch esteemed[33]. 

Alexander, who flourished 324 years before Christ, travelled from Europeinto Asia and Africa, passed through Armenia, Assyria, Persia, andBactria; whence he descended by the mountains of Imaus and the vallies ofParapomissus, into India, and prepared a navy on the river Indus, withwhich he passed into the ocean. He there turned by the lands of Gedrosia, Caramania, and Persia, to the great city of Babylon, leaving the commandof his fleet to Onesicratus and Nearchus, who sailed through the straitsof the Persian Sea and up the river Euphrates, discovering the wholecoast between the Indus and that river. 

After the death of Alexander, Ptolemy became king of Egypt, who by somewas reputed to have been the bastard son of Philip, the father ofAlexander: He, imitating the before named kings, Sesostris and Darius, caused dig a canal from the branch of the Nile which passed by Pelusium, now by the city of Damieta[34]. This canal of Ptolemy was an hundred feetbroad and thirty feet deep, and extended ten or twelve leagues in length, till it came to the _bitter wells_. He meant to have continued it to theRed Sea; but desisted on the idea that the Red Sea was three cubitshigher than the land of Egypt, and would have overflowed all the country, to its entire ruin. 

Ptolemy Philadelphus, in the year 277 before Christ, changed thedirection of the Indian traffic. The goods from Europe, by his orders, were carried up the Nile from Alexandria to the city of Coptus, andconveyed across the desert from thence to the sea-port of Myos-Hormos onthe Red-sea[35]. To avoid the excessive heat, the caravans travelled onlyin the night, directing their course by the stars; and water being veryscarce in the desert, they had to carry a sufficient quantity with themfor the journey. Afterwards, to avoid this trouble, deep wells were dugat certain intervals; and in other places large cisterns or reservoirswere constructed for the reception of rain water. Still later, inconsideration of the dangers attending the port of Myos-Hormos, onaccount of flats and islands, Philadelphus sent an army into Troglodytica, where he constructed a haven called Berenice, in which the ships engagedin the Indian commerce took shelter, as a place of greater security. Fromthence the goods were transported to the city of Coptus, and afterwardsto Alexandria, which became rich and famous, through its trade with India, beyond any other city in the world; insomuch that it is asserted that thecustoms of Alexandria yielded every year to Ptolemy Auletes, the fatherof Cleopatra, seven millions and a half of gold, though the traffic hadthen scarcely subsisted in that direction for twenty years[36]. After thereduction of Egypt and Alexandria under the power of the Romans, thecustoms are said to have advanced to double that amount; and the tradewas so great, that 120 ships used to be sent yearly from Myos-Hormos toIndia. The ships set sail every year from Myos-Hormos about the middle ofJuly, and returned back within the year[37]. The merchandize they carriedamounted to the value of one million two hundred thousand crowns; and thereturns were an hundred for one; and through this prodigious increase ofwealth, the matrons and noble ladies of those days in Alexandria, wereexceedingly profuse in decorating themselves with purple, pearls, andprecious stones, and in the use of musk, amber, and other rich perfumesof various kinds; of all which the historians and other writers of thatage treat at great length[38]. 

Pliny[39], on the authority of Cornelius Nepos, says that one Eudoxus, flying from Ptolemy Lathyrus, passed by sea through the gulf of Arabia, and sailing along the eastern coast of Africa, doubled the cape of BonaSperança arrived by the Atlantic at Cadiz; and it would appear that thisnavigation was as often used in those days as it now is. Caius Caesar, the son of Augustus, going into Arabia, found in the Red Sea certainpieces of the ships which had gone thither from Spain. 

Long after these days it was usual to pass to India by land. This wasdone by the kings of the Sogdians, the princes of Bactria, and otherfamous captains and many merchants, who travelled thither and intoScythia by land. Marcus Paulus Venetus writes largely of these countries;and though his book at first was reckoned fabulous, yet what he andothers have reported is now found true, by the experience of travellers, and merchants who have since been to the same parts. 

It is reported that the Romans sent an army by sea to India, against thegreat khan of Cathaia, 200 years before the Incarnation; which, passingthrough the Straits of Gibraltar, and running to the north-west, foundten islands opposite to Cape Finisterre; producing large quantities oftin, which perhaps may have been those afterwards called the Cassiterides. Being come to 50 degrees of latitude, they found a strait passing to thewest, through which they arrived in India, and gave battle to the king ofCathaia, after which they returned to Rome. Whether this story may appearpossible or not, true or false, I can only say that I give it as I foundit written in the histories of these times. 

In the year 100 after the incarnation of Christ, the emperor Trajanfitted out a fleet on the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, whence he sailedto the islands of Zyzara; and passing the straits of Persia, enteredinto the ocean, by which he sailed along the coast to India, till he cameto the place where Alexander had been. He there took some ships whichcame from Bengal, and learned the state of the country from the mariners. But being in years, and weary of the sea, and because he found itdifficult to procure necessaries for his army, he returned back toAssyria[40]. 

After the Romans had subdued most part of the world, many notablediscoveries were made. But then came the Goths, Moors, and otherbarbarous nations, who destroyed all A. D. 412, the Goths took the cityof Rome. Thereafter the Vandals went out of Spain, and conquered Africa. In 450, Attila destroyed many cities in Italy, at which time Venice began;and in this age the Franks and Vandals entered into France. In 474, theempire of Rome was lost, and fell from the Romans to the Goths. In 560, the Lombards came into Italy. About this time the sect of the Ariansprevailed greatly, and Merlin the English prophet flourished. In 611, the Mahometan sect sprung up, and the Moresco government, which invadedboth Africa and Spain. By this it may appear that all the world was in astate of war, and all places so very tumultuous, that traffic andmerchandize ceased, no nation daring to trade with another by sea orland; nothing remaining stedfast, neither in kingdoms, signories, religions, laws, arts, sciences, or navigation. Even the records andwritings of these things were burnt and destroyed by the barbarous powerof the Goths, who proposed to themselves to begin a new world, and toroot out the memory and knowledge of all other nations. 

Those who succeeded in the government of Europe, perceiving the greatlosses of the Christian world by want of traffic and the stoppage ofnavigation, began to devise a way of passing into India, quite differentfrom the route of the Nile and the Red Sea, and much longer and morecostly[41]. The goods of India were brought up the river Indus as far asit was navigable. They were then carried by land in caravans through thecountry of Parapomissus into the province of Bactria, and shipped on theriver Oxus, which falls into the Caspian, and thence across that sea tothe haven of Citracan, or Astracan, on the river Rha, or Volga. Thence upthat river, and to the city of Novogrod, in the province of Resan, whichnow belongs to the great duke of Muscovy, in lat. 54° N. The goods werecarried thence overland to the province of Sarmatia and the river Tanaisor Don, which is the division between Europe and Asia. Being there loadedin barks, they were carried down the stream of that river into the PaulusMaeotis to the city of Caffa, anciently called Theodosia, which thenbelonged to the Genoese, who came thither by sea in _galliasses_, orgreat ships, and distributed Indian commodities through Europe. 

In the reign of Commodita, emperor of Armenia, a better course wasprovided for this traffic: The goods being transported by land from theCaspian, through the country of Hiberia, now Georgia, and thence by thePhasis into the Euxine, and to the city of Trebisond, they were thenceshipped for the various parts of Europe[42]. It is recorded thatDemetrius Nicanor determined, or actually began, to open a canal ofabove 120 miles in length between the Caspian and Euxine, for the greaterconvenience of the Indian trade. But he was slain by Ptolemy Ceraunos, and this famous enterprize fell to nothing[43]. 

All other ways being lost, by reason of the wars of the Turks, thespiceries of the Indian Islands, particularly of Java, Sumatra, and thecity of Malacca, were carried up the river Ganges, in Bengal, to the cityof Agra; thence they were carried by land to another city near the Indus, named Boghar, where they were discharged, because the city of Cabor, orLaor, the principal city of the Mogores, stands too far within the land. From thence they were carried to the great city of Samarcand in Bactria, in which the merchants of India, Persia, and Turkey met together withtheir several commodities, as cloth of gold, velvets, camblets, scarletand woollen cloths, which were carried to Cathay and the great kingdom ofChina; whence they brought back gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, silk, musk, rhubarb, and many other things of great value. 

In after times these merchandizes, drugs, and spiceries, were carried inships from India to the Straits of Ormus, and the rivers Euphrates andTigris, and were unladen at the city of Basora; from whence they werecarried overland to Aleppo, Damascus, and Barutti; and there the Venetiangalliasses, which transported pilgrims to the Holy Land, came andreceived the goods. 

In the year 1153, in the time of the emperor Frederick Barbarossa, it issaid there came to the city of Lubeck, in Germany, a canoe like a longbarge, with certain Indians, who were supposed to have come from thecoast of Baccalaos[44], which is in the same latitude with Lubeck. TheGermans greatly wondered to see such a boat and strange people, notknowing whence they came, nor being able to understand their language, especially as there was then no knowledge of their country. Although theboat was small in comparison with the seas it had to cross, it is yetpossible that it might have been conveyed by the winds and waves; for inour days the _almadias_ of the negroes, which are very small boats, venture to navigate from Quiloa, Mosambique, and Sofala, around theCape of Good Hope, even to the island of St Helena, a very small spot inthe ocean, at a great distance from land. 

In the year 1300 after Christ, the great soldan of Cairo restored thetrade of spiceries, drugs, and merchandize from India, by the Red Sea; atwhich time they unloaded the goods at the port of Judea[45], and carriedthem to Mecca; whence they were distributed by the Mahometan pilgrims[46], so that each prince endeavoured to increase the honour and profit ofhis own country. The soldans translated this trade to their own city ofCairo; whence the goods were carried to the countries of Egypt, Lybia, Africa, Tunis, Tremessen, Fez, Morocco, and Suz; and some of them werecarried beyond the mountains of Atlas, to the city of Tombuto, and thekingdom of the Jalophos; till afterwards the Portuguese brought theIndian trade round the Cape of Good Hope to Lisbon, as we propose to shewmore at large in a convenient place. 

A. D. 1344, Peter IV. Reigned in Arragon, and the chronicles of his reignreport that Don Lewis de Cerda, grandson of Don John de Corda, requestedhis aid to go and conquer the Canary Islands, which had been gifted tohim by Pope Clement VI. A Frenchman. About this time, too, the island ofMadeira is said to have been discovered by an Englishman named Macham;who, sailing from England into Spain with a lady whom he loved, wasdriven out of his course by a tempest, and arrived in a harbour of thatisland, now called Machico, after his name. The lady being oppressedwith seasickness, Macham landed with her on the island, accompanied bysome of his people; but in the mean time the ship weighed anchor andstood to sea, leaving them behind. On this the lady died of grief, andMacham, who was passionately fond of her, erected a chapel or hermitageon the island, which he named the chapel of Jesus, and there depositedher remains, engraving both their names and the cause of their coming tothis place on a monumental stone. After this, he and his companions madea boat or canoe out of a large tree, and putting to sea without sails oroars, got over to the coast of Africa. The Moors among whom he arrived, considering their passage as miraculous, sent him to their king, whotransmitted both him and his company to the king of Castile. 

In 1395, while Henry III. Reigned in Castile, in consequence ofinformation given by Macham respecting this island, many persons ofFrance and Castile were induced to attempt its discovery, and that of theGrand Canary. Those who went on this expedition were principally fromAndalusia, Biscay, and Guipuscoa, who carried thither many men andhorses; but I know not whether this was done at their own charge, or thatof the king. But however that might be, these people seem to have beenthe first discoverers of the Canaries; where they took 150 of theislanders prisoners. There is some difference among authors respectingthe time of this discovery, as some affirm that it did not take placetill the year 1405. 

[1] August. De Civit. Dic. I. 15. C. 20. 

[2] The Cape of Good Hope, and the island of Madagascar--E. 

[3] Birmahs

[4] Arracan

[5] Pompon. Mela, I. 3. Plin. I. 2. C. 67. 

[6] Joseph: Ant. Jud. I. 1. C. 5. 

[7] Justin, I. 1. 

[8] Berosus. 

[9] Diod. Sic. I. 2. C. 5. 

[10] Berosus. 

[11] Gons. Fern. I. 2. C. 3. Plin. I. 6. C. 31. 

[12] Plin. I. 4. C. 22. 

[13] Eratosth. Ap. Strab. I. 1. P. 26. 

[14] Plin. I. 6. C. 29. 

[15] The miles here used are three to the league; but the league of the text is nearly equal to four English miles, and the assumed distance of these two ports 140 of our miles--E. 

[16] Strab. I. 17. P. 560. 

[17] Plin. I. 6. C. 29. 

[18] Diod. Sic. I. 4. C. 4. 

[19] Strab. I. 1. P. 26. 

[20] Kings, I. 9. Chron. II. 8. 

[21] Herodot. I. 4. 

[22] Arist. De Mirand. 

[23] Gonz. Fern. Ovied. I. 2. C. 3. 

[24] Plin. I. 9. C. 58. De Maribus Nili. 

[25] Joan. Leo Afric. I. 9. De Nilo. --Our author has got into a strange dilemma, by confounding crocodiles and serpents under one denomination. --E. 

[26] Plin. And Leo, ub. Cit. 

[27] Plin. I. 2. C. 67. 

[28] Plin. I. 6. C. 31. This subject will be discussed in the _Fifth_ Part of our work; being much too extensive to admit of elucidation in a note. --E. 

[29] Hasty readers will have the justice to give the honour of this story to Galvano. --E. 

[30] This story will be found hereafter very differently related by Cada Mosto himself, but with a sufficient spice of the marvellous. --E. 

[31] The Honey-guide, or Cuculus Indicator, will be noticed more particularly in the Travels through the Colony of the Cape. --E. 

[32] The Philosophers of the _nineteenth_ century have _fortunately_ rediscovered the _Mermaid_ in the north of Scotland! Hitherto, wonderful things used to be confined to barbarous regions and ignorant ages. --E. 

[33] Arist. De Mirand. Strabo, I. 2. P. 68. 

[34] Plin. I. 6. C. 29. 

[35] Strabo, I. 17. P. 560, 561. 

[36] Strab. I. 17. P. 549. 

[37] Plin. I. 6. C. 23. 

[38] Id. I. 12. C. 18. 

[39] Id. I. 2. C. 67. 

[40] Ziphilin. In vit. Traj. 

[41] Ramusio, V. F. 372. P. 2

[42] Strabo, I. 11. 

[43] Plin. I. 6. C. 11. 

[44] Newfoundland?

[45] Jidda. 

[46] Leo Afric. Ramus. V. 1. F. 373. 

SECTION II. 

_Summary of Portuguese Discoveries, from the Commencement of theFifteenth Century, to the Discovery of America by Columbus_[1]. 

According to the chronicles of Portugal, John I. Went from Lisbon in 1415, attended by his sons Don Duarte, or Edward, Don Peter, and Don Henry, andother lords and nobles of his realm, into Africa, where he took the greatcity of Ceuta, which was one of the principal causes of extending thedominions of Portugal. After their return, Don Henry, the king's_third_[2] son, being then in Algarve, and desirous to enlarge thekingdom by the discovery of unknown regions, gave directions fordiscovering the coast of Mauritania; for in those days none of thePortuguese had ever gone beyond Cape Non, in lat. 29°. N. [3]. For thebetter accomplishment of this purpose, Don Henry prepared a fleet, andcommanded the officers whom he employed to proceed in making discoveriesto the south of that cape, which they did; but when they came to anothercape, named Bajador, none of them dared for a long time to go beyond it, at which cowardice the prince was much displeased. 

In 1417, in the reign of John II. Of Castile, and while his mother thelady Catharine was regent of the kingdom, Ruben de Bracamonte, theadmiral of France, craved a grant of the Canary Islands, and the title ofking, for his kinsman John de Betancourt; which being conceded, hedeparted from Seville with an armament to attempt the conquest. Theprincipal motive of this enterprize was to make a perfect discovery ofMadeira, of which Macham had before given so much information; yet hewent to the Canaries, where he carried a friar named Mendo as bishop, whohad received that dignity from Pope Martin V. He reduced Lançerota, Fuerteventura, Gomera, and Ferro; whence he sent into Spain many slaves, and considerable quantities of honey, wax, camphire, hides, orchill, figs, dragons-blood, and other merchandize, of which he made good profit. Thisarmament is said to have likewise discovered Porto Santo. The islandfirst occupied by Betancourt was Lançerota, where he built a castle ofstone for the better defence of the new settlers. 

In the year 1418, John Gonzales Zarco, and Tristram Vaz Teixera, gentlemen of the household to Don Henry, perceiving the great desire oftheir master to discover new countries, requested and obtained a bark toproceed to the coast of Africa; where they were overtaken by a violenttempest, and driven into a haven of the island now called Porto Santo, where they remained two years. In 1420, they discovered the island ofMadeira, where they found the chapel, tomb, and stone on which Macham hadengraved his name. Others write, that a Castilian had informed Don Henryof having made the discovery of Porto Santo; and that he sentBartholomew Perestrello, John Gonzales Zarco, and Tristram Vaz Teixera, purposely in search of that island, according to the signs and directionsindicated by the Castilian; and that these persons afterwards discoveredMadeira in 1420, where they found the memorial and monument left byMacham the Englishman. 

Betancourt, who begun the conquest of the Canaries, was slain in a warwith the natives, leaving one Menante his heir; who afterwards sold theislands to one Peter Barba of Seville. But others say, that John deBetancourt went to France to procure reinforcements, to enable him tocomplete his conquests, and left the command of Lançerota with hisnephew; who, hearing nothing of his uncle, and being unable to continuethe contest with the natives, sold the Canaries to Don Henry, for anestate in the island of Madeira. 

It is related that, in 1424, Don Henry sent a squadron with some landforces, under Don Ferdinando de Castro, on purpose to make a conquest ofthese islands; but, being repulsed by the bravery of the natives, deCastro prudently desisted from the enterprize and returned home; andthat Don Henry afterwards resigned his claim to these islands in favourof the crown of Castile. The Castilian writers, however, assert that bothDon Henry and the king of Portugal refused to give up these islands, until the dispute was ended by the judgment of Pope Eugenius IV. Whoawarded them to the king of Castile. These islands, anciently called theInsulae Fortunatae, or Fortunate Islands, are seven in number, in lat. 28° N. Where the longest day is thirteen hours, and the longest night thesame. They are 200 leagues distant from the coast of Spain, and 18leagues from the coast of Africa. The people were idolaters, and eat rawflesh for want of fire. They had no iron, but raised or tilled the groundwith the horns of oxen and goats, for want of better implements ofhusbandry. Every island spoke a separate language, and many pagan customsprevailed among the natives; but now the Christian religion is plantedamong them. The commodities of these islands are wheat, barley, sugar, wine, and Canary-birds, which are much esteemed for the sweetness andvariety of their song. In the island of Ferro they have no water but whatproceeds in the night from a tree, encompassed by a cloud, whence waterissues, and serves the whole inhabitants and cattle of the island[4]. 

In the year 1428, Don Pedro, the king's _eldest_[5] son, who was a greattraveller, went into England, France, and Germany, and thence into theHoly Land and other places, and came home by Italy, through Rome andVenice. He is said to have brought a map of the world home with him, inwhich all parts of the earth were described, by which the enterprizes ofDon Henry for discovery were much assisted. In this map the Straits ofMagellan are called the _Dragons-tail_, and the Cape of Good Hope the_Front of Africa_, and so of the rest[6]. I was informed by Francis deSosa Tavares, that in the year 1528, Don Fernando, the king's eldest son, shewed him a map which had been made 120 years before, and was found inthe study of Alcobaza, which exhibited all the navigation of the EastIndies, with the cape of Bona Sperança, as in our latter maps; by whichit appears that there was as much discovered, or more, in ancient timesas now[7]. 

Though attended with much trouble and expence, Don Henry was unwearied inprosecuting his plan of discoveries. At length Gilianes, one of hisservants, passed Cape Bojador, a place terrible to all former navigators, and brought word that it was by no means so dangerous as had beenrepresented, he having landed on its farther side, where he set up awooden cross in memorial of his discovery. 

In the year 1433 died John king of Portugal, and was succeeded by hiseldest son Duarte or Edward. In 1434, Don Henry sent Alphonso GonzalesBalduja and Gillianes, who penetrated from Cape Bajador to another cape, where they found the country to be inhabited, and went forward to anotherpoint of land, whence they returned to Portugal. In 1438 king Duarte died, and his son Alphonso being young, the kingdom was governed during hisminority by his uncle Don Pedro. In 1441, Don Henry sent out two shipsunder Tristan and Antonio Gonzales, who took a prize on the coast, andsailed to Cape Blanco, or the White Cape in lat. 20° N. [8]. From thencethey brought home some Moors, from whom Don Henry learned the state ofthe country. Don Henry sent an account of these discoveries to PopeMartin, by one Fernan Lopez de Savado; and the Pope granted indulgencesand everlasting pardon of sins to all who should die in attempting thediscovery of the land of the infidels. In the year 1443, Don Henrycommanded Antonio Gonzales to carry back the Moors to their own country, where they were ransomed for black Moors with curled hair, or negroes, and some gold; owing to which that place is now called Rio de Oro, or theGolden River, that thereby the desire of discovery might be the moreincreased. He sent soon afterward one named Nunnez Tristan, whodiscovered the islands of Arguin, who brought more slaves from thence toPortugal in 1444. One Lancarote, a groom of Don Henrys chamber, andthree others, armed certain ships, with which they sailed along the coastto the islands of Garze, where they took 200 slaves, which were the firstthat were brought from thence to Portugal. 

In 1445, Gonsalvo de Syntra, an esquire belonging to Don Henry, wentcaptain of a bark into these parts; and landing on the coast, was takenby the natives, with six or seven of his people The place where he wascut off got the name of Angra de Gonsalvo de Syntra from him; and thiswas the first loss sustained by the Portuguese in their discoveries. In1446, three caravels were sent out under Antonio Gonsales, Diego Aloizio, and Gomes Perez; who were ordered to refrain from going to Rio de Oro, tocarry themselves peaceably to the natives, to traffic with them peaceably, and to endeavour to convert as many infidels as possible to Christianity;but in this they had no success. In the same year, Dennis Fernandes ofLisbon, an esquire to the king, entered upon these discoveries, more toacquire fame than for profit. In the course of his voyage he discoveredthe river _Sanaga_ or Senegal, between 15 and 16 degrees of latitude[9];and proceeding onwards, discovered Cape Verde, in 14 degrees[10], uponwhich he erected a wooden cross, and then returned, much elated at thesuccess of his voyage. In 1447 Nunnez Tristan passed beyond Cape Verde toRio Grande, and went beyond that river to another in twelve degrees[11]. He was here taken and slain, with eighteen other Portuguese, and the shipwas brought home in safety by four or five of the crew who escaped thehands of the negroes. 

In this year 1447, a Portuguese ship, in coming through the Straits ofGibraltar, was forced a great way to the westwards by a violent tempest, and came to an island having seven cities, the inhabitants of which spokethe Portuguese language, and they inquired of our mariners if the Moorsstill infested Spain, whence their ancestors had fled to avoid thedistresses which occurred subsequent to the death of Don Roderigo, kingof Spain. The boatswain of this ship brought home some of the sand fromthis island, and sold it to a goldsmith in Lisbon, who procured from it agood quantity of gold. Don Pedro, who then governed the realm, being madeacquainted with this circumstance, caused the whole to be recorded in thehouse of justice[12]. Some think that this island belonged to what is nowcalled the Antilles or New Spain; but though their reasons for thisopinion are good, I omit them here, as not connected with my presentpurpose. 

In the year 1449, King Alphonso granted license to his uncle, Don Henry, to colonize the Açores, which had been formerly discovered. In the year1458, this king went into Africa, where he took the town of Alcaçer; andin the year 1461, he commanded Signior Mendez to build the castle ofArguin, in the island of that name, on the coast of Africa. In the year1462, three Genoese gentlemen, of whom Antonio de Noli was the chief, theothers being his brother and nephew, got permission from Don Henry totake possession of the Cape de Verde islands, which some believe to bethose called Gorgades, Hesperides, and Dorcades, by the ancients. Butthey named them Mayo, Saint Jago, and Saint Philip, because discovered onthe days of those saints. Some call them the islands of Antonio. In theyear following, 1463, that excellent prince, Don Henry, died; havingdiscovered, by his exertions, the whole coast of Africa, from Cape Non tothe mountain of Sierra Liona, which is on this side of the line, in lat. 8° 30' N. Where no man had been before. 

In 1469, the king of Portugal let out the trade of Guinea, afterwardscalled the Minas, to Fernan Gomez, for five years, at the yearly rent of200, 000 rees[13]; and under the express condition that he was every yearto discover 100 leagues farther along the coast of Africa to the south. In 1470, this king went into Africa, accompanied by his son Prince John, where he took the town of Arzila; and the inhabitants of Tangier havingfled from fear, he took possession of it also. In the year 1471, John deSt Aren and John de Scovar, under the orders of Fernan Gomez, continuedthe discovery of the coast of Guinea as far as St George del Mina, in lat. 5° N. And 2° W. Long. ; the coast from Cape Verde to Cape Palmas trendingS. E. After which it goes to the east, with even a small northerlyinclination for about twelve degrees of longitude. In 1472, one Fernandoda Poo discovered the island now called after his name, beyond CapeFormosa, in lat. 3° 40' N. And about the same time the islands delPrincipe and St Thomas were discovered, the latter of which is situatedunder the equinoctial line. The firm land also was explored at the sametime, all the way from the kingdom of Benin to Cape St Catherina, in lat. 1° 40' S. This last discovery was made by Sequetra, a person in the king'simmediate service. Many suppose that then were these countries andislands discovered which had never been before known since the flood. 

In the year 1480, the valiant King Don Alphonzo died, and was succeededby his son Don John II. Who, in 1481, gave orders to Diego d'Azambuxa toconstruct the castle of St George del Mina, on the African coast. In 1484, Diego Caon, a knight belonging to the court, discovered the coast as faras the river Congo, on the south side of the line, in seven or eightdegrees of latitude[14], where he erected a stone pillar, with the royalarms and titles of Portugal, with the date of his discovery. He proceededsouthwards from thence along the coast, all the way to a river near thetropic of Capricorn, setting up similar stone pillars in convenientplaces. He afterwards returned to Congo, the king of which country sentambassadors by his ship into Portugal. In the next year, or the yearfollowing, John Alonzo d'Aveiro brought home from Benin pepper with atail[15], being the first of the kind ever seen in Portugal. 

In 1487, King John sent Pedro de Covillan and Alphonzo de Payva, both ofwhom could speak Arabic, to discover India by land. They left Lisbon inthe month of May, and took shipping in the same year at Naples for theisland of Rhodes, and lodged there in the hotel of the Knights of St Johnof Jerusalem, belonging to Portugal. From thence they went to Alexandriaand Cairo, and then along with a caravan of Moors to the haven of Toro. There they embarked on the Red Sea, and proceeded to Aden, where theyseparated; de Payva going into Ethiopia, while Covillan proceeded toIndia. Covillan went to the cities of Cananor and Calicut, and thence toGoa, where he took shipping for Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa. He thence sailed to Mosambique, and the cities of Quiloa, Mombaza, andMelinda, returning back to Aden, where he and Payva had formerlyseparated. Thence he proceeded to Cairo, where he hoped to have rejoinedhis companion; but he here learnt by letter from the king his master, that de Payva was dead, and he was farther enjoined by the king to travelinto the country of Abyssinia[16] He returned therefore, from Cairo toToro, and thence to Aden; and hearing of the fame of Ormuz, he proceededalong the coast of Arabia by Cape Razalgate to Ormuz. Returning from theGulf of Persia to the Red Sea, he passed over to the realm of theAbyssinians, which is commonly called the kingdom of Presbyter John, orEthiopia, where he was detained till 1520, when the ambassador, DonRoderigo de Lima, arrived in that country. This Pedro de Covillan was thefirst of the Portuguese who had ever visited the Indies and the adjacentseas and islands. 

In the year 1490, the king sent Gonzalo de Sosa to Congo with three ships, carrying back with him the ambassador of the king of Congo, who had beenbrought over to Portugal in 1484, by Diego Caon. During his residence inPortugal, this ambassador and others of his company had been instructedin the Christian religion, and baptized. Gonzalo de Sosa died during theoutward-bound voyage; and Ruy de Sosa, his nephew, was chosen to thecommand of the expedition in his stead. Arriving in Congo, the king ofthat country received them with much joy, and soon yielded himself andthe greater part of his subjects to be baptized; to the infinitesatisfaction of the Portuguese, who by these means converted so manyinfidels from paganism to Christianity. 

[1] The only quotations used in this Section in the original translation by Hakluyt, are from the Asia of John de Barros, Decade 1. Which it has not been deemed necessary to refer to here more particularly. --E. 

[2] It is singular that a Portuguese should not be more correct. Henry was the _fifth_ son. --Clarke. 

[3] More accurately 28° 40'. --E. 

[4] Opportunities will occur hereafter, in particular voyages, to discuss the circumstances of this wonderful tree. 

[5] Galvano is again mistaken. Edward or Duarte was the _eldest_ son; Pedro the _third_. --Clarke. 

[6] Dr Vincent, in his Periplus, considers this as a copy of the map of Marco Polo, which was exhibited in the church of St Michael de Murano, at Venice. --Clarke. 

[7] Even if this were fact, it proves nothing, as the Cape of Good Hope must have been inserted merely by the fancy of the draughtsman. -- Clarke. --It may be added, that in 1528, it was no difficult matter to wrong date a forged map, on purpose to detract from the merit of the actual discoverers. --E. 

[8] More correctly in lat. 20° 54' N. There is another Cape Blanco in Morocco in lat. 33° 10' N. And this more southerly cape on the great desert is named Branca in our best charts. --E. 

[9] The mouth of the Senegal is in lat. 15° 45' N. --E. 

[10] More correctly, 14° 45' N. --E. 

[11] It is difficult to ascertain these two rivers: The Rio Grande here meant is properly named Gambia. The river in 12° N. May be the Casamansa, the Santa Anna, or the St Dominico: which last is exactly in 12° N. The two others a little farther north, and nearer the Gambia. --E. 

[12] This is one of the many palpable and clumsy fables which were advanced to defraud Columbus of the honour of having discovered the new world, and is even more ridiculous, if possible, than the voyages of Zeno, adverted to in our _First_ Part. --E. 

[13] Equal to L. 138: 17: 9-1/4 d. English money. --Halk. 

[14] Only 6° 45' S. --E. 

[15] Mr Clarke explains this as _long pepper_; but besides that this by no means answers the descriptive name in the text, long pepper certainly is the production of the East Indies. The article here indicated was probably one of the many species, or varieties of the Capsicum; called Guinea pepper, Cayenne pepper, Bird pepper, and various other names. --E. 

[16] In the original this is called the country of Prester or Presbyter John. We have formerly, in the _First_ Part of this work, had occasion to notice the strange idea of a Christian prince and priest, who was supposed to have ruled among the pagan nations of eastern Tartary. Driven from this false notion, by a more thorough knowledge of Asia, the European nations fondly transferred the title of Prester John to the half Christian prince or Negus of the semi-barbarous Abyssinians. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_Summary of Discoveries made by the Spaniards and Portuguese, from the Eraof Columbus, in 1492, to the year 1555_. 

In the year 1492, when Don Ferdinand king of Castile[1] was engaged inthe siege of Granada, he sent _one_ Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, withthree ships, for the discovery of Nova Spagna. This Columbus had firstoffered his service lot a western discovery to John king of Portugal, whorefused to employ him. Being sufficiently furnished for his enterprize, Columbus set out from the town of Palos on the third of August 1492, having with him, as captains and pilots, Martin Alionzo Pinzon, FrancisMartinez Pinzori, Vincent Yannes Pinzon, and Bartholomew Columbus hisbrother[2] with an hundred and twenty other persons in the three ships. Some persons affirm, that this was the first voyage which was everconducted by the observation of latitudes[3]. They took the Canaries intheir way, whence shaping their course for Cipango, or towards Japan, they were much amazed to find the sea all full of weeds, and with greatfear arrived at the Antilles on the tenth day of October; the firstisland they descried, called Guanahany by the natives, they named SanSalvador. This island is in 25° N. Latitude. After that they found manyislands, which they called the Princes. The savages of those parts callthese islands by the name of Lucaios, having indeed several names forthem, and they stand on the north side of the line, almost under thetropic of Cancer. The island of St James, or Jamaica, lies between the16th and 17th degrees of northern latitude[4]. Thence they went to theisland which the natives call Cuba, named Ferdinando by the Spaniards, after the king, which is in 22 degrees; from whence they were conductedby the Indians to another island called Hayti, named Isabella by theSpaniards, in honour of the queen of Castile, and afterwards Hispaniola, or Little Spain. 

In that island the admirals ship was wrecked, and Columbus caused a fortto be constructed of her timbers and planks, in which he left Roderigo deArana with a garrison of thirty-eight men, to learn the language andcustoms of the country. Columbus then returned to Spain, carrying withhim samples of gold and pearls, and other productions of the country, with ten Indians, six of whom died on the voyage; the rest were broughtto Spain and baptized. On their way home, Columbus touched at the Açores;and on the fourth of March 1493, entered the port of Lisbon. Thisdiscovery gave much discontent to the king of Portugal. Immediately onhis arrival, Columbus went into Castile, where he informed the king ofhis discoveries and of the dissatisfaction of the king of Portugal. Onthis he and his queen Isabella sent word of the recent discovery to PopeAlexander VI, at which information he and all the Italians were muchastonished, as they marvelled that there should be any land besides whathad been known to the Romans. Alexander made a grant of all thesecountries to the crowns of Castile and Leon, under condition that theyshould labour to extirpate idolatry, and establish the holy faith ofChrist among the natives. 

On the report of this discovery, so universal a desire of travellingarose among the Spaniards, that they were ready as it were to leap intothe sea, that they might swim if possible to the newly discovered islands. After receiving the authority of the Pope, King Ferdinando sent Columbusa second time to the newly-discovered country, of which he made himadmiral, giving him many other honours, and a particular coat of arms, having this motto, For Castile and for Leon A new world discovered Colon[A]. 

[A] Gomara, I. 1. C. 15. 

Columbus set out on his second voyage to the Antilles on the 25th October1493, taking his course from Cadiz, with seventeen ships and fifteenhundred men, accompanied by his brothers Bartholomew and Diego Columbus, with many other knights, gentlemen of the law, and priests; havingchalices, crosses, and other rich religious ornaments, and with greatpower and dignity from the Pope. The tenth day after commencing theirvoyage, they reached the Canaries; and from thence, in twenty-five orthirty days, they sailed to the Antilles, the first island they saw beingin 14° N. Due west from Cape de Verd in Africa. They called this islandDeseada[5], or the _desired island_, which is said to be 800 leagues fromthe Canaries. They afterwards discovered many more islands, which theycalled the Virgins, but which are named the Caribbee islands by thenatives, from a nation of that name, who are bold warriors, and excellentmarksmen with bows and arrows. They poison their arrows with the juice ofa certain herb, and whoever is wounded with these is sure to die, bitinghimself like a mad dog. From thence they went to the principal island inthese parts, named Boriquen by the natives, and St John by the Spaniards;and thence to Hispaniola, or Isabella, where they found all the men deadwhom they had left on returning from the former voyage. Columbus leftmost of his people here to establish a colony, under the command of hisbrothers; and went with two ships to continue his discovery of Cuba andJamaica. All these islands are between 16 and 20 degrees of northernlatitude[6]. While the admiral was sailing in quest of discoveries, hisbrethren and those who were left in Hispaniola, were much incommoded byan insurrection among the savages; and Columbus went back to Spain, togive an account of his proceedings to the king and queen. 

In January 1494, a congress of ambassadors from Spain and Portugal washeld at Tordesillas, for the settlement of all disputes between the twocountries respecting the new discoveries. The plenipotentiaries fromSpain were Don Henry Henriques, Don John de Cardenas, and the DoctorMaldonado; those from Portugal, Ruy de Sosa, his son Don John, and thedoctor Ayres de Almada. After some conference, these plenipotentiariesdivided the world between the two crowns, by a meridian line drawn fromnorth to south, 300 leagues to the west of the islands of Cape Verd, allto the east of this line being appropriated to Portugal, and all to thewest to Spain; leaving, however, the liberty of navigation equally toboth[7]. In 1495, John II. King of Portugal, died, and was succeeded byhis cousin Emanuel. 

In the year 1496, a Venetian named John Cabota, or Gabota, went toEngland; and having acquired a knowledge of the new discoveries, andperceiving by the globe that the islands of the Antilles were almost inthe same latitude with his own country, and lay much nearer to Englandthan Spain and Portugal, he acquainted Henry VII. With this circumstance, and offered his services to make discoveries for the crown of England. Henry was much pleased with the proposal, and furnished him with twoships and three hundred men, with which he set sail in the spring of thatyear, and sailed west till he came in sight of land, in lat. 45°N. Whencehe sailed northwards till he came into the latitude of 60 degrees, wherethe day is 18 hours long, and the night is very clear and bright. Hethere found the air very cold, with great islands of ice, and found nobottom with a line of 100 fathoms. From thence, finding the land turneastwards, he coasted along it, discovering all the bay and river namedDeseado[8], to see if it passed on to the other side of the land. Cabotafterwards sailed down the coast to the lat. Of 38°N. Though some peopleallege that he reached Cape Florida, in 25°N. 

In the year 1497, Columbus was again sent out on discovery, with sixships furnished by the crown of Spain, and two others fitted out at hisown expence. Sending his brother before, he sailed from Cadiz, taking hisson Don Diego along with him. It was then reported, that he meant to takethe island of Madeira, because he distrusted the Frenchmen, and thereforesent three ships thither; others say, that his object was for theCanaries. However this may be, he went with four ships to the Cape deVerd islands, whence he ran along a parallel, finding great rains andcalms, and the first land he came to in the Antilles was an island innine degrees of north latitude, called Trinidada, [9] which lies close tothe main land. Here he entered the Gulf of Paria, and came out by theBocca de Dragone, or Dragons-mouth. Holding his course westwards alongthe coast of Paria, he came to the islands called Los Testigos, or theWitnesses, beyond which is the island of Cubagua, where there is a greatfishing for pearl-muscles, and where also there is a well of rock oil. Beyond that he came to the Frailes islands, named Roques, Aruba, andCuraçoa, and other small islands, along the coast of the main land, andto the point of land named Cabo de Vela, having discovered 200 leagues ofcoast. He thence crossed over the Caribbean Sea, directly north forHispaniola, passing by the island Beata. 

In this same year[10] 1497, on the 20th day of June[11], King Emanuelsent a squadron of three ships for India, commanded by one Vasques deGama, having under his command his brother Paulus de Gama and NicolasCoello, as captains of the other two ships, the whole having a complementof 120 men. They were accompanied by a fourth ship laden with provisions. In fourteen days they reached the island of St Jago, one of the CapeVerds, whence they went along the coast beyond the Cape of Good Hope, erecting pillars of stone in proper places, as marks of discovery andpossession, and came to Mosambique in lat. 15° S. After staying only ashort time there, de Gama went to Mombaza and Melinda, the king of whichlast place gave him pilots, who conducted him to India, in which passagehe discovered Los Baxos do Padua, or the Flats of Padua. In the month ofMay 1498, de Gama came to anchor before the city of Calicut, _andPanama_[12], where they remained till the first day of September, whenthey sailed towards the north, discovering all the coast till they came tothe island of Angediva, on the western side of India, in 15° N. Where theycame to an anchor in the beginning of October. They remained here tillFebruary 1499, when they departed on their voyage homewards; coming firstto Melinda, and so by Mosambique and along the coast to the Cape of GoodHope, and by the islands of Cape de Verd, and lastly to the city of Lisbon, in September of that year, having been absent on their voyage for twenty-six months. 

On the 13th of November 1499, Vincent Yannez Pinzon, who had sailed withColumbus in his first voyage of discovery, and his nephew Aries Pinzon, departed from the port of Palos with four well appointed ships, fittedout at their own cost, having a license from the king of Spain toprosecute discoveries in the new world, but with express orders not totouch anywhere that had been visited by Columbus. Going first to theislands of Cape de Verd, they passed the line and stood over towards thenew world, which they fell in with at Cape St Augustine, in lat. 8° 30' S. Where they carved on the barks of trees the date of their arrival, andthe names of the king and queen of Spain. They had several skirmisheswith the inhabitants of Brazil, but got no advantage. Following the coastwestwards[13], they entered the river named Maria Tambal, by which timethey had made above thirty prisoners. The chief places where they touchedwere Cape St Augustine, Cape St Luke, Tierra de los Humos; the rivers ofMarannon and of the Amazons, and the Rio Dolce, or Sweet river[14], andother places along the coast. At last, being come to 10° N. They lost twoof their ships with their crews, and returned home, after having employedten months and fifteen days in their voyage. 

In March 1500, Pedro Alvarez Cabral sailed from Lisbon with thirteenships for India, being ordered not to go near the coast of Africa, thathe might shorten the voyage. Losing sight of one of his ships, hedeviated from his course in hopes to rejoin it, and sailed till heunexpectedly fell in with the coast of Brazil, where he sent a bark in, search of a safe harbour, which they found in 17° S. And called it PuertoSeguro. From thence they made sail for the Cape of Good Hope and Melinda, whence they crossed over to the river of Cochin, which was not beforeknown. Here they loaded with pepper; and on their return Sancho de Thovardiscovered the city of Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa. 

It is reported, that in the year 1500, one Gaspar Cortereal got a generallicense from King Emanuel to make discoveries in the new world. He fittedout two stout ships at his own cost, from the island of Tercera, andsailed to that part of the new world which is in 50° N. Which has beensince known by his name, and came home in safety to Lisbon. In a secondvoyage, his own immediate vessel was lost, and the other came home. Uponthis, his brother Michael Cortereal went to seek him with three ships, fitted out at his own charges; and finding many creeks and rivers on thecoast, the ships divided for the more effectual search, agreeing thatthey should all meet again at an appointed time and place. The other twoships did so; but after waiting a reasonable rime for Michael Cortereal, it was concluded that he was also lost, on which the other two shipsreturned to Lisbon, and no news was ever afterwards heard of the twobrothers; but the country where they were lost is still called the landof Cortereal[15]. 

In March 1501, John de Nova sailed from Lisbon with four ships for India. In his outward-bound voyage he discovered an island in the Atlantic, inlat. 8° S. To which he gave the name of Ascension[16]. On his return fromIndia, he fell in with another island in the Atlantic in 17° S. Called StHelena, which, though very small, is yet of great importance from itssituation. In the month of May of the same year 1501, three ships weresent from Lisbon by King Emanuel, to make a discovery of the coast ofBrazil, which had been accidentally fallen in with, by Cabral: Passing bythe Canaries, they stopped for refreshments at the town of Bezequiche inthe Cape Verds; and passing southwards from thence beyond the line, theyfell in with Brazil in five degrees of south latitude, at Cape St Roquo, and sailed along the coast southwards, till they reckoned themselves tohave reached 32° S. Finding the weather cold and tempestuous, they turnedback in the month of April 1502, and got to Lisbon In September of thatyear, having been out fifteen months on their voyage. 

In the same year 1502, Alfonso Hojeda went to discover the Terra Firma, and followed its coast till he came to the province of Uraba I7. In 1503, Roderigo Bastidas of Seville went with two caravels at his own cost, tothe Antilles, where he first came to the Isla Verde, or the Green island, close by Guadaloupe; whence he sailed westwards to Santa Martha and Capedo la Vela, and to the Rio Grande or Great river. He afterwardsdiscovered the haven of Zamba, the Coradas, Carthagena, the islands of S. Bernard de Baru, the Islas de Arenas, Isla Fuerta, and the Point ofCaribana, at the end of the Gulf of Uraba, where he had sight of theFarrallones, close by the river of Darien. From Cape de la Vela to thislast place, which is in lat. 9° 40' N. Is 200 leagues. From thence hestood over to Jamaica for refreshments. In Hispaniola he had to lay hisships on the ground to repair their bottoms, because a certain species ofworms had eaten many holes in the planks. In this voyage Bastidasprocured _four hundred marks_[18] of gold; though the people were verywarlike, and used poisoned arrows. 

In the same year 1502, Columbus entered upon his fourth voyage ofdiscovery, with four ships, taking with him his son Don Ferdinando. Theparticular object of this voyage, by command of King Ferdinand, was to lookout for the strait which was supposed to penetrate across the continentof the new world, and by which a route to India by the west was expectedto be discovered. He sailed by Hispaniola and Jamaica to the river Azua, Cape Higueras, the Gamares islands, and to Cape Honduras, which signifiesthe Cape of the Depths. From thence he sailed eastwards to Cape Garcias aDios, and discovered the province and river of Veragua, the Rio Grande, and others, which the Indians call Hienra. Thence to the river ofCrocodiles, now called Rio de Chagres, which rises near the South Sea, within four leagues of Panama, and runs into the Caribbean Sea. He wentnext to the Isle of Bastimentos, or of Provisions, and after that toPorto Bello; thence to Nombre de Dios and Rio Francisco, and the harbourof Retreat. Then to the Gulf of Cabesa Cattiva, the islands of Caperosaand Cape Marmora; having discovered two hundred leagues along the coast. He thence returned to the island of Cuba, and from that to Jamaica, wherehe laid his ships aground, on account of their bottoms being much eatenby the worms. 

On the tenth of February 1S02, Don Vasques de Gama, now admiral, sailedfrom Lisbon for India, with nineteen or twenty caravels. On the last dayof February he reached Cape de Verd, whence he went to Mosambique, andwas the first who crossed over from thence to India. In this passage hediscovered the islands of Amirante, in four degrees of south latitude. Having taken in a cargo of pepper and drugs, de Gama returned to Lisbon, leaving Vincent Sodre to keep the coast of India, with four stout ships. These were the first of the Portuguese who navigated the coast of ArabiaFelix, which is so barren, that the inhabitants are forced to supporttheir camels and other cattle on dried fish. The sea on that coast is soabundant in fish, that the cats are in use to take them. One Antonio deSaldania is reported to have discovered Socotora, formerly named Coradis, and the Cape of Guardafu in 1503. 

In 1504, Roderigo de Bastidas, formerly mentioned, with the aid of Johnde Ledesma, and others of Seville, fitted out two ships, and taking Johnde Cosa as his pilot, went on discovery to the Terra Firma of America, where Carthagena now stands. He is said to have here met with Lewis de laGuerra, and they in conjunction landed in the island of Codego, wherethey made prisoners of 600 savages. Going a little farther along thecoast, they entered the Gulf of Uraba, where they found sand mingled withgold, being the first of that kind which was brought to Spain. Fromthence they sailed for St Domingo, loaded with slaves, but almostfamished for want of victuals, as the natives refused to traffic withthem for any. In the end of this year Isabella, queen of Castile, died. While she lived, no subject of Arragon, Catalonia, Valencia, or any otherof the provinces, depending on her husband King Ferdinand, was allowed tosail to any of the newly-discovered countries; but only her own subjectsof Castile and Biscay, by whom all these lands were discovered; exceptingonly such of her husbands subjects as might be in a servile capacity toher own, or a few that could procure special licenses. 

In 1505, on the twenty-fifth of March, Francisco de Almeida, the viceroyof India, sailed from Lisbon with a fleet of twenty-two sail. On his wayto India, he stopped at Quiloa, where he built a fort, appointing PeterFereira to command it. From beyond Melinda he passed over to the islandof Anguediva, of which he appointed Emanuel Passavia to be captain. Hebuilt a fort also at Cananor, of which he gave the command to Laurence deBrito; and one at Cochin, which was given in charge to Alphonso deNoronha. This year likewise, Peter de Anahay built a fort at Sofala, ofwhich he was made captain. In the latter end of this year the viceroycommanded his son Laurenço to go to the islands of Maldivia. Beating upagainst contrary winds, he arrived at these islands which in ancienttimes were called Traganæ[19], but Ytterubenero by the Moors, and by usCeilan. Here he went on shore, and entered into treaty with the people, and returned to Cochin. In the middle of this island there is a high rock, having the print of a mans foot, said to have been that of Adam when heascended to heaven, which the Indians hold in great reverence. 

In 1506, after the death of Isabella, King Philip and Queen Joan came totake possession of the crown of Castile, and. King Ferdinand retired intohis own dominions of Arragon. In that same year Philip died, andFerdinand resumed the government, giving license to all Spaniards to goto the new discovered countries; but not allowing the Portuguese to gothere. In this year, likewise, Christopher Columbus died, in the month ofMay, and was succeeded in his dignities by his son Don Diego. 

In March 1506, Tristan de Acunha and Alphonso de Albuquerque went toIndia with fourteen ships, and refreshed by the way at Bezequiche, in theCape de Verd islands. Before reaching the Cape of Good Hope theydiscovered certain islands, in 37° S. Which are now called the islands ofTristan de Acunha. During this voyage, the fleet was dispersed by atempest, and Alvaro Teliz ran so far that he came to Sumatra, whence hereturned to Cape Guardafu, having discovered many islands, seas, andcountries, not known before that time to the Portuguese. At the same time, Emanuel Telez de Meneses was driven on the outside of the great island ofSt Lawrence, or Madagascar, and having surveyed its coasts, came toMosambique, where he met with Tristan de Acunha, who was the firstcaptain that wintered there. Meneses, having reported that there wasplenty of ginger, cloves, and silver in Madagascar, was sent back there, and traversed a considerable part of the island; but not finding anything of value, returned to Mosambique, whence he went to Melinda, andBrava, and thence to Socotora, where he built a fort, of which heappointed one Antonio de Noronha to be captain. In 1507, Tristan deAcunha returned to Europe, and Alphonso de Albuquerque remained in Indiawith five or six ships, to keep the command of the sea. In the course ofthat year or the next, Albuquerque stood over to discover the coast ofArabia, which he explored, and doubled the Cape of Rosalgate, which isunder the tropic of Cancer. 

In 1509, Diego Lopez de Sequiera went from Lisbon for India with fourships; and stopping at the island of Madagascar was almost a year on hisvoyage. Arriving at Cochin in the month of May, the viceroy gave himanother ship, in which he went to Malacca in September passing betweenthe islands of Nicubar and many others. He went also to Sumatra; to thecities of Pedir and Pacem; and all along that coast to the island ofPuloreira, and the fiats of Capacia; thence he stood over to the city ofMalacca, in lat. 2° N. Where the people took and slew some of his men. After this he returned to Cochin, having discovered five hundred leaguesin this voyage. The island of Sumatra is the first land in which we knewof mens flesh being eaten, by certain people in the mountains calledBacas, who gild their teeth. In their opinion the flesh of the blacks issweeter than that of the whites. The flesh of the oxen, kine, and hens inthat country is as black as ink. A people is said to dwell in thatcountry, called _Daraqui-Dara_, having tails like sheep[20]. There arelikewise springs of rock oil or bitumen. In the kingdom of Pedir, likewise, there is said to be a river of oil; which is not to be wonderedat, as we are assured there is also a well of oil in Bactria. It isfurther said that there is a tree in that country, the juice of which isa strong poison if it touch a mans blood; but if drank, it is a sovereignantidote against poison. They have here also certain gold coins, calleddrachms, brought, as they say, into their country by the Romans[21], which seems to have some resemblance to truth, because beyond thatcountry there are no gold coins. 

In 1508, Alphonso de Hojeda went with the license of King Ferdinand, butat his own charges, to conquer the province of Darien, in the Terra Firmaof the new world. Landing in the country of Uraba, he called it Castiliadel Oro, or Golden Castile, because of the gold found in the sand alongits coast. He went first from the city of San Domingo, in Hispaniola, with four ships and three hundred soldiers, leaving behind him thebachelor Anciso, who afterwards compiled a book of these discoveries. Hewas followed by a fourth ship with provisions and ammunition, and areinforcement of 150 Spaniards. Hojeda landed at Carthagena, where thenatives took, slew, and devoured seventy of his men, by which his forcewas much weakened. Some time after but in the same year, Diego de Niquesafitted out seven ships in the port of Beata, intending to go to Veraguawith 800 men; but coming to Carthegana, where he found Hojeda muchweakened by his losses, they joined their forces, and avenged themselvesof the natives. In this voyage Niquesa discovered the coast called Nombrede Dios, and went into the sound of Darien, on the river Pito, which henamed Puerto de Misas. Coming to Veragua, Hojeda went on shore with hissoldiers, and built there the town of Caribana, as a defence against theCaribbees; being the first town built by the Spaniards on the continentof the new world. He also built another at Nombre de Dios, and called itNuestra Seniora de la Antigua. A town was built at Uraba, in whichFrancis Pisarro was left with the command, who was there much annoyed bythe natives. They likewise built other towns, the names of which I omit. In this enterprize the Spaniards did not meet with the success theyexpected. 

In 1509, Don Diego Columbus, the second admiral of New Spain, went to theisland of Hispaniola with his wife and household; and she, being a noblewoman, carried with her many ladies of good families, who were theremarried; by which means the Spaniards began to multiply in their newcolony, and Hispaniola became famous and much frequented. Columbuslikewise reduced Cuba into order, and took measures for its colonization, where he placed one Diego Velasques as his lieutenant, who hadaccompanied his father in his second voyage of discovery. 

In April 1511, Alphonso de Albuquerque went to Malacca from Cochin; andfinding certain Chinese about to return from Malacca into their owncountry, he sent a Portuguese along with them, named Duarte Fernandes, with letters for the king of the Mantias, now called Siam. They passedthrough the Straits of Cincapura, and sailed northwards along the coastof Patane to the city of Cuy, and thence to Odia, the chief city of thekingdom, in 14° N. [22]. The king of this country received Duarte withgreat honour, as he was the first Portuguese who had been in these parts, and sent back ambassadors along with him to Albuquerque. They travelledoverland to the westwards, till they came to Tanacerim, on the Bay ofBengal, in 12° N. Where they embarked in two ships and sailed to Malacca. The inhabitants of Siam, through which they travelled, eat of all kindsof beasts, and even of what we repute to be vermin. The people of thiscountry are reputed the most virtuous and honest of any in those parts ofthe world, and pride themselves much on their poverty and chastity; yethave a strange practice of carrying round bells within their foreskins, which is not permitted to the king and priests. They do not rear anypoultry or pigeons about their houses. The kingdom is 250 leagues inlength and 80 in breadth[23]. 

Elephants are so numerous in this country, that on going to war, the kingis said to carry 30, 000 into the field, besides others which are left inthe several garrisons. This king has great pride in the possession of awhite elephant, having red eyes, which glare like a flame of fire. Inthis country there is a certain species of small vermin, which attachesitself to the trunks of the elephants, to suck their blood, by which manyelephants die. The skull of this insect[24] is so hard as to beimpenetrable to a musket shot. They have on their livers the figures ofmen and women, which the natives call Toketa, resembling a mandrake; andit is affirmed, that whoever has one of these about him cannot be killedby an iron weapon. They have also wild kine in this country, in the headsof which certain stones are found, which have the virtue to bring goodfortune to merchants. 

After the return of Duarte Fernandes from Siam, Albuquerque sent a knightnamed Ruy Nunnez de Acunha, as ambassador to the king of the Sequies, thecountry we now call Pegu. He went in a junk of the country, passing CapeRachado, and thence to the city of Pera, on the river Salano, on whichriver are many other villages, where Duarte had been before; and heafterwards went by Tanaçerim to the city of Martavan, in 15° N. And thecity of Pegu in 17° N. This was the first Portuguese who travelled inthat kingdom, and who brought back a good account of the country andpeople. 

In the end of 1511, Albuquerque sent three ships to the islands of Bandaand Molucca, under command of Antonio de Breu and Francis Serrano, withan hundred and twenty men. Passing through the Straits of Saban, andalong the island of Sumatra, and other islands on their left, named theSalites, they came to the islands of Palimbang and Lu-Suparam, whencethey sailed by the noble island of Java, and eastwards between it and theisland of Madura. In this last island the men are strong and warlike, andcare little for their lives, even their women going out to war. Thesepeople are almost continually engaged in war and mutual slaughter, likethe Mocos, and seem to place their only delight in bloodshed. Beyond Javathey came to another island called Bali, and afterwards to Avajave, Sambaba, Solor, Galao, Malva, Vitara, Rosalanguin, and Arus; whence arebrought beautiful birds, in much estimation on account of theirfeathers[25]. Beyond these islands they came to numbers of others, lyingin 7 or 8 degrees of south latitude, all so close together as to appearlike one entire mainland, and stretching near 500 leagues in length. Theancient cosmographers describe all these islands by one general name, the_Javos_; but more recent knowledge has found that they have all separatenames. Beyond these, and more to the north, there are other islands, whichare inhabited by a whiter people, clothed in shirts, doublets, andtrowsers, something like the Portuguese dress, and who also have silvermoney. Their magistrates carry red staves in their hands, as badges ofcommand, and seem to have some affinity in this respect with the people ofChina. There are other islands in these parts, or which the inhabitantsare red; and it is reported they are the same people with the Chinese. 

De Breu went northwards to the small island of Gumnape or Ternate, fromthe highest part of which flakes or streams like fire fell continuallyinto the sea. He went thence to the islands of Burro and Amboyna, andcame to anchor in the haven of Guliguli, where, in a village near a river, they found dead men hanging up in the houses, as the people are cannibals. Here they burnt the ship of Serrano, as she was old and rotten; and goingto a place on the other side of the island, in 8° S. They loaded cloves, nutmegs, and mace, in a junk or barque, which Serrano bought. It is said, that in an island not far from Banda, there are immense quantities ofsnakes, especially in a cave in the centre of the island. The same issaid of Formentera, in the Mediterranean, anciently Ophiusa, betweenMajorca and Minorca. On their return from Banda towards Malacca, in 1512, Francis Serrano perished with his junk on the flats called Baxos deLuçapinho, nine or ten of the Portuguese crew escaping to the island ofMindanao, who were sent for by the kings of the Moluccas. These were thefirst of the Portuguese who came to the Islands of Cloves, which are inlat. 1° N. And they remained there seven or eight years. Some Portugueseand princes of the Moors once endeavoured to go near that part of theisle of Ternate which throws out fire, but could not accomplish it. ButAntonio Galvano accomplished this enterprise, and found a spring so coldthat he could not bear his hand in the water, nor suffer any of it in hismouth, though almost directly under the line. 

In these Molucca islands, there are certain men who have spurs on theirancles like cocks; and I was told by the king of Tidore, that in theislands of Batochina, there are people with tails, who have a lactiferousnipple on the scrotum. There are small hens also in these parts, many ofwhich are black in the flesh, and lay their eggs, larger than those ofducks, in holes above nine feet under ground. They have likewise hogswith horns, and excellent talking parrots, which they call _Noris_. Thereis also a river so very hot that it takes off the skin of any livingcreature that bathes in its waters, and yet contains living fish. Theircrabs are very sweet to eat, yet their claws are so strong that they willbreak the iron of a pickax; and there are small hairy crabs in the seawhich are rank poison, as whoever eats of them immediately dies. In theseseas are certain oysters, called _Bras_, having shells of so great size, that they might serve as fonts for baptizing children. In these seasthere are certain living stones, which grow and increase like plants, ofwhich excellent lime may be made by burning in the usual manner, whentaken fresh from the sea; but, if allowed to remain long in the air, itloses all its strength, and will not afterwards burn into line. There isa tree which bears flowers only at sunset, which fell off immediatelywhen blown. There is likewise a certain fruit, whereof if a woman who hasconceived shall eat, the child by and by moves. There is, farther, acertain herb which followeth the sun, and removes after it, which is astrange and marvellous thing. 

In 1512, while on the voyage from Malacca to Goa, the ship in whichAlbuquerque embarked was lost. Simon de Andrada and a few Portuguese weredriven among the Maldivia islands, where they remained till they learntthe fate of the viceroy. These islands are low, small, and very numerous, and are full of palm trees, or _Cocoas_, which are good against all kindsof poison. 

In this year 1512, John de Solis, a native of Lisbon, and chief pilot toKing Ferdinand, went from Spain by license to discover the coast ofBrazil. Following the course of the Pinsons, he went to Cape St Augustine, and thence sailed along the whole coast to the harbour of De Lagoa; andin lat. 35° S. He discovered a river called Parana-guaçu, or the GreatRiver, and from signs of silver he gave it the name of Rio de la Plata, or the River of Silver. It is even said that he went farther at this time;and returning into Spain, gave an account of his discovery to KingFerdinand, from whom he demanded and obtained leave to colonize thecountry, and received the appointment of governor. On this he providedthree ships, and returned to that country in 1515, but was slain by thenatives. The family of de Solis produced several great discoveries inthese parts[26]. 

In the same year 1512, John Ponce de Leon, who had been governor of theisland of St John in the Antilles, armed two ships, with which he went insearch of the island of Boyuca, where it was reported there was a springwhich made old men young again; but after searching for six months hecould not find it. In 25° N. He discovered a point of the continent uponEaster-day, which he called the country of Florida; and because heexpected the land would yield gold and silver, he begged it from KingFerdinand, but died in the discovery of the country, as many had donebefore. 

In the year 1513, Vasco Nunnes de Valboa, or Balboa, hearing of the_South Seas_, determined to go thither; and being a man of courage, though strongly dissuaded by several of his company, he marched on theenterprize with 290 men. Leaving Darien on the first of September, andtaking some Indians along with him as guides, he marched directly acrossthe isthmus, sometimes without opposition, and having at other times tofight his way. In a certain place called Careca, he found some negroeswith curled hair, who were captives among the Indians. At length, on the25th of the same month of September, being the festival of St Michael, hecame in sight of the South Sea: He there embarked in a canoe, muchagainst the will of _Chiapes_, the cacique of that part of the coast, whoendeavoured to persuade him that the navigation was very dangerous; buthe persisted in his design, that he might be the first who had navigatedthis new discovered sea, and came back in safety. He returned thence toDarien, bringing with him a good store of gold, silver, and pearls, whichhe had taken during the march; and for this good service, he was muchhonoured and favoured by King Ferdinand. 

In February 1513, Alphonsus de Albuquerque went from Goa towards theStraits of Mecca with twenty ships, and arriving at the city of Aden, battered it with his cannon, and passing the Straits entered the Red Sea, and wintered at the island of Camaran. This was the _first_ Portuguesecaptain who gave an account of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, whichare of great importance in regard to trade. 

In May 1514, Pedro Arias de Avila was sent out from St Lucar, as governorof Castilia del Oro, or the Golden Castile, for so the Spaniards namedthe countries of Darien, Carthagena, and Uraba. He carried with himfifteen hundred men and seven ships; and Vasco Nunnes de Balboa, whodiscovered the South Seas, was sent out at the same time as admiral ofthe coasts of that newly discovered sea. In the beginning of the year1515, de Avila sent Gaspar Morales with 150 men to the Gulf of St Michael, to discover the islands of Tararequi[27], Chiapes, and Tumaccus. Acacique, the friend of Balboa, gave him many canoes, or boats made of onetree, with which they passed to the Isle of Pearls, where they were atfirst resisted; but Chiapes and Tumaccus pacified the cacique of thatisland, who submitted himself, and received baptism, taking the name ofthe governor, Pedro Arias, and presented Morales with a basket of pearlsweighing 110 pounds, some of which were as large as hazel nuts, weighing20, 25, 26, and even 31 carats, each of four grains; and one of thesepearls was sold for 1200 ducats. In March 1515, de Avila sent Gonsalva deBadajos, with 80 soldiers, to discover new lands, who went to Nombre deDios, where he was joined by Lewis de Mercado with a reinforcement of 50men. They resolved to proceed to the south, as the richest country; andtaking some Indians as guides, they found some slaves along the coastmarked with the irons used by the Portuguese. They marched a considerableway through the country with much difficulty, but made a considerablebooty in gold, and took forty serviceable slaves. But a caçique, namedPariza, attacked them and slew or took most of the party. After this thegovernor sent out his son, John Arias de Avila, to be revenged and toexplore the country. This party went westwards to Cape de Guerra, inlittle more than 6° N. And thence to Punta de Borica, and to Cape Blanco, in 8° 30' N. Having, as they affirm, discovered 250 leagues; and besidesthis they founded the city of Panama. 

In the month of May 1515, Alphonsus de Albuquerque, the Portugueseviceroy of India, sent Fernando Gomes de Limos from Ormus, as ambassadorto the Xec or Shah Ismael, king of Persia; and it is said they travelled300 leagues through a country as pleasant as France. This Xec, or ShahIsmael, went much a-hunting, and was fond of trout fishing, which areabundant in the rivers of his kingdom. The women of Persia are the mostbeautiful in the world; insomuch that Alexander the Great used to callthem the _golden-eyed women_. In this year died the viceroy Alphonsus deAlbuquerque, who was succeeded by Lopez Suares. 

In 1516, Fernando Perez de Andrada was commanded by the king of Portugalto pass to the great kingdom of China and likewise to Bengala, with adispatch to John Coelo, who was the first Portuguese who drank of thewaters of the Ganges. In April 1517, Andrada took in a loading of pepperat Cochin, as the principal merchandize for sale in China, for whichcountry he sailed with eight ships, four Portuguese and four Malayans. Onhis arrival in China, finding he could not be allowed to land without anembassy, he dispatched Thomas Perez, with instructions for that purpose, from the city of Canton, where they came to anchor. The embassy travelled400 leagues by land to the city of Pekin, where the king resided; forChina is the largest kingdom in the world. From Sailana in the south, which is in 20° N. It reaches to the latitude almost of 50° N. Which mustbe 500 leagues in length, and it is said to be 300 leagues in breadth[28]. Fernando Perez was fourteen months in the isle of Veniaga, endeavouringto acquire as much knowledge as he could of the country; and although oneRaphael Perestrello had formerly been there, in a junk belonging to somemerchants of Malacca, yet Perez certainly deserves the merit of thisdiscovery; as well because he acted by the command of the king his master, as in discovering so much by land by means of Thomas Perez, and by seathrough George Mascarenhas, who sailed to the city of Foquiam, in 24° N. 

In the year 1517, in which Charles, afterwards emperor, came into Spain, Francis Fernandes de Cordova, Christopher Morantes, and Lopez Ochoa, armed three ships from Cuba, at their own expence, having also with thema barque belonging to the governor Diego Velasques, with which they cameto land in Jucutan, in 20° N. At a place which they called Punta de lasDuennas, which was the first place in which temples and houses of stoneand lime had been seen in the new world. The people here, who were betterclothed than in any other place, had crosses which they worshipped, andset upon the tombs of their dead, whence it appeared as if they hadformerly been in the faith of Christ; and some suppose that this had beenthe situation of the _seven cities_. In this expedition they were uponthe north coast of Jucutan, being the first discovery of New Spain, orMexico; and they returned thence to Cuba with some samples of gold, andsome prisoners. 

In the year 1518[29], Lopez Suares commanded Don John de Silveira to goand make peace with the Maldive islands, which he did accordingly. Fromthence Silveira went to the city of Chatigam, or Chittigong, on one ofthe mouths of the Ganges, under the tropic of Cancer; for it is to benoted, that this river, and the Indus, which lies 100 leagues beyond Diu, and the river of Canton in China, all fall into the sea under oneparallel of latitude. Although, before this period, Fernando Perez hadbeen commanded to sail to Bengal, yet Silveira must be looked upon as theactual discoverer of that country; for he went as captain-general, andremained there long, making himself acquainted with the manners of thepeople, and the commodities of the country. 

In the same year 1518[30], Diego Velasquez, governor of the island ofCuba, dispatched his nephew, John de Grisalva, on the first of May, withfour ships and two hundred soldiers, to discover Jucutan. On the 3d ofMay, he fell in with the island of Cozumel, in 19° north latitude, whichhe named Santa Cruz, because discovered on the 3d of May, being theanniversary of the holy cross. Grisalva coasted along the land, on thewest side of the bay of Honduras, and came to an island, which he namedAscension, because discovered on Ascension day. They went unto the end ofthat island, in 16° of latitude, whence they came back, finding nopassage[31], and proceeded to a river in lat. 17° N. Which they calledthe river of Grisalva. They were boldly opposed by the people on thiscoast; yet they brought thence some gold, silver, and feathers, andreturned to Cuba. In the same year, Francis Garay fitted out three shipsfrom Jamaica at his own expence, and went to Cape Florida, in lat. 25° N. Which seemed a most pleasant island; and thinking it better to peopleislands than the firm land, because more easily conquered and kept undersubjection, he went on land; but the inhabitants of Florida killed agreat many of his people, and he was forced to re-embark and go away. Sailing from thence he came to the river of Panuco, 500 leagues from CapeFlorida, sailing all the way along the coast, and endeavouring to land invarious places, but the natives repulsed him in every place. Many of hispeople were killed and eaten by the savages in Chila, the natives hangingup their skins in the temples of their gods, as a memorial of their ownvalour. Yet Garay visited this place next year, as he had seen someindications of gold and silver, and even applied to the emperor to beappointed governor of the coast he had discovered. In February 1519[32], Fernando Cortez sailed from Cuba for the country now called New Spain, with eleven ships and 550 Spaniards. He landed first in the island ofCozumel, where he immediately destroyed all the idols, and plantedcrosses and images of the Virgin on all the altars. From thence he wentto the Cabo de las Duennas, on the peninsula of Yucatan, and thence tothe river of Tabasco, where he attacked a city called Potoncion. Thisplace was surrounded with wood; the houses were built of stone and lime, and roofed with tiles, and the people resisted the assailants manfully;but St James appeared on horseback to the assistance of the Spaniards, and they took the place. This, as the first town subdued by them on thecontinent, they named Vittoria. From thence they went to a place named StJuan de Vilhua, said to be 60 or 70 leagues from Mexico, where oneTendilli was governor for King Muteçuma. Though the Spaniards and hecould not understand each other, yet Tendilli gave them goodentertainment. Cortes had twenty women along with his expedition, one ofwhom, named Marine, was born in the country of the Indians, and was thefirst native of New Spain who received baptism. She and Anguilar servedas interpreters between Cortes and the natives. Tendilli sent immediateintelligence to Muteçuma, that there had arrived in his country a beardedpeople, for so they called the Castilians. On the reception of this news, Muteçuma was greatly troubled, for his gods, or devils rather, hadrevealed that a people of the description of these Spaniards was tooverthrow his law and dominion, and to become lords of the country;wherefore Muteçuma sent gifts to the value of twenty thousand ducats toCortes, but refused any interview. 

As the ships could not ride in safety at St Juan de Vilhua, Cortes sentFrancis de Montejo, and the pilot Antonio Alaminos, in two brigantines, to look out for a safe anchorage. They went to Panuco, in lat. 23° N. Whence they came back to Culvacan as a safer harbour. But Cortes went byland westwards to a city named Zempoallan, where he was well received. From thence he went to Chiavitztlan, with the lord of which town, and ofall the surrounding country, he entered into a league against Muteçuma. On the arrival of his ships at the appointed haven, he went there andbuilt a town, which he named _Villa rica de la Vera Cruz_. From thence hesent a vessel to Spain with presents, and a letter to the Emperor CharlesV. Giving an account of his proceedings, and of his determination tovisit Muteçuma, and soliciting a commission as governor of thecountry[33]. 

Before proceeding on his march to Mexico, Cortes destroyed all his ships, lest his men might mutiny, as they seemed disposed; and leaving 150Spaniards in Vera Cruz, with as many Indians to serve them, he began hismarch. Going first to Zempoallan, he learnt that Francis Garay was on thecoast with four ships, and he contrived to inveigle nine of his men, fromwhom he understood that Garay, who had been in Florida, was now at theriver Panuco, where he had got some gold, and meant to remain and build atown, now called Almeria. Cortes destroyed the idols of Zempoallan, andoverthrew the tombs of their kings, whom the people worshipped as gods, and exhorted them to worship the true God. He set out from Zempoallan forMexico on the 16th of August 1519, and after three days march came to thecity of Zalapan, and thence to another named Sicuchimatl; at both ofwhich places he was well received, and was offered to be conducted toMexico, such being the orders of Muteçuma. Going from thence he ascendeda hill three leagues high, on which vines were seen growing; and inanother place he saw above a thousand load of wood ready cut. Beyond thishe passed a plain country, which he named Nombre de Dios. At the foot ofthis mountain, he rested his troops at a place called Teuhixuacan; whence, through a desert country, he came to another mountain, which was coveredwith snow and excessively cold, and where the troops rested in a townnamed Zacotlan. Marching thus from town to town, he arrived at aterritory called Tlaxcallan, which was at war with Muteçuma; and as thepeople were valiant, they fought against Cortes; but at length theyagreed, and formed a league with him against the Mexicans. 

Thus, from country to country, he came at length within sight of Mexico;and Muteçuma, being afraid, received him kindly, giving him and all hispeople lodgings in the capital, and all things necessary. After a time, fearing to be slain, Cortes made Muteçuma prisoner, and brought him tohis own quarters, keeping him under a secure guard. Cortes inquired atMuteçuma the extent of his dominions, where the mines of gold and silverwere, and the number of kings who dwelt in the land. And joining eightintelligent Spaniards with an equal number of Indians, he sent them, infour companies, to travel into four separate countries, Zucolla, Malinaltepec, Tenich, and Tututepec. The messengers to Zucolla had 80leagues to travel, and those who went to Malinaltepec 70; both of whichprovinces were under subjection to Muteçuma: they found both of thesecountries fertile and well peopled, and they brought back samples of gold, which the natives found in the rivers. The country of Tenich was at warwith Muteçuma, and would not admit the Mexicans into their country; butthey sent ambassadors to Cortes with presents, offering him their amity, at which Muteçuma was much displeased. Those who went to Tututepec, nearthe South Sea, brought back samples of gold, and praised the pleasantnessof the country; reporting that there were many good harbours on the coast, and they presented to Cortes a beautiful cloth of cotton, on which thecoast, with all its harbours and creeks, was distinctly represented. Butat this time, by the coming of Pamphilus de Narvaez, the whole kingdom ofMexico was thrown into confusion. 

On the 10th August 1519, Fernando de Magellanes went from Seville withfive ships, on a voyage for the islands of, Malacca[34]. Going along thecoast of Brazil, he came to the Rio Plata, which had been previouslydiscovered by the Spaniards. Thence prosecuting his voyage of discovery, he came to Port St Julians, in lat. 49° S. Where he lost one of his ships. With the remaining four he came to the straits named after himself, in52° 80' S. And wintered in that place, where he and his people enduredmuch distress from snow and ice, and extreme cold. They found the peopleof the country of extraordinary stature and great strength, insomuch thatthey took men by the legs, and rent them asunder as easily as one of uscould tear a hen in two. These people, named _Pataganes_, but called_Morcas_ by the Brazilians, live on fruits and by the produce of thechase. In the beginning of September of the following year, 1520, theweather became somewhat temperate, and leaving Port St Julian, Magellaneswent to the straits which now bear his name; whence one of the shipsreturned to Spain, of which Stephen de Porto, a Portuguese, was captainand pilot. The other three passed through into a vast sea called the_Pacific_; where they found no inhabited land till they arrived in lat. 13° N. When they came to certain islands named _Los Jardines_. Theysailed thence to the archipelago of St Lazarus, where, in an island named_Matan_, Magellanes was slain and his ship burnt. The remaining two shipswent to Borneo, and thence to the Moluccas, leaving many othersdiscovered, which I do not mention, because I have not seen any exactaccount of this voyage[35]. 

About this time Pope Leo X. Sent Paulus Centurio on an embassy to thegreat duke of Muscovy, requiring him to send an army along the coast ofTartary into India; and the duke was almost persuaded to have made theattempt, if certain inconveniencies had not hindered[36]. 

In February 1520, Diego Lopez de Sequeira, governor of India, sailed bythe strait of Mecca[37], carrying with him the ambassador of Prester Johnand Roderigo de Lima, who was sent ambassador to that prince. They cameto the island of Maçua or Massoua, on the African shore of the Red Sea, in lat. 17° N. Where the ambassadors and their Portuguese attendants wereset on shore. Peter de Covillan had been sent there formerly by John II. Of Portugal; but the best account of that country was furnished byFrancis Alvarez. 

In this year 1520, the licentiate Lucas Vasques de Aillon, and others ofSt Domingo, sent two ships to procure slaves at the Lucayos or Bahamaislands; but finding none there, they passed on along the continent, beyond Florida, to certain countries called Chicora and Gualdape, and tothe river Jordan and Cape St Helena, in lat. 32° N. [38]. The Spaniardslanded here, and were hospitably received by the natives, who furnishedthem with every thing they needed: but, having inveigled many of theunsuspecting natives on board their ships, they carried them away forslaves. In their way back to St Domingo, one of these vessels was lost, and the other was in great danger. On learning the news of this discovery, the licentiate Aillon made application to the emperor for the governmentof that country, where he expected to find much wealth, and received theappointment. 

About this time, learning the success of Cortes in Mexico, and that hehad applied to the emperor for the commission of governor, DiegoVelasques, governor of Cuba, who considered that it ought to belong tohim, fitted out an armament of eighteen ships, under the command ofPamphilus de Narvaez, already mentioned, with a thousand men and eightyhorses, whom he sent to Mexico in order to supersede Cortes. Landing inthe neighbourhood of Vera Cruz, he sent an order to the garrison toreceive him as governor; but they made his messenger prisoner, and senthim to Cortes, then at Mexico. On this Cortes wrote to Narvaez, desiringhim not to raise any disturbance in the country, and offering to submitto his authority if he held a commission from the emperor. But Narvaezcorrupted the people of the country; upon which Cortes went from Mexico, and took Narvaez prisoner in the town of Zempoallan, putting out one ofhis eyes. After this the soldiers of Narvaez submitted to Cortes; whodetached two hundred soldiers to the river of Garay or Panuco, and asimilar detachment under John Vasquez de Leon to Cosualco. He sentlikewise a messenger to Mexico with an account of his victory; but thenatives, having risen in rebellion, killed his messenger. 

Cortes now set forwards on his return to Mexico, with one thousand footsoldiers and two thousand horsemen, and found Peter de Alvarado and thegarrison he had left in Mexico in charge of Muteçuma, in safety. But theMexicans continued their insurrection, and on one occasion Muteçuma waskilled by a stone thrown by one of his own subjects. They then electedanother king, and the Spaniards were forced to evacuate the city withgreat difficulty and danger. Driven out of Mexico, and having only 504footmen and 40 horse remaining, Cortes retired with much difficulty toTlaxcallan, where he was well received. He here mustered a force of 900Spanish infantry and 80 cavalry, and gathered 200, 000 Indians among thefriends and allies whom he had secured, enemies of the Mexicans, andmarched back to Mexico, which he took in August 1521[39]. 

In October 1521, Cortes sent 200 foot and 35 horse, with a number of hisIndian allies, under the command of Gonsalo de Sandoval, againstTochtepec and Coazacoalco, which had rebelled, and which Sandoval reducedto obedience. To retain this country under subjection, he built a towncalled _Medelin_, 120 leagues from Mexico, and another named _SantoSpirito_, on a river four leagues from the sea[40]. In this year 1521, died Emanuel, king of Portugal, and was succeeded by his son, John III. 

In this same year, one of Magellan's ships sailed from Malacca with aloading of cloves. They victualled at the island of Burro, and went fromthence to Timor, in lat. 11° S. [41]. Beyond this island, about 100leagues, they came to other islands, all inhabited, one of which wascalled _Eude_. Passing on the outside of Sumatra, they found no land tillthey arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, where they took in wood and water;and sailing thence by the islands of Cabo Verde, they arrived at Seville, where they were received with great honour, both on account of theirvaluable cargo of cloves, and because they had circumnavigated the wholeworld[42]. 

In January 1522, Gil Gonzales fitted out four ships from Tararequi, onthe South Sea, intending to discover the coast of Nicaragua, andespecially to search for a strait or passage, which was said tocommunicate between the South and North Seas. Sailing along the coast, hecame to a harbour which he named St Vincent, where he landed with 100Spaniards, some of whom had horses, and penetrated 200 leagues inland, whence he brought back to the value of 200 pesoes in gold. On his returnto the harbour of St Vincent, he found his pilot, Andrew Nigno, who hadbeen to Tecoantepec, in lat. 16° N. And had sailed 300 leagues. Fromthence Gonzales returned to Panama, and so overland to Hispaniola[43]. 

In April 1522, the Trinity, commanded by Gonzala Gomez de Espinosa, another of the ships of Magellan, sailed from Tidore for New Spain. And, as the wind was scanty, they steered towards the N. E. In lat. 16° N. Where they found two islands, which they named the Islands of St John. Inlat. 20° N. They came to another island, which they called _la Griega_, where some of the simple natives came on board, whom they kept to shew inNew Spain. Continuing their course to the N. E. For four months, theycame into lat. 42° N. Where they saw numbers of seals, and tunnies; andthe climate appeared to them so cold and inhospitable, that partly onthat account, and partly owing to contrary winds, they returned towardsTidore, having been the first Spaniards who had been in so high anorthern latitude in these seas. On their return to Tidore, they foundone Antonio de Britto employed in building a fortress, who took theirgoods from them, and sent forty-eight of them prisoners to Malacca[44]. 

In the same year 1522, Cortes was desirous to possess some harbours onthe South Sea, on purpose to open a trade with Malacca, Banda, Java, andthe other spice islands. For this purpose he sent four Spaniards withIndian guides to Tecoantepec, Quahatemallan, and other harbours, wherethey were well received, and whence they brought back some of the nativesto Mexico. These people were much caressed by Cortes; who afterwards sentten pilots to examine the coast, but they could find no good harbour, after a survey of seventy leagues. A cacique, named; Cuchadaquir, usedthem hospitably, and sent two hundred of his people to Cortes withpresents of gold and silver; and the people of Tecoantepec did the same. Not long afterwards, this friendly cacique sent to Cortes, requesting aidagainst his neighbours, who warred against him. Cortes accordingly, inthe year 1523, sent Peter de Alvarado to his assistance, with 200 footand 40 horse, who built a town called St Jago, in which he left agarrison. The caciques of Tecoantepec and Quahutemallan inquired atAlvarado concerning certain _sea monsters_ that had been on their coastthe year before; meaning the ships of Gil Gonzales de Avila, at whichthey had been much amazed; and they wondered still more on being informedthat Cortes had many such, and much larger than those they had seen. Theydisplayed a painting of a mighty carak, having six masts, with sails andshrouds, and having armed horsemen on board[45]. In May 1523, Antonio deBritto, the Portuguese governor of the Molucca isles, sent Simon de Bruto discover the passage from thence by the island of Borneo to Malacca. They came in sight of the islands of Manada and Panguensara, and thencethrough the strait of Treminao and Taquy to the islands of St Michael, in7° S. And then to the island of Borneo, where they came in sight of_Pedra Branca_, or the _white stone_; whence, passing through the straitof Cincapura, they came to the city of Malacca[46]. 

In the same year 1523, Cortes went with 300 Spanish foot, 150 horse, and20, 000 Mexicans, to make a complete discovery and conquest of Panuco, andto punish the inhabitants for having killed and devoured the soldiers ofFrancis Garay. The natives resisted him, but were overthrown; and to keepthe country under subjection, he built a town on the river, near Chila, which he named Santo Stephano del Puerta, in which he left a garrison of100 foot and 30 horse, under the command of Peter de Valleia. In thisexpedition he lost many of his people, both Spaniards and Mexicans, andseveral horses[47]. 

In this same year 1523, Francis de Garay, having a commission from theemperor as governor of all the coast he had discovered from Florida toPanuco, fitted out nine ships and two brigantines, with 850 soldiers and150 horses, on purpose to take possession of his government. Some menjoined him from Jamaica, where he had furnished his squadron with warlikeammunition; and sailing thence to the harbour of Xagua, in the island ofCuba, he there learnt that Cortes had taken possession of the coast ofPanuco. That he ought not meet with the fate of Narvaez, he sent thedoctor Zuazo to Mexico, to endeavour to enter into treaty with Cortes. Garay arrived in the Rio de las Palmas on St Jameses day, and sentGonçalo de Ocampo up the river to explore the country, who reported, onhis return, that the country was bad and desert. Yet Garay landed with400 foot soldiers and some horse, and commanded John de Grijalva, toexplore the coast, while he marched by land to Panuco, in which march hecrossed a river to which he gave the name of Rio Montalto. In this marchhe came to a large town, in which he found much poultry, to the greatrefreshment of his troops. Here, likewise, he took some of theinhabitants of Chila, whom he employed as messengers to different places. After a long and difficult march, he arrived at Panuco, but found noprovisions; the country having been exhausted in the war with Cortes, andby being plundered by the soldiers. From this place he sent Gonçalo deOcampo to St Stephano, or Istevan del Puerto, to inquire if the garrisonwould submit to his authority. They sent him a favourable answer; but, bymeans of an ambush, they made forty of his cavalry prisoners, allegingthat they had come unwarrantably to usurp the government which belongedto another. Besides this misfortune, Garay lost four of his ships, bywhich he was greatly disheartened. While Cortes was preparing anexpedition to Panuco, to resist Garay, Francis de las Casas and Roderigode la Paz, brought letters-patent to Mexico, by which the emperor gavehim the government of New Spain, including Panuco. On this he desistedfrom going personally on the expedition, but sent Pedro de Alvarado witha respectable force, both of infantry and cavalry, to defend hisgovernment against aggression, and dispatched Diego de Ocampo tocommunicate the letters-patent to Garay; who thought it better for him toyield himself to Cortes, and went accordingly to Mexico[48]. 

In the same year, 1523, Gil Gonçales de Avila, discovered and peopled atown called _San Gil da Buena-vista_, in lat. 14° N. Almost in the bottomof the bay of Ascension or Honduras[49]. Likewise, on the 6th December ofthis year, Peter de Alvarado was sent by Cortes from Mexico with 300 foot, 170 horse, four field-pieces, and some Mexican nobles, to discover andconquer Quahutemallan, Utlatlan, Chiassa, Xochnuxco, and other townstowards the South Sea. After a most fatiguing march of 400 leagues, passing by Tecoantepec to Xochnuxco, he discovered and conquered thewhole of that country, where he built a city called St Jago deQuahutemallan, now Guatimala, of which and of the country he subdued, heis said to have got the government. In this expedition they passed somerivers, the water of which was so hot that they could scarce endure towade them. They found likewise certain hills which produced alum, and oneout of which a liquor like oil distilled; likewise sulphur in greatabundance, from which the Spaniards made excellent gunpowder[50]. On the8th December of the same year, Cortes sent Diego de Godoy, with a hundredfoot, thirty horse, two field-pieces, and many friendly Indians, toSpiritu Santo; where, joining the captain of that town, they went toChamolla, the capital of a province of the same name, which they reducedunder subjection[51]. 

In February 1524, Cortes sent Roderigo Rangel, with 150 Spaniards, andmany Tlaxcallans and Mexicans, against the Zapotecas and Nixtecas, andother provinces not yet well discovered. They were at first resisted, butsoon defeated the natives, and reduced the country to subjection. In thesame year, Roderigo de Bastidas was sent to discover and reduce thecountry of Santa Martha; but refusing to allow the soldiers to plunder acertain town, he was assassinated in his bed by Peter Villaforte, formerly his fast friend, who joined in the conspiracy against him. Pedrode Lugo and his son Don Alfonso were afterward governors of that place, where they conducted themselves as covetous tyrants, and became muchdisliked[52]. In the same year, the licentiate Lucas Vasques de Aillonobtained the government of Chicora from the emperor, on which he fittedout some vessels from St Domingo, and proceeded to explore and colonizethat country; but he was lost with all his people. I know not how itshould have happened, except by the righteous judgment of God, that solittle should now remain of all the gold and precious stones which weregot in the Antilles by the Spaniards; but much the greater part has beendissipated to little purpose, and nothing great or valuable has ensuedfrom the discovery[53]. 

In this same year, 1524, Cortes sent a fleet under the command ofChristopher de Olid, to Cuba, to transport provisions and ammunition toMexico, which had been purchased there by Alonso de Contreras; and Olidhad orders to discover and colonize the country about Cape Higueras, andthe Coast of Honduras, and likewise to send Diego Hartado de Mendoça bysea, in search of a strait towards Darien, which was reported to passthat way into the South Sea, which object of research had been commandedby the emperor to be attended to. He sent also two ships from Panuco, toexplore the coast from thence to Florida; and he commanded other vesselsto examine the coast of the South Sea, between Zacatullan and Panama. Onthe arrival of Olid at Cuba, he entered into a league with DiegoVelasquez against Cortes: and, instead of prosecuting the orders he hadreceived, he set sail for Puerto de Cavallos, in lat. 10° N. 54, nearwhich he built a town, which he named _Triumpho de la Cruz_. He made GilGonzales de Avila prisoner, and killed his nephew, and all the Spaniardswho were with him, except one child; thus acting in direct opposition toCortes, who had expended, in fitting out the present expedition, the sumof 80, 000 castellans of gold, entirely to gratify Olid[55]. On learningthis treachery, Cortes went by land from Mexico in the month of October1524, to take revenge on Olid, carrying with him a force of 300 Spaniards, part foot, and part horse, and accompanied by Quahutimoc, king of Mexico, and many of the chief Mexican nobles. On coming to the town of SpirituSanto, he procured ten guides from the caciques of Tavasco and Xicalanco, who likewise gave him a map painted on cotton cloth, delineating thesituation of the whole country, from Xicalanco to Naco and Nito, and evenas far as Nicaragua, with their mountains, hills, fields, meadows, rivers, cities, and towns; and Cortes ordered three ships from the harbour ofMedellin to follow him along the coast[56]. When he had reached the cityof Izancanac, Cortes learned that King Quahutimoc and his Mexicans hadconspired to betray or destroy him and his Spaniards; wherefore he hangedthe king and two of his principal nobles. Cortes then proceeded toMazatlan; and from thence to Piaca, which stands in the middle of a lake, and is the chief city of a province of the same name, and hereabout hebegan to learn tidings of the Spaniards under Olid, of whom he was insearch. From thence he proceeded to Zuzullin, and came at length to Nito;from whence he went to a bay on the coast, called St Andre, where, finding a good haven, he built a town called Natividad de nuestra Sennora. He went thence to Truxillo, on the coast of Honduras, where he was wellreceived by the Spanish settlers. While here, a ship brought intelligenceof an insurrection having broke out in Mexico during his absence; onwhich, he ordered Gonsalo de Sandoval to march with his company by land, from Naco to Mexico, by the ordinary and safest road of Quahutemallan, orGuatimala, towards the South Sea; and, leaving his cousin Férdinando deSaavedra to command in Truxillo, he went himself by sea along the coastof Yucutan to Chalchicocca, now called St Juan de Ullhua, and thence toMedellin and Mexico, where he was well received. Cortes was absenteighteen months on this expedition, during which he travelled 500leagues[57], and suffered many hardships. 

In the year 1525; Francis Pizarro, and Diego de Almagro, went from Panamato discover Peru, on the south of the fine, which they called _NuevaCastillia_. Pedro Asias, governor of Panama, refused to take any concernin this expedition, on account of certain evil news which had beenbrought to him by Francis Vezerra. Pizarro went first in a ship with 124soldiers, and was followed by Almagro with seventy men in another ship. Almagro came to Rio de San Juan, in lat. 3° N. , where he got 3000 pezoesof gold; and not finding Pizarro, of whom he was in search, he lost heart, and returned to Panama. Pizarro went first to the island of Gorgona, andthence to the isle of Gallo, from whence he proceeded to the river called_Rio del Peru_, in lat. 2° N. From which the rich and famous country ofPeru derives its name. He sailed thence to the river of St Francis, andCape _Passaos_, where he passed the equinoctial line, and came to _PuertoVejo_, in lat. 1° S. And sailed on to the rivers of Chinapanpa, Tumbez, and Payta, in four or five degrees of southern latitude, where hereceived intelligence concerning King Atabalipa, and of the vast richesof his palace. On receiving this intelligence, Pizarro returned to Panama, from whence he went to Spain, where he solicited and obtained thegovernment of the rich country he had discovered; having spent abovethree years in the discovery, with much labour and great danger[58]. 

In the same year, 1525, seven ships were fitted out from Spain, under thecommand of Garcia de Loaisa, for a voyage to the Molucca Islands. Sailingfrom Corunna, and passing by the Canaries, they came to the coast ofBrasil, where they discovered an island in lat. 2° S. Which they named StMatthew; and, finding orange trees, hogs, and European poultry, theyconcluded it to be inhabited; but, by inscriptions oil the bark of trees, they learnt that the Portuguese had bean there seventeen years before. Asmall pinnace of this squadron, commanded by Juan de Resaga, passed thestraits of Magellan, and ran along the whole coast of Peru and New Spain, carrying the intelligence to Cortes of the expedition of Loaisa to theMoluccas: But the admiral ship only of this squadron, commanded by MartinMingues de Carchova, arrived at its destination, where the Moors of theMoluccas received the Spaniards hospitably; Loaisa and all the othercaptains died by the way. 

In the same year Stephen Gomez sailed from Corunna, to endeavour todiscover a strait in the northern parts, by which ships might sail fromEurope to the Moluccas. This person had been refused employment in thefleet commanded by Loaisa; but the Count Ferdinando de Andrada, with theDoctor Beltram, and a merchant named Christopher de Sarro; fitted out agalleon for him at their joint expence. He went first to the island ofCuba, whence he sailed to Cape Florida, sailing only by day, as he wasignorant of the coast. He passed Cape Angra, and the river Enseada, andso went over to the other side; and it is reported that he came to CapeRazo[59] in lat. 46° N. Whence he returned to Corunna with a cargo of_slaves_. But news spread through Spain that he was come home laden with_cloves_, which occasioned much joy at the court of Spain, till themistake was discovered. Gomez was ten months engaged in this voyage. Inthis same year, Don George de Menesses, governor of Molucca, and DonHenriques, sent a vessel on discovery towards the north, commanded byDiego de Rocha, having Gomez de Sequiera as pilot. In lat. 9° or 10° N. They discovered several islands in a group, which were called the islandsof Sequiera; whence they returned to the island of Bato-China. In 1526, Sebastian Gabota, chief pilot to the emperor, a native of Bristol inEngland, whose father was a Venetian, sailed from Seville with four ships, intending to have gone to the Moluccas by a western course. Gabota cameto Pernambuco in Brasil, where he waited three months for a favourablewind to get round Cape St Augustine. In the Bay of _Patos_, or of ducks, the admirals ship was lost; and despairing of being able to accomplishthe voyage to the Moluccas, he built a pinnace for the purpose ofexploring the Rio Plata. Gabota accordingly ran sixty leagues, or 120miles up that river; when coming to a bar, he left the large ships there, and went with the boats of the squadron 120 leagues, or 480 miles fartherup the river Parana, which the inhabitants considered to be the principalriver. He here constructed a fort, and remained in that place above ayear; From thence he rowed still farther up the Parana, till he came tothe mouth of another river called _Paragioa_, or Paraguay; and, perceiving that the country produced gold and silver, he kept on hiscourse, sending one of the boats in advance, which was taken by thenatives. On this, Gabota thought it more prudent to return to his fort, after having penetrated 200 leagues or 800 miles up this river. He tookon board the people he had left at the fort, and returning to the shipsat the bar, sailed back to Seville in 1530. He reported that the RioPlata was navigable for a great way, and that it rises from a lake named_Bombo_[60] in the kingdom of Peru, whence, flowing through the valleysof Xauxa, it receives the rivers Parso, Bulcasban, Cay, Parima, Hiacax, and several others, by which its waters are greatly increased. It is alsosaid that the river of San Francesco comes from the same lake, whichlikewise is very great; because rivers that flow from lakes are largerthan those which proceed from springs. 

In the year 1527, Panfilo de Narvaez sailed from St Lucar de Baramedawith five ships, having 600 soldiers, 100 horses, and great abundance ofprovisions, ammunition, and all other necessaries, to take possession ofFlorida, as far as the river Palmas, of which he was appointed governor. Not being able to land at the place he wished, he went on shore with 300of his soldiers, some horses, and a supply of provisions, nearer CapeFlorida, ordering the ships to proceed to the river Palmas, in whichvoyage they were nearly all lost Those who escaped shipwreck, sufferedextreme hardships from hunger and thirst on a dry barren island, calledXamo by the natives, and which the Spaniards named _Malhada_. In thisisland they were attacked by the natives, and many, both of the Spaniardsand natives, were slain. 

Narvaez, and his people, saw some gold among the Indians of Florida, whosaid they had it from _Apalachen_. He therefore went to that town insearch of gold, where they found abundance of bay trees, and others ofmany different kinds, and plenty of beasts and birds, but neither goldnor silver. From Apalachen, he went to a town called Aute, and from:thence to Xamo, a poor and barren country. In this place, the nativesrequested the Spaniards to cure their sick, of whom they had greatnumbers; and the Spaniards being in extreme poverty and distress, prayedfor the sick, and used such endeavours as were in their power, towardstheir relief: And it pleased God that many, both of the sick, and thosewho were ill from wounds, recovered; nay, even one that was supposed tobe dead, was, by them, restored to life. Owing to this, the Spaniardswere greatly esteemed, and even reputed as gods, so that the peopleoffered them no injury, and even gave them such things as they had. Bythese means, they passed through many countries, and many strange nations, differing from each other in language, customs, and dress, and came atlength among a people that lived continually among their flocks and herds, like the Arabs. Many of the tribes through which they travelled were sopoor as to feed on snakes, lizards, spiders, ants, and all kinds ofvermin, yet were well contented with their hard fore, and were much givento singing and dancing. This people are reported to purchase all theirwives from their enemies, and to kill all their own daughters, lest bymarrying into hostile tribes their enemies should increase in numbers. Insome places, the women continued to suckle their children till they wereten or twelve years old; and there were certain men, being hermaphrodites, who married each other. In this manner, the Spaniards penetrated above800 leagues, or 3200 miles through the country, till at length, not aboveseven or eight of the whole armament reached the city of St Michael ofCalvacan, in lat. 23°. N. Or higher, on the coast of the South Sea[61]. 

Learning, as has been formerly mentioned, that Garcia de Louisa hadpassed through the Straits of Magellan, on a voyage to the _Islands ofCloves_, Cortes fitted out three ships from Civitlanejo, now StChristophers, in lat. 20°. N. On the western coast of New Spain, intendingto send there in search of Loaisa, and that they might discover the wayto the Moluccas, and open up the spice trade with New Spain. LeavingCivatlanejo, on All Saints day, 1527, under the command of Alvaro deSaavedra Ceron, the cousin of Cortes, they fell in with the islandsformerly discovered by Magellan, which he had named _the Pleasures_;whence they sailed to the islands which had been discovered by Gomez deSequeira, and called by his name, but not knowing of this previousdiscovery, he named them _Islas de los Reyes_, or the Isles of the Kings, because discovered on Twelfth day. During this part of the voyage, twoships of the squadron separated from Saavedra, and were never more heardof. Sailing on from island to island, he arrived at the Island of Candiga, where he ransomed two Spaniards for seventy ducats, who had belonged tothe crew of Loaisa, who was shipwrecked in that neighbourhood. Saavedrareached the Moluccas in March 1528, and anchored at the Island of Gilolo, where he found the sea calm, the winds moderate, and no tempests; and heestimated the distance from thence to New Spain at 2050 leagues, or 8200miles. At this period, Fernando de la Torre was governor of the Moluccaislands, and lived in the city of Tidore, having been chosen instead ofMartin Yniguez de Carquiçano, who was recently dead. Torre waged a fiercewar with Don George de Meneses, captain of the Portuguese; and in a fightof the fourth of May, Saavedra took a Portuguese galliot, and slewFernando de Baldaya the captain. In June, Saavedra set sail on his returntowards New Spain, taking with him Simon de Brito, Patalin, and otherPortuguese prisoners; but, after several months sail, he was forced backto Tidore by contrary winds, where Patalin was beheaded and quartered, and the rest of the Portuguese prisoners hanged. In this year, 1528, Cortes sent 200 infantry, and sixty cavalry, with a large force ofMexicans, to explore and subdue the country of the Chihimecas, which wasreported to be rich in gold. He then took shipping for Spain, where helanded with great pomp, bringing with him 250, 000 marks in gold andsilver. On his arrival at Toledo, where the emperor then resided; he wasvery graciously received. The emperor created him marquis _della Valle_, and married him to the lady Jane de Zuniga, daughter to the Conde deAguilar; after which he returned to resume the government of New Spain. 

Saavedra, of whom we have lately made mention, returned from the Moluccastowards New Spain, in May 1529: and, during, the voyage, came in sight ofland, in lat. 2°S. He ran along the coast to the S. S. E. From that time tothe end of August, upwards of 500 leagues, finding a clean coast, freefrom shoals and rocks, with good anchoring ground, inhabited by a blackpeople, with curled hair. The people of the Moluccas named the inhabitantsof this coast _Papuas_ because they are black with frizzled hair and bothPortuguese and Spaniards have adopted the same name. Having reached tofour or five degrees south of the line, he returned northwards; and nearthe equinoctial he discovered an island, which he called _de los Pintados_, or of the painted people, as the inhabitants were of a white complexion, but marked with a hot iron[62]; and, from various circumstances, heconcluded that they were originally from China. A kind of boat put offfrom the shore, containing a number of these islanders, making manythreatening signs and gestures, as if ordering the Spaniards to go awayfrom their land, and even proceeded to throw stones from slings at theship, but, as the stones did no harm, Saavedra would not allow his peopleto fire upon them. A little beyond this island, in 10° or 12° of northlatitude, they discovered a group, consisting of many small low islands, covered with grass, and full of palm trees, to which they gave the name of_Los Jardines_, or the gardens[63]. Saavedra came to anchor in the midstof these islands, where he remained several days, and concluded that thepeople had come originally from China, but had, by long residence, degenerated into lawless savages, using no labour or industry. They wear aspecies of white cloth, made of grass, and are quite ignorant of fire, which put them in great terror. Instead of bread they eat cocoas, whichthey pull unripe, burying them for some days in the sand, and then layingthem in the sun, which causes them to open. They eat fish also, which theycatch from a kind of boat called _parao_, or _proa_, which they constructwith tools made of shells, from pine wood that is drifted at certain timesto their islands, from some unknown regions. The wind and weather becomingmore favourable for his return to New Spain, Saavedra resumed his voyagethither, intending to have gone to Panama, to unload the cloves and othermerchandize he had brought from the Moluccas. His purpose was to havecarried this merchandize in carts from Panama, about four leagues, orsixteen miles overland, to the river Chagre, which is said to be navigable, and which discharges itself into the North Sea not far from Nombre de Dios, where the goods could be reshipped for Spain; by which means all kind ofgoods might be brought from India in a shorter time, and with less danger, than by sailing round the Cape of Good Hope, as the voyage from theMoluccas to Panama is almost a perfectly straight course between the lineand the tropics. But, in the present voyage, they were never able toprocure a favourable wind, and were therefore forced back to the Moluccas, where they arrived in great affliction, as Saavedra died by the way[64]. Had Saavedra lived, he intended to have opened a navigable communicationfrom sea to sea, through the land of Castilia del Oro and New Spain, whichmight have been done in one or other of the following places:--1. From thegulph of St Michael to Uraba, which is 25 leagues, or 100 miles. 2. FromPanama to Nombre de Dios, which is 17 leagues, or 68 miles, much thegreater part consisting of the river Chagre, navigable for small craft. 3. Through the river Xaquator, now St Juan, in the province of Nicaragua, which springs out of a lake that reaches to within three or four leaguesof the South Sea, and falls into the North Sea, being navigable by largeboats and lighters. 4. The other place is from Tecoantepec, through ariver, to Verdadera Cruz, in the bay of Honduras[65]. 

In the year 1529, Damiano de Goes, a Portuguese, travelled over all Spain, and went from Flanders into England and Scotland, being at the courts ofthe kings of these countries; after that he returned into Flanders, andtravelled through Zealand, Holland, Brabant, Luxemburgh, Switzerland, andthrough the cities of Cologne, Spires, Strasburg, Basil, and other partsof Germany, and so back to Flanders. He went thence into France, throughPiccardy, Normandy, Champagne, Burgundy, the dukedom of Bourbon, Gascony, Languedoc, Dauphiny, and Savoy; passing into Italy by Milan, Ferrara, andLombardy, to Venice. Turning back, he passed through the territory ofGenoa, the dukedom of Florence, and all Tuscany, to Rome and Naples. Thence back, through Italy, to Ulm, in Germany, and through Swabia, Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, and Hungary, to the confines of Greece. Thence through Poland, Prussia, and Livonia, to the great dukedom ofMoscovy; and thence back into Germany, and through the dominions of theLandgrave, and the dukedom of Saxony, into Denmark, Gothland, and Norway, penetrating to lat. 70°. N. In the course of these travels, which occupiedhim during 22 years, he saw, spoke to, and was conversant with, all thekings, princes, nobles, and chief cities of all Christendom; for whichreason, I thought the great extent of his travels was worthy ofremembrance. 

In 1529 or 1530, Melchior de Sosa Tavarez went from Ormus to Bassora, andthe islands of Gissara, with some ships of war, and sailed up to where theEuphrates and Tigris unite together, being the first of the Portuguese whohad sailed so far on the fresh water in these parts. Not long after this, a Portuguese, named Ferdinando Coutinho, being at Ormus, determined toreturn overland from thence to Portugal. For this purpose he went toArabia, and up the river Euphrates, for the space of a month, and saw manycountries and kingdoms that had not been before visited by the Portuguese. He was made prisoner at Damascus; whence he crossed the province of Syriato the city of Aleppo. He had been at the holy sepulchre in Jerusalem, inthe city of Cairo, and at Constantinople, where the Great Turk resides. After seeing that Court, he passed over to Venice; and, from thence, through Italy, France, and Spain, to Portugal, he came back to Lisbon. This person, and Damiano de Goes, were the most adventurous of thePortuguese, who, in our time, had seen and discovered the greatest extentof foreign realms for their own satisfaction. 

About the year 1530, Francis Pizarro, who has been already mentioned ashaving gone to Spain to obtain the government of Peru, returned to Panama, having procured all things as he wished, carrying with him four brothers, Ferdinand, John, Gonsalvo, and Francis Martines de Alcantara[66]. Theywere not well received by Diego de Almagro and his friends, becausePizarro had not sufficiently represented his merits in the discovery ofPeru to the emperor, in which he had lost an eye, but took the whole meritto himself. In the end, however, they agreed; and Almagro supplied Pizarrowith seven hundred pezoes of gold, providing him likewise with provisionsand ammunition, and other necessaries towards his intended expeditionagainst Peru. Soon after this arrangement with Almagro, Pizarro, and hisfour brothers before-mentioned, set out with such soldiers and horses asthey could procure on their expedition. Being unable, from contrary winds, to reach Tumbez, where he proposed to have landed, he was under thenecessity of disembarking at the river of Peru; whence he marched alongthe coast with great difficulty, on account of many rivers and marshes, inwhich some of his men were drowned in crossing. Coming to the town ofCoache, they found much gold and emeralds in that place; some of whichthey broke, to see if they were perfect. From thence Pizarro sent twentythousand pezoes of gold to Almagro at Panama, to enable him to sendsupplies of men, horses, ammunition, and provisions, and went from Coacheto the haven named _Porte Viejo_, where he was joined by SebastianBenalcazar, with all the supplies he had sent for. In the year 1531, afterthe arrival of these reinforcements, Pizarro passed over from Porto Viejoto the rich island of Puna, in the bay of Guayaquil, where he wasoutwardly well received by the governor, who yet conspired to kill him andhis men; but Pizarro prevented him, and took many of the Indians, whom hebound with chains of gold and silver. Such was the jealousy of thegovernor of Puna, that he caused those who had the charge of his wives tohave their noses and privities cut off. In this place, Pizarro found abovesix hundred prisoners belonging to king Atabalipa, who was then at warwith his eldest brother Guascar. Pizarro set these prisoners at liberty, on promise of procuring him a friendly reception in Peru; but they forgottheir engagements afterwards, and excited the people to war against theSpaniards. From Puna, Pizarro sent three Spaniards to Tumbez, in Peru, totreat of amity; but the Peruvians seized them, and put them to death. Onhearing of this cruel action, Pizarro crossed over to the main, and made asudden attack, during the night, on the city of Tumbez, killing greatnumbers of the inhabitants. The remainder submitted and made peace, presenting him large gifts of gold and silver, and other riches. Pizarrothen built a town on the river Cira, which he named St Michael ofTangarara, which was the first habitation of the Christians in these parts;and he appointed Sebastian de Benalcazar to the command. After this, hemade search for a secure haven on the coast, and found one every way tohis wish at Payta. 

In the same year, 1531, Diego de Ordas went, with 600 soldiers and 35horses, to settle the country on the Maranon, or river of the Amazons; but, dying on the voyage, this expedition proved fruitless. Afterwards, in theyear 1534, Hierom Artal was sent thither with 130 soldiers, yet he camenot to the river, but formed settlements at _St Michael de Neveri_, andother places in Paria. Aries d'Acugna, a Portuguese gentleman, wentlikewise to the Maranon, with ten ships, 900 men, and 130 horses, where hespent much, and did little to purpose; but the greatest loser in thisexpedition was John de Barros. This great river Maranon is in lat. 3°S. [67], its mouth being 15 leagues, or 60 miles across, with many inhabitedislands, on which there are many trees producing incense, much larger thanthose of Arabia. It produces gold and precious stones, and an emerald wasfound there as large as the palm of the hand. The people of that countrymake a kind of drink of a species of oats that are as large as quinces. 

Nunnez de Gusman was sent from Mexico, in 1531, with 500 soldiers, half ofwhom were cavalry, and 6000 Indians to carry his baggage and provisions, to discover and subdue the countries to the northwest of the kingdom ofMexico. In this expedition he reduced the countries of Xalisco, Ceintiliquipac, Ciametlan, Tovalla, Cnixo, Ciamolla, Culhuacan, and otherplaces. On this expedition he marched through Mechuacan, where he acquiredmuch gold, and 10, 000 marks of silver. To the country of Xalisco he gavethe name of New Galicia, because it was rugged and mountainous, and thepeople robust and hardy. He built many towns in the conquered countries;particularly Compostella, Guadalajara, after the place of his own birth inSpain, Santo Espirito de la Conception, and St Michael, which last is inlat. 24° N. In 1532, Cortes sent Diego Hurtado de Mendoça in two shipsfrom Acapulco, which is 70 leagues from Mexico, on purpose to explore thecoast of the South Sea, as he had been ordered to do by the emperor. Mendoça sailed from Acapulco to the harbour of Xalisco, or Xalis, on theriver Barania, in lat. 22° N. Where he wished to take in wood and water. But he was resisted there, by the orders of Nunnes de Gusman, and obligedto proceed on his voyage. Some of his men mutinied, and he put them all onboard one of his ships, that they might return to New Spain. Being in wantof water, these people put in at the bay of Vanderas, not far south fromXalis, where they were all slain by the Indians. In this voyage ofdiscovery, Hurtado sailed 200 leagues along the coast, but did nothingworthy of being recorded. 

In 1533, Pizarro went from Tumbez to Caxamalca, where he took kingAtabalipa prisoner, who engaged to pay a vast sum in gold and silver forhis ransom. On purpose to procure this, Pedro de Varco and Ferdinando doSotto were sent to the city of Cusco, in lat. 17° S. [68], a journey of 200leagues, all upon causeways of stone, with bridges wherever necessary, andhaving lodging-places at proper distances for the conveniency of the_Yngas_, by which name the kings of Peru are distinguished. The armies ofthe Peruvians are very numerous, as they often bring more than 100, 000 meninto the field; and they lodge on these causeways, as already mentioned, where they always have abundance of provisions and other necessaries, asis said to be the custom in China. Ferdinando Pizarro went with somehorsemen to Paciacama, 100 leagues from Caxamalca, to discover the country;and, on his return, he learnt that Guascar, the brother of Atabalipa, hadbeen put to death by his command; and that Ruminaguy, the general of thearmy of Atabalipa, had risen in arms, in the city of Quito, against theSpaniards. After the reception of this intelligence, Atabalipa wasstrangled by the orders of Pizarro[69]. After the death of the two kingsof the Peruvians, Pizarro continually extended his authority over thedominions of Peru, and built many cities, towns, and forts, in convenientsituations, to hold the country under subjection. He detached Sebastian deBenalcazar, whom he had before made governor of St Michael de Tangarara, with 200 infantry and 80 horse, to Quito, against Ruminaguy. Benalcazarproceeded successfully in reducing the country to subjection from one cityto another, eastwards, for 120 leagues, not far from the equinoctial line;where Peter Alvarado found certain mountains so cold, and loaded with suchquantities of snow, that 70 of his men were frozen to death. Havingreduced the city of Quito, he established himself and his people in thatplace, calling it the city of St Francis; and it seemed very strange tothe Spaniards to find, in that country, abundance of cattle, wheat, barley, and other plants, similar to those of Spain. After sending Benalcazar toreduce the city of Quito, Pizarro himself undertook to reduce the royalresidence of Cusco, in about 13° 20' S. In which expedition he was opposedby Quisquiz, a Peruvian general, whom he easily defeated; and he soonafterwards took possession of Cusco, the exceedingly rich and wealthycapital of the Peruvian monarchy. About this time Mango, a brother ofAtabalipa, joined Pizarro, who made him Ynga, or king of the country, inname only, while he assumed the whole authority and revenues of thekingdom to himself[70]. 

In the same year, 1534; Jaques Cartier, a native of Britanny, went withthree ships to the land of Corterealis[71], and the gulf of St Lawrence, otherwise called _Golfo Quadrato_, or the square gulf, which he fell inwith in lat. 48° 30' N. He proceeded northwards to the latitude of 51°, inthe hope of being able to penetrate in that direction to China, by a north-west passage, to bring drugs and other merchandize from thence to France. Next year Cartier made a second voyage to the same regions, and found thecountry pervaded by many large rivers, and abounding in provisions. Hesailed 300 leagues up one of these rivers, in a south-west direction, andnamed the country New France, now Canada; but finding the water to becomefresh, he was satisfied there could be no passage that way to the SouthSea; and having wintered in the country, he returned next year to France. 

About the end of the year 1535, or beginning of 1536, Don Anthony deMendoça came from Spain to the city of Mexico, as Viceroy of New Spain, being appointed to supersede Cortes, the discoverer and conqueror of thatrich and extensive territory. At this time Cortes was absent from the seatof government, having gone to Tecoantepec, on purpose to fit out two shipson a voyage of discovery. These he sent out under the command of Fernandode Grijalva and Diego Bezerra de Mendoça, the former having a Portuguesepilot, named Acosta, and the pilot to the latter being Fortunio Ximenez, aBiscayan. On the first night after leaving Tecoantepec, the two shipsseparated. Ximenez raised a mutiny against his captain, in which Bezerrawas slain, and many of the crew wounded. Some time afterwards, Ximenezwent on shore in the bay of Santa Cruz, for wood and water, where he, andmore than 20 of his people, were slain by the Indians. Two of the mariners, who were in the boat, escaped to Xalisco, and told Nunnes de Gusman, whocommanded at that place, that they had seen indications of pearls duringthe voyage. Gusman went accordingly with, a ship in search of pearls, andexplored above 150 leagues of the coast[72]. 

It is said that Grijalva sailed 300 leagues from Tecoantepec, withoutseeing any land, except one small island in 20° N. To which he gave thename St Thomas, as having been discovered on the day of that saint[73]. 

In the year 1535, Pizarro built the city which he named _Ciudad de losReys_, or of the kings, on the river of Lima, in lat. 20° S; to which heremoved the inhabitants of Xauxa, as a more convenient situation for theresidence; of the government, and in a better country[74]. He built alsothe city of St Jago in Porto Viejo, and many other towns, both along thecoast and in the inland country; and he procured from Spain horses, asses, mules, cattle, hogs, goats, and sheep, to stock his territories, and manykinds of trees and plants, such as rosemary, oranges, lemons, citrons, vines, and other fruits, wheat, barley, and other grains, with radishes, and many other kinds of vegetables, which were disseminated all over thecountry[75]. In the same year, Diego de Almagro went from the city ofCusco to the provinces of Arequipa and Chili, in lat. 30° S. The march wasof great length, and he discovered a great extent of country; but hesuffered great extremities of cold, hunger, and fatigue, in consequence ofthe ruggedness of the mountains, and the ice and snow, insomuch that manyof his men and horses were frozen to death. About this time FerdinandoPizarro came from Spain to the city of Lima, bringing with him the patentof Marquis of Atanillos, for his brother, Francis Pizarro, and acommission for Diego de Almagro, by which he was appointed governor of allthe land he had hitherto discovered, and 100 leagues beyond, under thename of the _New kingdom of Toledo_. Ferdinando Pizarro went to the cityof Cusco, of which he was made governor, and John de Rada went into Chilito Almagro, carrying with him the orders of the emperor. On receiving theletters patent of the emperor, Almagro marched directly for Cusco, whichhe considered to be included in his government, by which a civil war waskindled between him and Pizarro. On this march he and his people wereseverely oppressed by famine, and were even forced to feed upon theirhorses which had died four months and a half before, when on their marchsouthwards into Chili[76]. 

In this same year, 1535, Nunnez d'Acunha, who was governor of India forthe crown of Portugal, while building a fortress, in the city of Diu, senta fleet, under the command of Vasquez Perez del San Paio, to the riverIndus, which is under the tropic of Cancer, 90 or 100 leagues to the north-west from Diu. He also sent an army against Badu, the king of Cambaia, orGuzerat, of which a renegado named Cosesofar was captain[77]. The fleetcame to the bar of the great river Indus in December, where the samephenomena were observed as were formerly experienced by Alexander, according to the relation of Quintus Curtius[78]. 

In the same year, Simon de Alcazava sailed from Seville, with two shipsand 240 men. Some say he was destined for New Spain, others for theMoluccas, and others again that he meant to have proceeded for China, where he had formerly been, along with Ferdinando Perez de Andrada. However this may have been, he went first to the Canaries, and from thenceto the straits of Magellan, without touching at Brazil, or any other partof the coast of South America, and entered into these straits in the monthof December, having contrary winds, and very cold weather. Under thesedifficulties, the soldiers entreated him to turn back, which he refused, and went into a haven on the south side of the straits, in lat. 53° S. Where he ordered Roderigo de Isla to land, with 60 of the people, toexplore the country; but the people mutinied against Alcazava, and slewhim; and, having appointed such captains and officers as they thoughtproper, they returned back. In their voyage homewards, one of the shipswas lost on the coast of Brazil, and such of the Spaniards as escapeddrowning, were killed and eaten by the savages. The other ship went to StJago, in the island of Hispaniola, and thence returned to Seville, inSpain[79]. In the same year, Don Pedro de Mendoça went from Cadiz for theriver Plata, with twelve ships and 2000 men, being the largest armament, both of ships and men, that had ever been sent from Spain to the new world. Mendoça died on his return to Spain, but most part of his men remained inthe country on the Rio Plata, where they built a large city, containingnow 2000 houses, in which great numbers of Indians dwell along with theSpaniards. From this place they discovered and conquered the country to agreat extent, even to the mines of Potosi and the town of La Plata[80], which is at the distance of 500 miles from Buenos Ayres. 

Cortes having learnt, in the year 1536, that his ship, of which FortunioXimenez was pilot, had been seized by Nunnez de Guzman, sent three shipsto Xalisco, while he marched thither by land with a respectable force; and, on his arrival there, he found his ship all spoiled and rifled. When hissmall squadron was come round to Xalisco, he went himself on board, andleft Andrew de Tapia to command his land force. Setting sail from thence, he came, on the first of May, to a point of land, which he named Cape StPhilip, and, to an island close by this cape, he gave the name of St Jago. Three days afterwards, he came to the bay where the pilot Ximenez waskilled, which he named Bahia de Santa Cruz, where he went on land, andsent out Andrew de Tapia to explore the country. Cortes again set sail, and came to the river now called _Rio de San Pedro y San Paulo_, where theships were separated by a tempest. One was driven to the bay of Santa Cruz, another to the river of Guajaval, and the third was stranded on the coastnear Xalisco, whence the crew went overland to Mexico. After waiting along while for his other two ships, Cortes made sail, and entered into thegulf of California, otherwise called _Mar Vermejo_, or the Vermilion Sea, and by some, the sea of Cortes. Having penetrated 50 leagues within thatgulf, he espied a ship riding at an anchor, and, on his approach towardsher, had nearly been lost, if he had not received assistance from thatother ship. Having repaired his own ship, he departed from thence withboth ships; and, having procured provisions at a very dear rate, at StMichael de Culiacan, he went to the harbour of Santa Cruz, where hereceived information that Don Antonio de Mendoça had arrived from Spain asViceroy of Mexico. He therefore left Francis de Ulloa with the command ofhis ships, ordering him to proceed on discoveries; and going to Acapulco, he received a messenger from Don Antonio de Mendoça, the new viceroy, certifying his arrival, and the assumption of his authority. Mendoçalikewise sent him the copy of a letter from Francis Pizarro, stating thatMango, the Inca of Peru, had risen in arms, and assailed the city of Cuscowith 100, 000 fighting men, having slain his brother, John Pizarro, andabove 400 Spaniards, with 200 horses; and that he himself, and the Spanishdominions in Peru, were in imminent danger, unless speedily andeffectually assisted. 

Cortes, not yet resolved on submitting to the authority of Mendoça, fittedout two ships, under the command of Ferdinando de Grijalva and oneAlvarado, on purpose to discover the route to the Moluccas by the way ofthe equinoctial line, because the islands of Cloves are under thatparallel. They went first to St Michael de Tangarara, in Peru, where theylanded succours for Pizarro, and thence, all along the line, to theMoluccas, as they were ordered; and they are said to have sailed above1000 leagues without sight of land on either side the whole way. At length, in lat. 2° N. They discovered an island named _Asea_, which was believedto be one of the islands of Cloves. Five hundred leagues farther, more orless, they came to another, which they named _Isla de los Pescadores_, orisland of Fishers. Going still in the same course, they saw another island, called _Hayme_, on the south side of the line, and another named _Apia_, after which they came in sight of _Seri_. Turning one degree to the north, they came to anchor at an island named _Coroa_, whence they came toanother under the line named _Memousum_, and thence to _Busu_, stillholding on the same course[81]. 

The people of all these islands are black, with frizzled hair, whom thepeople of the Moluccas call Papuas. Most of them are witches, and eathuman flesh; and are so much given to wickedness, that the devils walkamong them as companions. Yet when these wicked spirits find any of thePapuas alone, they kill him with cruel blows, or smother him; for whichreason they always go out in companies of two or three together. There isin this country a bird as large as a crane, which has no wings wherewithto fly, but runs on the ground with the swiftness of a deer, and, of thesmall feathers of this bird, the natives make hair for their idols. Theyhave likewise a particular herb, the leaf of which, after being washed inwarm water, if laid on any member, and licked with the tongue, will evendraw out the whole blood of a mans body; and, by means of this leaf, thenatives let blood of themselves, when afflicted by sickness. 

From these islands they came to others named the _Guellas_, in lat. 1° N. _east and west_[82], from the island of Ternate, in which the Portuguesehave a fortress. These islands are 124 leagues from the island of _Moro_, and between forty and fifty leagues from Ternate. From thence they went tothe island of _Moro_[83], and the islands of Cloves, going about from oneisland to another; but the natives would not permit them to land, desiringthem to go to the fortress, where captain _Antonio Galvano_, the author ofthis work, would receive them in a friendly manner, who was, as theystiled him, _factor_ of the country, and they could not be allowed to landwithout his license. This circumstance is worthy of being noticed, thatthe natives were so well affected to the Portuguese as to venture theirlives, with their wives, children, and goods, in their service. 

In the year 1537, John de Vadillo, the governor of Carthagena, went with apowerful armament from the port called _St Sebastian de Buena Vista_, inthe gulf of Uraba, to the Rio Verde, whence he went by land, withoutpreviously knowing any part of the way, and without carriages, to the veryextremity of Peru and the town of La Plata, a distance of 1200 leagues, amost memorable journey. The whole country, from the Rio Verde to themountains of Abibe, is full of rugged hills, thick forests, and manyrivers, through which they had to pierce their way with infinite toil. Themountains of Abibe are said to be twenty leagues broad, and can only bepassed over in the months of January, February, March, and April, as fromincessant heavy rains at all other times of the year, the rivers are soswelled as to be quite impassable. In these mountains there are many herdsof swine, many dantes, lions, tigers, bears, ounces, large wild-cats, monkeys, vast snakes, and other vermin. There are also abundance ofpartridges, quails, turtle-doves, pigeons, and other birds of manydifferent kinds. The rivers also were so full of fish that they killedthem with staves; and they affirmed, if they had been provided with rodsand nets, that a very large company of men might be subsisted, withoutever being in distress for want of food. In this expedition they noted thediversities of people, languages, dress, and other circumstances, duringthe whole way, through many countries, kingdoms, and, provinces, and thegreat difficulties and dangers they encountered till their arrival at the_Villa de la Plata_, and the adjoining sea. This was the most extensivediscovery which has been ever heard of by land, and in so short a time;insomuch that, if it had not been performed in our own days, it couldhardly have been credited[84]. 

In 1538, certain friars of the order of St Francis went from Mexico topreach to the natives in the northern part of New Spain, and to convertthem to the Catholic faith. One Mark de Nizza penetrated farther than anyof the rest. --Passing through Culvacan, or Culiacan, he came into theprovince of Sibola, or Cinaloa, where he pretended to have found sevencities, and that the farther he went the richer was the country in gold, silver, and precious stones, with many sheep bearing wool of greatfineness. On the fame of this wealth, the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoça, and Cortes, determined to send a force to take possession of the country;but, as they could not agree on this subject, Cortes and his wife wentover to Spain in 1540, where he died seven years afterwards[85]. 

In 1538, I, Antonio Galvano, being governor of the Molucca islands, sent aship, commanded by Francis de Castro, towards the north, with orders toconvert as many as he could to the Christian Faith. Castro himselfbaptized many; as the lords of Celebes, Maccassar, Amboina, Moro, Moratax, and of several other places. On his arrival at the island of Mindanao, sixkings received the water of baptism from de Castro, with their wives, children, and subjects; and I gave orders that most of these shouldreceive the name of John, in honour of king John III. Who then reigned inPortugal. 

The Portuguese and Spaniards who have been in these islands, affirm thatthere are in them a certain species of hogs, which, besides the ordinaryteeth in their jaws, have two others growing out of their snouts, andother two behind their ears, of a large span and a-half in length[86]. There is likewise said to be a certain tree, that part of which that growstowards the east is a sure antidote against all kinds of poison, while thewestern half of the same tree is itself a deadly poison. The fruit of thistree is like large pease; of which is made the strongest poison on earth. There is another tree of a very singular nature, for if any one eat of itsfruit, he becomes twelve hours mad; and, on regaining his senses, cannotremember any thing that happened during his madness. There are likewisecertain land-crabs, which have the same effect of producing temporarymadness when eaten. The islanders also pretend that there is a certainstone in these islands of so wonderful a property, that whoever happens tosit upon it is sure to be afflicted with rupture. It is farther worthy ofremark, that the inhabitants of these islands gild their teeth. 

In the year 1539, three ships which had been ordered by Cortes to discoverthe coast northwards from Culiacan, and which sailed from Acapulco, underthe command of Francis Ulloa, having touched at _St Jago de BuenaSperança_, entered into the gulf of California, which Cortes discovered, and sailed up that gulf till they came almost to the farther end of it, inlat. 32° N. At a place which they named _Ancon de San Andres_, becausethey came there on the day of that Saint. They returned southward alongthe other, or western coast of the gulf of California; and, having doubledthe point of that peninsula, called _Cabo de San Lucas_, within certainislands, they sailed northwards, along the external coast of California, till they again reached to the same latitude of 32° N. Whence theyreturned into New Spain; forced to this measure by contrary winds and wantof provisions, after having been absent a whole year on this voyage. Inthese discoveries, Cortes expended 200, 000 ducats, according to his ownaccount[87]. Cortes and his captains explored the coast of New Spain, fromthe lat. Of 12° N. To 32° or 700 leagues; all of which was rather warmthan cold, although snow is found on some of the mountains for the greaterpart of every year. From Cabo del Enganno to Cabo de Liampa in China, thedistance is 1000 or 1200 leagues. 

In New Spain there are many trees, flowers, and fruits of various kinds, that are useful to man. The principal tree is named _Metl_, which does notgrow either very tall or very thick. The natives plant and dress this treeas we do our vines; and they allege that it has forty different kinds ofleaves, resembling woven cloth, which serve for many useful purposes. Whentender, these leaves are made into conserves. From it they make a kind ofpaper, and a substance like flax; and it is also manufactured into mantles, mats, shoes, girdles, and cordage. This tree produces such strong andsharp prickles, that they are used instead of needles for sewing. Theroots are used as fuel; and their ashes make excellent ley for themanufacture of soap. The natives open up the earth from the roots of thistree, and, by scraping or wounding them, they extract a juice which is arich syrup. By boiling this juice, it is converted into honey; and, whenpurified, it becomes sugar; and may likewise be made into wine and vinegar. The fruit of this tree is called _Coco_. The rind roasted, crushed, andapplied to sores or wounds, has a most healing quality. The juice of theroots and tops, mixed with incense, is a sovereign antidote against thebite of a viper and other poisons. From all these useful properties, thisis the most profitable tree that is known in these parts[88]. 

There are certain birds in New Spain called Vicmalim, having a long smallbill, which live on dew and the juice of roses and other flowers; theirfeathers are very small, and of beautiful colours, and are much esteemedto work up into ornaments with gold. These birds die, or sleep rather, every year in the month of October, sitting on a small bough in some warmand close place; and they revive again in the month of April, when theflowers appear. There are snakes likewise in this country, which sound asif they had bells attached to them, when they creep along. There are othersnakes also, which are said to engender by the mouth, as vipers arereported to do with us. There are likewise certain hogs, which have anavel on the ridge of the back; which the hunters cut out the moment theyare killed, as otherwise the carcase would corrupt and stink, so as to beuneatable. Besides which, there are certain fishes which are named_Snorters_, because they make a snorting noise like hogs[89]. 

In the year 1538, a civil war broke out in Peru, between Pizarro andAlmagro; in the course of which, Almagro was taken prisoner and beheaded. After which, in the year 1539, Pizarro sent Peter to Baldivia into Chili;where he was at first well received, but the people afterwards roseagainst him, and sought to put him to death by treason. Notwithstandingthe long and severe war he had to wage against the natives of Chili, Baldivia explored the country to a great extent, discovering the wholecoast as far as lat. 40° S. And even further. While Baldivia was occupiedin these discoveries, he received intelligence of a king called_Lucengolma_, who commonly brought 200, 000 men into the field, whenengaged in war against another neighbouring king. Lucengolma was likewisesaid to have a temple in an island, in which there were 2000 priests. Itwas farther reported, that beyond the dominions of this king, there lay acountry inhabited by a nation of Amazons, whose queen was named_Guanomilla_, which signifies _the golden heaven_. But, hitherto, thesethings rest merely on report, and have not been ascertained for truth, byactual discovery. About this time Gomez de Alvarado reduced the provinceof _Guanaco_ to obedience; and Francis de Chavez subdued the _Conchincos_, who often vexed the town of Truxillo and its adjoining country, by variousinroads. Peter de Vergara reduced the _Bracamores_, a people to the northof Quito; John Perez de Veragara subdued the _Ciaciapoians_; Alfonsos deMercadiglio subdued the people of _Mulubamba_; Ferdinando and GonsalvoPizarro reduced _Collao_, a country rich in gold; the lower part of whichwas subdued by Peter de Candia; Peranzures went also on an expedition intothe same country. In this manner the Spaniards dispersed themselves overthe whole country, and conquered an extent of more than 700 leagues; yetnot without much labour, and considerable loss of men[90]. 

The countries of Brazil and Peru stand east and west from each other, their coasts being almost 800 leagues distant at the nearest points, whichare the Cape of St Augustine and the harbour of Truxillo, nearly in thesame parallel of latitude. The greatest extent of Peru, measuring from theriver of Peru in the north, to the Straits of Magellan in the south, is950 leagues. Through the whole of this country certain mountains, calledthe Andes, extend from north to south, which divide Brazil on the east, from Peru, or the empire of the Incas on the west. In the same manner, themountains of Taurus and Imaus divide Asia into two parts; which mountainsbegin on the Mediterranean, in 36 or 37 degrees of north latitude, overagainst the islands of Rhodes and Cyprus, and extend eastwards to the seaof China. Thus, likewise, the mountains of Atlas in Africa divide the_tawny_ moors from the _black_ moors, or negroes who have frizzled hair. These mountains begin at Mount _Moies_, near the desert of Barca, andextend under the tropic of Cancer to the Atlantic; The mountains of theAndes are high and rugged, and barren in some places, without trees oreven grass; and it almost always either rains or snows on their highestranges, accompanied with sudden and violent tempests of wind. There is sogreat a scarcity of wood in these parts, that the inhabitants use turf orpeats for fuel, as is done in Flanders. In these mountains and countries, the soil is in some places black, in others white, or red, blue, green, yellow, and violet; and, with some of these earths, the natives dyevarious colours, without using any other mixture. From the bottoms ofthese mountains, but principally on the east side, there flow many rivers, both small and great. Among these are the rivers Amazons, St Francis, andLa Plata, and many others, which pervade the country of Brasil[91], whichare much larger than those of Peru, or of Castilia del Oro. The country ofPeru, between the Andes and the western sea or Pacific, is from 15 to 20leagues in breadth, all of a hot sandy soil, yet fertile, as being wellwatered, and produces many excellent trees and fruits. It produces manyturnips, rapes, and other such herbs and roots; likewise abundance offlags, rushes, herbs, and flowers, of so loose and tender a texture, thatthe leaves drop off on the slightest touch. Among these herbs and freshflowers, the natives often dwell without beds or houses, even like cattlein the fields, and some of them have tails[92]. These people are gross, and wear long hair, but have no beards; and they speak divers languages. One of the plants of this region called _aipo_, resembles rue, and bears ayellow flower, which cures all kinds of rotten sores; yet, if applied tosound flesh, will eat it to the bone. 

They say that these mountains abound in tigers, lions, bears, wolves, wild-cats, foxes, dantes, ounces, hogs, and deer; and with many birds, bothravenous and others, most of them being black; while under the north, bothbirds and beasts are mostly white. There are also great numbers of largeand terrible snakes, which are said to have destroyed a whole army of oneof the Incas, that was marching this way: Yet, according to report, an oldwoman did so enchant them, that they became quite harmless and gentle, insomuch that they would allow people to sit upon them. It is reportedthat, from Tumbez to Chili, there are no peacocks, hens, cocks, nor anyeagles, hawks, kites, or other ravenous birds; but there are many ducks, geese, herns, pigeons, partridges, quails, and many other kinds of birds. There is likewise a certain fowl like a duck, which has no wings, but iscovered all over with fine thin feathers. A certain species of bitternsare said to make war upon the sea-wolf or seal; for when this bird findsthem on land, it tries to pick out their eyes, that they may not see theirway back to the water, and then kills them; and the fight between thebitterns and the seals is said to be a pleasant sight. 

Those who live on the tops of the Andes, between the cold and the heat, are mostly blind of one eye, and some are totally blind; so that hardlycan two men be found but one of them at least is half blind. Notwithstanding the great heat of the sand in Peru, it yields good cropsof Maize and Potatoes, and an herb called _cocoa_, which the natives carrycontinually in their mouths, as those in the East Indies do _Betle_, andwhich they say satisfies both hunger and thirst. It is affirmed that, fromTumbez southwards, for the space of 500 leagues, there is neither rain, thunder nor lightning, with only some light showers. In Peru, there arecertain animals, called _xacos_[93] by the natives, and sheep by theSpaniards, because they are covered with wool; but their shape resemblesthat of deer, and they have saddle backs like a camel, and are capable ofcarrying burdens of about a hundred weight each. The Spaniards ride uponthem; and, when weary, they turn their heads backward, and void awonderfully stinking liquor from their mouths. From the rivers La Plataand Lima, or Rimac, inclusively to the southwards, there are no crocodiles, lizards, snakes, or other venomous reptiles; but the rivers produce greatstore of excellent fish. On the coast of St Michael on the South Sea, there are many rocks of salt, covered with eggs. At the point of St Helena, there are springs from which a liquor flows, that serves instead of pitchand tar. It is said that there is a fountain in Chili which converts woodinto stone. In the haven of Truxillo, there is a lake of fresh water, thebottom of which is good hard salt; and in the Andes, beyond Xauxa, thereis a fresh water river which flows over a bottom of white salt. It is alsoaffirmed that there formerly dwelt giants in Peru, of whom statues werefound at Porto Vejo; and that their jaw bones were found in the haven ofTruxillo, having teeth three or four fingers long. 

In the year 1540, the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoça, sent FerdinandoAlorchon with two ships, to explore the bottom of the gulph of California, and divers other countries. In the same year, Gonsalvo Pizarro went fromQuito to discover the _Cinnamon_ country, of which there ran a great famein Peru. Taking with him a force of 200 Spaniards, partly horse and partfoot, with 300 Indians to carry the baggage, he marched to _Guixos_, themost distant place or frontier of the empire of the Incas; in which placethere happened a great earthquake, accompanied with much rain and dreadfullightning, by which seventy houses were swallowed up. From that place theypassed over a chain of cold and snowy mountains, where they found manyIndians frozen to death, and they wondered much at finding so much snowimmediately under the equinoctial line. From thence they proceeded to aprovince called _Cumaco_, where they were detained two months on accountof constant rain; and beyond this, they came to the cinnamon trees, whichare of great size, with leaves resembling those of the bay tree. Theleaves, branches, roots, and every part of this tree, tasted like cinnamon, but this taste and flavour was particularly strong in the root; yet thatwas still stronger in certain knobs, like _alcornoques_, or acorns, whichwere good merchandize. This appears to have been of the same nature withwild cinnamon, of which there is great abundance in the East Indies, particularly in the island of _Jaoa_, or Java. From this cinnamon country, they proceeded onwards to the province and city of Coca, where they haltedfor fifty days; after which they travelled for sixty leagues along a river, without being able to find any bridge or ford at which they could passover. In one place they found this river to form a cataract of 200 fathomsin perpendicular fall, making such a noise as was almost sufficient todeafen any person who stood near. Not far beyond this fall, the river wasfound to glide in a smooth channel, worn out of the rock; and at thisplace they constructed a bridge by which they passed to the other side, and entered into a country called Guema, which was so poor, that theycould only get fruit and herbs to subsist upon. Travelling onwards fromthat place, they came to a district where the people had some degree ofcivilization, and wore cotton clothing of their own manufacture, and usedcanoes. They here built a brigantine, in which, and in some canoes, procured or taken from the natives, they embarked their sick, with theirtreasure, provisions, and spare apparel, under the charge of Francis deOrellana; while Gonsalvo Pizarro marched by land with the rest of thepeople along the river, going every night into the boats. In this mannerthey proceeded for about 200 leagues; when one night, on coming to theriver side, in hopes of joining the boats as usual, Pizarro could not seeor hear of them. He and his people were reduced, by this unfortunateincident, to a state of almost utter despair: In a strange, poor, andbarren country, without provisions, clothing, or any other convenience, and at a vast distance from their friends, with a prodigious extent ofdifficult and dangerous road interposed between them and Quito, they werereduced to the necessity of eating their horses, and even their dogs. Yetholding a good heart, they proceeded onwards in their journey for eighteenmonths, penetrating, as is said, almost 500 leagues, without ever seeingthe sun or any thing else to comfort them. At length, of the 200 men whohad set out from Quito, only ten returned thither; and these so weak, ragged, and disfigured, that they could not be recognized. Orellana went 5or 600 leagues down the river, passing through various countries andnations on both sides, among whom he affirmed that some were Amazons[94]. From the mouth of that river, Orellana went home to Spain, and excusedhimself for having deserted Pizarro, and those who marched by land, byalleging, that he had been forced down the river by the strength of thecurrent, which he was utterly unable to stem. By some, this river is namedafter Orellana, who first navigated its waters; and others call it theriver of the Amazons, on account of a female nation of warriors, who aresaid to inhabit its banks[95]. 

In the year 1541, Don Stephen de Gama, the Portuguese governor of India, went with a squadron into the Red Sea, by the strait of Mecca, or ofBabelmandel, and came to anchor off the island of Maçua, or Massoua; fromwhence he sailed along the coast of Abyssinia, or Ethiopia, to the islandof Suachem, in lat. 20° N. And to the harbour of Cossier, in 27°. Fromthence, he crossed over to the Arabian shore, and the city of Toro, andsailed from that place to Suez, at the farther end of the Red Sea, andreturned from thence to India, having extended the Portuguese knowledge ofthat sea farther than had ever been done before. On the way betweenCossier and Toro, Gama is said to have found an island of brimstone, whichhad been dispeopled by Mahomet, wherein many crabs are bred, whichincrease nature, on which account, they are much sought after by theunchaste. 

It is true that Lopez Suarez, when governor of India, had navigated theRed Sea, as far as Judda, the haven of Mecca, in lat. 23° N. 150 leaguesfrom the straits of Babelmandel; but Gama penetrated to the very northernextremity of the gulph[96]. In the same year, Diego de Almagro killed theMarquis Francis Pizarro, and his brother Francis Martinez de Alcantara, inthe city of Lima, or _de los Reyes_, and usurped the government of Peru. 

In the same year, 1541, Don Antony de Mendça, viceroy of Mexico, sent anarmy of Spaniards and Indians from Mexico, under the command of FrancisVasquez de Coronado, by way of Culiacan, into the province of Sibola, orCinaloa, which is in lat. 30° N. [97]. Coronado endeavoured to treat onfriendly terms with the natives, and requested to be furnished withprovisions; but received for answer, that they were not accustomed to giveany thing to those who came unto their country in a warlike manner. Uponthis, the Spaniards assaulted and took the town, to which they gave thename of New Granada, because the general was a native of Granada in OldSpain. The soldiers found themselves much deceived by the reports of thefriars who had been in those parts, as already mentioned under the year1538, who said that the country was rich in gold, silver, and preciousstones. Not being willing, therefore, to return empty-handed to Mexico, they went to the town of _Acuco_, where they heard of _Axa_ and _Quivira_, the king of which was reported to worship a golden cross, and the pictureof the Queen of Heaven, or the blessed Virgin. In this journey, theSpaniards endured many hardships, but the Indians fled every where beforethem, and one morning, they found thirty of their horses had died duringthe night. From _Cicuic_ they went to _Quivira_, a distance of 200 leaguesin their estimation, the whole way being in a level country; and theymarked their route by means of small hillocks of cow dung, that they mightbe the better able to find their way back. At one time they had a storm ofhail, the hailstones being as large as oranges. At length they reachedQuivira, where they found the King _Tatarax_, whose only riches consistedin a copper ornament, which he wore suspended from his neck. They sawneither cross, nor image of the virgin, nor any indication whatever of theChristian religion. This country, according to their report, was verythinly inhabited, more especially in its champaign or level parts, inwhich the whole people wandered about with their cattle, of which theyhave great abundance, living much in the same manner with the Arabs inBarbary, removing from place to place according to the seasons, in searchof pastures for their cattle. The cattle belonging to these Indians arealmost as large as horses, having large horns, and bear fleeces of woollike sheep, on which account the Spaniards gave them that name. They haveabundance of another kind of oxen or cattle, very monstrous in their formhaving hunches on their backs like camels, with long beards, and longmanes like horses. The Indians live by eating these oxen, and by drinkingtheir blood, and clothe themselves in their skins. Most of their food israw, or at least slightly roasted, as they have no pots in which to boiltheir food. They cut their meat with certain knives made of flint. Theirfruits are damsons, hazel-nuts, melons, grapes, pines, and mulberries. They have dogs of such vast strength, that one of them will hold a bull, be he never so wild. When the Indians remove from place to place, thesedogs carry their wives, children, and household stuff on their backs; andare so strong as to carry fifty pounds at once[98]. I omit many othercircumstances of this expedition, because the plan I have prescribedrequires brevity[99]. 

In the year 1542, when Diego de Frietas was in the port of Dodra, in thekingdom of Siam, three Portuguese of his crew deserted, and went in a junktowards China. The names of these men were, Antonio de Mota, FrancisZeimoro, and Antonio Pexoto; who directed their course for the city ofLiampa, in lat. 30° N. Or upwards[100]. Having encountered a great storm, they were driven to a distance from land distance from land, and came insight of an island far to the east, in lat. 32° N. Which they called Japan, and which seems to be the isle of Zipangri, mentioned by Marco Polo theVenetian, which in exceedingly rich in gold and silver, and other valuablecommodities. 

In the same year, 1542, Don Antonio de Mendoça, the viceroy of New Spain, sent certain sea captains and pilots to explore the Coast of Cape delEngannon, where a fleet, sent by Cortes, had been before. They sailed asfar as the latitude 40° N. When they came in sight of a range of mountainscovered in snow, which they name _Sierras Nevadas_, or the snowy mountainsin lat. 40°N. They here met with certain merchant ships, which carried ontheir stems the images of a kind of birds called _Aleutarsi_, and hadtheir yards gilded, and their bows laid over with silver. These seemed tobelong to the islands of Japan or to China, as the people said that theircountry was within thirty days sail[101]. In the same year, the viceroyMendoça sent a fleet of six ships, with 400 Spanish soldiers, and as manyMexicans, under the command of his brother-in-law, Rui Lopez de VillaLobos, a person in high estimation, to the Mindanao islands. They sailedon the eve of All Saints, from the harbour of Natividad, in lat. 20°N. Andshaping their course towards the west, they came in sight of the island ofSt Thomas, which had been before discovered by Hernando de Girijalva; andbeyond that, in 17°N, they got sight of another island, which they named_La Nebulata_ or the Cloudy Island; and from thence, they came to anotherisland, which they named _Roca Partalia_, or the cloven rock. On the 3rd. Of December, they discovered certain shoals, having only six or sevenfathoms water. On the fifteenth of the same month, they had sight of theislands which were discovered by Diego de Roca, Gomez de Sequieira, andAlvaro de Saavedra, called _Los Reyes_ or islands of the kings, becausediscovered on Twelfth day. And beyond these, they found a cluster ofislands, in 10° of latitude, and came to an anchor in the midst of them, where they took in wood and water. In January 1548 leaving these islands, they came in sight of certain other islands, from which the natives cameoff to them, in a kind of boats, bearing crosses in their hands, and theysaluted the mariners in the Spanish language, saying, _Buenos diasMatelotes_, or, good day companions. The Spaniards were much surprised atbeing thus accosted in their own language, and seeing such indications ofChristianity, at no great a distance from Spain, not knowing that many ofthe natives in these parts had been baptised by Francis de Castro, at thecommand of me, Antonio Galvano, an formerly mentioned. From these unlooked-for circumstances, some of the Spaniards named these islands _Islas de losCruzos_, or the Islands of Crosses and others called them _Islas de losMatelotes_, or the Islands of Companions[101]. On the first of February, Ruy Lopez came in sight of the noble island of Mindanao, in 9º N. [102]. But he could neither double that inland, owing to contrary winds, norwould the natives permit him to come to anchor on their coast, because thefive or six christened kings and their people had promised obedience to meAntonio Galvano, and were unwilling to incur my displeasure. On thisaccount, and constrained by contrary winds, Lopez sailed along the coastin quest of a place of safety; and, in four or five degrees of latitude, he found a small island called Sarangam by the natives, which he tookpossession of by force, and named it Antonio after the viceroy of Mexico. Ruy Lopez, and his people remained here a whole year, during which manythings occurred worth notice; but as these are treated of in otherhistories, I refrain from mentioning them, confining myself entirely todiscoveries. 

In the month of August of the same year, 1548, Ruy Lopez, sent Bartholomewde la Torre in a small ship to New Spain, to acquaint the viceroy of hisproceedings. Torre went first to the islands named _Siria, Gaonala, Bisaia_, and many others, in 11° and 12° N. Lat. Where Magellan and deCastro had both been formerly, and where the latter baptized many of thenatives; and the Spaniards called these the _Phillipinas_, in honour ofthe prince of Spain[104]. In these islands Torre procured provisions, andwood and water, whence he sailed for several days with a fair wind, edgingtowards the north-east, till he came right under the tropic of Cancer. Onthe 25th of September, they came in sight of certain islands, which theynamed _Malabrigos_, or the evil roads; beyond which they discovered _Lasdos Hermanas_, or the Two Sisters; and beyond these again, four islandswhich they called _las Volcanes_. On the second of October they came insight of _Farfana_, beyond which there is a high pointed rock, whichthrows up fire in five places. Sailing in this manner, for some time, in16° of north latitude, they were obliged by continual contrary winds, tobear up again for the Philippine islands, and in their way back, had sightof six or seven additional islands, but did not anchor at any of them. They found also an archipelago, or numerous cluster of islands, in 15 or16 degrees of north latitude, well inhabited by a white people, withbeautiful well-proportioned women, and much better clothed than in anyother of the islands of these parts; and they had many golden ornaments, which was a sure sign that there was some of that metal in their country. These people likewise had barks or vessels of forty-three cubits long, bytwo fathoms and a half in breadth, constructed of planks five inches broad, and which were rowed with oars. The people told the Spaniards that theywere in use to sail in these vessels to China, which was not above five orsix days sail from thence, and offered to supply them with pilots, if theywere inclined to go thither. Several of these barks, handsomely decked, came off to the Spanish ship, in which the master, and other principalpeople, sat on a high platform, while the rowers sat underneath, who were_blackamoors_ or negroes with frizzled hair. Being asked whence they hadthese negroes, they answered that they were brought from certain islandsnear Sebut, where there were abundance to be had. The Spaniards wonderedmuch at finding negroes in this place, being above 300 leagues from thenearest land of the negroes. It is therefore probable that these peoplewere not originally natives of this part of the world; but that they havebeen scattered somehow in various places over the circuit of the earth, asthey are found in the islands of Nicobar and Andaman, in the bay of Bengal. From thence, for the space of 500 leagues, we do not know of any otherblack people: Yet Vasco Nunnez de Valboa pretends to have discovered them, when he went to explore the coast of the South Sea, in a country which henamed _Quareca_; but there never were any found in New Spain, Castilia delOro, or in Peru. 

In the year 1544, Don Gutierre de Vargas, bishop of Placenza, the cousinof Mendoça, sent a fleet from Seville to the straits of Magellan, instigated by the advice of the viceroy. Some said that this fleet wasdestined for the Moluccas, others for China, and others again, that it wasmeant only to explore the coast from the straits along Chili to Peru. However this may have been, the fleet was unable, from contrary winds, toget through the straits, except one small bark which got into the SouthSea, and sailed along the whole coast, till it came to _Chirimai_ and_Arequipa_, which is above 500 leagues, which were now explored; all therest of the coast having been formerly discovered by Diego de Almagro, Francis Pizarro, and their people, at various times[105]. 

In January of the year 1545, Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos, formerly mentioned, came with his Spaniards to the isle of _Moro_[106], and the city of_Camato_, where he was well received by the kings of Gilolo and Tidore, and the people of the country; for I, Antonio Galvano, had then left theMoluccas; and they put the governor Don George de Castro to much trouble, and great expence. In the same year, 1545, Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos, sentanother ship from Tidore for New Spain, under the command of IgnatiusOrtez de Rotha, and having Jaspar Rico as pilot, with orders to attemptthe passage by the south side of the line. Ortez sailed to the coast ofPapua, which he explored; and, as he knew not that Saavedra had been thereformerly, he challenged the credit and honour of the discovery. Findingthe natives of a black colour, with frizzled hair, he named the country onthat account New Guinea. Thus, the memory of Saavedra was then almost lost, as every thing is apt to fall into oblivion, unless put upon record, andillustrated by writing. 

In June of this year, 1545, one Pedro Fidalgo, a Portuguese, sailed in ajunk from the city of Borneo; but being driven to the north by contrarywinds, he fell in with a large island, the south extremity of which lay innine or ten degrees of north latitude, while it stretched to lat. 22° N. At its other end, which is called the island of Luçones, from the name ofthe nation by which it is inhabited. Perhaps it may have some other name, of which, as yet, we have not been informed. This island runs from thenorth for a great way directly south, and then takes a turn towards thesouth-east. It is said that Fidalgo sailed for 250 leagues along the coastof this island, which is in the midway-between Mindanao and China, and hereported that the land was fruitful, and well clothed with trees andverdure; and that the inhabitants will give two pezoes of gold for one ofsilver, although so near China, in which the relative value of thesemetals is so well understood. 

In the year 1553, certain ships were sent out from England, which sailedto the northward, along the coast of Norway and Finmark, and from thenceeast, in seventy or eighty degrees of north latitude, till they came toMuscovy, to which country one of the ships penetrated; but I have not beenable to learn what became of the rest. From the land of Muscovy, a shipmay sail eastwards to Tartary, at the farthest extremity of which China issituated. It is reported that there is a wall above 200 leagues in length, between Tartary and China, in about lat. 50° N. 

From all the preceding discoveries, it may be concluded, that, as thewhole earth is 360 degrees, and the ancient writers allow 17-1/2 leaguesfor every degree, the entire circuit of the earth would thus be 6300leagues; but as, in my opinion, each degree is exactly seventeen leagues, the circuit will then be only 6120 leagues. However this may be, the wholecircuit of the globe has been discovered and sailed over, from east towest, even almost as it is encompassed and visited by the sun in itsdiurnal course. It is quite otherwise, however, in respect to the northern, and southern parts of the earth. For, towards the north pole, there hasonly been discovered hitherto to the latitude of 77° or 78°, which make anextent of 1347 leagues; and between the equinoctial and the south pole, there has only been discovered to the latitude of 52° or 53° south, or tothe Straits of Magellan; which amounts to no more than 960 leagues. Now, adding these two together, their sum is just 2257 leagues: And, deductingthis sum from 6300 leagues, there still remains to be discovered, in thenorth and south, 4043 leagues. 

[1] Ferdinand was hereditary king of Arragon; but, by marrying Isabella, queen of Castile, had united the several monarchies of Spain, under one government. Ferdinand had no share whatever in the honour of sending out Columbus, the sole charge being defrayed by his consort, Isabella, hereditary queen of Castile and Leon; and who had even to borrow money for the purpose. The contemptuous notice of _one_ Christopher Columbus, must be pardoned to the patriotic rivalry of a Portuguese. --E. 

[2] Galvano is here inaccurate: It will be seen in the sequel, that Bartholomew Columbus did not accompany his brother in this voyage, being then in England. --E. 

[3] It is certainly possible, that Columbus may have used that mode in his course to the Canaries: But as his run across the Atlantic was nearly on a parallel, he must have kept that part of his voyage by what is called dead reckoning, or by the log. --E. 

[4] The middle of Guanahana is in lat. 24° 30' N. The centre of Jamaica in 18° 10' N. The latitudes of Galvano are generally inaccurate; and he never pretends to assign any longitudes whatever. The series, likewise, in which he arranges the discoveries of Columbus is very inaccurate. --E. 

[5] Cape de Verd is in 14° 30' N. Deseada in 16° 30' N. A difference of two degrees of latitude. Dominica, in 15° 30' is the first land said to have been discovered by Columbus in his _second_ voyage, in the authentic original narrative by his son, which will be found in the sequel. --E. 

[6] Counting from Dominica to the north side of Cuba, between 15° 30' and 23° 15'. --E. 

[7] The negociators of the two crowns, as here related, seem to have been ignorant that this loose division of the globe gave the whole reciprocally to each of the parties. --E. 

[8] The apparent object seems to have been in search of a passage to the East Indies by way of the north-west, a chimera long and anxiously sought after. It is needless to make any observations on these indistinct notices, as the voyage of Cabot will be afterwards given at full length. --E. 

[9] The centre of Trinidada is in 10° 30'N. Its S. W. Point in 10° 12', and the N. E. Cape in 10º 45' N. --E. 

[10] De Barros, Dec. I. 1. 4. C. 2. And to the end of ch. 11. --Hakl. 

[11] Osorius says this voyage commenced on the 9th of July. --Clarke. 

[12] This Panama seems a blunder of some ignorant copyist, for Panarame. --E. 

[13] The coast here is nearly N. And S. And their course must have been to the north. --E. 

[14] The Marannon and Amazons are the same river. Perhaps by the Rio Dolce the Orinoco may be meant; but in these slight notices of discovery it is impossible at times to ascertain the real positions, through the alteration of names. --E. 

[15] From the latitude indicated by Galvano, the land of Cortereal may have been somewhere on the eastern side of Newfoundland. --E. 

[16] Barros, Dec. 1. I. 5. C. 10. 

[17] Gomara, I. 2. 

[18] About 8200 ounces, worth about L. 16, 000 sterling; equal in modern efficacy, perhaps, to L. 100, 000. --E. 

[19] Probably an error for Taprobana; the same by which Ceylon was known to the ancients. --E. 

[20] The Cakerlaka of other writers, which can only be large monkeys or baboons, called men with tails, through ignorance or imposture. --E. 

[21] Rumi still continues the eastern name of the Turkish empire, as the successor of the Roman emperors, in Assyria and Egypt. Hence these Roman gold coins may have come in the way of trade from Assyria or Egypt, or may possibly have been Venetian sequins. --E. 

[22] The author must here mean Cochin China by the coast of Patane. --E. 

[23] About 1000 by 320 English miles. --E. 

[24] This story of the skull of a small insect is quite unintelligible, and must have been misunderstood entirely by Hakluyt, the translator: It is the Elephant, probably, that is here meant. --E. 

[25] Probably the bird of Paradise. --Clarke. 

[26] P. Martyr, Dec. 3. C. 10. 

[27] The island of Tararequi is in lat. 5° N. 

[28] These leagues are elsewhere explained as 17-1/2 to the degree, or about 4 English miles: Hence the estimate of Galvano is 2000 miles long by 1200 miles broad; certainly a very extensive dominion. China Proper may be said to extend in length from lat. 27° to 41° N. And in breadth from long. 97° to 121° E. Not very inferior to the above estimate; but including the immeasurable bounds of its dependencies, Chinese Tartary, Thibet, and almost the whole of central Asia, it prodigiously exceeds the magnitude here assigned by Galvano. --E. 

[29] Castagnada, I. 4. C. 36. 37. Osorius, I. 11. F. 315. P. 2. 

[30] Pet. Mart. IV. Iv. Gomar. II. Xiv. And xvii. 

[31] The text is obscure, and seems to indicate that they were unable to pass between the island of Ascension and the main of Yucatan. The latitudes are extremely erroneous: Cozumel is in lat. 20° N. The island of Ambergris, perhaps the Ascension of the text, is in 18° 30'. From errors in latitude and alterations of nomenclature, it is often impossible to follow distinctly the routes of these early voyagers. --E. 

[32] Pet. Mart. IV. Vi. Gomar. II. Xviii, &c. 

[33] Gomar. II. Xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv. 

[34] This certainly ought to be called the Molucca islands; but Galvano uniformly applies the same name, Malacca, both to the spice islands and the city of Malacca on the Continent. --E. 

[35] Gomar. IV. Iii. Pet. Mart. V. Vii. 

[36] Ramusio, I. 874. 

[37] This seems to mean the Straits of Babelmandel. Having lost sight of Prester John in Tartary, the Portuguese were delighted with the discovery of a Christian king in Africa, the Negus of Abyssinia; and transferred to him that popular fable. --E. 

[38] These countries, with the river and cape mentioned in the text, are now unknown, these arbitrary names having merged in the nomenclature of more recent settlers. If the latitude be nearly accurate, it may have been on the confines of Georgia and South Carolina. --E. 

[39] Gomar. II. L. 

[40] Id. II. Lx. 

[41] Malacca of the text ought certainly to be Molucca: Bouro is in lat. 3° 20' S. Timor between 8° 30' and 10° 20' S. --E. 

[42] Gomar. IV. Viii. 

[43] Id. VI. Iv. Li. 

[44] Gomar. IV. Viii, and xii. Castagn. VI. Xli. 

[45] Gomar. VI. Xii. 

[46] Castagn. VI. Xlii. 

[47] Gomar. II. Lxi. The text, in Hakluyt's translation, has the absurd number of 76, 000 Castilians lost in this war; 76 is a more probable number, and is considerable out of his small force: yet, the text may mean 76, 000 _Castellans_ of gold, as the sum expended on the expedition; and which Hakluyt, or his printer, changed to that number of _Castilians_. --E. 

[48] Gomar. Conqu. De Mex. F. 226. 

[49] Id. 242. This bay reaches no farther to the S. Than 148 10' N. --E. 

[50] Id. F. 229. 230. 

[51] Id. F. 233. 

[52] Gomar. Conqu. F. 234. And Hist. Gen. III. Xxi. 

[53] Id: Hist. Gen. II. Vii. 

[54] In this latitude, on the shore of Costa Rica, there is a town now called Porto Cartago; but whether that indicated in the text it is difficult to say, as Galvano is not always perfectly accurate in his latitudes. --E. 

[55] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. Lxv. And Conqu. F. 243. 

[56] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. Lxvi, and Conqu. F. 256-261. 

[57] The Spanish leagues are 17-1/2 to the degree of latitude, hence this march exceeded 2000 English miles. --E. Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. Lxvi. Id. Conqu. 246-273. 

[58] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. I. And ii. 

[59] The ambiguity of the language is here utterly inexplicable. --E. 

[60] Meaning probably the lake of Titicaca in Peru. It is hardly necessary to say that this slight survey of the Plata must be erroneous, especially in its reports. The Rio San Francisco, alludes to one of the sources of the Great Maranon, or river of the Amazons. --E. 

[61] Ramusio, III. 310. Ramusio gives a long and minute account of this unfortunate expedition, entitled, Relation made by Alvaro Nunez, of what befel the armament sent to the _Indies_ (America) under Pamphilo Narvaez in the year 1527, to the end of 1536; when he returned to Seville with _three_ only of his companions. --Clarke. 

[62] The inhabitants of this island were most probably _tatooted_, of which custom a particular description will be given hereafter, in the particular voyages of discovery in the South Sea. --E. 

[63] The longitudes being altogether neglected in these relations by Galyano, it is impossible to form any conjecture as to the islands indicated in text. They may possibly have belonged to the Carolines of modern maps, which extend between long. 135° and 180° E. And about the latitudes of the text. --E. 

[64] The account which Galvano gives of this voyage is very vague and inconclusive. We shall find afterwards that the Spaniards found out the means of counteracting the perpetual eastern trade winds of the Pacific within the tropics, by shaping a more northerly course from the Philippine islands, where they established the staple of their Indian commerce, between Acapulco and Manilla. --E. 

[65] Galvano certainly mistakes here in assigning Tecoantepec, which is at least 340 miles from the nearest part of the bay of Honduras. If a navigation were practicable from Tecoantepec, it would more probably be towards Tabasco, at the bottom of the bay of Campechy. Perhaps he ought to have said from Guatimala to the gulf of Dolse, at the bottom of the bay of Honduras. This splendid navigation between the Atlantic and Pacific, within the tropics, like that between the Mediterranean and Red Sea, still remains an unsolved problem. It will be resumed hereafter, among the voyages and travels to Spanish America. --E. 

[66] These seem all to have been brothers to Pizarro, and named from the town of Alcantara in Spain. --E. 

[67] The mouth of the Maranon is exactly under the line. --E. 

[68] The latitude of Cusco is only 13° 30' S. --E. 

[69] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. Vi. Vii. Viii. Ix

[70] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. Xvi. Xviii. Xix. 

[71] So named from the two brothers, Caspar and Michael Cortereal, who are said to have been lost on this coast of North America in 1500, as formerly mentioned by Galvano. --E. 

[72] Xalis, or Xalisco, the residence of Gusman is in lat. 21°45'N. The mouth of the river St Francis, on the north-eastern shore of the gulf of California, is in lat. 26° 40' N. So that the discovery on the present occasion seems to have comprised about 350 miles to the north of Xalis. --E. 

[73] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. Lxxiv. Xcviii. 

[74] Xauxa or Jauja, stands on the high table land of Peru; Lima, or de los Reys, near the coast of the South Sea, in the maritime valley, or low country, and on the river Rimac, called Lima in the text. --E. 

[75] Gomar. Hist. Gen. IV. Xxiii. And V. Xxii. 

[76] Gomar. H. G. V. Xxiv. And xxv. Almagro appears, both on his march to Chili and back to Cusco, to have gone by the high mountainous track of the Andes, and the carcases of his dead horses must have been preserved from corruption amid the ever during ice and snow of that elevated region. --E. 

[77] The text seems ambiguous, and it appears difficult to say whether Galvano means, that Cosesofar, or Coje Sofar, was captain under D'Acunha, or general of the Guzerat army, belonging to Badu. --E. 

[78] This probably refers to the _Bore_, or great and sudden influx of the sea, after a great recession. --E. 

[79] Gomar. H. G. IV. Xiii. 

[80] Probably a mistake for La Paz, the principal town of the north- western district, or mining province, belonging to the Viceroyalty of La Plata. --E. 

[81] The only island mentioned in this voyage, which can be traced by the names in our modern maps, is the Piscadores, about lat. 11° N. Long. 167° E. --E. 

[82] This strange expression is quite inexplicable, and must have been misunderstood by Hakluyt. --E. 

[83] Probably Morty, of our present maps. --E. 

[84] Chron. Del Peru, c. Ix, xx. 

[85] Ramus. III. 356. 

[86] This obviously refers to an inaccurate description of the Babyroussa. --E. 

[87] Gomar. H. G. II. Lxiv. Ramus. III. 329. 

[88] Gomar. H. G. VI. Xvii. 

[89] In this paragraph we have very vague indications of humming birds, rattlesnakes, and of the animal now called Pecari. --E. 

[90] Gomar. H. G. V. Xxxv. And Chron. Del Peru, c. 103. 

[91] The word Brazil in the text obviously includes the whole flat country to the east of the Andes, Guiana, Brazil, Paraguay, Buenos Ayres, and Patagonia. --E. 

[92] This idea, ever since the time of Lord Monboddo, has been renewed, and occupies the attention of the explorers of Africa; links may exist, in creation, with which we are yet unacquainted. --Clarke. 

 The fancy of tailed men has probably arisen from inattentive observers, seeing people clothed in the skins of beasts, with the tails hanging down. The natives of New South Wales wear tails in imitation of the Kangaroo: Yet, having been closely observed, are not described as tailed men--E. 

[93] This word ought to have been _Pacos_. Of these animals, with the Llamas and Vicugnas, different species of the camel genus, a more extended account will occur, when we come to the particular travels in Peru. --E. 

[94] It will be seen afterwards, in the account of the West India Islands, and the Continent of Guiana, that there are many warlike tribes of Caribs, or Caraibs, constantly engaged in predatory warfare; whose women, when their husbands are absent in search of prisoners for _food_, take arms for the protection of themselves and children; whence they have been reported as nations of female warriors, or Amazons. --E. 

[95] Gomar. H. G. V. Xxxvi. 

[96] The true latitudes of the places mentioned in the text are, Suakim, 19º 30', Massoua, 15º 20', Cossier, 26° 16', Judda, 21º 20', Suez, 30°. --E. 

[97] The latitude of 30° N. Would lead to the idea of Sonora being the district, or province, indicated in the text by Sibola; Cinaloa is only in 26° N. Yet, from the context, appears to be the country intended by Galvano--E. 

[98] The idea that a dog, even able to bear a load of fifty pounds, should carry a woman, is truly absurd. If there be any truth in the story, the dogs must have performed the services in the text by drawing sledges; yet nothing of the kind has hitherto been found in North America, though common in North-east Asia. --E. 

[99] Gomar. H. G. VI. Xviii. And xix. 

[100] In other writers Liampa and Siampa, or Tsiompa, are synonimous; but that place is in lat. 12° N. The latitude of the text would lead us to the eastern coast of China, between Ningpo and Nankin. --E. 

[101] Gomez, H. G. VI. Xviii. This story, which Galvano has reported from Genoa, seems altogether unworthy of credit. --E. 

[102] The Matelots are laid down in our modern maps, in lat. 9° N. Long 137° E. Not far E. N. E. Of the Pelew, or Pillelew islands. --E. 

[103] This great inland of Mindanao, to the south of the Philippines, reaches from 9° 30' N. To 5° 30', and from long. 122° to 126° 20' E. Being about 300 miles long, by 270 miles broad. --E. 

[104] The Philippines, exclusive of Mindanao and Palawa, extend from Lat. 9° to 18º 40' both N. And are in E. Long. 122º but their present geographical names, Luzon, Samar, Leyte, Zebu, Negros, Pany, Mindora, and several other smaller isles, have no resemblance whatever with those of the text. --E. 

[105] Gomar. H. G. IV. Xiv. 

[106] Probably Morty, the most north-easterly of the Moluccas. --E. 

CHAPTER II. 

THE JOURNEY OF AMBROSE CONTARINI, AMBASSADOR FROM THE REPUBLIC OF VENICETO UZUN-HASSAN, KING OF PERSIA, IN THE YEARS 1473, 4, 5, AND. 6, WRITTENBY HIMSELF. 

INTRODUCTION. 

This relation of a journey into Persia, between the years 1473 and 1477, is from a collection of voyages and travels, principally in Asia, made inthe _twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth_, and _fifteenth centuries_, whichwas published at the Hague, in the French language, in 1735. Thatcollection usually goes under the name of _Bergeron_, whose name appearson the title somewhat equivocally as the author; but who is mentioned inthe advertisement as a writer belonging to the middle of the precedingcentury; and the only part of the work that can, be attributed to him, isa _Treatise of Navigation, and of the Modern Voyages of Discovery andConquest, especially those made by the French, &c. _ which serves as anintroduction to this compilement. The editor of this collection gives noaccount of himself, or of the sources from whence he has derived hisdifferent articles; and only says, that the journal of Contarini wastranslated into French, that it might be published along with the othercontents of his volume. From the _Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages_, by G. Boucher de la Richarderie, a new work of great research, publishedat Paris in 1808, we learn that the journal of Contarini was published inItalian at Venice, in a duodecimo volume, in 1543. So far as is known tous, it now appears for the first time in an English translation. Thisarticle might have been more aptly placed towards the close of _first_part of the present collection, but escaped notice in proper time and itappears of too much importance, both in itself, and as an early document, to be omitted from punctilious attention to rigid systematic arrangement. 

PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR. 

"The illustrious republic of Venice, having done me the honour to appointme ambassador to Uzun-Hassan, king of Persia, I accepted the employmentwith much pleasure, both that I might do acceptable service to my owncountry and for the general good of Christendom. I neither considered thedifficulties nor the dangers of the journey, but placed my trust solelyon the assistance of God; preferring the interests of my country, and ofthe Christian world, to my own ease and safety. On purpose to render mydiscoveries useful to the public, I have carefully and briefly recordedevery circumstance deserving of attention, that occurred during my longand laborious journey; as relative to the provinces, cities, and placesthrough which I travelled, and the manners and customs of the differentnations among whom I sojourned. In short, I have omitted nothingdeserving of notice, that occurred during my three years journey, havingleft Venice on the first day of Lent, in the year 1473, and havingreturned to my beloved country on the 24th of February in the year1476[1]. "

SECTION I. 

_The Ambassador, after passing through Germany, Poland, Russia, and theTartarian Deserts, or Upper European Sarmatia, arrives at Caffa orTheodosia. _

I left Venice on the 23d of February, in the year 1473, accompanied by thevenerable priest Stephen Testa, who acted as my chaplain and secretary, and by Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, together with two servants, Maffei de Bergamo, and John Ungaretti, all of us disguised in ordinaryGerman dresses, our money being concealed in the clothes of Stephen Testa. We went by water in the first place to the church of _St Michael inMurano_, where we heard mass, and received the benediction of the prior;after which, we mounted our horses, which were there in waiting, andreached Treviso[2] the same day. I anxiously wished to have procured someperson to accompany us on the journey who knew the road, but could notmeet with any, nor could I even procure a guide for hire. Leaving Trevisoon the 24th, we arrived that day at Cogiensi, now called Cornegliano[3];and knowing the dangers and difficulties we must experience during ourlong journey, we here confessed, and partook of the holy sacrament of theeucharist, after which we resumed our journey. We fortunately overtook aGerman, named Sebastian, who said he knew me and the object of my journey, and offered to keep us company to Nuremburgh. I gladly accepted of thisperson as a companion of our journey, inwardly thanking God for affordingus a guide. We continued our journey to the frontiers of Germany, passingthrough several cities and castles, belonging to different princes andbishops, vassals of the empire, among which the city of Augsburg seemedone of the most beautiful. Not far from that place our German companion, Sebastian, left us, taking the road for Francfort. We parted from him withmany embraces, giving him thanks for his numerous attentions, and mutuallywishing each other a good journey. 

Having procured a new guide, we arrived at Nuremburg on the 10th of March. This is a fine city, having a river running through the middle of it, andis defended by an excellent citadel. While here, I inquired of my landlordif there were any travellers going our way. He informed me that there weretwo ambassadors from the king of Poland then in the city, who, he wascertain, would be happy to receive a visit from me. I therefore sent mychaplain, Stephen Testa, to inform these gentlemen of my being inNuremburg, and of the purpose of my journey, and of my desire to pay thema visit. They received my message with much civility, and I accordinglywent to wait upon them. These gentlemen were counsellors of state to hisPolish Majesty, one of whom was an archbishop, and the other a knight, named Paul. After mutual compliments, I informed them that I proposedpaying my respects to their sovereign, and was furnished with a passport. Notwithstanding the sorry equipage in which I travelled, they received mewith much honour. I remained four days in Nuremburg, during which I formeda friendly intimacy with the Polish ambassadors, and then resumed myjourney in their company, being likewise accompanied by an ambassadorbelonging to the king of Bohemia, eldest son of the king of Poland. 

Departing from Nuremburg on the 14th of March, now nearly sixty horsemenin company, we crossed through Germany, always lodging in good cities orcastles, some of which were extremely beautiful, both in respect to theirsituation and the excellence of their fortifications; but I omitdescribing them, as they are well known to travellers. The journey acrossGermany took us twelve days, during which we passed through the greaterpart of the dominions of the Maregrave of Brandenburg, and arrived at theimperial city of Francfort, a tolerably good and well fortified city onthe Oder. We rested here till the 29th of March. As this city is near theconfines of Poland, we had an escort of cavalry belonging to the Maregraveof Brandenburg, which accompanied us to the frontiers. These soldiers werewell mounted and armed, and marched in good order. On the last day ofMarch we arrived at Miedzyrzyez[4], which is a small city, but strong andpleasant, and is the first place on the frontiers of Poland. From thatplace till we reached _Stragone_, or Poznan, which took us three daysjourney, we saw no place worth notice. Poznan is particularly remarkableon account of a great fair, which is resorted to by many merchants. Leaving Poznan on the 3d of April, we arrived on the 9th at Lenczycz[5], where Casimir, king of Poland, then resided. In this journey we foundneither cities nor considerable castles, and had much reason to rememberGermany with regret, both on account of bad lodgings and every othercircumstance. When my arrival was announced to the king, he sent two ofhis gentlemen to wait upon me, who assigned me a tolerably commodiouslodging. Next day being Easter, when no business of any kind is transacted, I rested after the fatigues of the journey. On the following morning theking sent me a robe of black damask, according to the custom of thecountry, that I might go to court, which I did, accompanied by severalpersons of distinction, and had the honour to pay my respects to the king, according to the ceremonies of that court; after which I presented theletters of our illustrious republic to his majesty, and explained to himthe nature of my commission. The king was pleased to invite me to dinner, which was served much in the same manner as with us, the dishes being ingreat abundance, and well dressed. As soon as dinner was over, I askedpermission to retire, which was accordingly granted. Two days afterwards Iwas again sent for to court, when the king gave orderly answers to all theproposals which I had made in the name of our republic, and with so muchbenevolent attention towards me, that I learned by experience that hejustly deserved the character of the best king who had reigned in Polandfor a great many years. He was pleased to appoint me two guides, one ofwhom was to accompany me through Poland, and the other through lowerRussia, to Kiow[6], or Magrano, which is the key of the kingdom. I humblythanked his majesty in the name of the republic, and took my leave. 

I left Lenczycz on the 14th of April, on my journey through Poland, whichis a flat country, ornamented with many forests; but the great want ofconvenient lodgings is a sure proof that it is not very fertile, nor muchabounding in the necessaries of life. On the 19th I arrived at Lublin, atolerable city, defended by a citadel. The three sons of the king residedthere at this time for their education. The eldest of these princes wasabout fourteen years of age, and the two others considerably younger. Learning that they wished to see me, providing that their father had notforbidden, I waited upon them, and was received with much politeness, theeldest conversing with me in the most obliging manner, and I observed thatthey behaved with much respect to their preceptor. I took my leave of them, returning thanks for their civilities, and they parted from me with asmuch courtesy as I had experienced in my reception. Leaving Lublin, andcontinuing our journey through Poland, we arrived on the 20th of April inlower Russia, which is subject to the king of Poland. In this part of ourjourney we travelled five whole days through thick woods, and, exceptmeeting with a very few castles, we lodged for the most part in countryhouses. On the 25th, we came to a town named _Jusch_, which is defended bya wooden castle. We rested here for some time, yet not without danger, asthe inhabitants were quite mad with drunkenness, on account of celebratingcertain marriages. This country produces no wine, but the natives preparea liquor from honey, which is stronger and more intoxicating even thanwine. Leaving this place, we came to another village named _Aitomir_, inwhich likewise there is a wooden castle. During the whole of our journeyof the 29th, we travelled through forests, in constant danger of robberswho infested all the roads, and we knew not where to pass the night, or toprocure any refreshments, insomuch that we had to sleep in the woods, keeping strict watch lest we might be surprised by the banditti. On the30th of April we reached _Belligraoch_, which signifies the _white_ fort, where we were lodged in the royal palace, and passed the night with muchinconvenience. 

On the first of May we reached the city of _Kiow_[7], or Magraman. Thegovernor of this city, which stands beyond the frontiers of Polish Russia, was a Polander and Catholic, named _Pamartin_. Immediately on learning myarrival from the guides sent along with me by the king, he appointed me alodging, which was sufficiently small, considering the size of the city. He here visited me, and sent me a sufficient supply of provisions. Thiscity serves as a barrier or frontier garrison against the Tartars, and iscelebrated for a great fair, to which the merchants bring rich furs, andother goods from Upper Russia. From hence the merchants travel in a largecaravan to Caffa or Theodosia in the Crimea; but are often surprised andvery ill treated by the Tartars during their journey. The country aboutKiow abounds in grain and cattle. The inhabitants of this place occupy thewhole day in their affairs till three o'clock, employing all the rest, till night, in drinking and quarrels, the natural consequence ofdrunkenness. On the day of my arrival, governor Pamartin sent some of hisgentlemen to invite me to dinner, which I accepted with as much politenessas I could express. He received me very honourably, offering me everyservice in his power, in the most obliging manner; saying, that he wasordered by the king of Poland to treat me in every thing as well aspossible; on which I thanked him for his polite attentions, andendeavoured to recommend myself to his friendship. From him I was informedthat he was in daily expectation of the arrival of an ambassador fromLithuania, going with presents to the prince of the Tartars, who was tohave an escort of 200 Tartar horse; and, if I were inclined to takeadvantage of this opportunity, by which means I should travel in muchgreater safety, I had better wait the arrival of this ambassador. Iaccepted of this offer most willingly; and we then sat down to amagnificent entertainment; at which the bishop of Kiow, who was brother tothe governor, and many other persons of consequence were present. Wewanted nothing which could contribute to make the dinner pleasant. Goodcompany, good cheer, and music during the repast. The only circumstance Idid not like was, that it lasted too long; as I had more need for sleepand rest, after my fatiguing journey, than of all the good cheer thatcould be offered. In consequence, as soon as dinner was ended, I took myleave, and retired to my lodgings in the city; the governor living in thecastle, which is only of wood. The city of Kiow stands on the river namedanciently Boristhenes, and Danambre by the natives, which we Italians callLerissa, and which falls into the Euxine. 

On the 10th of May[8], the ambassador of Lithuania arrived; and, as he wasto set out next day after mass, I went to pay him my compliments, accompanied by M. Pamartin; who directed him, on the part of the king ofPoland, to take care of me, and to conduct me in perfect safety toTheodosia. To this the ambassador answered, that he had every respect forthe orders of his majesty, the sovereign arbiter of his life and death, and would carefully obey his orders. I thanked M. Pamartin for all hiskindnesses, as he had frequently visited me, and had supplied me withevery thing I needed for subsistence during my stay; and, as some token ofmy gratitude, I made him a present of a tolerably good German horse, whichhad carried me hitherto. We here parted with the rest of our horses, whichwere quite unfit for our farther use, and procured horses of the countryfor the remainder of our journey; and, on parting with the guides who hadaccompanied us to Kiow by orders of the king, I rewarded them for theirattention and good conduct. 

I left Kiow on the 11th of May, along with the Lithuanian ambassador; andas I was unable to travel on horseback, on account of pains in my feet, Itravelled in a carriage, which had served me for that purpose ever since Ileft the king of Poland at Lenczycz. The first place we came to was_Cerca_, belonging to the king of Poland, where we waited till the 15th, for the Tartar horse who came to escort us on our journey. After theirarrival we set out on our journey through the great desert of Tartary, andcame to the Boristhenes, which separates Tartary from Russia, and which issome miles broad[9]. As it was necessary to pass the river, our Tartarscut down some trees, the stems of which they fastened together into a raft, which was covered over by the branches, and upon which the whole of ourbaggage was placed. They fastened their horses by the tails to this raft, by which means it was dragged across the river, they themselves swimmingalong-side of their horses, and holding by their manes. We had likewise toswim our horses across, in which we succeeded, by the blessing of God, butin much fear and danger at this, to us, unusual mode of navigation. Whenwe got over, we had to remain a whole day on the other side to collect andreplace our baggage. 

While among the Tartars, their officers eyed me with much attention andsuspicion; and, during our new journey through the desert beyond the river, the Lithuanian ambassador informed me, by means of the interpreter, thatthe Tartar officers had come to a resolution to carry me to their prince, as they could not allow a person of my appearance to go on to Theodosiawithout his permission. I was much alarmed by this intelligence, believingthat I should incur considerable risk of having the purposes of my journeyfrustrated by this measure, and, therefore, earnestly recommended to theambassador to keep in mind the orders he had received on the part of theking of Poland respecting me, and the promises he had made to Pamartin;and I promised to make a present of a sword to the interpreter if hesucceeded to extricate me from my embarrassment. The interpreter reportedmy fears and wishes to the ambassador, who succeeded, after drinking withthe Tartars, in persuading them that I was of Genoa; and, by means of apresent of fifteen ducats, he obtained permission for me to go direct forTheodosia. Our journey through the desert continued till the 9th of June, during which we suffered many hardships, having, at one time, been a wholeday and night without water. At length it became necessary for us to partcompany, the Lithuanian ambassador and his escort taking the direct roadto Bachiserai[10], at which place the prince of the Tartars resided. Onthis occasion, a Tartar was appointed to be our guide to Theodosia, and weparted from the escort, not without considerable apprehensions of somesudden attack from the Tartars, yet much satisfied at getting rid of thatcrew, for they smelt so abominably, from feeding on horse flesh, that itwas quite intolerable to come near them. 

Our whole company passed the ensuing night in carts covered with skins, inwhich we were soon surrounded by a great number of persons, inquiring whowe were. On being informed by our Tartar guide that I was of Genoa, theysupplied us with milk, and left us. Resuming our journey next morningearly, we arrived that day, which was the 16th of June, at the suburbs ofTheodosia, otherwise called Kaffa. Filled with gratitude for ourpreservation through so many dangers, we went privately into a church togive thanks to God for our safe arrival; and from thence I sent myinterpreter to inform the Venetian consul of my arrival. He immediatelysent his brother to wait upon me, advising me to remain where I was tillnight, when he carried me privately to a house belonging to him in thesame suburb, where I was exceedingly well received. I here found PaulusOmnibamus, who had left Venice three months before me, under the orders ofour illustrious republic. 

[1] In the latter part of this journey, the date of his return to Venice is the 10th of April. --E. 

[2] Called Tarvisin, in the original. --E. 

[3] Called Conigiano, in the edition of Bergeron. --E. 

[4] This small city stands on a small river which runs into the Werta, at the western extremity of what was Poland, about sixty-seven miles from Poznan. It is called Messaricie in the original. --E. 

[5] Lausicie in the original. --E. 

[6] Named Chio in the original. The second name, Magrano, is afterwards called Magraman by Contarini, or his French translator. --E. 

[7] Named Chio in the original, but which must necessarily be Kiow, or Kieu, now belonging to Russia. The three formerly mentioned stages Jusch, Aitomir, and Belligraoch, must either be villages of too little importance to find a place in geographical maps, or their names are so corrupted as to be unintelligible. The direct road from Lublin to Kiow, passes through the palatinates of Russia, Wolhynia, and Kiow, provinces of ci-devant Poland, now annexed to the Russian empire. --E. 

[8] The original says April, but attention to the context distinctly points out this necessary correction. --E. 

[9] From this circumstance it evidently appears that the journey from Kiow had hitherto been on the right or west of the Dnieper or Boristhenes, through the country of the Nogais Tartars, now forming the western portion of the Russian province of Catharinoslau; and we may suppose the wide part of that river they had now to cross to have been somewhere about Cherson. --E. 

[10] Named Arcercheriher in the French translation of Contarini; but which must necessarily be some corruption of Baschiserai, the residence of the khan of the Crim Tartars. --E. 

SECTION II. 

_Contarini, leaving Kaffa, crosses the Euxine to the city of Phasis, whence he pursues his journey through Mingrelia, Georgia, and part ofArmenia, into Persia_. 

It is impossible for me to give any exact description of the city of Kaffa, or Theodosia, or of its government, as the danger of incurring suspicionobliged me to remain continually at home; on which account I can onlymention such particulars as I learned from others. It is situated on theEuxine, and is celebrated for a great fair, which is much frequented, onwhich account the city is very populous, and is said to be very rich andpowerful. I hired a vessel belonging to Anthony Valdat, which lay in thePalus Meotis, to carry me to the city of _Phasis_. When I was ready toembark, I met with two Armenians, one of whom had been on an embassy toRome, from Uzun Hassan, and was persuaded by them to prefer disembarkingat _Tina_, about an hundred miles from Trebisond, instead of Phasis, alleging that from Tina it was only four hours journey to a castle named_Arrius_, which depended upon the king of Persia, and promising to conductus to that place in safety. Although I was by no means satisfied with thisadvice, I allowed myself to be guided by the consul and his brother, whoagreed in opinion with the Armenians. I accordingly left Kaffa on the 4thof June[1], accompanied by the consul, who went with me to the river, where our vessel was in waiting. I had formerly agreed with the master forour passage to Phasis at seventy ducats, but on occasion of the change inour destination, I was now obliged to pay an hundred. Being aware that Ishould not be able to meet with any person to serve us at the place wewere going to, I used the precaution to hire nine men from Kaffa, toassist the mariners of our vessel, and to procure provisions for us in ourjourney through Georgia and Mingrelia. 

We embarked on the 15th of June, and made sail across the Euxine, directfor Tina, but had hardly got twenty miles on our voyage, when a contrarywind sprung up from the east. Observing the mariners consulting togetherin an extraordinary manner, I became curious to know the purpose of theirdiscourse. Accordingly, one Bernard, the brother-in-law of our captain, said to me that he understood we proposed going to Tina, but advised me byno means to do so; as a certain _Subassa_ roamed about that neighbourhoodwith a band of cavalry, who would certainly make us slaves if we fell intohis hands. On this advice I changed my purpose, and the wind becoming morefavourable, we made sail for Liasi and Phasis, and arrived at _Varsi_ onthe 29th of June, where I disembarked my horses and baggage, and sent themfrom thence by land to Phasis, which is sixty miles from that place. _Varsi_ is a castle, with a small village in Mingrelia, belonging to alord named _Gorbola_, to whom likewise _Caltichea_[2], a place of smallimportance on the coast of the Euxine, is subject. The inhabitants of thiscountry are very miserable, and the only productions are hemp, wax, andsilk. 

On the 1st of July we arrived near Phasis, followed by a vessel filledwith Mingrelians, who seemed all to be fools or drunk. Quitting the vessel, we went up the river in a boat, passing an island in the mouth of theriver, where Oetes, the father of Medea the enchantress, is said to havereigned. On this island we spent the night, and were sadly infested bymidges. Next day we went up the river in the boat, passing the city ofAsso, which stands on its banks in the midst of a forest. I here found oneNicholas Capella, of Modena, who commanded in these parts, and aCircassian woman named Martha, who had been the slave of a person of Genoa, but was now married. This Martha received me with much kindness, and withher I staid two days. Phasis is a city of Mingrelia, subject to princeBendian, whose dominions extend only about three days journey in length. The country is very mountainous, and full of forests. The inhabitants areso fierce and savage, that they might be accounted wild beasts. Theirprincipal drink is beer; they have some corn and wine, but in very smallquantities; boiled millet being their ordinary food, which is a very poorkind of nourishment. They sometimes procure wine and salted fish fromTrebisond, and import salt from Kaffa, without which they could not exist. Their only productions consist in a small quantity of hemp and wax. Ifthey were industrious, they might procure abundance of fish, which arevery numerous in their river. They are Christians, according to the Greekritual, to which they have added many gross superstitions. 

I left Phasis on the 4th of July, accompanied by Nicholas Capella, andcrossed the river _Mare_ on a float. That day and the next, we travelledthrough a considerable portion of Mingrelia, always among woods andmountains. Towards the evening of the 5th, we came to the habitation ofprince Bendian, whom we found, with all his court, reclining on a plain, under the shade of some trees. I sent Nicholas Capella to inform him of myquality, and to ask permission to pay him my respects, which wasaccordingly granted. I saluted him, therefore, with great respect, as hesat on the ground with his wife and children, and he made me sit downbeside him. After explaining the purpose of my journey, I requested hewould have the goodness to appoint me a guide. He expressed hissatisfaction at my arrival in his dominions, and granted my request. Heafterwards sent me some bread, a piece of beef, and the head of a sow, butso under done, that it required the extreme necessity in which we thenwere to induce us to eat of his provisions; but when we cannot get what welike, we must put up with what can be had. We had to wait a whole day forthe promised guide. The plain in which we found prince Bendian, issurrounded by very fine trees, resembling box, but much more lofty. Theprince seemed about fifty years of age, and had a tolerably handsomecountenance, but his manners were perfectly ridiculous. 

On the 7th of July we continued our journey, always among woods andmountains, and next day passed the river which divides Mingrelia fromGeorgia, having to pass the night in the open air, and, what was worse, wehad nothing to eat. On the 9th, we arrived at a small city named_Cotachis_[3], which is defended by a stone fort, and where we saw atemple that seemed very ancient. We had here to pass a bridge over a largeriver, before reaching the plain in which the huts of Plangion, king ofGeorgia, are situated. The fort and city of Cotachis belong to Plangion. Iwaited upon the commander of this place who invited me to dinner. He wasseated on the ground, on which I, and those of my suite who accompanied me, and some friends of the governor, all sat down. Before us was laid agreasy skin, on which they served us with bread, radishes, some flesh, andother execrable articles with which I was not acquainted. They continuallyoffered me wine in large goblets, to fill me drunk, according to theirabominable customs, as they are as foolish and beastly as the Mingrelians. Finding that I would not join them in deep drinking, they held me in greatcontempt, insomuch that I found it extremely difficult to get leave toretire and to continue my journey. But at length they brought me a guideto conduct me to the king of Georgia. 

I left Cotachis on the 12th of July; and, after travelling the whole daythrough woods and mountains, we rested for the night in a meadow at thefoot of a mountain, near a castle named _Scandes_[4], in which king_Pangrates_[5] resides. My guide here left me on purpose to inform theking of my arrival; promising to return immediately with another guide toserve me during the rest of the journey. We had accordingly to pass thewhole night in the wood, starving of hunger, and full of anxiety. Theguide came back early in the morning, accompanied by two of the kingssecretaries, who informed me that the king was gone to Cotachis, and hadordered them to make an inventory of all our baggage, and of every thingwe had about us; after which we should be provided with a passport, totravel free from payment of any duties through the whole country. Theyproceeded accordingly in their examination and inventory with the mostrigorous exactness, even noting down the very shirts we then wore. Afterthis they ordered me to mount my horse, and to go along with them to theking, leaving all my people behind. I used my best endeavours to beexcused from this; but, instead of listening to me, they loaded me withinsolence; and the only favour I could obtain, and that with the utmostdifficulty, was permission to take my interpreter along with me. Weaccordingly resumed our journey, without meat or drink, and arrived muchfatigued at Cotachis towards night; where my interpreter and me were leftall night to our repose under a tree, where, indeed, they sent us somebread and fish. 

The remainder of my people were taken to a miserable village, where theywere left in charge of the priest; and our mutual anxiety may be easilyguessed. 

Next morning I was carried before the king, whom I found sitting on theground in a hut, surrounded by several of his nobles. After paying myrespects, he asked me a great number of questions, and among the rest, howmany kings there were in the world? It came into my fancy to answer thatthere were twelve. On which he signified that I was right, and that he wasone of the number; and that he was much surprised that I should come intohis dominions without bringing him a letter from my sovereign. To this Ianswered, that when I left my own country, I did not expect to travelthrough his dominions, otherwise my sovereign would assuredly have givenme letters in charge for his majesty; and with this answer he seemedsatisfied. He asked many other extraordinary questions, from which Iconjectured that my guide had maliciously represented me as carrying manyvaluable things; and it is probable, if this had been the case, that I hadnever been allowed to escape out of their hands. The royal secretariesendeavoured to persuade me that I ought to make the king a present of anyarticle that might strike his fancy among my small baggage; but I got offwithout making any present, except compliments, and requesting him toappoint some one to conduct me through his dominions. This he was pleasedto promise, as likewise to give me a free passport, without paying anyduties, as I carried no merchandize. Accordingly, I took my leave of theking on the 14th of July, returning to the tree I formerly mentioned as mylodging, where the secretary brought me the promised passport and a guide. I then returned to my people at the village where they were kept in myabsence, and was received with much joy, as the priest had represented theking as the cruellest tyrant in the world. My people could not containthemselves for excess of joy at my safe return, and even the miserablepriest was so touched at the scene, that he provided us with something toeat, and we slept there that night as well as we could. 

Next day, being the 15th of July, we provided ourselves with some breadand wine, to comfort ourselves on the way, and resumed our journey throughthick forests and terrible mountains, which continued for two days. In theevening of the 16th, we stopt near a spring, where we remained during thenight in the open air, being obliged to light a fire on account of thecoldness of the weather, though in the middle of summer. On the 17th ofthe same month we arrived at _Goride_[6], which belongs to the king ofGeorgia. This city is built on a plain, watered by a large river, and isdefended by a citadel which is built upon a rock. Our guide notified ourarrival to the commandant, who ordered us a house for our lodgings, apparently for the purpose of extorting a present; for shortly afterwardshe informed me that he had letters from the king, by which he was orderedto receive twenty-six ducats from me for himself, and that I should paysix to my guide. I endeavoured to evade this demand, by saying that theking had received me favourably, to whom I had already given seventyducats, and could not give any thing more, and urged my free passport. Buthe would listen to nothing I could urge, and I was forced to comply withhis extortion. He even detained me till the 19th of the month, and eventhen I had extreme difficulty to get leave to depart. The inhabitants ofthe city, who deserve rather to be ranked among beasts, looked at us withas much astonishment as if they had never seen any other men thanourselves. They told us that, on the top of a high mountain in aneighbouring forest, there was a great church, in which was an image ofthe Virgin, which worked many miracles, and that the church was served byforty monks, whom they named _Calojeriens_[7]. But our anxiety to get outof this abominable country, prevented us from paying our devotions at thatfamous church. Georgia, indeed, is a somewhat better country thanMingrelia, but the manners of the people and their way of living isequally brutal; and such were the distresses and difficulties Iencountered in travelling through both, that it would be tedious to relatethem. On the 20th of July we left the abominable city of Goride, where wehad suffered so many vexations, and continued, our journey through forestsand over mountains, occasionally falling in with villages where wepurchased provisions. We had always to pass the nights on the ground nearsome spring or rivulet, during most part of our journey through Mingreliaand Georgia. 

[1] We have already seen that it was the 16th of that month when Contarini arrived at Kaffa. Much confusion has occurred in the dates of this journey, which we have no means of correcting, and must, therefore, be contented with them as they are--E. 

[2] The names of places in this journal are so corrupted as to be often quite unintelligible. Varsi may possibly be Vardon, in the district to the northwest of Mingrelia, named Abkhas; and Caltichea may perhaps be Sulhuali, a sea port about 30 miles to the east. Phasis probably refers to some town on the river of that name, perhaps Subastei. --E. 

[3] Probably Cutais in Imeritia, on the river Riene. --E. 

[4] Perhaps Sarassan, about forty miles S. E. From Cutais. --E. 

[5] Apparently the same prince named Plangion a little before. --E. 

[6] Gori in Georgia, on the river Kur. The journey hitherto must have been through Mingrelia, then apparently subject to the prince or king of Georgia. --E. 

[7] Probably Caloyers. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_Arrival of Contarini at Tauris or Ecbatana, the royal city of Uzun-Hassan, and continuation of his journey through Persia to Ispahan, wherethe king then resided. _

On the 22d of July we began to ascend a mountain of prodigious height, insomuch, that when night came on we had scarcely reached the top, wherewe had to pass the night without water. Resuming our journey in themorning, we descended the other side of the mountain, and entered theprovince of Armenia, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan[1]. Inthe evening we were conducted to a fort named Reo, which stands in theplain, between a deep river and a high mountain, and which is garrisonedby Turks in the service of Uzun-Hassan, but the neighbouring village isinhabited by Armenians. We rested in this place till the 25th of July, waiting the arrival of a guide to direct us in the remainder of thejourney, and being well treated by the inhabitants, we rewarded them totheir satisfaction. The Armenian who had joined us at Kaffa, underpretence of being an ambassador from Uzun-Hassan to the Pope, wasrecognized by the inhabitants of this village as an impostor and anotorious robber, and many were astonished how we had escaped from hismachinations: I got rid of him therefore immediately, and made himrestore me a horse which I had lent him for the journey; after which Iprocured a priest of an honest character to conduct me to Tauris. LeavingReo with my new guide on the 26th of July, we ascended a mountain, andcame on the other side to a plain surrounded by hills, where we found avillage inhabited by Turks, near which we had to pass the night in theopen air, though the inhabitants treated us with decent civility. Nextmorning we departed before day, having to pass another mountain, on theside of which was a village inhabited by Turks, among whom we should haverun extreme hazard of our lives if they had seen us; but by using muchdiligence we avoided this danger, and got down into an extensive plain, full of fine pastures, and travelled with great expedition that we mightpass the night at a respectable distance from the lawless inhabitants ofthe hills. On the 29th we passed the mountain of Noah, or _Ararat_, whichis so lofty that it is covered with snow the whole year. We were toldthat many who had attempted to reach the top of this mountain had neverbeen more heard of, while others, on making the same attempt, said, ontheir return, that it was quite inaccessible. 

From this place forwards we travelled through extensive plains intermixedwith hills, and arrived on the 30th of July at a castle named _Chiagri_, inhabited by Armenians. Finding abundance of bread, wine, and poultry inthis place, we rested here for a day, and then set out with a new guidefor Ecbatana or Tauris. Leaving Chiagri towards evening of the 1st August, we came next day to an Armenian village at the foot of a mountain, wherewe had to cross a river in boats, and were informed that Uzun-Hassan hadformerly gained a great victory near this place over the Tartars, havinghemmed them into a corner, where their army wasted away with famine anddisease. The ruler of these Tartars, named Sultan _Buzech_[2], was madeprisoner, and was afterwards put to death. We here saw, on our left hand, eleven Armenian villages, near each other, who were Catholic Christians, their bishop being under submission to the Roman pontiff. The country isextremely agreeable, and is the most fertile of all the provinces ofPersia. We arrived on the 3d of August at a large village called Marerich, near which we passed the night, and had to ride all the next day througha plain country exposed to great heat, which was greatly aggravated, aswe could not procure a single drop of water for ourselves or our horses. On the way we met several Turkmans, whose custom it is to encamp here andthere about the country, wherever they can find pasture for their cattle, and to change their residence as the pastures become exhausted. Thesepeople are abominable robbers, and look upon rapine as their highestglory; and as we had great reason to be afraid of them, I gave orders toall my people to tell whoever we met, that I was journeying to wait upontheir sovereign, which was the only expedient for saving us from theirviolence. 

We arrived on the 4th of August at the city of Ecbatana or _Tauris_[3], which stands in a plain, and is surrounded by an earthen rampart in badrepair. There are high mountains in its neighbourhood, which are said tobe the Taurus of the ancients. I here lodged with a very good man, whogave us two sleeping chambers, a convenience we had been long unused to. He was quite astonished how we should have been able to escape thedangers of our journey, as all the roads were blocked up; and on askinghim the reason, he told us that Ogurlu Mohammed[4], the eldest son ofUzun-Hassan, had rebelled against his father, and had taken possession of_Sylas_[5] or Persepolis, of which he had appointed his younger brother_Khalil_[6] as governor. Uzun-Hassan had assembled an army to reducePersepolis and his sons to obedience; but a certain satrap named_Zagarli_ who commanded in the neighbouring mountains, favoured the causeof Ogurlu, and had ravaged the whole country, to the very gates of Tauris, with a body of 3000 horse, owing to which, all the roads were obstructedand unsafe. He farther informed us, that the governor of Tauris had oneday issued forth to endeavour to put a stop to the marauders, but hadbeen defeated by Zagarli, with the loss of most of his troops, and hadeven great difficulty in escaping back to the city. I inquired why theinhabitants of Tauris did not take arms in their own defence, in a timeof so much danger; but he answered, although they were obedient to thegovernor, they were quite unused to war. On learning the state of affairsin this place, I resolved to leave it as soon as possible, that I mightget to the king; but I could neither procure a guide, nor prevail on thegovernor to shew me any favour. By the advice of my landlord I keptmyself very much concealed, and employed my interpreter and Augustin ofPavia, whom I had brought with me from Kaffa because he understood alittle Persian, to purchase our provisions, in which employment they wereexposed to much ill treatment, and were often in hazard of their lives. 

Some days afterwards, one of the sons of Uzun-Hassan, named Masu-beg[7], came to Tauris with 1000 horse, to defend the city from the incursions ofZagarli. I waited on this prince, having great difficulty to obtain anaudience, telling him that I was sent as ambassador to his father, and hadneed of guides, whom I prayed him to provide me; but it was quiteineffectual, as he hardly deigned to answer me, and took no kind ofinterest in me or my affairs, so that I was obliged to return disappointedto my lodgings. Masu-beg endeavoured to raise money from the inhabitantsof Tauris for the purpose of levying soldiers, but they resisted hisdemands, and all the shops of the city were shut up. In this emergency, being unable to procure provisions, I was obliged to quit my lodgings, with all my people, taking refuge in an Armenian church, where they gaveus a small place in which to keep our horses; and I ordered all my peopleto keep constantly within doors, to avoid meeting with injury. Myapprehensions on this occasion may easily be conceived; but God, who hadalready protected us in so many dangers, was mercifully pleased to deliverus from that which now hung over us. On the 7th of September, _BertoniusLiompardus_[8], whom I had before seen at Kaffa, and who had been sent byour illustrious republic, arrived at Tauris. He was accompanied by hisnephew, named _Brancalione_, and having come by way of Trebisond was amonth later than me in reaching Tauris. I now dispatched Augustin de Pavia, of whom I have before made mention, with letters to the republic of Venice, in which I gave an account to the senate of all that had happened to ushitherto. I sent this man by way of Alapia, where he at length arrived ingood health, after having escaped many dangers. 

Although I remained in Tauris till the 22d of September, I was not ableto acquire any exact knowledge of the city, having been forced to concealmyself the whole time. It is a large city, but its territory in someplaces is uncultivated, and I believe nowhere very populous; it abounds, however, in all the necessaries of life, but these are dear. Much silk isproduced in this neighbourhood, which is exported by way of Alapia. Aconsiderable quantity of cloth is manufactured in the place, whichlikewise abounds in various merchandize, but I did not hear of any pearlsor precious stones. Fortunately for us a Cadilaskir, one of thecounsellors of Uzun-Hassan, arrived about this time at Tauris, whoreturned from an embassy into Turkey, where he had unsuccessfullyendeavoured to negociate a peace between his master and the Turkishgovernment. Immediately on learning the arrival of this person, I usedevery effort to procure an interview, in which I succeeded, and by meansof a present, I prevailed on him to admit me and my retinue into hissuite. He received me with much civility, and granted all I asked, assuring me that, with the blessing of God, he would conduct me in safetyto the king. Among his slaves there were two Illyrian renegadoes, whoformed a strict intimacy with my people, to whom they promised to giveevery assistance in their power, and to give us due notice of thedeparture of their master, which they faithfully performed, and for whichI rewarded them. 

On the 22d of September we departed from Tauris with the Persiancounsellor, accompanied likewise by a great many merchants and others, who took the advantage of travelling under his protection, from fear ofbeing plundered by the rebels. This country in which we now travelled wasquite level, with very few hills, so dry that we saw no trees exceptalong the sides of rivers, and having only a few small villages, in whichwe purchased what was necessary for our journey, and always rested beforemid-day in the open air, being unable to travel during the height of thesun, on account of the great heat. Travelling in this manner, we arrivedat _Sultanie_ on the 27th of September. This city appeared to be veryhandsome, surrounded by walls, and defended by a good citadel. We sawhere three most curious brazen gates, which had been made at Damascus, the finest things I ever beheld, which must have cost a great deal ofmoney. The city of Sultanie stands in a plain at the foot of a range ofmountains, some of which are exceedingly steep and precipitous, and theinhabitants of which are forced to remove into lower situations duringwinter, on account of the severity of the cold. We remained there forthree days, and resumed our journey on the 30th of September, travellingsometimes in plains, and sometimes among hills, but always taking up ourquarters for the night in the open air. 

On the 6th of October we arrived at _Sena_[9], a city without walls, situated in a plain on the banks of a river, and surrounded by trees, inwhich city we passed the night in tolerably bad quarters. We departedfrom thence on the 8th, and stopping, according to our usual custom, inthe fields, I was seized with a violent intermittent fever, insomuch thatI could hardly get on horseback next day, and that with infinite distress. We arrived early next day at Kom, where I was forced to stop, all myattendants being seized in a similar manner with myself, except ourpriest Stephen Testa, who took care of us all. Our fever was so malignantthat we were all delirious during the height of the access or hot fit. Iwas afterwards informed that the royal counsellor sent to visit me, begging my excuse that he could not wait for me, because it was necessaryfor him to repair without delay to the king; but that he had left one ofhis attendants with me as a guide, and that I need not now be under anyapprehension, as there were none in that part of the country to do meharm. I remained here a long time sick. The city of Sena or Sava is notlarge, and has mud walls, being situated in a champaign country, which iswell peopled, and abounds in every thing necessary to life. 

On the 24th of October, being much recovered, we resumed our journey, though I was still so weak as to find much difficulty in sitting onhorseback. Next day we arrived, at the city of Cashan[10], which verymuch resembles Kom, except that it is somewhat handsomer. On thefollowing day, we came to _Nethas_, or Nathan. This city stands likewisein a flat country, which produces much wine. I remained here one day, both to recruit my strength, and because I felt some return of my fever. On the 28th of October, I prepared as well as I was able to finish myjourney, which was all on plain ground, and arrived at Ispahan, whereUzun-Hassan then resided, on the 3d of November, having employed twenty-four days in our journey from Tauris to this place. I immediately soughtout the dwelling of Josaphat Barbaro[11], the ambassador of Venice, andwent to him. He received, me with much joy, and many embraces weremutually given and received, and we rejoiced together on my safe arrival. But as I had much need of rest, I very soon went to bed. When the kingheard of my arrival, he sent some of his slaves to congratulate me, whopresented me with some refreshments sent by his majesty. 

Early in the morning of the 4th November, some of the kings slaves cameto require that Josaphat Barbaro and I should come to court. On beingintroduced to an audience, we found the king attended by eight of hisprincipal officers. Having made my obeisance after the manner of thecountry, I presented the letters of the republic, and explained thesubject of my mission[12]. When I had finished speaking, he answered mein every point, and in few words; and, among other things, he excused hisconduct in having been obliged to retire to this part of his kingdom. After this we were ordered to be seated, and his courtiers gave us anentertainment according to the Persian fashion, which consisted of manydishes tolerably well dressed. After the repast, we took leave of theking, and retired to our quarters. Two days afterwards, we were againsent for to court, when most of the royal apartments were shewn me. Theking then resided in a very pleasant country palace, situated on thebanks of a river. In one of the rooms, there was a painting of Ogurlu-Mohammed, the kings eldest son, leading the sultan _Busech_, or Abu Saïd, tied with a rope; and in another picture the decapitation of _Busech_ wasrepresented. We were again invited to an entertainment, at which manydifferent kinds of confections were served up. We remained at Ispahantill the 25th of November, during which period we were frequently invitedto court. The city of Ispahan, like the rest of the Persian cities, issurrounded by earthen-ramparts. It stands in a plain, and is abundantlysupplied with all the necessaries of life. Having rebelled against theking, it was besieged and suffered much injury; for, being obstinatelydefended, it was subjected to the resentment of the conqueror and thefury of the soldiers. 

Persia is a very flat and arid country, in many parts of which there aresalt lakes. In such parts as can be supplied with water, grain and otherfruits of the earth are produced in abundance, and there are plenty ofbeasts of all kinds, as it is everywhere intersected and surrounded byfertile mountains, but every thing is very dear. The Venetian quart ofwine is sold for three or four ducats; but bread is not so dear inproportion. A camels load of wood costs a ducat. Flesh is dearer thanwith us, and seven hens cost a ducat; but other articles of provisionsare cheaper. The Persians are a civil and humane people; and thoughMahometans, they do not hate the Christians. The women are very modestlydressed, and ride on horseback with even more grace than the men; and, judging from the good appearance of the men, the women are probablyhandsome. 

[1] Uzun-Hassan in the Turkish language signifies Hassan the long, which prince was likewise named Hassan-beg, or Lord Hassan, and Ozun-Azembeg, or the long lord Azem or Hassan. By different European writers his name has been corrupted into Unsun Cassan, Uxun-Cassan, and Usum- Chasan. He was a Turkman emir of the Ak-koyunla dynasty, or white sheep tribe, whose ancestor, the governor of a province under the descendants of Timor, had rendered himself independent in the north and west of Persia. --E. 

[2] This prince, whose real name was probably Abu Said, was the emir of the Kara-koyunla dynasty, or black sheep tribe of the Turkmans, who had risen to independence after the death of Timor, and who had long contended with the prince of the white sheep tribe for ascendancy. These two tribes derived their distinctive appellations of the black and white weathers, from some peculiarity in their ensigns or dress, equivalent to the distinguishing uniforms and banners of our European armies. --E. 

[3] Called Tebriz in modern times. --E. 

[4] In the original this name is corrupted to Gurlumamech; but we learn from the Modern Universal History, that his real name was that expressed in the text of our translation. --E. 

[5] The ruins supposed to be those of Persepolis are situated near Istakar, about forty miles north from the modern city of Shiraz, in the province of Fars or Persia proper; but the names in the original are often so corrupted as to defy even conjecture. Sylas is probably meant for Shiras. --E. 

[6] Named Chali in the original; but it is to be noted that the _ch_ of the Italian is pronounced as _k_ in English. --E. 

[7] It is difficult to determine whether Contarini here means Maksud-beg or Masih-beg, as Uzun-Hassan had two sons of these names; Maksad was the elder, and may have been the person named in the text Masu. Bec or Beg signifies Lord or Prince. --E. 

[8] The person mentioned before by Contarini as a messenger from Venice, and whom he met with at Kaffa, was named on that occasion Paulus Omnibamus, totally dissimilar from the name in this part of the text. --E. 

[9] Assuredly the Sava of modern maps, a city of Irac-agemi, which stands upon one of these extraordinary rivers, so numerous in Persia, which lose themselves in the sands, after a short but useful run. --E. 

[10] About sixty miles S. S. E. From Kom. I am disposed to think that Contarini has slumpt his journey on the present occasion; as it is hardly to be believed a person in the weak state he describes himself could have travelled with so much rapidity. Besides, so far as we can learn from his journal, he travelled always with the same set of horses. Indeed the sequel immediately justifies this suspicion, as the subsequent dates are more distant than the travelling days of the text would warrant. --E. 

[11] See Travels of Josaphat Barbaro to Asof in 1436, in our Collection, Vol I. P. 501, in the introduction to which article, it will be seen that he had been sent on an embassy from Venice to Uzun-Hassan in 1572, two years before Contarini; and appears to have remained in the east for fourteen years in that capacity, after the departure of Contarini on his return to Venice. --E. 

[12] This nowhere distinctly appears; but we may easily understand incidentally, and from the history of the period, that the Venetian republic endeavoured to stir up enemies to the Turkish empire in the east, being unable to resist its power, now exerted against them in the Morea and the Greek islands; and we may even surmise that Uzun- Hassan was subsidized by the Venetians to make war upon the Turks. --E. 

SECTION IV. 

_Contarini accompanies Uzun-Hassan from Ispahan to Tauris, where he findsAmbassadors from the Duke of Burgundy and the Prince of Muscovy, and getsleave to return to Venice. _

The king left Ispahan with all his court on the 25th of November forTauris, and we travelled along with him, passing through most of theplaces which we had seen in going to Ispahan. In this journey we alwaysslept in tents in the fields, and the camp was well supplied withprovisions, as many merchants had received orders to provide grain, victuals of all kinds, and all sorts of necessaries. On the 14th ofNovember we arrived at Kom, where we remained two days under tents, exposed to extremely cold weather, and experienced much difficulty toprocure a small house in which to shelter ourselves. We continued at thisplace till the 21st of March 1474, during which interval we wentfrequently to court, to pay our respects to the king, on which occasionswe were generally invited to dinner. The Persian court is very magnificent, being attended by many high officers of state, and every day 400 personsdine along with the king. These are all seated on the ground, and areserved in copper basons with boiled rice, or some other mess made of fleshand grain boiled together; but the king is served in great magnificence ata separate table, with a great variety of dishes of different kinds ofmeat. During his meals, the king is often served with wine, and then themusicians sing and play upon flutes such songs and tunes as the kingpleases to order. The king is of a good size, with a thin visage andagreeable countenance, having somewhat of the Tartar appearance, andseemed to be about seventy years old. His manners were very affable, andhe conversed familiarly with every one around him; but I noticed that hishands trembled when he raised the cup to his lips. It is not needful thatI should enumerate all the audiences which I had on the subject of mymission, of which I shall make occasional mention hereafter. 

On the 21st of March the king and all the court left Kom, on theirjourney towards Tauris, the baggage being carried by camels and mules. Each day we hardly exceeded ten or twelve, or at the most twenty Italianmiles, and always stopt at each encampment till the forage in theneighbourhood was consumed. The Persian mode of travelling is thus: Thewomen always arrive first at the new camp, where they set up the tentsand cook provisions for their husbands. They are well clothed and rideupon good horses, which they manage with much dexterity. The Persiannation is very magnificent, and exceedingly fond of pomp, and shew, andit is very agreeable to see their march at some distance. They are verycareful of their camels, of which they have great numbers, even thepoorest seldom travelling with less than seven of these animals; by thismeans, the prodigious train which attends the court appears to consist ofmany more persons than it actually contains. When the king enteredEcbatana, his suite consisted of about 2000 persons, but many left thecamp on the march, as it suited their fancy or convenience, and the kingnever had above 500 horse along with him. The royal tents wereexceedingly beautiful and magnificent, and his bed was ornamented withscarlet hangings. The merchants who attended the camp sold every thing ata high price. All of our party were accommodated with tents, as webelonged to the suite of the king, who often honoured us with aninvitation to supper, and at other times frequently sent us refreshments. We were always treated with much civility, and never received anyinjuries or affronts. 

On the 31st of May the king encamped about fifteen miles from Tauris, when a certain monk of the Boulonnois named Louis, who called himselfpatriarch of Antioch, and envoy from the Duke of Burgundy, arrived at thecamp, attended by five horsemen. The king asked if we knew him, and weaccordingly told what we knew without dissimulation. Next day the kinggave him an audience, at which we were present by command. This patriarchpresented to the king three robes of gold tissue, three others of scarletsilk, and some of fine cloth, and opened his commission, making manygreat offers of service from his prince, and many fine promises in verymagnificent terms, which do not appear proper for me to repeat, and whichthe king did not seem to care much about. We were all invited to dinner, during which the king started many questions, to which he gave verypertinent answers himself. After dinner we returned to our tents. 

On the 2d of June we arrived at Tauris, in which place lodgings wereappointed for us. Six days afterwards, Uzun-Hassan sent for the patriarchand us to court; and although he had three or four times informed mealready that I must prepare to return into Italy, leaving my colleagueBarbaro at his court, I could not reconcile myself to the journey, andhad done every thing in my power to put off my departure. When we went tocourt, the king addressed himself first to the patriarch, whom he orderedto return to his prince, and to say from him, that he, the king, wouldvery shortly declare war against the Turks, having already taken thefield with that view, and that he never failed in performing his promises. He then turned to me, saying, "Return to your country, and tell yourmasters that I shall very soon make war upon the Ottomans, and desirethem to do their duty as I shall do mine. I know no one better fitted tocarry this message than you, who have accompanied me from Ispahan, andhave seen my preparations; so that you are able to inform the Christianprinces of all that you have seen, and of my good intentions. " I offeredseveral reasons for excusing myself from obeying these commands, whichgave me much vexation; but the king looked at me with a severe expressionof countenance, saying, "It is my pleasure for you to go, and I commandyou. I shall give you letters for your masters, which will inform them ofmy sentiments and the reasons of your return. " In this state ofembarrassment, I was advised by the patriarch and M. Josaphat to complywith a good grace; on which I replied to the king as follows: "Mydeparture, Sir, gives me much distress; but since you judge it proper, Imake no more objections, and am ready to obey your orders. Wherever I maygo, I shall speak of your great power and goodness, and the honours Ihave received from your majesty, and shall exhort all the princes ofChristendom to join their forces with you against the common enemy. " Myspeech pleased the king, and he answered me kindly according to hiswonted manner. After retiring from this andienqe, the king sent somePersian robes to the patriarch and me, made of fine stuff and verybeautifully ornamented, and presented each of us with a horse and somemoney to assist us during our journey. 

We remained two days at Tauris after the kings departure, and set out onthe 10th of June to rejoin the court, which was then encamped in apleasant spot among excellent pastures and plenty of fine wells; abouttwenty-five miles from Tauris. We remained there till the pastures wereeaten bare, and then marched about fifteen miles farther. On the 27th ofJune the king gave us our final audience, at which he gave us presentsfor our respective sovereigns; that is to say, to the patriarch for theDuke of Burgundy; to myself for the republic; and to one Marcus Ruffus, who had come with an embassy from the prince of Muscovy. The presentsconsisted in certain pieces of workmanship made in the European fashion, two swords, and certain ornaments for the head, which are usuallyfastened to bonnets. There were two Persian ambassadors in the audience-chamber, one of whom was destined on a mission into Russia. At length theking turning towards the patriarch and me, addressed us nearly as follows:"You will return with all speed to your masters, and will tell them andall the other Christian princes from me, that I have used all diligencein taking the field to make war on the Turks, as it had been concertedbetween them and me. The emperor of the Turks is at present inConstantinople, and will make no enterprize of importance this year. Asfor myself, I propose sending one part of my army to reduce my rebelliousson, and another against the Turkish generals, while I shall remain hereat hand, to act against the enemy as occasion may require. " He gaveorders, both to us and to his own ambassadors, to report this to all theprinces of Christendom. I did not receive these orders with moresatisfaction than I had done the former; but I had no means of escape andmust necessarily obey. Wherefore, having taken our leaves, we preparedfor our departure, and were unexpectedly commanded to remain till nextday. In the mean time, he conveyed a great part of his infantry duringthe night to the other side of a mountain. Next morning early, the_Ruiscasson_, or conductor of ambassadors, carried us to the top of thehill, as meaning to confer with us on some important subject, and on theappearance of the Persian infantry under march, he pointed them out to usas if he had been surprised at seeing so many additional troops coming tothe royal camp. The better to favour this deception, some of his slavesexclaimed as astonished, that there were a great many soldiers, and thatat least 10, 000 were coming to reinforce the army. But we easily sawthrough the contrivance, and were certain that these pretended new troopswere merely the ordinary royal escort, which had only changed theirposition to impose upon us. After this little comedy, the _Ruiscasson_gave us the royal letters for our masters, and we returned to our tents. From the information of M. Josaphat and others, the military force ofthis king cannot exceed 20, 000 cavalry, some of whom have wooden bucklersabout eighteen inches long. Others have a kind of cuirasses made of verythin plates of steel, which they wear over their ordinary habits. Theirusual arms are bows and arrows, and cimeters, while some have smallleathern targets covered with silk, and others carry helmets andcuirasses. Their horses are beautiful and vigorous, and very numerous. Inregard to the manners of the Persians, and the state of the kingdom, Ishall mention what I know of these subjects as occasion may offer duringthe recital of my travels; but I do not think it proper to weary myreaders with any lengthened detail. 

SECTION V. 

_Journey of Contarini from Persia, through Georgia and Mingrelia, to thecity Phasis. _

Being entirely ready to depart on the 1st of July, we took leave of M. Josaphat Barbaro in his tent, when we mutually shed tears in sinceregrief at our separation. Having recommended myself to the protection ofGod, I mounted on horseback, and began my journey, accompanied by thepatriarch of Antioch, Marcus Ruffus the Muscovite, and the two Persianambassadors, intending to return by way of Phasis, which is under thedominion of Uzun-Hassan. To this route we were advised by certain birdsof bad augury, who were omens of the terrible dangers we had to encounterin the sequel. Coming to the villages of the catholic Armenians, formerlymentioned, we were well received by their bishops, and attended the massregularly during three days that we had to remain here, laying in a stockof provisions for the journey. From thence we came to the frontiers ofGeorgia, travelling through plains interspersed with hills, and arrivedon the 12th of July at _Typsi_[1], which is subject to the king of theGeorgians. This city stands upon a hill, at the foot of which runs theriver _Tigre_, and it is defended by a good castle on the summit of aneminence. It was formerly a celebrated place, but is at present almostutterly ruined, though beginning to revive, and contains many goodcatholics. In this place we took up our lodgings with a person namedArminius, of the catholic faith. In travelling through Georgia, we founda few villages composed of huts, and some castles among the mountains, but these were rare and distant. 

On the 19th of July, being near the frontiers of Mingrelia, we chanced tomeet with Pangratius, king of Georgia, in the midst of a forestsurrounded by mountains, and went to pay our respects to him, when heinvited us to dinner. We had to sit on the ground, having a skin spreadbefore us instead of a table-cloth, and were served with roasted meat andfowls, very ill dressed; but, by way of making amends, they frequentlypresented us with large goblets of wine, as they seem to place alldignity and merit in deep drinking. For this reason it is their custom, at the conclusion of their meals, to challenge one another to drink, andhe who empties the greatest number of goblets, is held in highest esteem. As the Turks drink no wine, their presence was some restraint that day ontheir usual bacchanalian contests, and as we neither could nor wouldcompete with them, we were held in great contempt. The king was aboutforty years old, and of large make, with a strong resemblance to theTartar countenance. We parted from the king of Georgia next day, and onthe 22d of July, on the confines of Mingrelia, we fell in with a Georgiancommander at the head of some troops, both cavalry and infantry who wasposted in this place to prevent injury from the disorders that had brokeout in Mingrelia, in consequence of the death of Bendian, prince of thatcountry. These people stopped, and frightened us with, many cruel menaces;but at length, after being robbed of two quivers full of arrows, andhaving to gratify them with some money, we escaped from them, and madethe best of our way to a distance. Leaving the public road, we struck offinto a thick wood, where we passed the night in prodigious apprehension. 

On the following day, while approaching the city of _Cotati_[2], we metsome peasants in a narrow pass, who prevented us for some time from goingforwards, and even threatened to put us to death. After much altercation, and many threats, they seized three horses belonging to the Turks[3], which were with great difficulty redeemed for twenty ducats. On theevening we reached Cutais, which is a royal fortress. While passing abridge over a river, early in the morning of the 24th of July, we wereagain attacked by robbers, who came upon us suddenly, and, after manythreats, forced us to pay the full value of our horses, before they wouldallow us to continue our journey. After passing this bridge, we enteredMingrelia, where we followed our wonted custom of sleeping under thecanopy of heaven, though we had many worse inconveniencies and dangers toencounter: for, on the 25th of July, having passed over a river by meansof rafts, we were conducted to the dwelling of a certain lady, named_Maresca_, sister of the deceased prince Badian, who received us at firstwith much civility, and treated us with bread and wine, after which wewere conducted into a field belonging to her, which was close shut on allsides. On the morrow, when we were about to depart, we offered her apresent of twenty ducats, as a return for her hospitality, which at firstshe pretended to refuse; but we soon discovered her treachery, as sheinsisted on our paying two ducats as a ransom for each of our horses. Weexpressed our astonishment at this rapacity, and endeavoured to representour inability to comply with such exorbitant demands, but all to nopurpose, and we were forced to comply, being afraid that she might evenhave plundered us of every thing. 

Leaving this rapacious dame, we arrived at _Phasis_ on the 27th of July, some on horseback and others in boats, where we again lodged with_Martha_ the Circassian lady, whom I formerly mentioned. After having runmany risks in our journey, we here learnt a piece of most afflictive news, that the Turks had taken possession of Kaffa or Theodosia in the Crimea, by which we were deprived of our last resource, and shut out apparentlyfrom every hope of continuing our voyage homewards. Our distress onreceiving this intelligence may easily be conceived, and, in fact, wewere so much cast down, as not to know what measures to pursue, or towhich hand to turn us. Louis, the patriarch of Antioch, resolved upongoing through Tartary and Russia, with which route he was acquainted. Itwas to no purpose that I urged the promises we had mutually come under atthe beginning of our journey, never to separate on any account. To thishe answered, that the unforeseen circumstances which had occurred, were asufficient warrant to every one to consult his own individual safety. Iinsisted and beseeched him not to treat me with such unfeeling cruelty, but all in vain, for he prepared to set off along with the Turkishambassador, who had been sent by Uzun-Hassan as his particular companion. In this extremity I went to Marcus Ruffus, and the Turkish ambassador whowas joined with him by the king of Persia, to whom I mentioned myintention of returning back to Uzun-Hassan. They pretended to approve myplan, and even to join me, and we embraced as entering, into promise ofkeeping together; but they secretly came to a determination of takingtheir journey through the province of _Gorgore_, which is subject to_Calcicanus_, and to the city of _Vati_, [4] which is on the frontiers ofthe Turks, and pays tribute to the Grand Signior. 

The patriarch set out on the 6th of August, and the next day MarcusRuffus followed him, accompanied by several Russians, partly on horseback, and partly by means of boats. Their intentions were to travel from Vati, by Shamaki, anciently Cyropolis, and thence into Tartary. Thus left alonein a strange land, I leave any reasonable person to think what were theembarrassments with which I was surrounded. I was unacquainted with asingle individual, having no company but that of my domestics, and hadvery little money remaining. In short, I was reduced almost to despair, of ever being able to get out of the country. In this state of distress Ifell into a violent fever, and could get no other nourishment but breadand water, and a pullet occasionally with much difficulty; and my feverincreased to such a degree that I became delirious. All my domestics wereattacked soon after with the same fever, the priest Stephen only excepted, who had to take care of us all. My only bed was a wretched mattress, which had been lent me by a person named John Volcan; and my life wasdespaired of by every one, till the 9th of September, when, by the caresof Stephen and of Martha, my good hostess, or rather through the mercy ofGod, the fever abated, and I soon recovered my former health, to theastonishment of every one. My domestics likewise recovered, and we beganagain to consult on the best means of escaping out of our presentsituation. Some proposed to take the road of Syria, but I deemed this toodangerous; and we at length came to the determination, of going byShamaki, into Tartary, and thence by Russia, Poland, and Germany. I gotaccordingly on horseback on the 10th of September, but had hardly rodetwo miles when I was forced to dismount and rest myself on the ground. Iwas, therefore, obliged to return to my lodging in Phasis, where weremained till the 17th, when, being all of us restored to health andstrength, we again resumed our journey, after having implored theprotection and assistance of God. I now took a certain Greek into myservice, who could speak the Mingrelian language, who occasioned me athousand troubles, which it were tedious to recount. 

[1] This in all probability is a corruption of Tiflis, or Teffliz, the capital of Georgia Georgia, which is situated on the river Kur or Cyrus, erroneously named _Tigre_ in the text. The proper name of this country is Gurgi-stan, or the country of the Gurgi which has been corrupted by the Europeans into Georgia. --E. 

[2] Cutais in Imeritia, named Cotachis on a former occasion in the text. --E. 

[3] These Turks must have been the Persian ambassadors of Uzun-Hassan;--E. 

[4] This proposed route seems to have been through the province of _Guria_ to Batum; and, from the sequel, to have returned to Georgia and Shirvan, passing through Derbent and the Caspian gates, or Daghisten, into western Tartary. But the names in the text are too corrupt for any certainty. Calcicanus, in the text, is probably a corruption of Kalo Johannes, who was then prince, or emperor, of Trebisond. --E. 

SECTION VI. 

_Leaving Phasis, Contarini travels through Mingrelia and Georgia, intoMedia, and, passing the Caspian, arrives in Tartary. _

Leaving Phasis, as before mentioned, on the 17th of September; and takingthe road of Mingrelia, we came to _Cotati_, or Cutais, on the 21st ofthat month, extremely worn out through the consequences of our lateillness, and the fatigues of the journey; and as the Greek whom I hadhired never ceased to give me vexation, I here parted with him ashandsomely as I could. We remained two days at Cutais, among people whoknew us not, and whose language we were quite ignorant of. Leaving thatplace, and tracing back our former steps, we passed over severalmountains in much fear, and arrived at Tiflis on the 30th of September, where we took shelter in the chapel of a certain Armenian catholic, whohad more the appearance of a dead person than of a living man, but whorendered us every possible service. This man had a son who lived with him, and who, unfortunately for us, was seized with the plague, which hadraged in that part of the country this year. From him one of my servants, named Maffeo of Bergamo, caught the distemper, who still kept about meduring two days, though ill, as he was my own particular domestic. Atlength, growing worse, he had to take to his bed, when the distempershewed itself; and as he lay in the same room with me, and the housecould not afford me another, I was forced to take refuge in a hovel wheresome cows were kept at night; and as the Armenian refused to allow Maffeoto remain in his house, I was constrained to take him into the same placewith myself, where Stephen took care of him, till God pleased to take himout of the world. After the death of Maffeo, I experienced greatdifficulty to procure another stable for myself, that I might get awayfrom the morbid air of that in which my poor servant died. In thisextremity we were utterly abandoned, except by one old man, whounderstood a little of our language, and who served us with muchaffection. 

We remained at this place till the 21st October, and on the eveningbefore our intended departure, the Persian ambassador, who hadaccompanied the patriarch, came to Tiflis. He complained grievously ofhaving been plundered, through the fault of the patriarch, with whom hehad travelled to _Lavógasia_, where he had left him, and was now on hisroad to complain to Uzun-Hassan. We agreed to travel in company fromTiflis, a city belonging to Pancratis[1]. From thence in two days weentered the territories of Uzun-Hassan, as we took the road towardsShamaki, or Cyropolis, which is situated in a fertile and pleasantcountry. On the 26th of October we separated, as the Persian went to Uzun-Hassan at Tauris, and I took the road for the dominions of _Sivanse_, inwhich Shamaki stands; but by means of the Persian ambassador I procurreda _molah_, or Mahometan priest, to guide me on the road to Shamaki. Thiscountry is greatly more beautiful and more fertile than the dominions ofUzun-Hassan, and is ruled over by _Sivanse_, king of Media[2]. Of thiscountry Shamaki is the capital, at which place I arrived on the 1stNovember 1474. This city is not so large as Tauris, but, as far as Icould judge, surpasses that place in the goodness and abundance of everything, especially in excellent cattle. It produces great quantities ofexcellent silk, of which they manufacture various kinds of very slightstuffs. While here, I had the good fortune to be rejoined by MarcusRuffus, the Muscovite ambassador, who had parted from me at Phasis, asformerly related. Immediately on learning that I was in the city, he cameto visit me, and we embraced with cordiality. I now earnestly entreatedhim to receive me and my domestics into his society for the remainder ofthe journey, to which he very readily agreed. 

We left Shamaki on the 6th of November, for the city of Derbent, which iscalled, in the language of the country, the Caucassian Gates, or the IronGates. This city is under the dominion of _Sivanse_, and stands on thefrontiers of Tartary. On our journey we travelled sometimes over plainsand sometimes on mountains, and were tolerably well treated by theTurkish inhabitants, with whom we lodged by the way. About mid-waybetween these two cities we came to a large village, where we found greatabundance of excellent fruits, particularly admirable apples. We arrivedon the 12th of November at Derbent, and were advised to pass the winterin that place; as it was necessary, in our way to Russia, to cross thedesert of Tartary, which is much easier in the spring of the year, andlikewise because it was proper for us to cross over the Caspian to theTartar city of Citracan. The city of Derbent is situated on the shore ofthe Caspian, which the Mardians call the sea of Bachaan or Bacou. Thiscity is said to have been built by Alexander the Great, and is called the_Iron Gate_, because it entirely closes up the only passage from Tartaryinto Media and Persia, by means of a deep valley reaching from Circassia. Derbent is fortified with a thick well built wall, reaching from thecastle at the foot of the mountain all the way to the sea; but not abovea sixth part of the space within the walls is inhabited, all that endnearest the sea being in ruins, among which are several tombs. Thecountry about this city produces abundance of all kinds of fruits, amongwhich are plenty of grapes, from which the inhabitants make wine. 

The Caspian, or Sea of Hircania, which has no communication whatever withthe ocean, is about the same size with the Euxine or Black Sea, and isvery deep. They catch in this sea great quantities of sturgeons, and sea-wolves as they are called; and there are prodigious quantities of sea-dogs, or seals, having the head, feet, and tail like ordinary dogs. Theonly other remarkable fish is of a round form, about a yard and a half indiameter, with no perceptible head or other member, from which thenatives extract a great quantity of oil, which they use in their lamps, and with which they anoint their camels. The inhabitants of this country, who are all Mahometans, are neither cruel nor barbarous, and used usexceedingly well; having once asked us who we were, and being answeredthat we were Christians, they troubled us with no farther inquiries. Mydress at this time consisted of coarse and much worn cloth, lined withlambs skin, above which I wore a leathern robe, and my hat was of skin;in which dress I frequently went to the market to purchase flesh andother provisions, which I carried home myself. On one of these occasionsa person eyed me attentively, and, turning to some of his comrades, said, this man was not born to the employment of carrying meat. Marcus Ruffus, who happened to be along with me, explained what the man had said; and Iwas astonished at being recognized in so shabby a dress, which I thoughtmust have proved a sufficient concealment: but, in truth, as I have saidbefore, they are a very good kind of people. 

During my residence in Derbent, I was anxious to learn some certainintelligence respecting the state of affairs at the court of Uzun-Hassan, for which purpose I sent Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, with lettersto Josaphat Barbaro at Tauris, which is twenty days journey from Derbent. He returned at the end of fifty days, bringing answers from Barbaro, informing me that the king still remained at Tauris, but that he wasutterly ignorant of his affairs. 

Spring being arrived, we began to think of pursuing our journey, andMarcus procured a boat for transporting us to _Curere_[3]. The boatswhich are used in this country are drawn up on the shore all winter, asthe sea is then too rough for their use. They are sharp at both ends, andwide in the middle, their planks being fastened with tree-nails, andtheir bottoms payed over with pitch; and as the natives use no compasses, or other maritime instruments, they always creep along the coast. Theseboats, which are very crazy and dangerous, are moved forwards by means ofoars; and the people are very ignorant of navigation, though they believethemselves the best mariners in the world. 

On the 5th of April 1475, we embarked, and departed from Derbent, beingthirty-five persons in all, including the master of the boat and the crew. The rest of the passengers were merchants, carrying rice, silk, andsilken goods to _Citrarchan_[4], where they proposed to sell theircommodities to the Russians and Tartars, or to barter them for otherarticles. Having coasted along during three days, with a favourable wind, always keeping about fifteen miles from the shore, the wind becamecontrary on the third evening, and increased during the night to soviolent a tempest that we expected to have been lost. Although we had allreason to believe our bark would be dashed to pieces on the shore, wemade every effort to gain the land, and fortunately our vessel ran into akind of ditch or dock between sand banks, very near the beach, where shestuck fast, impelled by the united force of the winds and waves, and ofour oars. Between us and the shore there was a pool, through which we hadto wade, carrying our baggage on our shoulders; and we were almostperished with cold, owing to the wind, and our being drenched with water;yet we unanimously agreed to refrain from making a fire, lest thatcircumstance might attract the notice of the Tartars, whom we feared tomeet with. At day light we noticed traces of horses having been on thespot, and the recent fragments of a ruined skiff, from which we were ledto conclude, that some persons must have been here; but some othercircumstances gave us reason to believe that the Tartars were not nearthe shore. 

We remained undisturbed at this place till the 14th of April, when thewind and weather becoming favourable, we got our bark from the creek, andagain resumed our voyage, and advanced near thirty miles the same day. Towards evening the wind became again contrary, but we avoided thedangers of an impending storm, by taking refuge amidst some reeds, amongwhich our mariners hauled the boat, so as to be out of danger from thewaves, and we made our way to the land through the reeds, in doing whichwe were much fatigued and thoroughly drenched in water. We rested hereall that night and the day following, which was Easter day, havingnothing on which to commemorate that festival, except some butter, and afew eggs which we fortunately gathered on the sandy beach. The marinersand passengers were often inquisitive to know who I was; and, pursuant tothe advice of Marcus Ruffus, I passed myself among them as the physicianand servant of _Despima_, the consort of the grand duke of Moscovy, towhom I was going. A short time after this, one of our mariners happenedto be afflicted by a large boil, and came to consult me in my assumedcharacter; and as I had the good fortune to discover some oil in our bark, I made a poultice for him with bread and flour, by which he was sooncured. From this circumstance they actually believed me to be a physician, and were very anxious that I should remain among them; but Marcus drew meout of this difficulty, by saying that I had no medicinal preparationswith me, but would soon return from Russia with a proper assortment. 

[1] This name is probably corrupted for Bagration, or Bagrathion, which was once the family name of the sovereigns of Georgia, and, if I mistake not, there is, or was lately, a prince of that family and name in the service of Russia. --E. 

[2] The kingdom of Media in the text, is obviously meant to indicate the province of Shirvan, on the west of the Caspian. --E. 

[3] Perhaps Saray, on the eastern branch of the Wolga. --E. 

[4] Probably Astracan is here meant. --E. 

SECTION VII. 

_Arrival of Contarini at Citracan, and journey from thence, throughseveral dangers among the Tartars, to Muscovy along with some merchants_. 

On the 15th of April we put again to sea with a favourable wind, andcoasting along a series of reedy islands, we arrived on the 26th of thatmonth at the mouth of the Wolga, a large river which flows from Russiainto the Caspian. From the mouth of this river it is computed to beseventy-six miles to the city of Citracan[1], which we reached on the30th. Near this city there are excellent _salines_[2], from which all theneighbouring provinces are supplied with salt. The Tartars who commandedin the city would not permit us to enter that evening, so that we had topass the night in a hut without the walls. In the morning three broad-faced Tartars came and ordered us to go along with them to their prince. They treated Marcus with respect, saying that he was a friend of theirsovereign; but alleged that I was his slave, as they consider all theFranks or Christians as their enemies. These news were most cruellymortifying for me, and afflicted me severely; but I was obliged to submitin spite of me, and Marcus advised me to allow him to speak for me. Forced in this manner to return disconsolate to my hut, I was longexposed to every indignity and danger, to my great mortification anddistress. The Tartars insisted that I was possessed of pearls, and evenplundered me of some merchandize I had purchased in Derbent, intending tohave bartered it in this place for a good horse to carry me during therest of my journey. They informed me afterwards, by means of Marcus, thatthey intended to sell us all to certain people whom they waited for, andwho were to go into Muscovy with other merchants. After manymortifications and distresses, it was resolved to hold a grandconsultation concerning us at a large village named _Alermi_, about twomiles from the city, where their lord resided. At this time I was notpossessed of a single farthing, and was obliged to borrow money from theRussian and Tartar merchants, at a high interest, to supply our urgentnecessities, for which Marcus became my bondsman. 

One day, while Marcus was absent, the khan or prince of the Tartars[3], broke open the door of our hut, and endeavoured to compel me by threatsto deliver up the pearls which he believed I was possessed of, and I hadinfinite difficulty to escape out of his hands, and to persuade him notto put me to death. The Tartars used often to come to our hut in thenight, when drunk with mead, demanding with loud outcries to deliver upthe Franks to them, and the bravest among us were terrified at thedangerous situation in which we were among these savages. In thishorrible situation we remained from the 1st of May to the 10th of August. The city of Citracan belongs to three brothers, who are sons to thebrother of the Tartar emperor, and the inhabitants often make plunderinginroads into the plains of _Cinassia_[4], and along the borders of theDon. During the height of summer they travel with their flocks in searchof pasturage, to the northern parts of Russia, and hardly spend above amonth every year in Citracan. That city, which stands on the banks of theWolga, is by no means large, its houses being built of earth: It issurrounded by a slight wall, and does not appear to have had any betterbuildings for a long time past. It is said to have had a veryconsiderable fair formerly, and that the perfumes and spiceries whichused to be brought to Venice, came first to this place from the east, whence they were carried to the Tanais or Don, which is only eight daysjourney from the Wolga. The prince of Citracan, whose name is _Casinach_, sends every year an ambassador to the grand duke of Muscovy, on purposeto extort a present; and on this occasion, several Tartar merchantsaccompany the ambassador, carrying silk, silken vestments, and otherarticles of trade, which they barter for saddles, furs, and other thingswhich are in request among their countrymen. 

The only way of travelling into Russia from this place, is throughextensive deserts, on which account travellers have to go in large bandsor caravans for mutual security, and to carry provisions for the journey. The Tartars care little for the latter precaution, as they have alwaysplenty of spare horses, and kill one when needed, as they live entirelyon flesh and milk, without caring for any other food. They use no bread, and only a few of their merchants who have been in Russia know any thingof this article. Previous to the commencement of our journey[5], weprovided provisions for the journey as well as we could. In this view weprocured some rice with much difficulty, which, boiled in milk, and thendried in the sun, makes, when afterwards boiled in water, an excellentand nourishing food. We had likewise some onions, a small quantity ofbiscuit, and some other trifles, and I bought, during the journey, thesalted tail of a sheep[6]. The usual road from Citracan to Russia laybetween two branches of the Wolga, but the roads were then exceedinglydangerous, as the Tartar emperor was then at war with his nephew, whopretended a right to the throne, as his father had once been emperor. Onthis account it was proposed to pass over to the other side of the river, and to travel towards the straits between the Don and the Wolga, whichare about five days journey from Citracan, after which it was presumed weshould be out of danger. Our baggage was accordingly carried across theriver on rafts, and Marcus desired me to keep always along with him andthe Tartar ambassador, named _Auchioli_. I and my interpreter accordinglyset out about mid-day along with the ambassador, to go to the place wherethe boats waited for us, which was about twelve miles from the city, ourother companions having already gone there. On our arrival about sunset, while I prepared to go into one of the boats on purpose to cross theriver, Marcus seemed suddenly struck with an extraordinary panic, andcommanded the interpreter and me to take to flight instantly to avoidinevitable danger. We mounted therefore immediately, having likewise aRussian woman along with us and a Tartar guide of a most horrible aspect, and set out at full speed. In this manner we followed our guide the wholeof that night and part of the next day, without being ever allowed tostop. I frequently asked our guide, by means of my interpreter, what wasthe reason of all this, and where he proposed to carry me? At length heexplained the cause of Marcus having made us set off, with suchprecipitation; as the khan had sent an order to examine all the boats, and he was apprehensive they would have detained me as a slave if I hadbeen found. 

About mid-day of the 13th of August 1475, we arrived at the banks of theriver, and our Tartar guide endeavoured to find a boat in which to carryus into an island in which the flocks of Auchioli were kept; but notfinding one, he cut down some branches, which he tied together so as toform a raft. On this he placed the saddles of our horses, and tying thisraft to his horses tail, he mounted the horse, on which he swam acrossthe river to the island, which lay a bow-shot from the shore. He thencame back with the raft, on which he carried over the Russian woman;after which he came back for me, and I stripped myself naked beforetrusting myself to the crazy raft, that I might be in readiness to savemyself by swimming, in case of any misfortune. He afterwards returned forour horses; and my interpreter swam across. The passage of the riverbeing thus happily effected, the Tartar carried us to a wretched hovel, covered by a miserable woollen cloth, where he gave us some sour milk, which we found very refreshing, as we had been long without food, andwere much fatigued. Immediately on our arrival in the island being known, several Tartars left their flocks to come and see us, seeming infinitelysurprized and much gratified by the sight, as we were probably the firstChristians who had ever been on the island. Being exceedingly fatiguedand distressed in mind, I did not care to speak with them, yet our Tartarguide treated me with much kindness, and made me as good cheer as he wasable. Next day, being the eve of the festival of the Virgin, he killed afat lamb to entertain me, part of which he roasted, and part was boiled;and though contrary to the rules of our religion to eat meat on that day, I made a hearty meal, notwithstanding that every thing was disgustinglydirty. We had likewise sour milk to drink, and the Tartars drank maresmilk, of which they are very fond; but I would not drink this, though Icould easily perceive my dislike did not please the Tartars. 

I remained here two days; and at last, on the 26th of August, Marcus andthe rest made their appearance on the other side of the river, and sent aboat for me in which were two of his servants, a Russian and a Tartar. Stephen Testa and John Ungaret, my two attendants, were very muchrejoiced at seeing me again, as they believed me entirely lost, and werested two days at this place before entering upon the desert. Marcus hadbeen so attentive as to provide a horse for me, of which I stood in greatneed. In this caravan, which was under the command of the Tartarambassador, there were about three hundred persons, Russians and Tartars, who carried with them above two hundred[7] horses, partly intended toserve as food by the way, and partly for sale in Russia. We arrived ingood order at night on the banks of the river, and we rested every day atnoon during the fifteen days of our journey, as we were now considered tobe out of danger from any attack by the Tartars. I do not recollect thename of the emperor of the Tartars who inhabit this part of the countrybetween the Wolga and the Tanais. This nation has no fixed place of abode, but shift their encampments from place to place, wherever they can findpasture and water for their cattle, on which they have their wholedependence, as they subsist entirely on flesh and milk. They have cows, heifers, and sheep of admirable beauty, the flesh of which is excellent, as they feed on fine pastures; but these people prefer mares milk toevery other delicacy. Though I have not been in the country of theseTartars, I have been informed that it is flat and agreeable, havingneither hill nor mountain; but the inhabitants addict themselvesexcessively to robbery and plunder, as their sole occupation, andcontinually infest the borders of Russia and Circassia by predatoryincursions. Their horses are very wild and unmanageable, and are nevershod. We were told that there is another tribe of Tartars beyond theWolga, named wild Tartars, who allow their hair to grow extremely long. In the middle of winter they often make inroads to the very skirts of thecity of Citracan, whence they carry off cattle, but do no other damage. These people, like all the Tartars, shift their encampments in search ofpasturage and water. 

After travelling for fifteen days along the eastern bank of the Wolga, wecame to a small forest, where the Tartars and Russians of the caravan cutdown trees to construct rafts for crossing the river. While they were atthis work, we discovered a small bark which was by no means in goodrepair, by means of which our company proposed to convey our baggageacross. Marcus crossed over with a part of our baggage, leaving me incharge of the rest, and sent back the boat when he was landed. In my tripwith the remainder of our baggage, the boat began to leak when we wereabout half way over, the breadth of the river at this place being abouttwo miles. Stephen and two Russians accompanied me in the boat, leavingDemetrius, my interpreter, and John Ungar in charge of the horses. We hadmuch ado to bale out the water, but by the blessing of God, we got overin safety. After our baggage was landed, the Russians put off, to go backfor the rest of our people and the horses; but the boat fell to pieces. This necessarily delayed our other servants and the horses from gettingover till next day, during which interval they were badly off, as all ourprovisions were on our side. It was fortunate that I now examined thestate of our provisions, which I found diminished much beyond expectation, so that we were under the necessity of abridging our allowance for theremainder of the journey, that we might not run short altogether. Ourprincipal food consisted of millet, with garlic and onions, and some sourmilk; and we found some wild apples at this place, which we roasted. Inthe course of two days, the whole baggage of the caravan was transportedto the western side of the river by means of seven rafts, drawn by horses, and directed by the Tartars, the horses swimming and having the raftstied to their tails. The sight of this was very amusing, but seemed verydangerous to those who were employed. After resting some time, we quittedthe banks of the river, and resumed our journey. This river Wolga iscertainly the largest and deepest river in the world, being, as well as Icould judge, two miles broad, and has very high banks. 

[1] Called Citrarchan in the former section, but certainly what we now call Astracan, then the capital of a Tartar principality, which now forms one of the provinces of the vast Russian empire. --E. 

[2] These are large shallow ponds, in which sea water is exposed to evaporation, to procure salt. --E. 

[3] In the original this person is called the cham of the _Camercheriens_. The Tartar government of Astracan belonged to one of the Mongal tribes of Kipschak; but the word used in the original may have been a local term, not now explicable. --E. 

[4] Perhaps the kingdom or province of Cazan, higher up the Wolga. --E. 

[5] Contarini has forgot to give us any account in what manner he procured leave to quit Astracan. Perhaps, by means of Marcus, he was permitted to pass for one of his attendants. --E. 

[6] It may be necessary to remark, that the tails of a peculiar species of sheep, O. Platyurus, or the broad-tailed sheep, common among the Tartars, and other parts of the world, are said sometimes to weigh twenty-five pounds. --E. 

[7] Probably an error for 2000. --E. 

SECTION VIII. 

_Contarini, after crossing European Sarmatia, arrives at Moscow, thecapital of White Russia, and is presented to the Grand Duke. _

After recommending ourselves to the protection of God, we continued ourjourney, through immense and terrible deserts, sometimes towards thenorth, and sometimes westerly[1], always resting at noon, and taking upour quarters for the night on the bare ground, without any protectionagainst the weather. To prevent us from being surprized in the night bythe wandering Tartars, outguards were placed every night in threedirections around our resting-place. During the greater part of this longand dreary journey, we were very ill off for water both for ourselves andour cattle, and we never saw any wild animals. One day we saw about fortyhorses, which we were told had escaped from a caravan of merchants theyear before. We fell in one day with a small horde of Tartars, havingtwenty waggons, but I was not able to learn where they were going. As ourprovisions decreased rapidly, we were forced to use the remainder verysparingly, and were consequently reduced to a very short allowance. 

On the 22d of September 1475, we entered Russia, and discovered a fewhuts in the middle of a wood. On the inhabitants learning that Marcus, their countryman, was in our caravan, they came to see him that he mightprotect them from the Tartars, and brought him a present of honey and wax, a part of which he gave to us. This was a most providential supply, as wewere so much reduced by fatigue and spare diet, that we were hardly ableto sit on horseback. The first city we came to in this country was_Rezan_[2], the prince of which place had married a sister of the GrandDuke of Russia. The castle and all the houses of this city are built ofwood. We here procured bread and meat, and mead in abundance, to ourgreat comfort and satisfaction. The next city we came to was _Kolomna_, passing a very large bridge over the _Monstrus_[3] which flows into theWolga. At this place, Marcus quitted the caravan, which travelled tooslowly in his opinion, and pushed on for Moscow, where we arrived on the26th of September, after a journey of forty-seven days through the desert, from the 10th of August, on which day we left Citracan. In a great partof this journey we found no wood, and were forced to cook our victualswith fires made of dried cow dung. We returned thanks to God on ourarrival, for our preservation through so many and great dangers. On ourarrival, Marcus procured a dwelling for us, consisting of a small stove-room and some chambers, with stabling for our horses. Though small andmean, I felt as if lodged in a palace, when I compared my present stateof tranquil security with the dangers and inconveniences I had been solong subjected to. 

Marcus made me a visit two days afterwards, and supplied me with somenecessaries, exhorting me, as on the part of his sovereign, to keep agood heart. I returned his visit next day; and being very desirous toreturn home to Venice, I requested him to introduce me to the grand duke, which he promised to do as soon as possible, and I soon afterwards wasdesired to go to court. Immediately on my getting there, I was conductedto an audience; on which I made my obeisance in due form to the grandduke, to whom I returned thanks for all the attentions I had receivedfrom his ambassador, Marcus, in the course of my journey, by whoseassistance and advice I had escaped a thousand dangers; assuring hishighness that I attributed these marks of kindness as done to therepublic of Venice, whose ambassador I was, and that the republic wouldunquestionably evince a due sense of the obligations, to which I owed mylife and safety. The grand duke interrupted my harangue, by complainingwith much emotion of the conduct of _John Baptista_ of Treviso, and saida great deal on this subject, which is not proper for me to report. Aftera conversation of some length, in which I spoke to his highness about mydeparture, he closed my audience, postponing his answers to my requeststo a future opportunity. The grand duke was very shortly to quit Moscow, on purpose to visit several parts of his dominions, and particularly theTartar frontier, where one of his officers was stationed, with thecommand of 500 horse[4], to repress the incursions of robbers on thatside: I therefore endeavoured to procure an answer about my departure, and solicited a second audience for that purpose. On this occasion I wasvery politely received by the grand duke, accompanied by three of hisprincipal barons. At first they expatiated at some length on the subjectof John Baptista, formerly mentioned; but at length I received liberty toremain or to depart as I thought proper. They dismissed me with thisvague answer, and the grand duke set out from Moscow soon afterwards. Iowed a great deal of money to Marcus, which he had expended for me and mypeople, as he had defrayed the whole expences of our journey, and hadsupplied me with many things of which I stood in need. I requestedpermission from him to go away, giving him the most solemn assurance thatI would transmit full payment to him immediately after my arrival atVenice. But he declared this was not in his power, as he was under thenecessity of repaying the Tartarian and Russian merchants, who hadadvanced all these things for us, and to whom he had become security forpayment. Finding every application to the duke and Marcus on this subjectineffectual, as I could not procure the necessary funds for my journeyfrom either, I was under the necessity of sending Stephen Testa to Venice, to solicit a remittance from our illustrious senate, by which I might beenabled to pay my debts. Stephen left Moscow on the 7th of October, accompanied by one _Nicolas Leopolitain_[5], who knew the country. 

I became acquainted at Moscow with one Triphon, a goldsmith, a native ofAscravia or Cathara, who was employed in making several articles ofsilver plate for the grand duke. I likewise formed acquaintance with avery ingenious architect of Bologna, named Aristotle, who was building anew church in the market-place. As the house in which I lodged was smalland disagreeable, I went to live with this person by the advice of Marcus:But I was soon after obliged to change my quarters by order from court, to a house near the castle, in which I remained for the rest of my stayat Moscow. This city, which is the capital of the Russian dominions, andthe residence of the grand duke, or sovereign, is built on a smallelevation, on the banks of the Mosqua, over which there are severalbridges; the castle and all the houses of the city being built of wood, which is procured from several thick forests near the place. The soil ofthis country is fertile, and produces abundance of corn of all kinds, which sell here much cheaper than with us; The country abounds in cattleand swine, and with incredible numbers of poultry, ducks, geese, andhares; but they have no venison, either because there are no deer, orbecause the natives are ignorant of the art of taking them. But they haveno vines, and their only fruits are cucumbers, wild apples, and nuts. Thecountry is extremely cold, and the inhabitants are under the necessity ofliving for nine months of the year in stoves. They provide during winterfor their living in summer[6]. When the whole country is enveloped infrost and snow, they use sledges drawn by horses, which are veryconvenient and useful for travelling; and are even used in summer onaccount of the miry bad roads, which are exceedingly difficult andunpleasant. The river ordinarily freezes over about the end of October, when the merchants erect booths on the ice, in which they expose theirwares of all kinds for sale, as in a fair or market; and they here sellgreat numbers of cattle and swine, and great quantities of corn, timber, and all other necessaries of life; every thing being procurable in greatabundance all the winter. About the end of November, they kill all thecattle, sheep, and other animals that are required for winter provision, and expose them for sale on the river in a frozen state; and the rigourof the season preserves these provisions for two or three months, withoutany risk of spoiling. Fish, poultry, and all other articles of food, arekept in the same manner. The horses run with great ease and swiftness onthe ice yet they sometimes fell and break their necks. Both men and womenof this country have very good faces, but their manners are exceedinglybad. 

The Russian church is ruled over by a patriarch, whose election orappointment is dependent on the grand duke, and who does not acknowledgesubjection to the Roman pontiff; and they hold all sectaries inabhorrence, as people doomed to perdition. The natives are much addictedto drunkenness, and he who excels in drinking is much esteemed among them. They have no wine, as I have said before, instead of which they drinkmead, made of honey and water, which is very pleasant when sufficientlykept. It is not allowed to every one to make this liquor, for whichpurpose a license or permission must be had from the grand duke; for ifevery person had liberty to make mead, they would drink perpetually likeso many beasts, and would kill one another. From morning till noon, theyare employed in the market-place, occupied in their various businessesand employments, after which they adjourn to the taverns, in which theyspend all the rest of the day. Every winter, great numbers of merchantscome to Moscow from Germany and Poland, who purchase furs of all kinds, which are indeed exceedingly beautiful. Among these furs, are the skinsof foxes, wolves, martins, sables, ermines, and many others, from Scythiaand the alpine regions, many days journey to the north of Moscow. Many ofthese are likewise carried for sale to Novogorod[7], a city towards thefrontiers of Germany, eight days journey west from Moscow. The governmentof that city is democratic, and only pays a stipulated yearly tribute tothe grand duke. 

The country subject to the grand duke of Russia is of vast extent, and aninfinite number of people are subject to his dominions, but they are byno means warlike. This empire extends from the north towards the west, tothat part of Germany which is under the dominion of the king of Poland[8];and some reckon among his subjects a wandering nation of idolaters, whoacknowledge no sovereign, not even submitting to the authority of thegrand duke, but when it suits their own convenience. These wanderingtribes are said to worship during the day whatever first presents itselfto their view, on going out in the morning; many other ridiculous thingsare reported of them, which I do not repeat, as I have not seen them, andcan hardly give credit to the reports. The grand duke[9] appeared to beabout thirty-five years of age, was handsomely made, and had verydignified manners, and an air quite royal. His mother was still alive, and he had two brothers. By a former wife he had two sons, who did notagree with Despina, the reigning grand duchess, and were not therefore onvery friendly terms with their father. Despina, his second wife, hadbrought him two daughters, and was said to be again with child. 

The grand duke returned to Moscow from his journey to the frontiers aboutthe end of December; and, as I could not reconcile myself to the mannersand mode of life of the Russians, I became exceedingly impatient to leavethe country, and could not persuade myself to stay for the return ofStephen from Venice with money. For this reason, I made interest with oneof the lords of the court, to prevail on the grand duke to supply me withmoney, and to give me leave to depart. A few days afterwards, the grandduke sent for me to court and invited me to dinner, when he agreed, fromrespect to the republic, to lend me as much money as was necessary toclear all my debts to the Tartarian and Russian merchants, and to enableme to return to Venice. The dinner was quite magnificent, consisting ofevery delicacy, and of abundance of exquisitely dressed dishes. When therepast was finished, I retired according to custom. Some days afterwards, I was again invited to court, and the grand duke gave orders histreasurer to give me all the money necessary for paying my debts, besideswhich, he presented me with 1000 ducats, and a magnificent dress ofScythian squirrels skins, to wear in his presence when I came to court. Before returning to my quarters, he ordered me to be presented to thegrand duchess, who received me very graciously, and desired me to offerher respectful salutations to our illustrious republic, which I promisedto do. 

[1] This journey appears to have been through the country on the west of the Wolga, which they probably passed about Czariein, through the provinces of Saratov, Woronez, and Penza, avoiding the Ilafla, to Rezan or Riazan. --E. 

[2] Rezan or Riazan, in the province of that name, on the Oka. In a considerable, part of the track of this journey, there are now towns and villages; but the whole of this south-eastern frontier of European Russia, appears to have been then entirely waste, and pervaded by the wandering Tartars. We are quite in the dark respecting the particulars of the route from Astracan to Rezan. It was certainty on the east of the Wolga at the first, to avoid the Tartars which occupied the country between the Caspian and Euxine. The passage of that vast river may have been at Czariein, at its great elbow, in lat. 48° 30'N. Or about Saratov in 51° 20'N. Neither of which towns seem to have then existed. From thence they would probably proceed, to avoid the larger rivers, between where Penza and Tchenbar now stand, and by the scite of Morbansk, towards Riazan. --E. 

[3] In the original this large bridge is said to have been at Kolomna, which is on the river Mosqua, of very inferior magnitude; and flows into the Oka, which most probably is the Monstrus of the text. --E. 

[4] In the original, the commander of this body of cavalry is said to have been a Tartarian general--E. 

[5] The word Leopolitain, may possibly be a corruption for Neopolitan, or a native of Naples. Perhaps it may refer to Leopol, in that part of Poland now belonging to Austria, and called Galicia. --E. 

[6] Such is the expression in the original, which ought perhaps to be reversed. Yet Contarini possibly meant to say, that the inhabitants of Moscow laid up a sufficient stock of money from the profits of their long winter labours, for their subsistence during summer; when, by the absence of the court, they had little employment. --E. 

[7] There are two cities named Novogrod or Novgorod in Russia, nearly at equal distances from Moscow, one to the northwest, and the other to the southwest; the latter of which, named Novgorod Sieverskov, is probably meant in the text, and which ought rather to have been described as towards the frontiers of Poland. The other Novgorod did not then belong to the Russian sovereignty. --E. 

[8] The geographical ideas of Contarini are very vague and superficial. This is perhaps the only instance wherein Poland; a portion of European Sarmatia, is considered as belonging geographically to Germany. --E. 

[9] The reigning sovereign of Russia at the period was John III. Who began to reign in 1463, and was succeeded in 1505 by Basil IV. --E. 

SECTION IX. 

_Contarini leaves Moscow, and having passed through Lithuania, Poland, and Germany, arrives at Venice. _

On the day before that which I had fixed for my departure, I was invitedto dine at court. Before dinner, I was taken into one of the halls of thepalace, where I found the grand duke, accompanied by Marcus and asecretary. His highness addressed me very graciously, and desired me toreport all the marks of esteem and friendship he had shewn me, fromrespect to our illustrious republic, and offered me every thing I coulddesire, and which lay in his power to grant. While speaking, I drew backfrom respect; but as I retired he always advanced. I answered every thingto his satisfaction, and humbly offered my most grateful thanks for allhis benevolence to me. He treated me with the utmost politeness andfamiliarity, and even condescended to shew me some robes of gold tissue, magnificently lined with Scythian sables; after which we went to dinner. The repast was extraordinarily magnificent, at which several of thebarons and great officers of state assisted. When we rose from table, thegrand duke called me to him, and gave me my audience of leave in the mostgracious terms, speaking so loud as to be heard by all the company, andexpressing his high esteem for the illustrious republic of Venice. Afterthis, by his order, a silver cup was brought to me filled with mead, ofwhich he made me a present, as a mark of high regard with which hehonours ambassadors, and other persons to whom he shews favour. Thispresent was to me a matter of very serious consideration, as theetiquette required me to empty its contents, and the cup was very large. When I had drained about a quarter of the liquor, knowing the sobriety ofthe Italians, and perceiving that I was much difficulted, the grand dukehad the goodness to order the remainder to be emptied, and the gobletgiven to me. Having thanked the grand duke in as respectful terms as Iwas able, I took my leave and retired, accompanied by several barons andother persons of rank. 

Every thing was now in readiness for my departure, but Marcus would by nomeans hear of my leaving Moscow, without taking a dinner with him, andaccordingly gave me a magnificent entertainment. Louis, the patriarch ofAntioch, of whom I have before made mention, came about this time toMoscow, and was detained there by order of the grand duke; but I madeinterest through Marcus for his release, which I obtained, and he was tohave travelled along with me. But as he delayed too long, I set offwithout him. At length, on the 21st January 1476, we set out from Moscowin sledges, made like small huts, each drawn by a horse, and guided by adriver. In these sledges we carried our baggage and provisions along withus, and in them, journeys of great length may be made in a wonderfullyshort time. By order of the grand duke, I had a guide appointed toconduct me on the right road, and this was continued from place to placeall, through his dominions. We slept the first night in a small village, where we found our lodgings exceedingly cold, but that was the smallestof our inconveniencies, and on this account I hastened our journey as muchas possible. On the 27th of January, we arrived at _Vieseme_, and a fewdays afterwards at Smolensk on the frontiers of Lithuania, in thedominions of Casimir king of Poland. From Smolensk, till we arrived at_Trach_[1], a city of Lithuania, we travelled continually in a plaininterspersed with some hills, the whole country being covered with wood, and our only lodgings were in miserable hovels; dining always about noonwherever we could meet with a fire, which had been left burning bytravellers who had passed before us. We had generally to break the ice toprocure water for our horses; we lighted fires to warm ourselves; and oursledges served us instead of beds, as without them we must have slept onthe ground. We went with such expedition, over the frozen snow, that wewere assured we had travelled 300 miles in three days and two nights. 

Casimir king of Poland, who then resided at _Troki_, immediately onlearning my arrival, sent two of his gentlemen to compliment me in hisname, and to congratulate me on my safe return. They likewise invited meto dine with his majesty on the following day, which was the 15th ofFebruary, and presented me on the part of the king with a robe of purpledamask, lined with Scythian furs, in which I dressed myself to go tocourt. On this occasion, I went in a coach and six, accompanied by fournoblemen and several other persons. The king himself did me the honour toreceive me, and conducted me into a magnificent apartment, where heintroduced me to two of his sons in presence of many nobles, knights, andgentlemen of the court. A chair was placed for me in the middle of theroom; and when I offered to kneel on one knee while addressing the king, his majesty had the goodness to insist that I should sit down in hispresence, which I did after some hesitation. I then gave a recital of allthat had occurred in my travels, with some account of the dominions ofUzun-Hassan, and of the number of his forces, and of the empire andmanners of the Tartars. The king and his courtiers listened to me withmuch attention during my whole speech, which lasted more than half anhour. I then thanked his majesty for the present he had made me, and forall his kindnesses to me, attributing his attentions to the esteem heentertained for our illustrious republic. His majesty was pleased, bymeans of an interpreter, to express great satisfaction at my safe arrival, as he hardly expected I should ever have been able to return; and that hewas much pleased with the information I had given him respecting Uzun-Hassan and the Tartars, which he believed to be more authentic than anyhe had received before. After some other discourse, I was conducted tothe hall where the dinner was served; soon after which his majesty cameinto the hall with his two sons, preceded by several trumpets. The kingsat down at the head of the table, having his two sons on his right hand;the primate of the kingdom sat next on his majestys left, and I wasplaced next the bishop. The remainder of the table was occupied by aboutforty of the nobles. Each service was ushered in with the sound oftrumpets, and all the meats were served on large silver dishes. 

After dinner, which lasted two hours, I rose to depart, and asked theking if he had any farther orders to honour me with; when he was pleasedto say very graciously, that he charged me to assure the senate that hismost anxious desire was to cultivate perpetual friendship and good-willwith our illustrious republic, and he was pleased to make his sonsexpress the same friendly wishes. Having respectfully taken leave of theking, I was conducted back to my lodgings by several of the courtiers. 

Being supplied with a guide, I departed from Troki on the 16th ofFebruary, and in nine days, passing through the city of _Ionici_, Iarrived at Warsaw on the 1st of March. The country of Poland appearedvery pleasant, and abundant in every, thing except fruit. During ourjourney we saw many villages and castles, and were well receivedeverywhere, but we found no considerable city. After remaining four daysin Warsaw, where I purchased horses for the rest of our journey, we setout from that place on the 5th of March, and came that day to a town call_Messarig_, where we began to travel with less assurance of safety, asthis place is on the frontiers towards Germany. On the 9th I arrived atFrankfort on the Oder, from which place we found more commodious lodgingsin traversing Germany, than we had been accustomed to for a long time. While passing the city of _Gia_[2], on the 15th of March, I had the goodfortune to meet with Stephen Testa, whom I had sent from Moscow to Venicefor money. I was quite delighted at this meeting, as from him I receivedgood accounts from home. We now entered the city of _Gia_, where werested two days. On the 22d we reached Nurenburgh, where we remained fourdays; from whence we went by Augsburgh, and several other fine cities ofGermany, and arrived at Trent on the 4th of April, where we celebratedthe festival of Easter. Being extremely anxious to revisit my belovedcountry, I set out from thence after three days stay, and reached _Scala_, in the dominions of our republic. In discharge of a vow that I hadentered into, I went to visit the church of the blessed Virgin on MountArthon, and presented the offerings which I had promised at her holyshrine. I had already sent notice to my brother Augustine, that he mightexpect me in Venice towards evening of the 10th of April; but my extremedesire of getting back to my country, made me get home considerablyearlier. Embarking at break of day, I arrived at three in the afternoonat _Lucafusina_; and, before going to my own house, I went, in thedischarge of another vow, to the church of our _Lady of Grace_, and metmy brother on my way in the Jews street. We embraced with great affection, and went together to the church. After finishing my devotions, I went tothe palace, as the _Pregadi_ were then assembled, it being on a Thursday. I was admitted into the council, to which I gave an account of thesuccess of my embassy; after which, as our serene Doge was indisposed, Ipaid my respects to him in his apartment, and gave him a short history ofmy travels, and particularly concerning those things on which I had beencommissioned. From thence I went to my own house, where I gave thanks toGod for his infinite mercy, in having permitted me to return in healthand safety, after so many dangers. To conclude: Although I might havecomposed this narrative of my travels in a more eloquent style, I havepreferred truth in few words, to falsehood dressed up in ornamentedlanguage. I have been very brief in relation to Germany, as that countryis in our neighbourhood, and is therefore well known to many, on whichaccount it would have been both superfluous and tiresome to have given aminute description of what every one knows. 

[1] This almost certainty a corruption of Troki--E. 

[2] Though this place must assuredly be a town in Germany, between Frankfort on the Oder and Nurenburgh, its name is so disguised as to be quite unintelligible. --E. 

SECTION X. 

_Recapitulation of some circumstances respecting Persia. _

The empire of Uzun-Hassan is very extensive, and is bounded by Turkey andCaramania, belonging to the Sultan, and which latter country extends toAleppo. Uzun-Hassan took the kingdom of Persia from _Causa_[1], whom heput to death. The city of Ecbatana, or Tauris, is the usual residence ofUzun-Hassan; Persepolis, or _Shiras_[2], which is twenty-four daysjourney from thence, being the last city of his empire, bordering on theZagathais, who are the sons of Buzech, sultan of the Tartars, and withwhom he is continually at war. On the other side is the country of Media, which is under subjection to _Sivansa_, who pays a kind of yearly tributeto Uzun-Hassan. It is said that he has likewise some provinces on theother side of the Euphrates, in the neighbourhood of the Turks[3]. Thewhole country, all the way to Ispahan, six days journey from Persepolis, is exceedingly arid, having very few trees and little water, yet it isfertile in grain and other provisions. The king seemed to me aboutseventy years of age, of large stature, with a pleasant countenance, andvery lean. His eldest son, named Ogurlu Mohamed, was much spoken of whenI was in Persia, as he had rebelled against his father. He had otherthree sons; Khalil Mirza, the elder of these was about thirty-five yearsold, and had the government of Shiras. Jacub beg, another son of Uzun-Hassan, was about fifteen, and I have forgotten the name of a thirdson. [4] By one of his wives he had a son named _Masubech_, or Maksud beg, whom he kept in prison, because he was detected in corresponding with hisrebellious brother _Ogurlu_, and whom he afterwards put to death. According to the best accounts which I received from different persons, the forces of Uzun-Hassan may amount to about 50, 000 cavalry, aconsiderable part of whom are not of much value. It has been reported bysome who were present, that at one time he led an army of 40, 000 Persiansto battle against the Turks, for the purpose of restoring _Pirameth_ tothe sovereignty of Karamania, whence he had been expelled by theinfidels. [5]

[1] Uzun-Hassan, as formerly mentioned, was prince of the Turkmans of the white sheep tribe, and acquired the dominion of western Persia, by the defeat of Hassan-ali prince of the black sheep Turkmans, who is probably the person named Causa in the text. --E. 

[2] This is a mistake, Persepolis is supposed to have been at, or near Istakar, above twenty miles N. N. E. From Shiras. --E. 

[3] Diarbekir, with the cities of Arzunjan, Mardin, Roha, or Orfa, and Siwas, are said to have been committed by Timour to the government of Kara Ilug Ozman, the great grandfather of Uzun-Hassan, who may have retained the original possessions of his tribe after the acquisition of western Persia. --Mod. Univ. Hist. VI. 111. 

[4] According to the authors of the Modern Universal History. B. VIII. Ch. I. Sect. 3. Uzun-Hassan had seven sons: Ogurlu Mohammed, Khahil Mirza, Maksud beg, Jakub beg, Masih beg, Yusuf beg, and Zegnel. Contarini strangely corrupts almost every name that occurs. Uzun-Hassan, he makes Unsuncassan; Ogurlu Mohammed, Gurlu mamech; Kalil mirza, Sultan chali; Yakub beg, Lacubei; Maksud beg, or Masih beg, Masubech; and omits three of the seven. --E. 

[5] Uzun-Hassan is said to have been defeated in battle by the Turks, in 1471, near Arzenjan. --Mod. Univ. Hist. VI. 113. 

CHAPTER III. 

VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY BY THE PORTUGUESE ALONG THE WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA, DURING THE LIFE, AND UNDER THE DIRECTION OF DON HENRY. [1]

INTRODUCTION. 

The knowledge possessed by the ancients respecting India, will be thesubject of discussion in a future portion of this work. We have now tocontemplate the tedious, yet finally successful efforts of the Portuguesenation, in its age of energetic heroism, to discover a maritime passageto that long famed commercial region, some general knowledge of which hadbeen preserved ever since the days of the Persian, Macedonian, and Romanempires. Of all the great events which have occurred in the modern ages, previous to our own times, the voyages and discoveries which were made bythe Europeans, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries of the Christianera, are justly entitled to preference, whether we appreciate the vastimprovements which they made in navigation, and, consequently, incommerce, --the astonishing abundance of wealth which they brought intoEurope, --the surprising feats of bravery which were performed in theirvarious expeditions and conquests, --the extensive, populous, and valuableterritories which were subdued or colonized, --or the extended knowledge, which was suddenly acquired of the greater part of the earth, till theneither altogether unknown, or very partially and erroneously described. By these discoveries, we allude to those of the southern and westernhemispheres, a new heaven and a new earth were opened up to theastonishment of mankind, who may be said to have been then furnished withwings to fly from one end of the earth to the other, so as to bring themost distant, and hitherto utterly unknown nations, acquainted with eachother. In the ordinary course of human affairs, it has been observed thatsimilar events frequently occur; but the transactions of these timeswhich we now propose to narrate, were as singular in their kind as theywere great, surprising, and unexpected; neither can any such ever happenagain, unless Providence were to create new and accessible worlds fordiscovery and conquest, or to replunge the whole of mankind for a longperiod into the grossest ignorance. 

The merit and glory of these wonderful achievements are unquestionablydue to the Portuguese nation, and the first and principal share to thesublime genius of their illustrious prince, the infant DON HENRY, _Dukeof Viseo and Grand Master of the order of Christ_, whose enlarged mindfirst planned the fitting out of maritime expeditions for discovery, andby the imitation of whose example all subsequent discoveries have beenaccomplished. Every thing of the kind before his time was isolated oraccidental, and every subsequent attempt has been pursued on scientificor known principles, which he invented and established. Although Americawas discovered by Columbus, in the service of Spain, some years beforethe Portuguese were able to accomplish their long sought route to India;and although the discovery of America was performed infinitely quickerthan that of southern Africa and the route to India, Columbus havingaccomplished his design at the very first attempt, and even without anyprevious knowledge of the countries he went in search of; while theendeavours of the Portuguese occupied a great number of years in almostfruitless attempts, and extremely tedious progression; yet Don Henryfirst set on foot the navigation of the ocean through unknown seas, andinspired, other nations with the idea of making discoveries of distantand unexplored regions; and ultimately great as were the discoveries ofColumbus, they may be said to have been accidentally made in theerroneous attempt to go by a nearer route to the regions of which DonHenry and his successors had long been in search. 

These attempts of the Portuguese had been continued for nearly fourscoreyears before any of their neighbours seem to have entertained the mostdistant idea of engaging in foreign discoveries, even viewing theirendeavours as downright knight-errantry, proceeding from a distemperedimagination, as well in the first promoter as in those who continued toprosecute his scheme. In a word, the relation of these discoveries formsone of the most curious portions of modern history, as comprizing a greatnumber of the most extraordinary transactions that ever happened in anyperiod of the world. For this reason they are well worthy of beingparticularly narrated, that the curious may be made acquainted with everysuccessive step in such important enterprizes, and by what almostinsensible degrees such vast undertakings were ultimately accomplished. And as the intercourse of Europeans has operated a great change in thecountries to which they penetrated, and upon their original inhabitants, so that both now appear in a very different light from what they didbefore these expeditions and discoveries; therefore, every circumstancebelonging to these transactions deserves the most serious notice. 

John 1. Of Portugal, married Philippa, the eldest daughter of John ofGaunt, Duke of Lancaster, son to Edward III. Of England, by whom he hadseveral sons, of whom Don Henry was the _fifth_. After serving with greatbravery under his father at the capture of Ceuta, he was raised to thedukedom of Viseo, and was sent back with a large reinforcement topreserve the conquest to which his courage had largely contributed. During his continuance in command at Ceuta, he acquired much information, by occasional converse with some Moors, relative to the seas and coastsof Western Africa, which raised and encouraged the project of maritimediscoveries; and these became afterwards the favourite and almostexclusive pursuit of his active and enlarged mind. From the Moors heobtained intelligence respecting the Nomadic tribes who border upon andpervade the great desert, and of the nations of the Jaloofs, whoseterritories are conterminous with the desert on the north, and Guinea tothe south. By one ingenious author[2], he has been supposed instigated tohis first attempts at maritime discovery, by the desire of finding a wayby sea to those countries from whence the Moors brought ivory and golddust across the desert. It unfortunately happens that we have no recordof the particular voyages themselves, and are therefore reduced to thenecessity of giving the relation of this great discovery historicallyfrom the best remaining sources of information. The writings of CadaMorto, which will be found in the sequel, form a pleasing exception tothis desideratum in the history and progress of early navigation anddiscovery. 

[1] Astley. I. 9. Clarke, I. 140. Purchas, I. 6. Harris, I. 662. 

[2] Wealth of Nations, II. 347. 

SECTION I. 

_Commencement of Portuguese Discoveries, from Cape Non to Cape Bojador_

Three years before the reduction of Ceuta, the Duke of Visco had sent avessel in 1412 to explore the western coast of Africa, being the firstvoyage of discovery undertaken by the Portuguese, or by any other nationin modern times. The commander was instructed to endeavour to follow thewestern coast of Africa, to the southward of Cape Chaunar, called by thePortuguese mariners Cape Nao, Non, or Nam, which, extending itself fromthe foot of Mount Atlas, had hitherto been the _non plus ultra_ orimpassable limit of European navigation, and had accordingly received itsordinary name from a negative term in the Portuguese language, asimplying that there was no navigation beyond; and respecting which aproverbial saying was then current, of the following import:

 Whoe'er would pass the Cape of Non Shall turn again; or else be gone. 

The success of this earliest voyage, fitted out for the purpose ofdiscovery, is not recorded; but Don Henry continued to send some vesselsevery year to the same coast, with the same instructions of endeavouringto explore the coast beyond Cape Non. Not daring to trust themselvesbeyond sight of land, the mariners crept timorously along the coast, andat length reached Cape Bojador, only sixty leagues, or 180 miles beyondCape Non. This cape, which stretches boldly out into the ocean, fromwhich circumstance it derives its name[1], filled the Portuguese marinerswith terror and amazement; owing to the shoals by which it is environedfor the space of six leagues, being perpetually beaten by a lofty andtremendous surge, which precluded them, from all possibility ofproceeding beyond it in their ordinary manner of creeping along the coast;and they dared not to stretch out into the open sea in quest of smootherwater, lest, losing sight of land altogether, they might wander in thetrackless ocean, and be unable to find their way home. It is notimpossible that they might contemplate the imaginary terrors of thetorrid zone, as handed down from some of the ancients, with all itsburning soil and scorching vapours; and they might consider thedifficulties of Cape Bojador as a providential bar or omen, to warn andoppose them against proceeding to their inevitable destruction. Theyaccordingly measured back their wary steps along the African coast, andreturned to Portugal, where they gave an account of their proceedings toDon Henry, in which, of course, the dangers of the newly discovered capewould not be diminished in their narrative[2]. 

Returning from Ceuta, where his presence was no longer necessary, andwhere he had matured his judgment by intercourse with, various learnedmen whom his bounty had attracted into Africa, and having enlarged hisviews by the perusal of every work which tended to illustrate thediscoveries which he projected, Don Henry fixed his residence at theromantic town of Sagres, in the neighbourhood of Cape St Vincent, wherehe devoted his leisure to the study of mathematics, astronomy, cosmography, and the theory of navigation, and even established a schoolor academy for instructing his countrymen in these sciences, the parentsof commerce, and the sure foundations of national prosperity. To assisthim in the prosecution of these his favourite studies, he invited, fromMajorca, a person named Diego, or James, who was singularly skilful inthe management of the instruments then employed for making astronomicalobservations at sea, and in the construction of nautical charts. Sometraces of nautical discoveries along the western coast of Africa stillremained in ancient authors; particularly of the reported voyages ofMenelaus, Hanno, Eudoxus, and others. From an attentive consideration ofthese, Don Henry and his scientific coadjutor were encouraged to hope forthe accomplishment of important discoveries in that direction; and theywere certainly incited in these views by the rooted enmity which had solong rankled among the Christian inhabitants of Spain and Portugalagainst the Moors, who had formerly expelled their ancestors from thegreatest part of the peninsula, and with whom they had waged an incessantwar of several centuries in recovering the country from their grasp. 

SECTION II. 

_Discovery of the Madeira Islands. _

After some time usefully employed in acquiring and diffusing a competentknowledge of cosmopographical, nautical, and astronomical science, DonHenry resolved to devote a considerable portion of the revenue which heenjoyed as Grand Master of the Order of Christ, in continuing andextending those projects of nautical discovery which had long occupiedhis attention. Accordingly, about the year 1418, a new expedition ofdiscovery was fitted out for the express purpose of attempting tosurmount the perils of Cape Bojador. In this expedition Juan GonzalesZarco and Tristan Vaz Texeira, two naval officers of the household of DonHenry, volunteered their services; and, embarking in a vessel called a_barcha_[3], steered for the tremendous cape. The Portuguese werehitherto ignorant of the prevailing winds upon the coast of Africa, andthe causes by which their influence is varied or increased. Near the land, and between the latitudes of 28° and 10° north, a fresh gale almostalways blows from the N. E. Long sand-banks, which extend a great way outto sea, and which are extremely difficult to be distinguished in themornings and evenings, and the prevailing currents, were powerfulobstacles to the enterprise of these navigators. About six leagues offCape Bojador, a most violent current continually dashes upon the breakers, which presented a most formidable obstacle to the brave but inexperiencedmariners. Though their voyage was short, they encountered many dangers;and, before they could reach the cape, they were encountered by a heavygale from the east, by which the billows of the Atlantic became too heavyto be resisted by their small vessel, and they were driven out to sea. Onlosing sight of their accustomed head lands, and being forced into theboundless ocean for the first time, the ships company gave themselves upto despair; but, on the abatement of the tempest, they found themselvesunexpectedly within view of an island, situated about 100 leagues westfrom the coast of Africa. With extreme joy they beheld the coast of thisisland extending about twenty miles in length, to which they gave thename of Puerto Santo, because first discovered upon the feast of AllSaints. This is the smaller of the Madeiras, being only about two milesbroad; and, as the only roadstead is upon the south-west side, thePortuguese probably anchored upon that side to be under the lee shelterof the island from the remnants of the tempest from which they hadhappily escaped. 

The island of _Puerto Santo_, or of the Holy Haven, is almost directlywest from Cape Cantin; whence it would appear that these Portuguesenavigators could hardly have passed much beyond Cape de Geer, when drivenoff the coast by this fortunate easterly tempest. Had they even advancedas far as Cape Non, they would almost certainly have been driven amongthe Canaries. It is perfectly obvious that they never even approachedCape Bojador in this voyage; unless we could suppose, after having beendriven directly west from that cape, that they shaped a northern course, after the subsidence of the tempest, and fell in with Puerto Santo whileon their return to Portugal. 

Greatly pleased with the soil and climate of this island, and with thegentle manners of the natives, whom they described as in an intermediatestate of civilization, and entirely destitute of any appearance of savageferocity, Zarco and Vaz immediately returned to Portugal, where they madea report of the incidents of their voyage; and to confirm their opinionof the value of their discovery, they requested permission from Don Henryto return for the purpose of establishing a settlement in Puerto Santo. By this discovery an advanced and favourable station was secured towardsthe south, whence any discoveries along the coast of Africa might beprosecuted with greater ease and safety, and from whence the dangers ofthe hitherto formidable cape Bojador might be avoided, by keeping asoutherly or S. W. Course from Puerto Santo. From these considerationsDon Henry granted their request; and, yielding to the adventurous spiritwhich this accidental discovery had excited, he permitted several personsto join in a new projected voyage, among whom was Bartholomew Perestrello, a nobleman of his household. 

Three vessels were soon fitted out[4], which were placed under therespective commands of Zarco, Vaz, and Perestrello. These commanders hadorders to colonize and cultivate the newly discovered island, and werefurnished with a considerable assortment of useful seeds and plants forthat purpose. They happened likewise to take with them a female rabbitgreat with young, which littered during the voyage; and which being letloose with her progeny, multiplied so rapidly, that, in two years, theybecame so numerous as to occasion serious injury to the early attempts atcultivation, and to baffle every hope of rendering Puerto Santo a placeof refreshment for the Portuguese navigators; insomuch that a resolutionwas formed to abandon the newly established settlement. After havinglanded the different animals and seeds which had been sent out by DonHenry, and seeing them properly distributed, Perestrello returned intoPortugal to make a report to the prince, and Zarco and Vaz remained tosuperintend the infant colony. 

Soon after the departure of Perestrello, the attention of Zarco and Vazwas strongly excited by observing certain clouds or vapours at a greatdistance in the ocean, which continually presented the same aspect, andpreserved exactly the same bearing from Puerto Santo, and at lengthoccasioned a conjecture, that the appearance might proceed from land inthat quarter. Gonsalvo and Vaz accordingly put to sea and sailed towardsthe suspected land, and soon discovered that the appearances which hadattracted their notice actually proceeded from a considerable islandentirely overgrown with wood, to which, on that account, they gave thename of Madeira[5]. After bestowing considerable attention upon the soiland other circumstances of this island, which was utterly destitute ofinhabitants, Gonzalvo and Vaz returned to Portugal with the welcomeintelligence, and gave so favourable a report of the extent, fertility, and salubrity of Madeira, that Don Henry determined to colonize andcultivate it. Accordingly, with the consent of the king of Portugal, theisland of Madeira was bestowed in hereditary property upon Zarco and Vaz;one division named _Funchal_ being given to Zarco, and the other moiety, named _Machico_, to Vaz. 

In the year 1420 Zarco began the plantation of Madeira, and being muchimpeded in his progress by the immense quantity of thick and tall trees, with which it was then everywhere encumbered, he set the wood on fire tofacilitate the clearing of the surface for cultivation. The wood isreported to have continued burning for seven years[6], and so great wasthe devastation as to occasion great inconvenience to the colony for manyyears afterwards, from the want of timber. Don Henry appears to have beena prince of most uncommonly enlarged and liberal views; not only capableof devising the means of making maritime discoveries, which had neverbeen thought of before his time, but of estimating their value when made, and of applying them to purposes the most useful and important for hiscountry. Reflecting upon the reported fertility of the soil, and theexcellence of the climate of Madeira, and comparing both with thejudicious foresight of a philosopher, politician, and naturalist, inreference to the most valuable productions of similar climates and soils, he wisely conceived, and successfully executed the idea of introducingthe cultivation of sugar and wines into this new colony; For thesepurposes, Portugal would readily supply him with vines; and with peopleconversant in their management: But he had to procure sugar canes, andpersons experienced in their cultivation, and in the process ofmanufacturing sugar from their juice, from the island of Sicily, intowhich that article of culture had been introduced by the Arabs. 

So great was the success of this new subject of industry in Madeira, thatthe fifth part of the produce of one district only, little more than ninemiles in circumference, which proportion the prince reserved as thepatrimony of his military order, amounted, in some years, to 60, 000arobas of twenty-five pounds each; giving the entire acknowledged produceof one district only, of the island at 7, 500, 000 pounds, or 2350 tons. This, at the modern price of eightpence a-pound, amounts to the enormoussum of L. 250, 000 value of merchantable produce, from a district whichcould not contain above 5760 English acres; or above the value of L. 43of average yearly value from every acre of that district. Thisastonishingly valuable produce was in the infancy of the sugar trade, when that bland and wholesome condiment was still an article of luxury, and not as now almost an indispensable necessary, even in the lowestcottages of modern Europe. The sugars of Madeira were long famous; butafter the establishment of the sugar plantations in Brazil, and thedestructive ravages of a worm which infested the sugar canes of Madeira, that article, of cultivation had to be abandoned, and the principalattention of the islanders was transferred to the grape, which stillcontinues to supply Europe, America, and the East Indies with the justlycelebrated Madeira wine. 

At the same time with the grant of Madeira to Zarco and Vaz, Perestrelloreceived a donation of the island of Puerto Santo, on condition ofcolonizing it and bringing it into culture. But so great was themultitude of rabbits, all said to have been produced from one doetransmitted in a pregnant state from Portugal, that cultivation wasattended with peculiar difficulties occasioned by their ravages; insomuch, that in one islet only, 3000 are reported to have been killed at one time. 

SECTION III. 

_Prosecution of Discovery in Africa, to Cape Branco_. 

Partly diverted from the original object of prosecuting discoveries alongthe African coast, by the attentions requisite for forming this firstestablishment of modern colonization, but chiefly owing to the extremedifficulties of the navigation in the infancy of that art, fifteen yearswere passed from the first discovery of Cape Bojador before thatformidable obstacle could be surmounted. In all ages of the world, ignorant and indolent men have represented new and unusual enterprises inscientific pursuits as rash or improper deviations from the establishedexperience and vaunted wisdom of antiquity; and those who promoted themhave been held out as dangerous, or even impious innovators. It so faredwith Don Henry, who far outstripped the science, or ignorance rather, ofhis day. At home, the discontented spirits, ignorant of his enlargedviews, perhaps envious of the reputation his very limited discoverieshad already attained, represented that the tempestuous seas, strongcurrents, and whirlpools, which they fancied must prevail on the otherside of Cape Bajadore, would necessarily destroy every vessel whichshould attempt to penetrate beyond that absolute limit of humannavigation; they alleged that all the country to the south of that capewas utterly unfit for the habitation of mankind, sterile, burnt up, anddestitute of soil and water, like the sandy deserts of Lybia; and theypretended to object on principles of patriotism, that the natives ofPortugal were improvidently wasted on idle discoveries, which, if at alladvisable, would have been undertaken by their former, wise sovereigns;who, contented with the known world, did not, vainly seek for conquestsin the torrid zone, which was altogether unfit for the habitation ofmankind. They insinuated, that the expences which had been lavished uponthose fruitless and dangerous maritime expeditions, might lave been muchmore profitably employed for the improvement of some of the more barrenparts of Portugal. Even the probable profits and advantages derivablefrom the new colonies of Madeira and Puerto Santo, as they were onlyeventual and contingent, did not satisfy the minds of those discontenteddetractors from the merits and enlightened views of the prince. But DonHenry despised those vain endeavours to misrepresent and counteract theimportant enterprise in which he was engaged, and undismayed by thenatural difficulties which had hitherto retarded the progress of hismariners, continued his laudable endeavours to extend his discoveriesalong the coast of Africa. The people, likewise, whom he employed in hisservice, frequently made predatory invasions on the coast, taking everyMoorish vessel which they were able to master, and made many slaves, bythe sale of which, the charges attending those maritime expeditions werepartly defrayed. 

About the year 1433, one Gilianez, a native of Lagos, whom the prince hadentrusted with the command of a vessel, returned from an unsuccessfulattempt to conquer the invincible obstacles which obstructed the passageround Cape Bojador. He had been driven by stress of weather into one ofthe Canary islands, and had imprudently seized some of the inoffendingnatives, whom he brought captives to Sagres. Don Henry was much offendedby this conduct of Gilianez, whom he received with much coldness andreserve; insomuch that Gilianez, on purpose to retrieve the princesfavour, and to make ample amends for the fault he had committed, made avow, that if entrusted with a new expedition, he would perish rather thanreturn unsuccessful in the enterprize which the prince had so much atheart. The date of the second expedition of Gilianez, in which hesurmounted the terrors and difficulties of Cape Bajador, is variouslyreferred by different authors to the years 1433 and 1434[7]. However thismay have been, he succeeded in this herculean labour, as it was thenesteemed, and returned with great exultation to Sagres, where he wasagain received into the favour and confidence of Don Henry. Contrary tothe assertions, or suppositions rather, of the discontented opposers ofthe patriotic and enlightened efforts of Don Henry, Gilianez reportedthat the sea beyond Cape Bojador was perfectly susceptible of navigation, and that the soil and climate were both excellent. 

In the following year Gilianez again sailed for the coast of Africa, accompanied by Alphonzo Gonzales Baldaya[8], cupbearer to the prince. Theweather continued favourable during the voyage, and they were able topenetrate ninety miles to the south of Cape Bojador. On landing to take aview of the country, and in search of inhabitants, they found the formerto consist for the most part of an extended desert plain, and they weremuch disappointed in not being able to meet with any of the inhabitants, though they saw evident traces of them in the sand. To the bay in whichthey landed they gave the name of Angra dos Ruyvos, or Bay of Gurnets, from the great abundance of fish resembling gurnets which were taken bythe seamen. 

Gilianez and Baldaya were again ordered in the year 1435 to prosecutetheir discoveries, with instructions to prolong their voyage, if possible, till they should meet with inhabitants. Having proceeded about fortymiles to the southward of the Angra dos Ruyvos, without being able to seea single inhabitant, they adopted an expedient which had been suggestedby Don Henry, and for which they were provided with the means. Two horseswere landed, and two youths named Hector Homen and Diego Lopez d'Almaida, who had been educated in the household of Don Henry, and were scarcelysixteen years of age, were directed to penetrate into the interior of thecountry, that they might endeavour to ascertain whether it were inhabited. They were directed to keep close together, and on no account to leavetheir horses, and if possible to bring back some of the Moors; and lestthey should rashly expose themselves to unnecessary danger, they wereonly allowed each a sword and spear, without any defensive armour. Afterwandering almost a whole day in the barren sandy desert, they at lengthdescried nineteen Africans, armed with assagays or javelins, whom theyventured to attack, though contrary to their orders. The nativesretreated into a cave where they were safe from the farther assaults ofthe rash Portuguese youths; and as one of them had received a wound inthe foot, they thought it prudent to return to the shore, which they wereunable to reach before the next morning. Gilianez and Baldaya thendispatched a stronger force to the cave in which the Africans had takenshelter, where nothing was found but some weapons which had been left bythe fugitives. Owing to this event, the place where the two cavalierswere landed was named Angra dos Cavallos, or the Bay of Horses; which isin latitude 24° N. 

The navigators proceeded along a rugged coast to the south of the Bay ofHorses, upon which the sea breaks with a terrible noise, and which, onaccount of being entirely composed of a hilly shore, faced with rocks andsmall rocky islands, is called _Otegado_, or the Rocky Place. At abouttwelve leagues distance from the bay of Cavallos they entered the mouthof a river, where they killed a number of sea wolves or seals, the skinsof which they took on board in defect of any other productions of thecountry; these seals were found on an island at the mouth of this river, on which the mariners are said to have seen at least 5000 asleep on theshore. The voyage was continued to Punta de Gale, forming the westernhead-land of the Rio de Ouro, immediately under the tropic, where afishing net was found constructed of twine, made from the inner bark ofsome tree of the palm tribe, but no natives were met with; and asprovisions began to grow scarce, the adventurous mariners wereconstrained to return into Portugal, after ranging for some time up anddown the rocky coast of Otegado, without making any important discovery. 

About this period, or perhaps considerably earlier, Don Henry obtained abull from Pope Martin V. By which the sovereign pontiff made a perpetualdonation to the crown of Portugal, of all lands and islands which hadbeen or might be discovered between Cape Bojador and the East Indies, inclusively, and granted a plenary indulgence for the souls of all whomight perish in the prosecution of the enterprize, and in achieving theconquest of these extensive regions from the infidel and pagan enemies ofChrist and the church. In this measure, the philosophical genius andenlarged political views of Don Henry are plainly evinced; and, undismayed by the obstacles which had so long opposed his grand projectof discoveries, and the length of time which had been employed in makingso very small progress, he shewed himself to have looked steadilyforwards to the full accomplishment of his hopes of discovering the routeby sea from Europe to India, around the still unknown shores of SouthernAfrica. The date of this papal grant does not certainly appear. De Barrosand Lafitau are of opinion that it must have been posterior to 1440;Purchas places it in 1441; and de Guyon in 1444. But Martin V. Died in1431; and these writers seem to have confounded the original grant fromthat pontiff, with subsequent confirmations by his successors Eugenius IV. Nicholas V. And Sextus IV[9]. 

The gradual progress of these discoveries were interrupted for a time byan unsuccessful attempt of Edward I. Or _Duarte_, king of Portugal, togain possession of Tangier in the kingdom of Fez. But the history of thiswar, in which the Portuguese arms suffered much misfortune and dishonour, are quite irrelevant to the present subject. The plague likewise, whichraged at Lisbon in 1438, contributed to the suspension of the patrioticenterprizes of Don Henry. At length, in 1440, Don Henry resumed hisproject of maritime discovery, and dispatched two caravels from Sagres, which were forced back by unfavourable weather, apparently without evenreaching the coast of Africa. 

In 1441, a young officer named Antonio Gonzales made a voyage in a smallvessel, with a crew of twenty-one men, to the island where so great anumber of sea wolves had been seen in the former voyage of AlphonzoGonzales Baldaya in 1435. In this voyage Alphonzo Gotterez, a gentlemanof the bed-chamber to Don Henry, acted as secretary, and the twoadventurers were instructed to endeavour to obtain an account of thecountry and its inhabitants, and to procure a cargo of the skins of theseals or sea wolves, that the voyage might not be entirely destitute ofsome commercial advantages. After accomplishing this part of hisinstructions, Gonzales determined to use his utmost efforts for procuringsome of the inhabitants of the country to carry back with him to Sagres. For this purpose, he landed at the beginning of the night with nineassociates, and having advanced about ten miles into the interior, discovered a native following a camel. The sudden appearance of thePortuguese rendered the astonished Moor perfectly motionless, and beforehe could recover from his surprize he was seized by Gotterez. On theirreturn to the shore with their prisoner, they traced some recentfootsteps on the sand, which led them in view of about forty natives, whowithdrew to an adjoining hill, but the Portuguese secured a female Moorwho had strayed from the party. With these two prisoners they returned totheir vessel, not choosing to run any unnecessary risk, or to make anyneedless attack upon the natives, which was contrary to the expressorders of Don Henry. 

When preparing next morning to set sail on their return to Portugal, another Portuguese ship arrived, which was commanded by Nuno Tristan, agentleman of the princes household. Encouraged by this reinforcement, asecond expedition into the interior was immediately resolved upon, inwhich Nuno Tristan, Diego de Vigliadores, and Gonzales de Cintra, joinedwith Alphonzo Gonzales and Alphonzo Gotterez. Advancing again under night, they soon perceived a party of the natives whom they immediately attacked, shouting out Portugal! Portugal! San Jago! San Jago! The Moors were atfirst stupified with fear and surprise; but recovering from their panic, a struggle ensued, in which three of the Moors were slain, and ten madeprisoners, the Portuguese being indebted for their safety to theirdefensive armour. After endeavouring, in vain, to establish anintercourse with the Moors for the redemption of the prisoners, AlphonzoGonzales returned to Sagres with a cargo of skins and the Moorishprisoners, and was honourably rewarded by his discerning master. Theplace of this exploit was named Puerto del Cavallero, or the KnightsHarbour, on occasion of Gonzales being there knighted by Nuno Tristan. 

After careening his vessel, Nuno Tristan proceeded along the coastaccording to his orders, and reached a cape in lat. 20° 50' N. To whichhe gave the name of Cabo Branco, or the White Cape, on account of thewhiteness of its cliffs. He there landed and found some fishing nets onthe shore; but after repeated incursions into the country, being unableto meet with any of the natives, he made a survey of the coast, andreturned to Portugal with an account of his proceedings. 

Three of the prisoners carried to Portugal by Gonzales were Moors of somerank and considerable opulence; who each promised to pay ransoms fortheir safe return to their native country, and to give, besides, six orseven slaves each to the captors. Don Henry, as grand master of the orderof Christ, was eager for the acquisition of so many converts from thereligion of Mahomet, and was in hopes that the favourable report whichthe Moors might make on their return to Africa, would induce the nativesto enter into trade with his navigators; and that, among the slaves whichwere to be given in exchange, some certain knowledge might be acquired ofthe burning regions of Africa, about which such strange reports were thenprevalent. Antonio Gonzales was therefore dispatched on another voyage in1442, accompanied by a German gentleman named Balthazar, who haddistinguished himself in the late unfortunate attempt on Tangier, and whowas anxious to carry home some account of the newly discovered countries. After being forced to return to port, to repair the damages they hadsustained in a dreadful tempest, they again sailed, and reached the coastwhere the Moors had been made prisoners. The principal Moor was landed, and was received with great deference and respect by his countrymen; buthe forgot all his promises on regaining his liberty, and never returnedto pay the ransom he had bargained for. It would appear, however, that hehad informed the natives of the return of the other two chiefs; as at theend of nine days, above an hundred natives appeared on the coast, andentered into treaty for the ransom of their two countrymen who remainedcaptives, and for whom ten negroes, natives of different parts of Africa, were given in exchange. During these transactions, the sight of aconsiderable quantity of gold dust in the possession of the Moors, excited the most lively emotions in the Portuguese, as being the firstintimation of that valuable commodity being procurable on the coast oftheir new discoveries. From this circumstance, Gonzales gave the name of_Rio del Ouro_, or Gold River, to the deep arm of the sea in which he nowlay, which penetrates about six leagues N. N. E. From the tropic ofCancer. 

SECTION IV. 

_Continuation of Discovery to Cape de Verd_. 

On the return from this voyage, the sight of gold placed the fame andadvantage of the enterprizes and discoveries of Don Henry beyond thereach of prejudice and detraction, and the former murmurings anddiscontents against his proceedings were changed into admiration andapplause. In 1443 Nuno Tristan was again sent out, with orders toprosecute, the discovery of a coast which now seemed so likely to proveadvantageous to the commerce of Portugal. He now doubled Cape Blanco, orBranco, which he had discovered in his former voyage, and, about tenleagues farther to the south-east, fell in with an island, or rathercluster of seven islands, called _Adeget_ by the natives, but which havesince, with the bay in which they lie, received the name of Arguim, orArguin. The small canoes which were used by the natives of this coastwere at first mistaken for some strange kind of birds, as the people situpon them astride, using their feet instead of paddles, to urge themalong. To one of the islands in this bay Tristan gave the name of _Delas_ Garças, on account of the seasonable supply which he there received. From this place Nuno Tristan returned into Portugal, with some of thenatives of the country. 

Don Henry, in 1444, made an exchange with Massiot de Betancour, lord ofthe Canary Islands, for the islands of Lancerota, Fuertaventura, andFerro, giving him some possessions in the island of Madeira in theirstead; and immediately fitted out a powerful squadron, commanded by thegrand master of his household, Fernand de Castro, to take possession ofthis new acquisition, and to subdue the remaining islands, Canaria, Palma, Gratioso, Inferno, Alegrazze, Santa-Chiara, Rocca, and Lobos. But, as theking of Castile afterwards laid claim to the Canaries, Don Henry resignedhis conquests, finding the value of these islands by no means answerableto his expectation. 

So greatly had the fame of the new discoveries extended in consequence ofthe small quantity of gold which had been procured by Gonzales at the Riodel Ouro, that several of the inhabitants of Lagos petitioned Don Henry, in 1444, to be erected into a trading company, engaging to carry on thediscoveries along the coast of Africa at their own expence. The princegranted their request, and a company was accordingly formed, theprototype of those celebrated East India companies which have sincecarried on trade to such vast amount. Among the partners were, Juan Diaz, the ancestor of him who afterwards discovered and passed the Cape of GoodHope, Gilianez, who had so boldly overcome the obstacles of Cape Bajador, Lançerot, a gentleman of the household of Don Henry, Estevan Alfonso, andRodrigo Alvarez. A squadron of six caravels was fitted out under thecommand of Lançerot, which sailed from Lagos in the year 1444, andreached the isle of Garças, in the bay of Arguin, where they captivatedan hundred and fifty Africans, and returned to Lagos, after very slightlyextending their knowledge of the coast of Africa to the desart island ofTider, in 19° 30' N. 

In 1445, the subsequent voyage of Gonzales da Cintra, likewise agentleman in the household of Don Henry, in some measure expiated thewanton outrage which had been committed in that of Lançerot. The merit ofGonzales had raised him to the rank of a gentleman in the household ofDon Henry, and his character was held in much estimation; but hisconfidence was obtained and betrayed by a moor of the Assanhaji tribe[10], whom he had taken on board to serve as an interpreter with the natives onthe coast of Africa. Misled by this crafty African, who held out greathopes of acquiring plunder, Gonzales steered for the island of Arguin, and put into a creek or bay on the coast, in lat. 22° 48' N. Aboutfourteen leagues to the south of Rio del Ouro, and forty-five to thenorth of Cape Branco. The Moor got leave to go on shore, under pretenceof visiting some relations, but escaped in the night with another of hiscountrymen. Gonzales was much mortified at allowing himself to becircumvented by the cunning of his interpreter, and rashly embarked in aboat with only twelve men, with the intention of pursuing the fugitive. Pressing onwards with too much eagerness, he neglected to attend to thetide, which happened then to be on the ebb. His boat stuck fast, and whenthe morning broke, he was surrounded by two hundred Moors. Unable toextricate himself, or to contend against such mighty odds, Gonzales andseven of his men were slain; the other five made their escape by swimmingto the ship, which immediately set sail for Lagos. The clumsydenomination of _Angra de Gonzales da Cintra_, to this bay, stillcommemorates the death of this commander. 

In the subsequent year, 1446, Don Henry sent out a small squadron ofthree caravels, under the command of Antonio Gonzales, assisted by DiegoAlfonso, and by Gomez Perez, the kings pilot. They were directed toproceed for the Rio del Ouro, and were strictly enjoined to cultivate thefriendship of the natives by every possible means, to establish peacewith them and to use their utmost endeavours to convert them to theChristian religion; among other instructions, they were urged to passunnoticed the insults or neglect of honour which they might experiencefrom the negroes. The Portuguese endeavoured, but ineffectually, toconciliate the natives, and to remove the angry prejudices which theyentertained. They returned to Lagos with no other fruit from their voyageexcept one negro whom they had received in ransom, and an aged Moor whorequested permission to accompany them to Portugal. One of their owncompanions, Juan Fernandez, from an ardent desire to procure informationfor the prince, got leave to remain among the Assanhaji Arabs. 

Next year, 1447, Antonio Mendez was ordered to return in search of JuanFernandez, from whose inquisitive disposition much information wasexpected. In this expedition he was accompanied by two other caravels, commanded by Garcia Mendez and Diego Alfonso, but they were separated bya storm in the early part of the voyage. Alfonso was the first whoreached the coast at Cape Branco, where he landed, and set up a woodencross as a signal to his consorts, and then proceeded to the islands ofArguin, which afforded shelter from the tremenduous surf which breakscontinually on the coast of Africa. While waiting at Arguin for the otherships, Alfonso paid many visits to the continent, where he made prisonersof twenty-five of the natives. When the other two ships of the squadronhad joined, they went to the Rio del Ouro in search of their countryman, Juan Fernandez, who had been several days anxiously looking out for avessel to carry him off. 

After experiencing many hardships, Fernandez had succeeded in gaining thefriendship of a considerable person among the Moors, and was accompaniedto the shore by that mans slaves in a body. The natives exertedthemselves to procure the release of some of their countrymen who wereprisoners with the Portuguese, to whom they gave nine negroes and aquantity of gold dust by way of ransom. To the place where thistransaction took place, the navigators gave the name of _Cabo do Resgati_, or Cape Ransom; where likewise Fernam Tavares, an aged nobleman, receivedthe honour of knighthood, a distinction he had long been entitled to, butwhich he would only receive upon the newly discovered coast. During thehomeward voyage, Gonzales touched at a village near Cape Branco, where heincreased his captives to ninety. 

Juan Fernandez described the natives of the coast as wandering shepherds, of the same race with the Moor who had been brought over to Portugal byAntonio Gonzales in the former voyage. After he had been conveyed to aconsiderable distance inland, he was stripped of all his clothes, andeven deprived of all the provisions he had taken on shore. A tatteredcoarse rug, called an _alhaik_, was given him instead of the clothes hehad been deprived of. His food was principally a small farinaceous seed, varied sometimes by the roots which he could find in the desert, or thetender sprouts of wild plants. The inhabitants, among whom he lived as aslave, unless when better supplied by means of the chase, fed on driedlizards, and on a species of locust or grasshopper. Water was bad, orscarce, and their chief drink was milk. They only killed some of theircattle on certain great festivals; and, like the Tartars, they roamedfrom place to place in quest of a precarious sustenance for their flocksand herds. The whole country presented only extensive wastes of barrensand, or an uncultivated heath, where a few Indian figs here and therevariegated the dreary and extensive inhospitable plain. A short timebefore he rejoined his countrymen, Fernandez acquired the protection andkindness of Huade Meimon, a Moor of distinction, who permitted him towatch for the arrival of the ships, and even assigned him a guard for hisprotection. 

In the interval between these two voyages of Gonzales, Denis Fernandez, agentleman of Lisbon, who had belonged to the household of the late king, fitted out a vessel for discovery under the patronage of Don Henry, witha determination to endeavour to penetrate farther to the southwards thanany preceding navigator. He accordingly passed to the southwards of theSenegal river, which divides the Azanhaji moors from the Jaloffs, or mostnorthern negroes, and fell in with some almadias or canoes, one of whichhe captured, with four natives. Proceeding still farther on, withoutstopping to satisfy his curiosity in visiting the coast, he at lengthreached the most westerly promontory of Africa, to which he gave the nameof Cabo Verde, or the Green Cape, from the number of palm trees withwhich it was covered. Alarmed by the breakers with which the shore waseverywhere guarded, Denis did not venture to proceed any farther, especially as the season was already far advanced, but returned with hiscaptives to Portugal, where he met with a flattering reception from DonHenry, both on account of his discovery of the Cape de Verd, and for thenatives he had procured from the newly discovered coast, without havingbeen traded for with the Moors. 

SECTION V. 

_Progress of Discovery from Cape de Verd to the Gambia_. 

Soon after the return of Denis from the Cape de Verd, Gonzales Pachecos, a wealthy officer belonging to the household of Don Henry, fitted out aship at his own expence, of which he gave the command to Dinisianez daGram, one of the princes equerries, who was accompanied by Alvaro Gil, anessayer of the mint, and Mafaldo de Setubal. After touching at CapeBranco, they steered along the coast for the isle of Arguin, makingdescents in several places, where they made a considerable number ofcaptives from the Moors. At the isle _De las Garças_ they found anothercaravel, commanded by Lourenço Dias, which formed part of a considerablesquadron that had been lately fitted out from Lagos. Two days afterwards, the admiral of that squadron, Lançarot, and nine other caravels arrived. Gram informed Lançarot of his success in making fifty prisoners, whom hehad dearly purchased by the loss of seven of his men, who had beenmurdered by the Moors. Lançarot immediately sailed for Arguin, bent onrevenge, and sacrificed the lives of eight, and the liberty of four ofthe natives, to the memory of Gonzales da Cintra and the mariners of Gram. On this occasion two of the Portuguese officers were knighted on thenewly discovered coast, which seems then to have been a fashionableambition among them, no doubt arising from the prevailing zeal formaritime discovery. From Arguin Lançarot passed over to the isle of Tider, whence the inhabitants made their escape to the adjacent continent; butthe Portuguese soon followed, and the astonished Moors fled on all sides, after a sharp skirmish, in which a good many of them were slain, andsixty taken prisoners. 

The fleet now separated, a part returning home by way of the Canaries, while Lançarot, with several other caravels, advanced along the coast ofAfrica southwards, till he got beyond what the Moors called the Çahara, or Sahara, of the Assenaji. This Moorish nation is mentioned by Abulfedaas the ruling tribe in Audagost, or Agadez, and as inhabiting thesouthern part of Morocco. They are therefore to be considered as thepeculiar people of the great desert and its environs, at its westernextremity on the Atlantic. The latter part of their name, _aji_, orrather aspirated _haji_, signifies a pilgrim, and is now the appropriatetitle of one who has made the great pilgrimage of Mecca. In the presentcase, the name of Assenaji probably signifies the _Wanderers of theDesert_. The Sanhaga, or Assenaji tribe, is now placed at no greatdistance from the African coast, between the rivers Nun and Senegal; andthis latter river has probably received its Portuguese name of Sanagafrom that tribe. Ptolemy likewise probably named Cape Verd _Arsinarium_, from the same people, from which it may be inferred that they ancientlyoccupied both sides of the Senegal river, which is named _Dardalus_ bythat ancient geographer. 

Twenty leagues beyond the southern boundary of the great desert, Lançarotcame to the mouth of a large river, which had been formerly seen by DenisFernandez, and named by him _Rio Portugues_, or the Portuguese river;which was called _Ouedech_ by the natives, and afterwards got the name ofCanaga, Zanaga, Sanhaga, Sanaga, or Senega, now the Senegal. Lançarotpassed in safety over the bar of this river, and endeavoured to exploreits course upwards, but the weather became unfavourable, and forced himagain to sea, when he proceeded with part of his squadron to Cape Verd, near which place he took in a supply of water and goats flesh. The fleetwas again dispersed by a second storm, and only three vessels remainedunder the command of Lançarot. With these he made a descent on the islandof Tider, where he captured fifty-nine Moors; and with these, and somenatives he had made prisoners on the banks of the Senegal, he returnedinto Portugal. 

In the year 1447, Nuna Tristan made another voyage to the coast of Africa;and, advancing beyond _Cabo dos Mastos_, or the Cape of Masts, so namedfrom some dead palms resembling masts, seen there by Lançarot, who madethis discovery in the former voyage, Nuna Tristan proceeded southwardsalong the coast of Africa, 180 miles beyond Cape Verd, where he reachedthe mouth of a river which he called Rio Grande, or the Large River, since called Gamber, Gambra, or Gambia. Tristan came to anchor at themouth of this river, and went in his boat with twenty-two armed men onpurpose to explore its course. Having reached to a considerable distancefrom his ship, he was environed by thirteen almadias or canoes, manned byeighty negroes, who advanced with dreadful yells, and poured in continualvollies of poisoned arrows, by which he, and almost every man in his boatwere wounded before they could regain the ship. Nuno Tristan and all thewounded men died speedily of the effects of these poisoned weapons, himself only living long enough to recount the nature of the terribledisaster to the small remainder of the crew who had been left in chargeof the caravel; which was brought home by only four survivors, afterwandering for two months in the Atlantic, scarcely knowing which way tosteer their course. 

There appears some difficulty and contradiction in regard to the riverdiscovered by Nuna Tristan, from the vague name of Rio Grande. Instead ofthe Gambia, in lat. 13° 30' N. Some of the Portuguese historians areinclined to believe that this fatal event took place at another river, inlat. 10° 15' N. At least 500 nautical miles beyond the Gambia, to the S. S. E. Which was afterwards called Rio de Nuno. This is scarcely probable, as no notice whatever is taken of the great archipelago of shoals andislands which extend from Cabo Rosso to beyond the mouth of that riverwhich is still called Rio Grande. Yet it must be acknowledged that ourremaining information respecting these early Portuguese voyages ofdiscovery, is unfortunately vague and unsatisfactory. 

In the same year, 1447, Alvaro Fernando proceeded to the coast of Africa, and is said to have advanced forty leagues beyond Tristan, having arrivedat the mouth of a river called Tabite[11], 100 miles to the south of RioNuno. Notwithstanding the appearance of a determined opposition on thepart of the natives, who had manned five almadias, Alvaro resolved toexplore its course in his boat, and proceeded up the river for thatpurpose, with the utmost circumspection. One of the almadias stood outfrom the rest, and attacked his boat with great bravery, discharging anumber of poisoned arrows, by which Alvaro and several of his men werewounded, which forced him to desist and return to his ship. Being, however, provided with _theriac_ and other antidotes against the poison, Alvaro and all his men recovered from their wounds. He resolved, afterleaving the river Tabite, to proceed along the coast, which he did to asandy point; and, apprehending no danger in so open a situation, waspreparing to land, when he was suddenly assailed by a flight of poisonedarrows, from 120 negroes who started up from a concealment. Alvaro, therefore, desisted from any farther attempt to explore the coast, andreturned to Lagos to give an account of his proceedings. 

In the same year, ten caravels sailed from Lagos for Madeira, theCanaries, and the coast of Africa, but returned without making anyprogress in discovering the coast. Under this year likewise, 1447, theAntilles, or Caribbee islands, are pretended to have been discovered by aPortuguese ship driven, thither by a storm. But the fact rests only onthe authority, of Galvano, a Portuguese historian, and is not at allcredible. Indeed the story is an absolute fable; as the inhabitants aresaid to have spoken the Portuguese language, and to have had _sevencities_ in their island. In the same year, Gomez Perez went with twocaravels to Rio del Ouro, whence he carried eighty Moors to Lagos asprisoners. 

About this period the progress of discovery was arrested by politicaldisputes in Portugal, which ended in a civil war between Don Pedro, Dukeof Coimbra, and King Alphonso V. His nephew and son-in-law, in the courseof which Don Pedro was slain. Don Henry appears to have taken no share inthese disputes, except by endeavouring to mediate between his nephew andbrother; and, after the unhappy catastrophe of Don Pedro, Don Henryreturned to Sagres, where he resumed the superintendence of his maritimediscoveries. 

[1] Explained by the celebrated Dr Johnson, as "so named from its progression into the ocean, and the circuit by which it must be doubled. " Introduct. To the World Displayed. --Clarke. 

[2] Cape Bojador is imagined to have been the _Canarea_ of Ptolemy. -- Clarke I. 15

[3] The _barcha_ is a sort of brig with topsails, having all its yards on one long pole without sliding masts, as still used by tartans and settees. The _barcha longa_ is a kind of small galley, with one mast and oars. --Clarke, I. P. 153. 

[4] Clarke says in the same year 1418. But this could not well be, as the Discovery of Puerto Santo was made so late as the 1st of November of that year. The truth is, that only very general accounts of these early voyages remain in the Portuguese historians. --E. 

[5] Such is the simple and probable account of the discovery of Madeira in Purchas. Clarke has chosen to embellish it with a variety of very extraordinary circumstances, which being utterly unworthy of credit, we do not think necessary to be inserted in this place. See Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 157. --E. 

[6] In the Introduction to the World Displayed, Dr Johnson remarks on this story, that "green wood is not very apt to burn; and the heavy rains which fall in these countries must surely have extinguished the conflagration were it ever so violent. " Yet in 1800 Radnor forest presented a conflagration of nearly twenty miles circumference, which continued to spread for a considerable time, in spite of every effort to arrest its progress. --E. 

[7] De Barros; Lafitan; Vincent, in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea; Meikle, in his translation of the Lusiad. Harris, in his Collection, Vol. I. P. 663, postpones this discovery to the year 1439. --Clarke. 

[8] In Purchas this person is named Antonio Gonsalvo; but the authority of Clarke, I. 188, is here preferred. --E. 

[9] Progr. Of Nav. Disc. I. 184. 

[10] This tribe of Assenhaji, or Azanaghi, are the Zenhaga of our maps, and the Sanhagae of Edrisi and Abulfeda. They are at present represented as inhabiting at no great distance from the coast of Africa, between the rivers Nun and Senegal. --Cl. 

[11] No such name occurs in the best modern charts, neither is there a river of any consequence on the coast which answers to the distance. The first large river to the south of the Nuno is the Mitomba, or river of Sierra Liona, distant about 130 maritime miles. --E. 

SECTION VI. 

_Discovery and Settlement of the Açores_[1]. 

These nine islands, called the Açores, Terceras, or Western islands, aresituated in the Atlantic, 900 miles west from Portugal, at an almostequal distance from Europe, Africa, and America. The Flemings pretendthat they were discovered by a navigator of their nation, John Vanderberg, who sailed from Lisbon in 1445 or 1449. Santa Maria, one of these islands, 250 leagues west from Cape St Vincent, was first seen on the 15th August1432, by Cabral, who sailed under the orders of Don Henry. San Miguel wastaken possession of by the same navigator on the 8th May 1444; and PontaDelgada its capital, received its charter from Emanuel in 1449. Tercerawas given to Jacome de Brujes in 1450, by Don Henry, in which year StGeorge was discovered. Pico and Gracioso were discovered about the sametime. Perhaps Fayal may actually have been first explored, as many of theinhabitants are of Flemish descent, under the command and protection ofthe Portuguese. Flores and Corvo, which lie seventy leagues west fromTercera, are not reckoned among the Açores by some writers. In thislatter island, the Portuguese pretend that there was discovered anequestrian statue made from one block of stone. The head of the man wasbare, his left hand rested on the mane of his horse, and his rightpointed towards the _west_, as if indicating the situation of anothercontinent. In addition to all this, an inscription appeared to have beentraced on a rock beneath the statue, but in a language which thePortuguese did not understand. 

In the slow progress of discovery, the perils endured by the officers andmen employed by Don Henry, from the Moors and Negroes, frequentlyoccasioned murmurs against his plans of discovery; but the severalclusters of islands, the Madeiras, Cape Verd, and Açores, formed asuccession of maritime and commercial colonies, and nurseries for seamen, which took off from the general obloquy attending the tedious andhitherto unsuccessful attempts to penetrate farther into the southernhemisphere, and afforded a perpetual supply of navigators, and a stimulusto enterprize. The original prejudices against the possibility ofnavigating or existing in the torrid zone still subsisted, and althoughthe navigators of Don Henry had gradually penetrated to within tendegrees of the equator, yet the last successive discovery was always heldforth by the supporters of ignorant prejudice, as that which had beenplaced by nature as an insurmountable barrier to farther progress in theAtlantic. In this situation, the settlement of the Açores was ofconsiderable importance. In 1457, Don Henry procured the grant of manyvaluable privileges to this favourite colony, the principal of which wasthe exemption of the inhabitants from any duties on their commerce to theports of Portugal and even of Spain. 

In 1461, a fort was erected in the isle of Arguin on the African coast ofthe Moors, to protect the trade carried on there for gold and negroslaves. Next year, 1462, Antonio de Noli, a Genoese, sent by the republicto Portugal, entered into the service of Don Henry, and in a voyage tothe coast of Africa, discovered the islands which are known by the nameof the Cape de Verd Islands, though they lie 100 leagues to the westwardof that Cape. In the same year Pedro de Cintra, and Suera de Costa, penetrated a little farther along the coast of Africa, and discovered theriver or Bay of Sierra Liona or Mitomba, in lat. 8° 30' N. Thisconstituted the last of the Portuguese discoveries, carried on under thedirect influence and authority of Don Henry, the founder and father ofmodern maritime discovery, as he died next year, 1463, at Sagres, in thesixty-seventh year of his age; and, for a time, the maritime enterpriseof the Portuguese nation was palsied by his death. 

Thus, during a long period of fifty-two years, this patriotic princedevoted almost his whole attention, and the ample revenues which heenjoyed as Duke of Viseo end grand master of the military order of Christ, in extending the maritime knowledge, and consequently the commercialprosperity of his country. The incidents of the last seven years of thelife of this distinguished prince, are involved in uncertainty, and weknow very little with regard to the progress of his maritime discoveriesfrom 1456, the date of the second of the voyages of Cada Mosto, of whichwe propose to give a separate account, till the year of his death, 1463. From the year 1412, when he began his operations, at which time he couldscarcely exceed fifteen years of age, the navigators who had been formedunder his auspices and direction, and often instructed by himself in thetheory of navigation and cosmography, gradually explored the westerncoast of Africa, from Cape Nam or Non, in lat. 28° 15', certainly to RioGrande, in lat. 11° N. Or rather to Rio de Nuno, not quite a degreefarther south; but it is highly probable that the southern limit ofdiscovery in his time extended to Cabo Verga, in lat. 10° N. The northernboundary of the country usually called the Sierra Liona, or the Ridge ofLions, perhaps to the gulf of Mitomba, or bay of Sierra Liona, in lat. 8°30' N. An extent of 29° 15' of latitude, or 1185 nautical miles; a merenothing certainly when compared with modern navigation, but a wonderfuleffort in the infancy of the science, when even coasting voyages of anyextent along well known shores, and in frequented seas, were looked uponas considerable efforts. No brilliant discovery, indeed, rewarded theperseverance of Don Henry, and the courage of his servants; but anindestructible foundation of useful knowledge was laid, for overthrowingthe ignorant prejudices of the age, and by which, not long afterwards, his plans were perfected by completing the circumnavigation of Africa, and by the discovery of the _New_ World. Dr Vincent, the learned editorand commentator of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, is disposed tolimit the discoveries of Don Henry to Cape Verd[2], but Ramusio believedthat the Island of St Thomas was settled in his time; and the ingenioustranslator of the Lusiad of Camoens is of opinion that some of hiscommanders passed beyond the equator[3]. According to Mickle, it was thecustom of his navigators to leave his motto, _Talent de bien faire_, wherever they came; and in 1525 Loaya, a Spanish captain, found thatdevice carved on the bark of a tree in the island of St Matthew, orAnabon, in the _second_ degree of southern latitude. But this proof isquite inconclusive, as the navigators long reared in the school of thisgreat prince might naturally enough continue his impress upon thecountries they visited, even after his lamented death. 

About seven years before the decease of Don Henry, two voyages were madeto the African coast by Alvise da Cada Mosto, a Venetian navigator, underthe auspices of the Duke of Viseo; but which we have chosen to separatefrom the historical deduction of the Portuguese discoveries, principallybecause they contain the oldest nautical journal extant, except thosealready given in our First Part from the pen of the great Alfred, and aretherefore peculiarly valuable in a work of this nature. Theirconsiderable length, likewise, and because they were not particularlyconducive to the grand object of extending the maritime discoveries, haveinduced us to detach them from the foregoing narrative, that we mightcarry it down unbroken to the death of the great Don Henry. These voyages, likewise, give us an early picture of the state of population, civilization, and manners of the Africans, not to be met with elsewhere. 

To this we subjoin an abstract of the narrative of a voyage made by Pedrode Cintra, a Portuguese captain, to the coast of Africa, drawn up forCada Mosto, at Lagos, by a young Portuguese who had been his secretary, and who had accompanied Cintra in his voyage. The exact date of thisvoyage is nowhere given; but as the death of Don Henry is mentioned inthe narrative, it probably took place in that year, 1463. 

[1] So called from the number of hawks which were seen on these islands when first discovered, _Açor_ signifying a hawk in the Portuguese language; hence Açores or Açoras, pronounced Azores, signifies the Islands of Hawks. --Clarke. 

[2] Peripl. Of the Erythr. Sea, 193. 

[3] Hist. Of the Disc. Of India, prefixed to the translation of the Lusiad, I. 158. 

CHAPTER IV. 

ORIGINAL JOURNALS OF THE VOYAGES OF CADA MOSTO, AND PIEDRO DE CINTRA TOTHE COAST OF AFRICA; THE FORMER IN THE YEARS 1455 AND 1456, AND THELATTER SOON AFTERWARDS[1]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Alvise Da Cada Mosto, a Venetian, in the service of Don Henry of Portugal, informs us in his preface, that he was the first navigator from the_noble city of Venice_, who had sailed on the ocean beyond the Straits ofGibraltar, to the southern parts of Negroland, and Lower Ethiopia. Thesevoyages at Cada Mosto are the oldest extant in the form of a regularjournal, and were originally composed in Italian, and first printed atVenice in 1507. This first edition is now exceedingly scarce, but thereis a copy in the kings library, and another in the valuable collectionmade by Mr Dalrymple. These voyages were afterward published by Ramusioin 1613, and by Grynæus in Latin. The latter was misled in regard to thedate; which he has inadvertently placed in 1504, after the death ofPrince Henry, and even subsequent to the discovery of the Cape of GoodHope by Bernal Diaz. Even Ramusio, in his introduction to the voyages ofCada Mosto, has made a mistake in saying that they were undertaken by theorders of John king of Portugal, who died in 1433. 

Ramusio imagined that the discoveries of Cada Mosto might tend to greatimportance, as he considered the rivers Senegal and Rio Grande to bebranches of the Niger, by which means the Europeans might open a tradewith the rich kingdoms of Tombuto and Melli on that river, and thus bringgold from the countries of the Negroes, by an easier, safer, and moreexpeditious manner, than as conveyed by the Moors of Barbary by land, over the vast and dangerous deserts that intervene between the country onthe Niger and Senegal rivers, and Barbary. As, by the account of Leo, salt is the most valuable commodity throughout the countries of theNegroes, Ramusio proposed that the ships should take in cargoes of saltat the island of _Sal_, one of the Cape de Verds, and thence supply thecountries on the Niger, which was reported to be navigable for 500 milesinto the interior; and that they should bring back gold and slaves inreturn; the latter to be brought to market at St Jago, another of theCape de Verd islands, where they would be immediately bought up for theWest Indies. All this fine speculation, however, rested on mistakenfoundations; as the Niger is altogether an inland river, running to theeast, and has no communication with the Senegal and Gambia, which runwest into the Atlantic. Yet time, and the civilization of the natives onthe Senegal and Gambia, may hereafter realize this scheme of a valuabletraffic into the interior of Africa; but it is fervently to be hoped, that the trade in slaves may never be revived. 

In his preface, after an apology for his performance, and making adeclaration of his strict adherence to truth in all the particulars herelates, Cada Mosto gives some account of the infant Don Henriquez, orHenry, of Portugal, the great author and promoter of maritime discoveries. He praises him, as a prince of a great soul and sublime genius, and ofgreat skill in astronomy; and adds, that he applied himself entirely tothe service of Christ, by making war against the Moors. While on death-bed, in 1432, Don John, king of Portugal, exhorted his son Don Henry topursue his laudable and holy purpose, of _persecuting_ the enemies of theChristian faith, which he promised to perform; and, accordingly, with theassistance of his brother Don Duarte, or Edward, who succeeded to thethrone of Portugal, he made war in Fez with success for many years. Afterwards, the more effectually to harass the Moors, he used to send hiscaravels, or ships of war, annually, to scour the coasts of Azafi, or AlSaffi, and Messa, on the coast of Africa, without the Mediteranean, bywhich he did them much damage. But, having in view to make discoveriesalong that western coast, he ordered them every year to advance farthertowards the south. They accordingly proceeded till they came to a greatcape, which put a stop to their progress southwards for several years, being afraid to go beyond it; whence it took the name it still retains ofCape Non[2]; meaning, that such as went beyond should never return. DonHenry, however, was of a different opinion, and adding three othercaravels to those which had been at the cape, sent them again next yearto make the attempt. They accordingly penetrated about 100 miles beyondthat cape, where they found only a sandy coast with no habitations, andreturned back to Portugal. 

Encouraged by this commencement of successful progress, Don Henry sentthe same fleet back next year, with orders to extend their discoveries150 miles farther to the south, and even more if they found it proper;and promised to enrich all who should embark in this navigation. Theywent again; and, although they obeyed the instructions of the prince, they could not improve the discoveries. Yet, firmly persuaded by thestrength of his own judgment, that people and habitations would certainlybe found at length, Don Henry continued to send out his caravels fromtime to time, and they came at length to certain coasts frequented by theArabs of the desert, and to the habitations of the Azanaghi, a tawny race. Thus the countries of the negroes were discovered; and different nationsafterwards, which will be mentioned in the following relation. 

Thus far the preface of Cada Mosto, as given in the collection of Astley, from the edition of Ramusio, with which we must be satisfied in this work, as that in the royal library is inaccessible for our use. The presentversion has been carefully formed, by a comparison of Astley, with theoriginal in Ramusio, and with the summary by the Reverend James StanierClarke, in his curious work on the progress of maritime discoveries, which only gives a selection of what he considered to be its mostmaterial parts. In this edition, the narrative style of Cada Mosto, inhis own person, is restored as much as possible. It may be noticed, thatAlvise is the Portuguese form of the name Louis, or Lewis. 

In addition to the two voyages of Cada Mosto himself, there is a thirdvoyage included in the present chapter, performed by Piedro de Cintra tothe same coast, the narrative of which was communicated to Cada Mosto byone who had accompanied Cintra, and had been clerk to Cada Mosto in thetwo former voyages. 

[1] Astley, Col. Of Voy. And Trav. I. 573. Clarke, Prog. Of Marit. Disc. I. 235. 

[2] According to De Faria, as already mentioned in Chap. II. Sect. I Cape Non was doubled, and Cape Bojador discovered in 1415, many years before the death of King John. The present recapitulation by Cada Mosto has been left in his own words, without insisting on the exactness of his chronology. --Astley. 

SECTION I. 

_Voyage of Cada Mosto from Venice to Cape St Vincent: He enters into theservice of Don Henry, and sets out for the New Discoveries: Relation ofthe Voyage to Madeira and the Canaries; with some Account of theseislands, and their Inhabitants_. 

I, Alvise Da Cada Mosto, after visiting many parts of our MediterraneanSea, being in our city of Venice in the year 1454, at which time I wasabout twenty-two years of age, determined to return into Flanders, acountry which I had formerly visited as a merchant; for my constantattention was, in the first place to acquire wealth, and secondly toprocure fame. On the 8th of August in that year 1454, I embarked in oneof the gallies belonging to the republic, commanded by Marco Zen, aVenetian cavalier. Contrary winds detained us for some days off Cape StVincent; during which, I learnt that Don Henry, the infant of Portugal, resided in the adjoining village of Reposera, or Sagres, to which he hadretired in order to pursue his studies without interruption from thetumult of the world. Hearing of our arrival, the prince sent on board ofour galley Antonio Gonzales his secretary, accompanied by Patricio deConti[1], a Venetian, who was consul for the republic in Portugal, asappeared by his commission, and who also received a salary or pensionfrom Don Henry. These gentlemen brought on board, and exhibited to ussamples of Madeira sugar, dragons blood, and other commodities of thecountries and islands belonging to the prince, which had been discoveredunder his patronage. They asked us many questions, and informed us thatthe prince had caused some lately discovered and uninhabited islands tobe settled and cultivated, as a proof of which, they had shewn us thebefore-mentioned valuable productions; adding, that all this was next tonothing, in comparison of the great things which Don Henry had performed;as he had discovered seas which had never been navigated before, and thecountries of divers strange, and hitherto unknown nations, where manywonderful things were found. They told us farther, that the Portuguesewho had been in these remote parts, had reaped great advantages bytrading with the inhabitants; having gained as high as 700 or even 1000per cent, on the capitals employed. We were all much astonished at thesethings; and I Cada Mosto in particular, being inflamed with the desire ofvisiting these newly discovered regions, inquired if the prince permittedany person who might be so inclined to embark for these places? To thisthey answered in the affirmative; and they likewise stated to me theconditions on which any one would be allowed to make the adventure. Thesewere, either to be at the whole expence of fitting out and freighting avessel; or at the expence of the freight only, the prince providing avessel. In the former case, the adventurer had to allow on his return onequarter of his cargo, as duty to the prince, the rest remaining his ownentire propriety; in the latter case, the homeward cargo was to beequally divided between the prince and the adventurer. In case of noreturns, the prince was at the entire expence of the voyage; but that itwas hardly possible to make the voyage without great profit. They added, that the prince would be much pleased to have any Venetian in his service, and would shew him great favour, being of opinion that spices and otherrich merchandise might be found in these parts, and knowing that theVenetians understood these commodities better than any other nation. 

Influenced by all this, I accompanied the secretary and consul on shore, and waited on the prince, who confirmed all those things which they hadsaid, and encouraged me to embark in the voyage to his new countries, bypromises of honour and profit. Being young, and of a constitution toendure fatigue, and desirous to visit those parts of the world which hadnever been even known to any Venetian, and likewise in hopes to advancemy fortune, I accepted of the invitation. Having, therefore, procuredinformation respecting the commodities which it was proper to carry withme on such a voyage, I returned to the gallies, where I disposed of allthe goods I had shipped for the low countries, and carried to land suchthings as were necessary for my intended expedition; and leaving thegallies to pursue their voyage to Flanders, I landed in Portugal. Theprince evinced much satisfaction at my resolution, and entertained mehandsomely at Sagres for a considerable time. At length he ordered me tofit out a new caravel, of about ninety tons burden, of which Vincent Diaz, a native of Lagos, about sixteen miles from Sagres, was commander. Thecaravel being in readiness, and furnished with every thing necessary forthe voyage, we set sail on the 22d of March 1455, having a favourablewind at north-east, and by north[2], and steered our course for theisland of Madeira. On the 25th of that month we came to the island of_Puerto Santo_, which is about 600 miles southward from Cape St Vincent, whence we took our departure. 

Puerto Santo was discovered by the Portuguese on All Saints day, aboutthe year 1418[3], and Don Henry first sent inhabitants to settle thereunder Bartholomew Perestrello, whom he appointed governor. It is aboutfifteen miles in circuit[4]. It bears good bread corn, and a sufficiencyof oats for its own use; and abounds with cattle and wild hogs, andinnumerable rabbits[5]. Among other trees, it produces the drago ordragon tree, the sap or juice of which is drawn out only at certainseasons of the year, when it issues from cuts or clefts, made with an axenear the bottom of the tree in the preceding year. These clefts are foundfull of a kind of gum; which, decocted and depurated, is the dragons-blood of the apothecaries[6]. The tree bears a yellow fruit, round likelike a cherry, and well tasted. This island produces the best honey andwax in the world, but not in any quantity. It has no harbour, but a goodroad in which vessels may moor in safety, being well sheltered on allsides, except the quarters between the south and east, all of which windsmake it unsafe to ride here at anchor. There is plenty of excellent fishon its shores; such as dentili, gilded fish, and others. 

From Puerto Santo, which was discovered twenty-seven years before, wesailed on the 28th of March, and came the same day to _Monchrico_ orMachico, one of the ports of the island of Madeira, forty miles distantfrom Puerto Santo. In fair weather these islands may be seen from eachother. This latter island was only inhabited within the last twenty-fouryears, when the prince appointed two of his gentlemen to be its governors. Tristan Vaz having the government of that half of the island in which theport of Monchrico is situated; and the other district of the island, inwhich Fonzal, Fonchial, or Funchal stands, is under the government ofJohn Gonzales Zarcho. The island of Madeira is inhabited in four severalplaces: Monchrico, Santa Cruz, Fonzal, and Camera-di-Lupi, which are itsprincipal places, though there are other minor establishments; and isable to muster about 800 men able to bear arms, of whom an hundred arehorse. There are about eight rivers, which pervade the island indifferent places; by means of which they have many saw-mills, from whichPortugal and other places are supplied with boards of many differentsorts. Of these boards, two sorts are in particular estimation, and turnmost to account. The one is cedar, which has a strong odoriferous smell, and resembles the cypress tree; of this they make fine, large, and longboards or deals, which they employ for building houses, and for variousother purposes. The other, called nasso[7], is of a red-rose colour, andextremely beautiful; of which they make excellent and very beautiful bowsand cross-bows, which are sent into the west. In order to clear the land, the first settlers set fire to the woods, and the fire spread with suchfury, that several persons, with their families, and Gonzales Zarchoamong the rest, were forced to take shelter in the sea to save themselvesfrom the flames, where they stood up to their necks for two days and twonights without sustenance. Though this island is mountainous, its soil isrich and fertile, and it produces yearly 30, 000 Venetian _staras_[8] ofbread corn. At first, the newly cultivated land yielded seventy for one, but has since been reduced to thirty or forty, for want of good husbandry. Owing to the excellence of its soil and climate, and the abundance ofsprings and rivers, Prince Henry procured sugar canes from Sicily, whichhe sent to this island, where they have yielded abundant produce;insomuch, that 400 cantaros of sugar, each containing 112 pounds largeweight of Venice, have been made at one boiling, and the quantity waslikely to increase[9]. They have likewise good wines, considering howshortly this culture has been introduced; and in such abundance, thatlarge quantities are exported. Among other kinds of vines, Don Henry sentthither _Malvasia_ plants, procured from the island of Candia, which havesucceeded well. The soil has turned out so favourable for the vine, thatin general there are more grapes than leaves, and the bundles are verylarge, even from two to four spans long. They have likewise the black_Pergola_ grape, without stones, in great perfection; and so well is theclimate adapted to this culture, that they begin their vintage aboutEaster, or at least by the octave after. 

We sailed from Madeira, following a southerly course, and arrived at theCanary islands, which are at the distance of about 320 miles from Madeira. There are seven of these islands in all, four of which have been settledby the Christians, Lançerotta, Fuerteventura, Gomera, and Ferro; overwhich Herrera[10], a Spanish gentleman, is lord. Large quantities of anherb called _Oricello_ or Orchel[11], are annually sent from theseislands to Cadiz and Seville, which is used in dying, and is sent fromthese places to all parts of Europe. Great quantities of excellent goatskins are exported from these islands, which likewise produce abundanceof tallow, and good cheese. The original inhabitants of the four islandsthat are subject to the Christians, are _Canarians_[12], who speakvarious languages or dialects, not well understood between the differenttribes. These people have only open villages, without any fortifications;except on the mountains, which are exceedingly high, and there they havea kind of rude walls or redoubts, to flee to in case of need. The passesof these mountains are so difficult of access, that a few resolute menmight defend them against an army. The other three islands of this group, Grand Canaria, Teneriffe, and Palma, which are larger and better peopledthan the other four, are still unsubdued and possessed by the aboriginalidolaters. Grand Canaria has between eight and nine thousand souls, andTeneriffe, which is the largest of all these islands, is said to containfourteen or fifteen thousand, and is divided into nine separate lordships. Palma, however, has very few inhabitants, yet it appears to be a verybeautiful island. Every lordship seems to have its own mode of religiousworship; as in Teneriffe, there were no less than nine different kinds ofidolatry; some worshipping the sun, others the moon, and so forth. Theypractise polygamy, and the lords have the jus primae noctis, which isconsidered as conferring great honour. On the accession of any new lord, it is customary for some persons to offer themselves to die as asacrifice to his honour. On this occasion, the lord holds a greatfestival on his accession day; when all who are willing to give thiscruel proof of their attachment, are attended to the summit of a highcliff in a certain valley, where, after some peculiar ceremonies, andcertain words muttered over them, the victims precipitate themselves fromthe cliff, and are dashed to pieces. In reward of this sanguinary homage, the lords consider themselves bound to heap extraordinary honours andrewards on the parents of the victims. 

Teneriffe, which is the largest of these islands, and the best inhabited, is one of highest islands in the world, and is seen in clear weather froma great distance; insomuch, that I was informed by some mariners, that ithad been descried at the distance of between sixty and seventy Spanishleagues, which make about 250 Italian miles. In the middle of the island, there is a prodigiously high peaked mountain, shaped like a diamond, which is always burning. I received this account from some Christians, who had been prisoners in the island, who affirmed that it was fifteenPortuguese leagues, or sixty Italian miles, from the bottom of themountain to the top of the peak. 

They have nine lords on this island, who are called dukes, and who do notsucceed by inheritance or descent, but by force; on which account theyhave perpetual civil wars among themselves, in which they commit greatslaughter. Their only weapons are stones, maces or clubs, and darts orlances, some of which are pointed with horn, and others have their pointshardened in the fire. They all go naked, except a few who wear goat skinsbefore and behind. They anoint their skins with goats tallow, mixed upwith the juice of certain herbs, which thickens the skin, and defendsthem against the cold, of which they complain much, although theircountry is so far to the south. They have neither walled, nor thatchedhouses, but dwell in grottos and caverns of the mountains. They feed onbarley, flesh, and goats milk, of which they have abundance, and somefruits, particularly figs. As the country is very hot, they reap theircorn in April and May. 

We learnt all these things from the Christians of the four settledislands, who sometimes go over by night to the three other islands, andmake prisoners of the natives, whom they send into Spain to be sold asslaves. Sometimes the Spaniards are themselves made prisoners on theseexpeditions, on which occasions the natives do not put them to death, butemploy them to kill and flea their goats, and to cure the flesh, whichthey look upon as a vile employment, and therefore condemn theirChristian prisoners to that labour in contempt. The native Canarians arevery active and nimble, and are exceedingly agile in running and leaping, being accustomed to traverse the cliffs of their rugged mountains. Theyskip barefooted from rock to rock like goats, and sometimes take leaps ofmost surprising extent and danger, which are scarcely to be believed. They throw stones with great strength and wonderful exactness, so as tohit whatever they aim at with almost perfect certainty, and almost withthe force of a bullet from a musket; insomuch that a few stones thrown bythem will break a buckler to pieces. I once saw a native Canarian, whohad become a Christian, who offered to give three persons twelve orangesa-piece, and taking twelve to himself, engaged, at eight or ten pacesdistance, to strike his antagonists with every one of his oranges, and atthe same time to parry all theirs, so that they should hit no part of himbut his hands. But no one would take up the wager, as they all knew hecould perform even better than he mentioned. I was on land in Gomera andFerro, and touched also at the island of Palma, but did not land there. 

[1] In Grynaeus, this person is called a patrician or nobleman of Venice, and his surname is omitted. --Astley. 

[2] _Con Veuto da greco et tramantana in poppe_; literally, having a Greek, and _beyond the mountain_ wind in the poop. The points of the compass, in Italian maps, are thus named, N. _Tramontana_. N. E. _Greco_. E. _Levante_ S. E. _Sirocco_. S. _Mezzoni_. S. W. _Libeccio_. W. _Ponente_. N. W. _Maestro_. --Clarke. 

[3] This date ought to have been 1413. --Astl. 

[4] Barbot says eight leagues; other authors say more, and some less. It is about twelve leagues to the north-east of Madeira. --Astl. 

[5] When Sir Amias Preston took this island in 1595, it abounded in corn, wine, and oil, and had good store of sheep, asses, goats, and kine. There was also plenty of fowl, fish, and fruits. --Astl. 

[6] From this account it seems to be an inspissated juice. --Astley. This tree has probably received its name from the bark being like the scales of a serpent. About the full of the moon it exudes a vermilion coloured gum. That which grows on the islands and coasts of Africa is more astringent than what comes from Goa. It is found on high rocky land. Bartholomew Stibbs met with it on the banks of the Gambia river, and describes it under the name of _Par de Sangoe_, or blood-wood tree. The gum is a red, inodorous, and insipid resin, soluble in alcohol and oils; and when dissolved by the former, is used for staining marble. --Clarke. 

[7] The woods of Madeira are cedar, vigniatico, laurus Indicus, which has a considerable resemblance to mahogany, barbuzano, chesnut, and the beautiful mirmulano, and paobranco. --Clark. 

[8] This measure is said to weigh about thirty-three English pounds, so that the quantity mentioned in the text amounts to 1850 quarters English measure. --Astl. 

[9] I suppose he means at one crop. The quantity in the text, reduced to avoirdupois weight, amounts to twenty-eight hogsheads, at sixteen hundred weight each. --Astl. 

[10] In Clarke, this person is named Ferrero; perhaps the right name of this person was Fernando Pereira, who subdued Gomera and Ferro. --E. 

[11] A species of moss, or lichen rather, that grows on the rocks, and is used by dyers. --Clarke. 

[12] Other authors call the natives of the Canaries _Guanchos_. --E. 

SECTION II. 

_Continuation of the Voyage by Cape Branco, the Coast of Barbary, and theFortia of Arguin; with some account of the Arabs, the Azanaghi, and theCountry of Tegazza. _

Leaving the Canaries, we pursued our course towards Ethiopia, and arrivedin a few days at Cape Branco, which is about 870 miles from these islands. In this passage, steering south, we kept at a great distance from theAfrican shore on our left, as the Canaries are, far-advanced into the seatowards the west. We stood almost directly south for two-thirds of theway between the islands and the Cape, after which we changed our coursesomewhat more towards the east, or left-hand, that we might fall in withthe land, lest we should have overpassed the Cape without seeing itbecause no land appears afterwards so far to the west for a considerablespace. The coast of Africa, to the southwards of Cape Bronco, falls inconsiderably to the eastwards, forming a great bay or gulf, called the_Forna of Arguin_, from a small island of that name. This gulf extendsabout fifty miles into the land, and has three other islands, one ofwhich is named _Branco_ by the Portuguese, or the White Island, onaccount of its white sands; the second is called _Garze_, or the Isle ofHerons, where they found so many eggs of certain seabirds as to load twoboats; the third is called _Curoi_, or Cori. These islands are all small, sandy, and uninhabited. In that of Arguin there is plenty of fresh water, but there is none in any of the others. It is proper to observe, that onkeeping to the southwards, from the Straits of Gibraltar, the coast ofexterior Barbary is inhabited no farther than Cape Cantin[1], from whenceto Cape Branco is the sandy country or desert, called _Saara_ or_Saharra_ by the natives, which is divided from Barbary or Morocco on thenorth by the mountains of Atlas, and borders on the south with thecountry of the Negroes, and would require a journey of fifty days tocross, --in some places more, in others less. This desert reaches to theocean, and is all a white dry sand, quite low and level, so that no partof it seems higher than any other. Cape _Branco_, or the White Cape, sonamed by the Portuguese from its white colour, without trees or verdure, is a noble promontory of a triangular shape, having three separate pointsabout a mile from each other. 

Innumerable quantities of large and excellent fish of various kinds arecaught on this coast, similar in taste to those we have at Venice, butquite different in shape and appearance. The gulf of Arguin is shallowall over, and is full of shoals both of rocks and sand; and, as thecurrents are here very strong, there is no sailing except by day, andeven then with the lead constantly heaving. Two ships have been alreadylost on these shoals. Cape _Branco_ lies S. W. Of Cape Cantin, or rather S. And by W. Behind Cape Branco there is a place called Hoden, six daysjourney inland on camels, which is not walled, but is much frequented bythe Arabs and caravans, which trade between Tombucto, [2] and other placesbelonging to the Negroes, and the western parts of Barbary. Theprovisions at Hoden are dates and barley, which they have in plenty, andthe inhabitants drink the milk of camels and other animals, as they haveno wine. They have some cows and goats, the former being greatly smallerthan those of Italy; but the number of these is not great, as the countryis very dry. The inhabitants are all Mahometans, and great enemies to theChristians, and have no settled habitations, but wander continually overthe deserts. They frequent the country of the Negroes, and visit thatside of Barbary which is next the Mediterranean. On these expeditionsthey travel in numerous caravans, with great trains of camels, carryingbrass, silver, and other articles, to Tombucto and the country of theNegroes, whence they bring back gold and _melhegette_, or cardamomseeds[3]. These people are all of a tawny colour, and both sexes wear asingle white garment with a red border, without any linen next their skins. The men wear turbans, in the Moorish fashion, and go always barefooted. Inthe desert there are many lions, leopards, and ostriches, the eggs ofwhich I have often eaten, and found them very good. 

Don Henry has farmed out the trade of the island of Arguin, under thefollowing regulations. No person must enter this gulf to trade with theArabs, except those who are licensed according to the ordinance, and havehabitations and factors on the island, and have been accustomed totransact business with the Arabs on that coast. The articles ofmerchandize chiefly provided for this trade are, woollen cloth and linen, silver trinkets, _aldtizeli_ or frocks, and cloaks, and other things, andabove all, wheat; and the Arabs give in return negro slaves and gold. Acastle has been built on the isle of Arguin, by order of the prince, toprotect this trade, on account of which caravels or ships arrive thereevery year from Portugal. 

The Arabs of this coast have many Barbary horses, which they carry to thecountry of the Negroes, which they barter with the great men for slaves, receiving from ten to eighteen men for each horse, according to theirgoodness. They also carry thither silken staffs of Granada and Tunis, with silver, and many other things, in return for which they receivegreat numbers of slaves and some gold. These slaves are brought first toHoden in the desert, and thence by the mountains of Barka into Barbary, whence they are transported across the Mediterranean into Sicily. Part ofthem are sold in Tunis, and in other places along the coast of Barbary;and the rest are brought to Arguin, where they are sold to the licensedPortuguese traders, who purchase between seven and eight hundred everyyear, and send them for sale into Portugal. Before the establishment ofthis trade at Arguin, the Portuguese used to send every year four or morecaravels to the bay of Arguin, the crews of which, landing well armed inthe night, were in use to surprise some of the fishing villages, andcarry off the inhabitants into slavery. They even penetrated sometimes aconsiderable way into the interior, and carried off the Arabs of bothsexes, whom they sold as slaves in Portugal. 

Leaving Arguin we sailed along the coast to the river Senegal[4], whichis very large, and divides the people called Azanaghi, or Azanhaji, fromthe first kingdom of the Negroes. The Azanhaji are of a tawny colour, orrather of a deep brown complexion, and inhabit some parts of the coastbeyond Cape Branco, ranging through the deserts, and their districtreaches to the confines of the Arabs of Hoden. They live on dates, barley, and the milk of camels; but as they border likewise on the country of theNegroes, they carry on trade with these people, from whom they procuremillet and pulse, particularly beans. Owing to the scarcity of provisionsin the desert, the Azanhaji are but spare eaters, and are able to endurehunger with wonderful patience, as a poringer of barley-meal made intohasty-pudding will serve them a whole day. The Portuguese used to carryaway many of these people for slaves, as they were preferred to thenegroes; but for some time past this has been prohibited by Don Henry, and peace and trade has been established with them, as he is in hopesthey may be easily brought over to the catholic faith by intercourse withthe Christians, more especially as they are not hitherto thoroughlyestablished in the superstitions of Mahomet, of which they know nothingbut by hearsay. These Azenhaji have an odd custom of wearing ahandkerchief round their heads, a part of which is brought down so as tocover their eyes, and even their nose and mouth; for they reckon themouth an unclean part, because it is constantly belching and has a badsmell, and ought therefore to be kept out of sight; even comparing it tothe posteriors, and thinking that both ought alike to be concealed. Onthis account they never let their mouths be seen except when eating, as Ihave often had occasion to observe. They have no lords among them, butthe rich men are respected somewhat more than the rest. They are ofordinary stature, and very lean, wearing their black hair frizzled overtheir shoulders like the Germans, and grease it daily with fish oil, which gives them a nasty smell; yet they consider this as modish. Theyare extremely poor, egregious liars, the greatest thieves in the world, and very treacherous. They have never heard of any Christians except thePortuguese, with whom they had war for thirteen or fourteen years, inwhich many of them were carried off as slaves, as has been alreadymentioned. Many of these people informed me, that, when they first sawships under sail, which had never been beheld by any of their ancestors, they took them for large birds with white wings, that had come fromforeign parts; and when the sails were furled, they conjectured, fromtheir length, and swimming on the water, that they must be great fish. Others again believed that they were spirits, who wandered about by night;because they were seen at anchor in the evening at one place, and wouldbe seen next morning 100 miles off, either proceeding along the coast tothe southwards, or put back, according as the wind changed, or thecaravels might happen to steer. They could not conceive how human beingscould travel more in one night than they were able to perform themselvesin three days; by which they were confirmed in the notion of the shipsbeing spirits. All this was certified to me by many of the Azanhaji whowere slaves in Portugal, as well as by the Portuguese mariners who hadfrequented the coast in their caravels. 

About six days journey by land from Hoden, there is a place calledTeggazza[5], which in our language signifies a chest or bag of gold. Inthis place large quantities of salt are dug up every year, and carried bycaravans on camels to _Tombucto_ and thence to the empire of _Melli_, which belongs to the Negroes. Oh arriving there, they dispose of theirsalt in the course of eight days, at the rate of between two and threehundred _mitigals_, or ducats, for each load, according to the quantity, and then return with their gold. 

[1] This is erroneous, as there are several towns on the coast of Morocco beyond this Cape, as Saffia, Mogadore, Santa Cruz, and others. Cape Cantin is in lat. 32°30'N. And the river _Sus_ in 30°25', which is 140 miles to the south. There are no towns on the coast beyond that river; but the northern limit of the _Sahara_, or great desert, is in lat. 27°40', 186 miles to the south of the river _Sus_, and is surely inhabited by wandering Arabs. Even the great desert, which extends 750 miles from north to south, almost to the river Senegal, is thinly interspersed by several wandering tribes of the _Azanhaji_. --E. 

[2] Called Tombuto in the original, and Ataubat in Grynaeus. --Astl. Hoden stands in an _ouasis_, or watered island, in the sea of sand, or great desert, about lat. 19°20'N. And W. Long. 11°40'. --E. 

[3] Under the general name of _Azanhaji_, which probably signifies the pilgrims or wanderers of the desert, the Nomadic Arabs or Moors are distinguished into various tribes; as Beni-amir, Beni-sabi, Hilil Arabs, Ludajas, and Hagi; sometimes called Monselmines, Mongearts, Wadelims, Labdessebas, and Trasarts; all named in their order from north to south, as occupying the desert towards the Atlantic. --E. 

[4] In the text this river is named Senega, and its name probably signifies the river of the Azanhaji. It Is called in Ramusio _Oro Tiber_. --F. 

[5] The name of this place is explained as signifying a chest or bag of gold. There is a place marked in the Saharra, or great sandy desert; under the name of _Tisheet_, where there are salt mines, in lat. 17° 40' N. And long. 6° 40' W. Which may possibly be Teggazza. The distance of Tisheet from Hoden in our maps is about 375 miles E. S. E. But there are other salt mines in the desert still farther to the east. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_Of the Empire of Melli, and some curious particulars of the Salt Trade:Of the Trade in Gold: Of the, Azanhaji; and concerning swarms of Locusts_. 

The empire of Melli, of which some mention has been made in the precedingSection, is situated in an extremely hot climate, and affords very badnourishment for beasts; insomuch, that out of an hundred camels which gofrom the desert into that country, scarcely twenty-five return; severaleven of the Arabs and Azanhaji, belonging to the caravans, sicken and dielikewise every year. There are no quadrupeds kept by the natives of thecountry, as indeed none can live there for any time. It is reckoned to beforty days journey on horseback from Tegazza to Tombuctu, and thirty fromthence to Melli[1]. Having inquired what use the merchants of Melli madeof this salt, the traders of the desert informed me, that a part of itwas consumed in that country, which lying near the line, where the daysand nights are of equal length, certain seasons of the year are soexcessively hot that the blood of the inhabitants would putrify, if itwere not for the salt, and they would all die. They have no art ormystery in its use; but every one dissolves a small piece every day in aporringer of water, and drinks it off, which in their opinion preservestheir health. 

The remainder of the salt is carried a long way in pieces on mens heads, every piece being as large as a man can well bear. As brought fromTeggazza, the salt is in large pieces as taken out of the mine, eachcamel being loaded with two pieces, and the negroes break these down intosmaller pieces, for the convenience of carrying them on their heads, andmuster a large number of footmen for this yearly traffic. These portershave each a long forked stick in their hands; and, when tired, they resttheir loads on these sticks. They proceed in this manner till they arriveon the banks of a certain water, but whether fresh or salt my informercould not say, yet I am of opinion that it must be a river, because, ifit were the sea, the inhabitants could not be in want of salt in so hot aclimate. The negroes are hired to carry it in this manner for want ofcamels or other beasts of burden, as already mentioned; and, from whathas been said, it may easily be concluded that the number, both of thecarriers and consumers must be very great. When arrived at the water side, the proprietors of the salt place their shares in heaps in a row, atsmall distances, setting each a particular mark on his own heap; and whenthis is done, the whole company retires half a days journey from theplace. Then the other negroes, who are the purchasers of the salt, whoseem to be the inhabitants of certain islands, but who will on no accountbe seen or spoken to, come in boats to the place where the heaps of saltare placed, and after laying a sum in gold on each heap as its price, retire in their turns. After they are gone, the owners of the salt return, and if the quantity of gold on their heaps is satisfactory to them, theytake it away and leave the salt; if not, they leave both and withdrawagain. In this manner they carry on their traffick, without seeing orspeaking to each other, and this custom is very ancient among them, ashas been affirmed to me for truth by several merchants of the desert, both Arabs and Azanhaji, and other creditable persons[2]. 

On inquiring how it came to pass that the emperor of Melli, whom theyrepresented as a powerful sovereign, did not find means, by friendship orforce, to discover who these people were who would not suffer themselvesto be seen or talked to, I was informed that this emperor, not many yearsago, resolved to procure some of these invisible people, and held acouncil on the occasion, in which the following plan was devised andcarried into execution. Before the salt caravan returned the half daysjourney from their salt heaps, some of the emperors people made certainpits by the water side, and near the place where the salt was left, andwhen the negroes came to deposit their gold on the salt, those who wereconcealed in the pits attacked them suddenly and took four of themprisoners, all the rest making their escape. Three of those who were thustaken were immediately set free by the captors, who judged that one wouldbe quite sufficient to satisfy the curiosity of their emperor, and thatthe negroes would be the less offended. But after all, the design provedabortive; for though spoken to in various languages, the prisoner wouldneither speak or take any victuals, and died at the end of four days. Onthis account, the Melli negroes concluded that these other negroes weredumb; but others were of opinion, that being endowed with the human form, they must necessarily have the power of speech; but, that finding himselftreated in this manner, so contrary to ancient custom, he refused tospeak from indignation. This untoward result was much regretted by thenegroes of Melli, because it prevented them from gratifying the curiosityof their emperor; who, on being informed of this persons death, was muchdissatisfied, yet asked what manner of men the prisoners were. He wasaccordingly informed that they were of a deep black colour, well shaped, and a span taller than the natives of Melli. That their under lip wasthicker than a mans fist, of a very red colour, and hung down on theirbreasts, with something like blood dropping from it; but that their upperlips were small, like those of other men. That the form of the under lipexposed their gums and teeth, which were larger than their own, havinggreat teeth in each corner of their mouth, with large black eyes, andaltogether a terrible appearance, as the gums dropped blood continually, as well as the great hanging under lip. 

This cross accident prevented all the succeeding emperors of Melli frommaking any farther attempt of the kind; because, from that time, thesenegroes forbore, for three years, from coming to buy salt as usual. It isbelieved that their lips began to putrify, through the excessive heat ofthe climate; and being no longer able to endure a distemper, of whichsome must have died for want of the effectual remedy which they hadexperienced from the use of salt, they returned of their own accord totraffic for that commodity in the old way. All this has established anopinion that they cannot live without salt; the negroes of Melli judgingof the case of others by their own. As for the emperor of Melli, he caresnot whether these blacks will speak, and be seen or not, so that that hehas the profit of their gold[3]. This is all I could learn on thissubject, which I think may be credited, as so many persons have vouchedfor its truth, of which I, who have both seen and heard of many wonderfulthings in this world, am perfectly satisfied. 

The gold brought to Melli is divided into three parts. One part is sentby the caravan which goes annually from Melli to _Kokhia_[4], which lieson the road to Syria and Cairo. The other two parts go first to Tombuctu, whence one of them goes by _Toet_[5] to Tunis and other ports of theBarbary coast, and the other portion is carried to Hoden, and from thenceto _Oran_ and _One_[6], towns in Barbary, which are within the Straits ofGibraltar, and to Fez, Morocco, Arzila, Azafi, and Messa, towns on theAfrican coast of the Atlantic, where the Italians and other Christiansprocure it from the Moors, in return for various commodities. Gold is thebest and principal commodity which comes through the country of theAzanhaji, and a part of it is brought every year from Hoden to Arguin, where it is bartered with the Portuguese[7]. 

No money is coined in the land of the _Tawny Moors_, or Azenhaji; nor isany money used by them, or in any of the neighbouring countries; but alltheir trade is carried on by bartering one commodity against another. Insome of their inland towns, the Arabs and Azanbaji use small whiteporcelain shells, or cowries; which are brought from the Levant to Venice, and sent from thence into Africa. These are used for small purchases. Thegold is sold by a weight named _mitigal_, which is nearly equal in valueto a ducat. The inhabitants of the desert have neither religion norsovereign; but those who are richest, and have the greatest number ofretainers and dependents, are considered as chiefs or lords. The womenare tawny, and wear cotton garments, which are manufactured in thecountry of the Negroes; but some of them wear a kind of cloaks, or uppergarments, called Alkhezeli, and they have no smocks. She who has thelargest and longest breasts, is reputed the greatest beauty; on whichaccount, when they have attained to the age of seventeen or eighteen, andtheir breasts are somewhat grown, they tie a cord very tight around themiddle of each breast, which presses very hard and breaks them, so thatthey hang down; and by pulling at these cords frequently, they growlonger and longer, till at length in some women they reach as low as thenavel. The men of the desert ride on horseback after the fashion of theMoors; and the desert being everywhere very hot, and having very littlewater, and extremely barren, they can keep very few horses, and thosethey have are short lived. It only rains in the months of August, September and October. I was informed that vast swarms of locusts appearin this country some years, in such infinite numbers as to darken the air, and even to hide the sun from view, covering the horizon as far as theeye can reach, which is from twelve to sixteen miles in compass; and, wherever they settle they strip the ground entirely bare. These locustsare like grasshoppers, as long as ones finger, and of a red and yellowcolour. They come every third or fourth year, and if they were to paytheir visits every year, there would be no living in the country. While Iwas on the coast, I saw them in prodigious and incredible numbers. 

[1] The distance between Tisheet and Tombuctu, according to our best maps, is about 560 miles E. And by S. In the same proportion, supposing Tisheet to be Teggazza, the distance between Tombuctu and Melli ought to be about 420 miles. Of Melli we have no traces in our modern maps, but it may possibly be referred to _Malel_, the apparent capital of Lamlem; see Pinkert. Geogr. II. 917, as laid down from the Arabian geographers, nearly 1200 miles E. S. E. From Tombuctu. --E. 

[2] This story is probably a fiction, proceeding upon a trade of barter between parties who did not understand the languages of each other. The succeeding part of the story seems a mere fable, without the smallest foundation whatever. --E. 

[3] Few persons, perhaps, will be disposed to think the credit of the Africans, however positive, or the belief of the author, however strong, sufficient evidence of the truth of this story. Yet it certainly is a common report of the country, and not the invention of Cada Mosto. Jobson, who was at the Gambra or Gambia in 1620, repeats the whole substance of this story; and Movette relates the circumstances of the blacks trafficking for salt without being seen, which he had from the Moors of Morocco. He leaves out, however, the story of the frightful lips. Every fiction has its day; and that part is now out of date. --Astl. 

[4] Melli being itself unknown, we can hardly look to discover the situation of Kokhia or Cochia; but it may possibly be Kuku, a town and district to the N. E. Of Bornou, which lies in the direction of the text; or it may be Dar Kulla, greatly more to the S. W. But still in the same track. --E. 

[5] In Grynaeus this place is called Ato. As in the direction of the caravan from Tombuto towards Tunis, it may possibly be Taudeny, an ouasis or island of the great desert, in lat. 21° 30' N. --E. 

[6] Called Hona in Grynaeus. What part of Barbary this name may refer to does not appear. But the passage ought perhaps to run thus, "_to Oran by the Mountain of Wan_, " as there is a range mountains of that name to the S. E. Of Oran, which joins the chain of Atlas, or the Ammer Mountains. --E. 

[7] This is the earliest account of the places from whence gold is brought, and of the course of its trade through Africa, and thence into Europe; and is even more particular and exact than any that has been given by later authors. --Astl. 

SECTION IV. 

_Of the River Senegal and the Jalofs, with some Account of the Manners, Customs, Government, Religion, and Dress of that Nation_. 

Leaving Cape Branco, and the Gulf of Arguin, we continued our coursealong the coast to the river Senegal, which divides the desert and thetawny Azanhaji from the fruitful lands of the Negroes. Five years beforeI went on this voyage, this river was discovered by three caravelsbelonging to Don Henry, which entered it, and their commanders settledpeace and trade with the Moors; since which time ships have been sent tothis place every year to trade with the natives[1]. The river Senegal isof considerable size, being a mile wide at the mouth, and of sufficientdepth. A little farther on it has another entrance, and between the two, there is an island which forms a cape, running into the sea, having sand-banks at each mouth that extend a mile from the shore[2]. All ships thatfrequent the Senegal ought carefully to observe the course of the tides, the flux and reflux of which extend for seventy miles up the river, as Iwas informed by certain Portuguese, who had been a great way up thisriver with their caravels. From Cape Branco, which is 280 miles distant, the whole coast is sandy till within twenty miles of the river. This iscalled the coast of _Anterota_, and belongs entirely to the Azanhaji orTawny Moors. I was quite astonished to find so prodigious a difference inso narrow a space, as appeared at the Senegal: For, on the south side ofthe river, the inhabitants are all exceedingly black, tall, corpulent andwell proportioned, and the country all clothed in fine verdure, and fullof fruit trees; whereas, on the north side of the river, the men aretawny, meagre, and of small stature, and the country all dry and barren. This river, in the opinion of the learned, is a branch of the _Gihon_, which flows from the Terrestrial Paradise, and was named the Niger by theancients, which flows through the whole of Ethiopia, and which, onapproaching the ocean to the west, divides into many other branches. The_Nile_, which is another branch of the Gihon, falls into theMediterranean, after flowing through Egypt[3]. 

The first kingdom of the Negroes is on the banks of the Senegal, and itsinhabitants are called _Gilofi_ or Jalofs. All the country is low, notonly from the north to that river, but also beyond it, as far south asCape Verd, which is the highest land on all this coast, and is 400 milesfrom Cape Branco. This kingdom of the Jalofs, on the Senegal, is boundedon the east by the country called _Tukhusor_; on the south by the kingdomof _Gambra_ or Gambia; on the west by the Atlantic Ocean; and on thenorth by the river Senegal and the Azanhaji[4]. The king who reigned inSenegal in my time was named Zukholin, and was twenty-two years old. Thiskingdom is not hereditary; but for the most part, three or four of theprincipal lords, of whom there are many in the country, choose a king, inthe event of a vacancy, but always fix their choice on a person of noblelineage, who reigns only as long as he gives satisfaction to these greatlords. They often dethrone their kings by force; who, on the other hand, often render; themselves so powerful as to stand on their defence. Thisrenders the government unsettled, and is productive of civil wars;similar to Egypt, where the Soldan of Cairo is always in fear of beingkilled or banished. 

The people are savages, and extremely poor, having no walled towns, andtheir villages are entirely composed of thatched cottages. They useneither lime nor stone in building, not knowing how to make the one, orto form the other. The kingdom of the Jalofs is small, and, as I wasinformed, extends only 300 miles along the coast, and about the samedistance inland. The king has no settled revenue; but the lords of thecountry court his favour, by making him yearly presents of horses, whichbeing scarce, are in high estimation, together with horse furniture, cows, and goats, pulse, millet, and other things. He likewise increases hiswealth by means of robbery, and by reducing his own subjects, and thoseof neighbouring provinces to slavery, employing a part of these slaves tocultivate the lands which are assigned to him, and selling the rest tothe Arabs and Azanhaji traders, who bring horses and other things forsale; as likewise to the Christians, since they have established a tradein these parts. 

Every man may keep as many wives as he pleases. The king has alwaysupwards of thirty, and distinguishes them according to their descent, andthe rank of the lords whose daughters they are. He keeps them in certainvillages of his own, eight or ten in one place, each having a separatehouse to dwell in, with a certain number of young women to attend her, and slaves to cultivate the land which is assigned for her maintenance, which they sow and reap, and to tend her cows and goats. When the kingcomes to any of these villages, he brings no provisions along with him, as his women are obliged to support him and his retinue whenever hevisits them. Every, morning at sunrise, each of his wives in the villagewhere he happens to reside, prepares three or four dishes of variousviands, such as flesh, fish, or other dainties, cooked in their fashion;which are carried by the slaves to the kings pantry; so that in less thanan hour, thirty or forty dishes are provided, and when the king has amind to eat, he finds every thing ready at his command. When he has eatenof such things as he likes best, the remainder is given to his retinue;but as this, diet is never very plentiful, they are but poorly fed. Hetravels about in this manner, from place to place, visiting his severalwives, by which means he has a very numerous issue and whenever one ofhis wives happens to fall with child, he visits her no more. The lords orchiefs of the country live in a similar manner. 

These negroes profess me Mahometan religion, but are not even so wellinstructed in it as the tawny Moors, more especially the common people. The lords have always about them some Arabs or Azanhaji for this purpose, who inculcate on their minds that it would be disgraceful for men oftheir quality to live in ignorance of the laws of God, like the commonpeople who have no religion. They have become Mahometans merely by meansof their intercourse with the Azanhaji and Arabs; for since they becameacquainted with the Christians, they are by no means so fond of theMahometan faith. The generality of the negroes go quite naked, except apiece of goat skin before; but the lords who are able to procure such, wear cotton shirts, which are spun and manufactured by their women. Theirwebs are only a span in width, as they have not sufficient art toconstruct and use wider looms; so that they are obliged to sew five, six, or more of these webs together, when it is required to make any largepiece of work. The shirts reach half way down the thighs, and have widesleeves which; cover only half of their arms. They wear also cottondrawers, reaching to the small of their legs; and these drawers are madepreposterously wide, being often thirty-five or forty palms incircumference; so that, when tied on, they are full of plaits, and thoughlike A sack before the hinder part trails on the ground like the train ofa large petticoat. Thus, though making a most ridiculous appearance, theythink nothing comes up to their dress for elegance, and they often askthe Europeans if they ever saw a finer dress. Their women, both marriedand unmarried, go naked from the waist upwards, and wear a piece ofcotton which covers them from the waist to the middle of the legs. Bothsexes go barefooted, and have no coverings to their heads; and weave andtie their hair, though short, into neat tresses. The men often employthemselves in womens work, such as spinning, washing clothes, and suchlike employments. 

This country is extremely hot, the month of January being not so cold asit is with us in Italy in the month of April; and the farther we went tothe south, the weather became so much the hotter. Both men and women washthemselves four or five times a-day, and are very cleanly in theirpersons; but are by no means so in regard of eating, in which theyobserve no rule. Although very ignorant, and extremely awkward in anything, to which they have not been accustomed, they are as expert as anyEuropean can be in their own business, and in all things with which theyare acquainted. They are full of words, and extremely talkative, and arefor the most part liars and cheats. Yet they are exceedingly hospitable, and charitably disposed, as they will most readily give a dinner, or asupper, or a nights lodging, to any stranger who comes to their houses, without expecting any remuneration or reward. The chiefs of these negroesare often at war against each other, or against the neighbouring tribesor nations; but they have no cavalry, for want of horses. In war, theironly defensive armour is a large target, made of the skin of an animalcalled _Danta_, which is very difficultly pierced; and their principalweapons are _azagays_ or light darts, which they throw with greatdexterity. These darts are pointed with iron, the length of a span, andbarbed in different directions, so that they make dangerous wounds, andtear the flesh extremely when pulled out. They have also a Moorish weapon, much-bent like a Turkish sword or cimeter, and made of iron, without anysteel, which they procure from the negroes on the river Gambia, as theyeither have no iron in their own country, or want knowledge or industryin working it. Having but few weapons, or rather no missiles, their warsare very bloody, as they soon come to close quarters, and their strokesseldom fall in vain; and, being extremely fierce and courageous, theywill rather allow themselves to be slain as save themselves by flight;neither are they disheartened by seeing their companions slain. They haveno ships, nor had they ever seen any before the Portuguese came upontheir coast; but those who dwell upon the river Senegal, and some who aresettled on the sea coast, have _zoppolies_ or canoes, called _almadias_by the Portuguese, which are hollowed out of a single piece of wood, thelargest of which will carry three or four men. They use these almadiasfor catching fish, and for transporting themselves up or down the river. The negroes of this country are the most expert swimmers in the world, asI can vouch from frequent experience of their dexterity. 

[1] Cada Mosto is incorrect in the chronology of this discovery, and even de Barros is not quite decided as to the first discovery of the Senegal. He says that Denis Fernandez _passed_ it in 1446, and that Lancerot _discovered_ it in 1447; the latter of which is eight years before the visit of Cada Mosto. --Clarke. 

[2] The northern mouth of the Senegal is in lat. 16° 40'. The southern in 15° 45', both N. So that the distance between them, or the length of the island mentioned in the text, is about sixty-two miles. --E. 

[3] This fancy of all the great rivers in Africa being branches from one principal stream, is now known to be entirely erroneous. --Astl. 

[4] Although the first kingdom, or kingdoms of the Negroes lies on the Senegal, Senega, or Sanaghas, and others along the Gambia, yet there were not properly any kingdoms of these names. On the north, indeed, of the Sanagha, lay the country of the Sanhaga, Azanaghi, or Azanhaji, from whence the river seems to have taken its name; but was divided among various tribes of people, and not under any one sovereign. Geographers, however, have since continued to propagate this first error. --Astl. 

 The Jalofs and Foulahs inhabit the country between the Senegal and Gambia, on which latter river the Feloops reside. What is meant by _Tukhusor_ in the text does not appear, unless it may obscurely indicate Karta. --E. 

SECTION V. 

_Continuation of the Voyage to the country of a King named Budomel, withsome account of his Territory, and the Manners of his People_. 

Having passed the river Senegal, we sailed about 800 miles farther southalong the coast, which was all low land without mountains, till we cameto the territory or kingdom of Budomel[1]. As some Portuguese, who haddealt with Budomel, represented him as a very just person, who paid forany goods he might receive, and might therefore be confided in, I stoppedat his country, that I might endeavour to dispose of some Spanish horsesI had on board, which are in great request among the Negroes; besideswhich, I had some cloth, Moorish wrought silks, and other commodities forsale. We came, therefore to anchor, at a place on the coast, called Palmadi Budomel, which is only an open roadstead, and not a port. I immediatelydispatched my negro interpreter on shore to inform this lord of my arrival, and of the goods I had on board for sale. Not long afterwards Budomel camehimself to the beach, attended by about fifteen horsemen and an hundredand fifty foot, and sent a message desiring me to land, with professionsof a friendly disposition, and promising to render me every attention andservice in his power. I went accordingly on shore immediately, and wasreceived with great civility. After some discourse, I delivered to himseven horses, with their furniture; and every other article for which heexpressed an inclination, all of which had cost me 300 ducats, trusting tohis honour for payment, which was to be in slaves, and which he promisedto deliver at his own residence, which was twenty-five miles distant fromthe shore, whither he invited me to accompany him. To this invitation Ireadily agreed, induced as much by a desire of seeing the country, as onaccount of receiving payment. Before setting out however, Budomel made mea present of a beautiful negress, about twelve years of age, who, he said, was meant to serve me in the cabin; and I received the gift, and sent heron board the caravel. 

I was furnished by Budomel with horses and every thing necessary for thejourney; and when we arrived within four miles of his residence, he gaveme in charge to his nephew Bisboror, who was lord of a small town orvillage at which we stopped. Bisboror took me to his own house, where Iwas treated with much civility and attention, during twenty-eight dayswhich I tarried in that place. This was in November 1455. In that time Iwent often to visit Budomel, accompanied by his nephew, and had manyopportunities to observe the produce of the country, and the manners ofthe inhabitants, more especially as, on account of the tempestuousweather, I was under the necessity of travelling back by land to theriver Senegal. For, finding it impossible to get on board at the coast byreason of the surf, I had to order the ship to return to that river, andwent there by land to re-embark. On this occasion, being very desirous totransmit instructions to those on board the ship to meet me at the riverSenegal, I inquired among the negroes if any one would undertake to carrya letter from the shore. Several of them readily offered their services, though the ship lay three miles from the shore, and, owing to a strongwind, the sea broke on the shore with a tremendous surf, insomuch that Ithought it impossible for any one to succeed in the attempt. Besides thesurf, there were several sand banks near the shore, and other banks abouthalf way to the ship, between which there ran a strong current, sometimesone way and sometimes the other, along shore, so that it was extremelydifficult for any one to swim through without infinite danger of beingcarried away by the stream; and the sea broke with such violence on thebanks, that it seemed quite impossible to surmount such complicatedobstacles. Yet two of the negroes offered to go, and only demanded two_mavulgies_ of tin for each of them, one mavulgi being worth no more thana _grosso_[2], at which price they engaged to carry my letter in safetyto the ship. I cannot express the difficulties which they encountered inpassing the sand bank. They were sometimes out of sight for a considerablespace, so that I often thought they were both drowned. At last, one ofthem, finding himself unable to resist the violence with which the wavesbroke over him, turned back; but the other, being stronger, got over thebank after struggling a whole hour, and, having carried the letter to thecaravel, returned with an answer. This seemed to me very wonderful, andmade me conclude that the negroes of this coast must be the most expertswimmers in the world. 

It has been already observed, that those who are called lords in thiscountry have neither castles nor cities, the king even having nothing butvillages with thatched houses. Budomel is lord of one part of this kingdom, yet his place of residence was not a palace, nor even a walled house. These great men are not lords on account of their riches or treasure, asthey possess neither, nor have they any coin in use among them; but theyare considered as such out of courtesy, and on account of the greatretinues by which they are always attended, being more feared andrespected by their subjects than any of the lords in Italy. Budomel hasseveral villages appointed for his own habitation and that of his wives, as he never fixes in one place. The village in which I resided withBisboror was one of his habitations, containing between forty and fiftythatched cottages, built near one another, and surrounded with ditches andstrong pallisades, having only one or two passages left for entering; andevery house had a court-yard, inclosed by a hedge. According to report, Budomel had nine wives in this place, and more or less in several othervillages. Each of these wives had five or six young negresses to attendupon her, with all of whom he might sleep when he pleased, without givingoffence to the wives, for such is the custom of the country. Both sexesare extremely amorous; and Budomel strongly importuned me for philacteries, in which he had been informed the Europeans were very expert, and offeredany reward within his power for my compliance. They are very jealous, andsuffer no man to enter the houses which are inhabited by the women, noteven their own sons. 

Budomel is always attended by a retinue of at least 200 negroes, who arechanged from time to time some going away and others coming back in theirroom; besides which, many people repair to wait upon him from the adjacentplaces which are under his government. Before arriving at his particularapartment there are seven large courts, one within the other, having atree in the middle of each, where those wait who come to him on business. His family is distributed in these courts, according to their severalranks; the most considerable having their station in the court nearest hisdwelling, and the meanest in the outermost court of all. Few people areallowed to approach his own particular apartment, except the Christiansand Azanhaji, who have free admission and more liberty is allowed to themthan to the negroes. This lord affects great state and gravity in hisdeportment, and does not allow himself, to be seen except an hour everymorning, and for a short while in the evening; at which times he appearsnear the door of an apartment in the first court, into which only personsof note are permitted to enter. On these occasions of giving audience, every person who come to speak to him, however high may be his rank, is inthe first place obliged to strip himself stark naked, except the smallcloth in front formerly mentioned; and, immediately on entering the court, he falls down on his knees, bows down his head to the ground, and scattersdust with both hands on his own head and shoulders; neither is even thenearest relations of the lords exempted from this humiliating expressionof their duty and obedience. The person, who receives an audiencecontinues in this humble posture a great while, strewing himself with sandand crawling on his knees, till he approaches the great man; and whenwithin two paces of his lord, he stops and begins to relate his case, still continuing on his knees, with his head down, and throwing sand anhis head in token of great humility. All the time the lord scarcelyappears to notice him and continues to discourse with other persons; andwhen the vassal has related his story, the lord gives him an answer in twowords, with an arrogant aspect. Such is their affected pride and grandeur, and such the submission which is shewn him, which, in my opinion, proceedsfrom fear, as their lords, for every little fault they commit, take awaytheir wives and children, and cause them to be sold as slaves. 

Budomel treated me with the utmost attention and civility, and used tocarry me in the evenings into a sort of mosque, where the Arab andAzanhaji priests, whom he had always about his person, used to say prayers. His manner on these occasions was as follows. Being entered into themosque, which was in one of the courts belonging to his residence, andwhere he was attended by some of the principal negroes, he first stoodsome little time with his eyes lifted up as if it were to heaven, then, advancing two steps, he spoke a few words in a low tone; after which, hestretched himself on the ground, which he kissed; the Azanhaji and therest of his attendants doing the same. Then rising up, he repeated thesame series of actions repeatedly, for ten or twelve times, which occupiedabout half an hour. When all was over, he asked my opinion of their mannerof worship, and desired one to give an account of the nature of ourreligion. On this I told him, in the presence of all his doctors, that thereligion of Mahomet was false, and the Romish the only true faith. Thismade the Arabs and Azanhaji extremely angry; but Budomel laughed on theoccasion, and said, that he considered the religion of the Christians tobe good, as God alone could have gifted them with so much riches andunderstanding. He added, however, that in his opinion the Mahometan lawmust be good also; and he believed, that the Negroes were more sure ofsalvation than the Christians, because God was just, who had given aparadise to the Christians in this world, and would certainly give one tothe Negroes in the next, as they possessed scarcely any good in this worldin comparison. In all his discourse he shewed a good understanding, andtook great pleasure in hearing the customs of the Christians described. Ifirmly believe he might easily have been converted to Christianity, had itnot been from fear of losing his power, as I was often told by his nephew, with whom I lodged, and he took great delight in hearing me discourse ofour religion. The table of Budomel, like all other lords and people ofcondition in this country, is supplied by his wives, in the same manner ashas been already mentioned in regard to Zukholin, the king of Senegal;each wife sending him a certain number of dishes every day. He and theother lords eat on the ground, without any regularity or company, exceptthe Arabs and Azanhaji, who are their teachers and priests, and one or twoof their principal negro attendants. The inferior people eat in messes often or twelve each, having a basket full of victuals set in the midst, into which all put their hands at the same time. They eat but little atone meal, but repeat these four or five times a day. 

[1] The text seems corrupted in giving so large a distance between the Senegal river and this country of king Budomel, as 800 miles to the south, or rather S. S. E. Would carry us to what is called the _grain_, or windward coast of Guinea, in lat. 6° N. And, from the sequel, Cada Mosto does not appear to have passed Cape Verd till after quitting the country of Budomel. According to Brue, as quoted by Clarke, the king of Kayor or Kayhor was styled Damel. Kayor or Cayor appears on our maps above an hundred miles up the Senegal, and on its north side, which therefore can have no reference to the place in the text. I am disposed to believe, that the distance in the text ought only to have been 80 miles, and that the territory of Budomel was in the country of the Jalofs, between the Senegal and Cape Verd, at the mouth of a small river, on which our charts place two towns, Masaye and Enibaul, in lat. 15° 20' N. --E. 

[2] The grosso, or Venetian groat, is worth about three farthings. --Astl. 

SECTION VI. 

_Account of the Country of Budomel continued_. 

On account of the great heats in the kingdom of Senegal, and all theother countries of the Negroes on the coast, no wheat, rye, barley, orspelt, can grow, neither are vines cultivated, as we knew experimentallyfrom a trial made with seeds from our ship: For wheat, and these otherarticles of culture, require a temperate climate and frequent showers, both of which are wanting here, where they have no rains during ninemonths of the year, from October to June both included. But they havelarge and small millet, beans, and the largest and finest kidney beans inthe world, as large as hazle nuts, longer than those of the Venetianterritory, and beautifully speckled with various colours as if painted. Their beans are large, flat, and of a lively red colour, and they havelikewise white beans. They sow in July, at the beginning of the rains, and reap in September, when they cease; thus they prepare the soil, sowthe seed, and get in the harvest, all in three months; but they are badhusbandmen, and so exceedingly averse to labour, that they sow no morethan is barely sufficient to last them throughout the year, and never layup any store for sale. In cultivating the ground, four or five of them gointo a field with spades, with which they turn up the soil about fourinches deep; yet such is the fertility of the soil, that it makes amplereturns for this slight culture, without any farther trouble. 

The liquors of the Negroes are water, milk, and palm wine, which theycall mighol, or migwol, which is taken from a tree of the palm tribe, very numerous in this country, somewhat like the date tree, but not thesame, and which furnishes this liquor the whole year round. The trees aretapped in two or three places near the root, and from these wounds abrown juice runs out, as thin as skimmed milk, into calabasses that areplaced to receive the liquor, which drops but slowly, as one tree willonly fill two calabasses from morning till night. This migwol, or palm-wine, is an exceedingly pleasant drink, which intoxicates like wineunless mixed with water. Immediately after it is drawn from the tree itis as sweet as any wine whatever; but the luscious taste goes off moreand more as it is kept, and at length it becomes sour. It drinks betterthan at first after three or four days, as it depurates by keeping, andis not so sweet. I have often drank of it, indeed every day that Iremained in the country, and liked it better than the wines of Italy. This liquor is not so abundant as that every one may have it atdiscretion; yet all may have some, especially the chiefs, as the treesare not planted in gardens, like vines and fruit trees in Europe, but arefound wild in the forests, and are consequently accessible to all. 

In this country there are several sorts of fruit which resemble those ofEurope, though not exactly the same, and which are very good, though theygrow wild; and, were they to be cultivated as ours are, would prove muchbetter than such as are produced in the northern climates, the quality ofthe soil and air in this part of Africa being more nutritive. The wholecountry is plain and fertile, abounding in good pasture, and is coveredby an infinite number of large and beautiful trees, that are not known inEurope. It contains several lakes of fresh water, none of them large, butvery deep, and full of excellent fish, which differ much from those thatare caught in Italy, and many water serpents, which the natives call_Kalkatrici_. They use a kind of oil with their victuals, which tasteslike oil of olives, has a pleasant flavour of violets, and tinges thefood even better than saffron, but I could not learn what it was producedfrom[1]. There is likewise a plant which produces large quantities ofsmall kidney-beans. 

In this country there are many kinds of animals, but serpents areparticularly numerous, both large and small, some of which are venomous. The large ones are more than two paces long[2], but have neither legs norwings, as has been reported by some persons, but some of them are so verythick as to have swallowed a goat at one morsel. These serpents retire introops, as the natives report, to certain parts of the country wherewhite ants are found in prodigious swarms, and which, by a kind ofinstinct, are said to build houses for these serpents, of earth whichthey carry in their months for that purpose, resembling ovens, and oftento the number of 150 in one place[3]. The Negroes are great enchanters, and use charms upon almost all occasions, particularly in regard toserpents, over which they have great power. A Genoese, worthy of credit, who was in this country the year before my arrival, and who likewiselodged with Bisboror, the nephew of Budomel, told me he once heard a loadnoise of whistling about the house in the middle of the night. Beingawakened by the noise, he saw Bisboror get out of bed and order twonegroes to bring his camel. Being asked where he meant to go at that timeof night, he said he had business which must be executed, but would soonreturn. On coming back after some time, and the Genoese expressingcuriosity to learn the object in which he had been engaged, Bisbororasked if he had heard the hissing noise about the house during the night, and said that it had been made by the serpents, which would have killed agreat many of his cattle, if he had not sent them back to their quartersby the employment of certain enchantments. The Genoese was astonished atthis story, but Bisboror said he had no need to wonder at this smallmatter, as Budomed could do a great deal more extraordinary things withthe serpents than he could. In particular, when he had a mind to envenomhis weapons, he used to draw a large circle, into which, by means of hisenchantments, he brought all the serpents of the neighbourhood, fromwhich he selected those he thought most poisonous, and allowed all theothers to go away. With the blood of these serpents, mixed up with theseeds of a certain tree, he infected his weapons with so deadly a poison, that, if they drew but the least drop of blood, the person or animalwounded by them was sure to die in a quarter of an hour. Bisboror fartheroffered to shew him an example of the efficacy of this art, but theGenoese declined witnessing the experiment. This story of the serpents isthe more probable, that I have heard of persons in Italy who could charmthem in a similar manner; but I am apt to believe that the Negroes arethe most expert sorcerers in the world. 

The only tame animals in the kingdom of Senegal are oxen, cows, and goats;having no sheep, which love a temperate or cold air, and could not livein this hot climate. Nature, however, has provided mankind withnecessaries fitted for their various occasions; having furnished theEuropeans with wool, as they have need of warm clothing, while theNegroes, who live in such intense heat, have been supplied with cotton bythe Almighty. Owing to the heat, in my opinion, the cattle of thiscountry are much smaller than those of Italy. It is a great rarity to seea red cow in this country, as they are all black or white, or mottledwith black and white spots. Beasts of prey, such as lions, leopards, andwolves, are numerous, and there are plenty of hares. Wild elephants goabout in troops, like the wild swine in Italy, but can never be tamed, asthey are in other parts of the world. As the elephant is a well-knownanimal, I shall only observe in general, that those of Africa are of avery large size, as may be easily conceived by the size of their teeth, which are imported into Europe. Of these large teeth, or tusks rather, each elephant has two in the lower jaw, the points of which turn down, whereas those of the wild boar are turned up. Before my voyage to AfricaI had been told that the elephant could not bend its knee, and sleptstanding; but this is an egregious falsehood for the bending of theirknees can be plainly perceived when they walk, and they, certainly liedown and rise again like other animals. They never shed their large teethbefore death; neither do they do any harm to man unless provoked. In thatcase the elephant makes his attack with his trunk, which is a kind ofnose, protruded to a great length. He can contract and extend thisproboscis at pleasure, and is able to toss a man with it as far as asling can throw a stone. It is in vain to think of escape by running, letthe person be ever so swift, in case the elephant pursues in earnest, ashis strides are of prodigious length. They are more dangerous when theyhave young ones in their company than at any other time; of which thefemales have only, three or four at a birth. They feed on the leaves andfruit of trees, pulling down the large boughs with their trunks, andbringing them to their mouths. This trunk is composed of a very thickcartilage, and is pliable in every direction. 

There are many kinds of birds in this country, and parrots areparticularly numerous, which are much hated by the negroes, because theydo much damage to their crops of pulse and millet. There are said to beseveral kinds of parrots, but I never saw more than two. One of these islike the kind which is brought into Italy from Alexandria in Egypt, butrather smaller. The other kind is much larger, having a brown head, neck, bill, and legs, with a yellow and green body. I procured a considerablenumber of both sorts, particularly of the smaller kind, many of whichdied; but I brought 150 back to Portugal, where I sold them for half aducat each. These birds are very industrious in constructing their nests, which they build with bulrushes and the small leaves of the palm, andother trees, in a very curious and ingenious manner. Choosing theslenderest branch of a tree, the parrot fastens a bulrush of about twospans long to its outer extremity, at the depending end of which rush itweaves its nest in a most beautiful manner, suspended like a ball, andhaving only one passage for entering. By this means they contrive topreserve their young from being devoured by the serpents, as the smalltwigs from which the nests are suspended are unable to bear the weight ofthe serpents. There are likewise abundance of those birds called Pharaoh'shens[4] in Europe, which come to us out of the Levant. They havelikewise other birds, both large and small, which are quite differentfrom any that are known in Italy. 

As I was long on shore, I went several times to see their markets orfairs, which were held every Monday and Friday in a meadow, not far fromwhere I resided. The men and women, from four or five miles around, cameto this place with their various commodities, and those who lived at agreater distance, went to other markets nearer their habitations. Thegreat poverty of the natives appeared manifest in the goods they broughtto these fairs; consisting of small quantities of cotton cloth, andcotton yarn, pulse, oil, millet, wooden tubs, palm matts, and every thingelse useful to life, according to their manners, likewise arms, and somesmall quantities of gold. Having no money or coin of any kind, all theirtrade was carried on by way of barter, or exchange of one thing foranother, sometimes two or three things for one, according to theirdifferent values. All these blacks used to gaze on me, as if I had been aprodigy, having never seen a white man before. Some took hold of my hands, which they rubbed with spittle, to see if the whiteness was natural orartificial, and expressed their wonder to find that my skin was notpainted. They were as much astonished at my dress, being clothed in theSpanish fashion, with a black damask waistcoat, and a cloak over it: Theyseemed much surprised at the waistcoat, and greatly admired the woollencloth, which they had never seen any of before. My chief purpose in goingto these fairs, was to see what quantity of gold was brought thither. 

Horses are very scarce, and of great value in the country of the Negroes, being brought all the way from that part of Barbary which lies nearest toEurope, by the Arabs and Azanhaji. Owing to the great heat, horses do notlive long here; for they grow so fat that they cannot stale, and so burst. They are fed with bean leaves, which are gathered after the beans arebrought from the fields; and, being dried like hay, are cut small, andgiven to the horses instead of oats. They give millet also, whichcontributes greatly to make them fat. A horse and his furniture sells forfrom nine to fourteen negroes, according to his goodness and beauty; andwhen a negro lord buys a horse, he sends for his horse sorcerers, whocause a fire to be kindled of the stalks of certain herbs, and hold thehorses head by the bridle over the smoke, while they repeat over some fewwords by way of incantation. They afterwards have him anointed all overwith fine oil, and having kept him eighteen or twenty days, withoutallowing any one to see him, they affix some Moorish charms to his neck, which have the appearance of small square billets of writing, folded upand covered with red leather; and affirm, that, they will go into battlewith greater safety by means of these scrolls or annulets. 

The women of this country are very pleasant and merry, especially theyoung ones, and delight in singing and dancing, taking this diversiononly at night by moonlight; and their manner of dancing is very differentfrom that of the Italians. Many things in our ships seemed wonderful tothe Negroes, particularly our cross-bows; but much more our artillery. When some of them were on board my ship, I caused one of the guns to befired off, which threw them into a dreadful panic; and their terror wasmuch increased on being told that one cannon-shot could kill an hundredmen. On which account, they alleged that it must be something belongingto the devil. They were likewise greatly astonished at a bag-pipe, which, one of our sailors played upon to divert them; and, on examining theseveral parts and ornaments of the instrument, they conceived that it wasa living animal, which sung in different voices. Observing theirsimplicity, I told them it was a musical instrument, and put it intotheir hand unblown to examine. They then perceived that it was a work ofart, but believed that it was something supernatural, and could only havebeen devised by a superior being, it sounded so sweetly, and in so manydifferent tones, having never heard any thing which could be compared toit in their estimation. The ship, also, and its various contrivances, asits anchors, masts, sails, and shrouds, afforded them great subjects foradmiration and wonder. They looked upon the port-holes in the stern asreal eyes, by which the vessel was able to find her way in the sea; andobserved, that travellers on land found difficulty to find the road fromone place to another, while we were able to travel along the tracklessocean; and that the whites must therefore be the greatest of sorcerers, not inferior to the devil himself. They shewed great admiration on seeinga lighted candle in a candlestick, having themselves no other artificiallight but that proceeding from a fire. They have honey-combs, but whenthey find these, they suck out the honey, and throw away the empty combas useless. At one time, I bought some honey-combs from a negro, andshewed him how to extract the honey; after which, on asking him if heknew what remained, he said it was good for nothing: But he was greatlyastonished on seeing it made into candles, and lighted in his presence;saying, that the Europeans knew every thing. Their only musicalinstruments are two, one of which they have from the Moors, which is likea large drum[5]; the other is somewhat like a fiddle, having only twostrings, which they play on with their fingers, but gives no sounds thatcan be called harmonious. 

[1] This is almost certainly palm oil, the origin of which will appear in another division of this work. --E. 

[2] The text must be here erroneous, as two paces, or ten feet, will scarcely suffice in describing the boa constrictor, sometimes near thirty feet long. --E. 

[3] An account of the termites, or white ants of Africa, will appear hereafter. The circumstance of serpents taking up their abode in the large anthills, must be entirely accidental. --E. 

[4] Probably the Pintado, or Guinea fowl. --E. 

[5] This in Ramusio is called Tabacche, and Sambuka in Grynaeus. --Astl. 

SECTION VII. 

_Continuation of the Voyage from Senegal, by Cape Verd, the riverBarbasini, and to the river Gambia; and, returns to Portugal. _

Having seen a considerable part of the dominions of Budomel, and receivedthe slaves which, were bargained for, in exchange for my horses and othermerchandize, I resolved to proceed on my voyage, round Cape Verd, and toprosecute discoveries along this dangerous coast, and in particular, togo in search of the kingdom of Gambia or Gambia, which Don Henry hadpointed out, on the information of a person who was well acquainted withthe country of the Negroes, as not far from Senegal, and from whence, itwas reported, that considerable quantities of gold might be procured. Longing to go in quest of this gold, I took my leave of Budomel, andrepaired to the river Senegal, where I went on board the caravel and gotunder weigh, as soon as possible. Soon after leaving the river Senegal, as we were standing onward with a press of sail towards Cape. Verd, wedescried, one morning two ships in the offing. On joining company, wefound that one of these belonged to Antonio, an experienced Genoesenavigator, and the other to some gentlemen in the service of Don Henry, and that they had sailed in company, with the intention of passing CapeVerd, to explore the coast beyond it, in search of new discoveries. Ourintentions being similar, I offered to join company, and we accordinglyproceeded together along the coast to the southward, in sight of land. 

We came in sight of that cape next day, being about thirty Italian milesfrom our last anchorage[1]. Cape Verd was so named by the Portuguese, whodiscovered it about a year before[2], because it is covered with treeswhich continue green all the year. This is a high and beautiful cape, which runs a considerable way into the sea, and has two hills or smallmountains at its outer extremity. There are several villages of theSenegal negroes, or Jalofs, upon and about this promontory, which arecomposed of thatched cabins close by the shore, and in sight of those whosail past. There are also some sand banks, which extend about half a mileinto the sea[3]. 

Having doubled the cape, we came to three small uninhabited islands, fullof green trees[4]; and being in want of water, we anchored at that whichseemed the largest and most fruitful, in hopes of meeting with a spring, but could find none to answer our purpose. We met, however, with thenests and eggs of several kinds of birds, such as we had never seenbefore. This was in the month of July 1456, and we continued here all day, fishing with lines and large hooks, catching a prodigious number of fish, among which were _dentali_, and gilded fish[5], some of which weighedfrom twelve to fifteen pounds each. On the next day we proceeded in ourcourse, keeping always in sight of land, and found a kind of gulf formedby the coast on the south side of the cape[6]. This coast is all low, andfull of fine large trees, which are continually green, as the new leavesgrow before the old ones fall off, and they never wither like those inEurope; and the trees grow so near the shore, that they seem to drink asit were the water of the sea. The coast is most beautiful, insomuch thatI never saw any thing comparable to it, though I had sailed much both inthe Levant and the western parts of Europe. It is well watered everywhere by small rivers, but these are useless for trade, as they do notadmit ships of any size. Beyond this little gulf, the coast is inhabitedby two negro nations, called Barbasini and Serreri, which are not subjectto the king of Senegal, neither have they any king or lord of their own;but one person is more honoured than another, according to his conditionor quality. They are great idolaters, without laws, and living in almosta state of nature, and extremely cruel, and refuse to become subjected toany lord. That their wives and children may not be taken from them andsold as slaves, as is the custom among all the negro nations which areunder subjection to kings or lords, they use bows and poisoned arrows, the wounds from which are incurable, if even the smallest blood is drawn, and the wounded person or animal soon dies. Their colour is jet black, and their persons are well made. The country is full of woods, lakes, and streams, from which they derive great security, as they can only beinvaded through narrow defiles, by which means they set the neighbouringlords at defiance. In former times, the kings of Senegal often attemptedto reduce these two nations under obedience, but were always worsted, owing to the natural strength of the country, and their arrows. Runningalong the coast to the south with a fair wind, we discovered the mouth ofa river about a bow-shot wide, but not deep, to which we gave the nameof the _Barbasini_ river, and have marked it on the chart which I made ofthe coast, as sixty miles from Cape Verd[7]. In sailing along the coast, we only made sail at sun rise, having a man continually on the top, andtwo others on the prow or head, to look out for breakers, and always cameto anchor at sun set, about four or five miles from the land, in ten ortwelve fathoms water. 

Proceeding on our voyage in this cautious manner, we came to the mouth ofa river which appeared to be as large as the Senegal[8]; and struck bythe fineness of its appearance, and its rich woods which came down to thevery shores, we cast anchor, and determined to send one of our negrointerpreters on shore, to endeavour to establish a friendly intercoursewith the natives. Every ship which sails from Portugal for the coast ofAfrica is supplied with some of these negro interpreters, who consist ofslaves that had been sold by the lords of Senegal to the first Portuguesewho touched on the coast, and who have learnt the Portuguese language andbecome Christians. These are hired from their masters in Portugal, whoreceive, for their hire, a prime slave from the cargo on returning fromthe voyage; and when any of these interpreters have thus earned fourslaves for their master, they become free. Having cast lots to determinewhich of the three ships should send an interpreter on shore, it fell onthe ship commanded by the Genoese gentleman; on which he sent an armedboat, ordering the men not to touch the shore, but to push off as soon asthey had landed the interpreter; who was charged to inform himselfrespecting the condition and government of the country, and to inquirewhether it produced gold or any other commodity worth coming for. Nosooner was the interpreter landed, and the boat shoved off to somedistance as ordered, than several natives came out of the wood, who hadbeen in ambush, with bows, arrows, and other weapons, from the time theysaw our ships approach the coast, as if they had been in hopes that someof our people might land upon the coast. After a short parley with ourinterpreter, they furiously assaulted him with their _gomies_, or shortMoorish swords, and slew him; our people in the boat being unable to givehim any assistance. This intelligence was brought to the ships, where itexcited much surprise; and, concluding that these people must beextremely barbarous, who could treat one of their own race with so muchbarbarity, and would consequently use us cruelly if in their power, weimmediately weighed anchor, and stood on our voyage farther to the south, which improved in the beauty and verdure of the trees as we advanced, always sailing within sight of the coast, which is everywhere low landcovered with trees. 

We came at length to the mouth of a very large river, which is not lessthan six or eight miles wide at the entrance, and narrows a little waywithin to three or four miles, and finding that it could be safelyentered, we determined to cast anchor for the night; and to endeavour tolearn next day if this were the river and kingdom of Gambra, or Gambia, of which we were in search[9]. We judged, however, from its noble river, that we had now attained the so anxiously desired country of Gambia, andflattered ourselves in the hope of finding a country of vast riches, where we might make our fortunes at once, by returning laden with gold, and other rich commodities. Next day, having but little wind, we sent onthe small caravel before, well manned, with directions, as their ship wassmall and drew little water, that they were to proceed as far as possibleup the river, observing whether there were any bar or sand banks at itsmouth, and to take the soundings with great care; and if the river werefound navigable, they were to return and make signals to that effect. Finding four fathoms water at the entrance, the caravel brought to, andmade the concerted signal; on which it was thought proper, as thatcaravel was small, to send another boat well armed along with her up theriver, and they were strictly enjoined, in case the natives were hostile, to enter into no conflict with them, but to return immediately to theother ships, as the object of our voyage was to cultivate friendship andtrade with the country, which could only be accomplished by policy, notby force. The boats accordingly proceeded up the river for two miles, leaving the small caravel at anchor, and found the banks everywherebeautiful, with sixteen fathoms water. But as the river above this madeseveral returns or reaches, they did not think it prudent to venture anyhigher. 

When on their way back, they saw three _almadias_ or canoes near themouth of a small river which runs into the large one. These almadiasresemble the skiffs used in Italy which are called _zoppoli_, and arehollowed out of one large piece of wood. Although our boats were stronglyarmed, yet, in obedience to their orders, and for fear of being attackedwith poisoned arrows, which the Negroes of Senegal had told us were usedby all the natives of Gambia, they took to their oars, and made allpossible haste back to the ship. By the time they got on board, thealmadias, which followed them close, were within arrow flight. There wereabout twenty-five or thirty negroes in these three almadias, who stoppedfor some time gazing at the caravel, which was quite a new sight to them;but would neither speak nor come nearer, notwithstanding every endeavourby signs, to induce them to approach, and at length they returned to theshore. About three next morning, the other three caravels that hadremained at anchor without the river, sailed with the rising tide and alight breeze, into the river, to rejoin the small caravel, and to proceedup the river, hoping to meet with a more civilized people than had beenseen in the almadias. In this way we sailed up the river, one after theother, the small caravel leading; and when we had got about four miles up, we perceived ourselves to be followed by a number of _almadias_, withoutknowing whence they came. On this, we tacked about, and bore down towardsthe almadias, having first fortified ourselves in the best manner wecould, to defend us against their poisoned arrows, and made every thingready for battle, in case of need, though by no means well provided witharms. Our order of sailing was now reversed, and my ship was foremost ingoing down the river. We soon came to the almadias, which separated intotwo divisions, having my ship between them, when I had an opportunity tocount their numbers, as they gave over rowing, raised their oars, andgazed in wonder at our ship: There were in all fifteen almadias ofconsiderable length, having from 130 to 150 negroes, all well made, of agood size, and very black. They wore white cotton shirts, having whitecaps, like those worn by the Germans, on their heads; but with a wing oneach side, and a feather in the middle, which I supposed to be adistinguishing mark of their being soldiers. There stood a negro on theprow of each almadia, having a round target, apparently of leather, onhis arm; and for some time they neither attacked us, nor we them. Whenthey saw the other caravels bearing down upon them, they dropped theiroars, and taking up their bows, sent a flight of arrows on board. Seeingthis attack, our ships discharged four pieces of cannon, at them, andthey were so stupified by the report, that they threw down their bows, and stared about in amazement, at the effect which the stones from thecannon made on the water around them. They continued in this astonishmentfor some time; but seeing that the cannon ceased to fire, they plucked upcourage, and renewed the fight, advancing within a stones throw of theship. On this our sailors began to use their cross-bows; and the firstshot, which was made by the natural son of the Genoese gentleman, hit anegro on the breast, who instantly fell down dead. Those in the almadiawhere he fell, took up the dart and gazed at it with wonder; yet theycontinued the attack with great vigour, and were courageously opposed byour caravels, insomuch that many of the Negroes were soon killed, withoutthe loss of one man on our side. The Negroes now changed their mode ofattack, and made a furious united attack on the stern of our smallestcaravel, which was both ill manned, and insufficiently armed. Onobserving this, I brought up my ship to her assistance, and the otherlarge caravel doing the same, we placed the small one between us, and weall vigorously plied our cannon and cross-bows against the almadias, which were at last forced to retire. We now linked all the three caravelstogether, and dropped one anchor, which was sufficient for us all, as itwas calm weather, and the current by no means strong. 

We next endeavoured to enter into some conversation with the Negroes, andoften hailed them by means of our interpreters. At length one of thealmadias drew near, and on being asked the reason of their hostility tostrangers, who came among them only to trade in a friendly manner, asthey had already done with the Negroes of the kingdom of Senegal, andwere desirous of being on the same friendly terms with them, if theythought proper, and were come from a far distant country, with presentsfor their king or lord, from the king of Portugal, who was desirous ofpeace and friendship with them. Our interpreters also entreated theNegroes to inform us what country we were in, who was their king, andwhat was the name of the river; and desired them to come freely on board, and take what goods they pleased; adding, that they might make a returnin any commodities they thought proper, and in any quantities theypleased, or might have our goods for nothing. To all this they madeanswer, "That they had some intelligence of the Christians already, andof their dealings with the Negroes of Senegal, who must be very wickedpeople for entering into friendship with them; as they were well assuredthe Christians were meneaters, who bought the Negroes only to devour them, and, for this reason, they were resolved to have no correspondence withthem, except to destroy them, and then to send their effects to theirlord, who dwelt three days journey up the country. " They added, that thename of their country was Gambra, but I have forgotten the name they gavethe river[10]. At this time a brisk breeze sprung up, and, as we nowthoroughly knew the hostile dispositions of the Negroes, we bore downupon their almadias; but they fled to the shore, and we dropt down to themouth of the river. 

While we remained off the mouth of this river, we only once saw the northstar in clear weather, and it was then so low as hardly to appear abovethe height of a lance above the sea[11]. We likewise observed, in aboutthe same elevation, due south by the compass, a constellation of sixlarge bright stars, in the figure of a cross, in this form:

 * * * * * *

We conjectured this to be the _southern chariot_, but could not expect toobserve the principal star, as we had not yet lost sight of the northpole. In this place, on the _first_ of July, we found the night to beeleven hours and a half long, and the day twelve hours and a half. Theclimate is always hot, and I was told, that even the rain in the inlandparts falls warm, in consequence of the great heat of the air. It is true, that there is some difference of the heat at different seasons, and whenthe heat is a little diminished, the natives call it winter. The rainsbegin in July, and continue till the end of October, and fall every dayabout noon; at which time certain clouds arise in the N. E. By E. Or E. N. E. Which are accompanied by prodigious thunder and lightning, and vasttorrents of rain. In this season, which is in the beginning of July, theNegroes sow their grain, in the same manner with the people in Senegal. Their provisions consist of millet, pulse, flesh and milk. There is notso much dawn at break of day in this southern latitude as with us inItaly; for, within half an hour after the darkness of the night begins todispel, the sun appears, and during all that dawn the atmosphere isturbid, as if filled with smoke, and the moment the sun appears this mistis dissipated. I could only account for this phenomenon, by attributingit to the low and flat surface of this country, which is destitute ofmountains, and my companions were of a similar opinion. 

On holding a consultation among the commanders of the three caravels, wecame to a resolution of proceeding about an hundred miles up the river, in hopes of meeting with a less ferocious, and better disposed people inthe interior, than those we had encountered at the mouth of this river:But the sailors were impatient to return home, without incurring anyfarther dangers, and unanimously and loudly refused their consent to ourdetermination, declaring that they had already done enough for thepresent voyage. Upon this being made known to us, and being well awarethat seamen are of headstrong and obstinate dispositions, we conceded totheir clamours, and steered next day for Cape Verd, on our return toPortugal[12]. 

[1] Cape Verd is about 100 miles from the southern mouth of the river Senegal; so that the voyagers probably anchored every night within sight of the scarcely known coast. --E. 

[2] This is erroneous, as it was discovered in 1446 by Denis Fernandez, nine years before. --Clarke. 

[3] It is necessary to be cautious with respect to these early voyages, which, having gone through various transcriptions and translations, are liable to numerous errors. In our best charts, this sand bank, intermixed with sunk rocks, extends two miles out to sea. --E. 

[4] Called the Birds islands, or the Magdalens. --Clarke. 

[5] In Ramusio these fish are called Orate vecchis, and in Grynaeus Ostreas veteres. --Astl. 

[6] This appears to indicate the gulf between Cape Emanuel, near the isle of Goree, and the Red Cape. --E. 

[7] The river named Barbasini is above eighty-five miles S. S. E. From Cape Verd, measuring to its northern entrance, and forms a small island or delta at its mouth, having another entrance about eighteen miles farther south. There is a small island named _Fetti_, off its northern entrance, of which no notice is taken by Cada Mosto. The natives on this part of the coast, to the north of the Gambia, are now called Barras. --E. 

[8] From the sequel, I am apt to conclude that this second river is the Barbasini of our charts; and that the river named Barbasini in the text of Cada Mosto, is that named _Joall_ in modern charts. --E. 

[9] Cada Mosto betrays strange ignorance of the previous discoveries of the Portuguese, considering that he had resided some time with Don Henry at Sagres. This fine river was discovered in 1447, nine years before, by Nuno Tristan, who ascended it some way, and was slain there by the poisoned arrows of the Negroes. Perhaps even Don Henry was misled by the name of Rio Grande which it then received, and confused the Venetian in his search for the Gambia. --Clarke. 

[10] From this it would appear, that Gambra or Gambia is the name of the country, not of the river. Johnson says that the natives always call it _Gee_, which merely signifies the river. --Astl. 

[11] The centre of the mouth of the Gambia is in lat. 13° 30' N. --E. 

[12] It may be noticed, that during the whole of his narrative, Cada Mosto constantly speaks of Spain, and the Spanish language, as if forgetting that the ships and crews were Portuguese. --Clarke. 

SECTION VIII. 

_The Second Voyage of Cada Mosto, in 1456, to the coast of Africa, inwhich the Cape de Verd Islands were Discovered_[1]. 

As I could say little or nothing about the condition of the country ofGambia, on my return to Portugal, on account of being obliged to leave itso suddenly; partly owing to the intractable and fierce disposition ofthe natives, and partly through the perversity of our sailors, whorefused to proceed in exploring the river; the Genoese gentleman, Antonio, who had been with me in the former voyage, and I, resolved next season tofit out two caravels, in order to return to the river Gambia, and DonHenry, who was much pleased with our intentions, determined to send oneof his caravels along with us. Every thing being made ready for ourvoyage, we sailed from Lagos, near Cape St Vincent, with a favourablewind, in the beginning of May, and steered for the Canaries, which wemade in a few days; but, as the wind continued favourable, we did nottouch there, and continued our course, to the southward; and, as we werefavoured by a current setting to the S. W. We sailed on at a great rate. At last we came in sight of Cape Branco, keeping well out at sea, and onthe following night we were assailed by a great storm from the S. W. Which occasioned us to steer W. By N. For two days and three nights, inorder to weather the tempest, rather than turn back. On the third day, toour great joy and surprise, we descried land, being much astonished todiscover land in a quarter where no person could have expected it[2]. Twomen were immediately sent aloft, who cried out that two large islandswere in sight. This news was communicated through the ships, to our greatsatisfaction, as we were sensible these islands were unknown in Portugal. Judging it probable that these islands might be inhabited, and eager totry our fortune, we steered towards one of them, which we soon came upwith, and sailed round a part of it, till we found safe anchorage. Theweather being now much calmed, we sent our boat on shore, well manned andarmed. The men landed, and having examined some part of the island, brought back word that they could meet with no signs of inhabitantswhatever. 

Next morning, to clear up all doubts, I sent ten men to land on theisland, well armed with guns and cross-bows, whom I ordered to go to thetop of some mountains within sight, and to look from thence, not only forpeople, but for more islands. These men executed my commands, but foundno appearance of any inhabitants. They found, however, an incrediblenumber of pigeons, which were so tame, being strangers to man, that theyreadily allowed themselves to be caught, and our people brought greatnumbers of them to the caravels. But, what was of much more importance, they brought intelligence of having discovered three other islands; oneof which being to leeward, towards the north, could not be seen from theships, while the other two lay to the south, all within sight of eachother. These men likewise noticed something resembling islands towardsthe west, but at so great a distance that they could not be clearlydistinguished, neither did I think proper to sail in that direction, lestI should lose time in visiting uninhabited islands, like this at which wehad touched. The fame of my discovery of these four islands, broughtother navigators afterwards to explore this group; who round them to beten in number, both large and small included, and altogether uninhabited, except by pigeons and other birds, and having a fine fishery[3]. 

Leaving the first island, we came in sight of the other two, and searchedfor an anchoring place near one of them, which was full of trees. Discovering the mouth of a river, and being in want of water, we came toanchor, and sent our boats on shore to supply our wants. Some of ourpeople went a little way up the river, where they found some small lakescontaining remarkably fine white salt, of which they brought largequantities to the ships, laying in what store was thought necessary, aswe did likewise of water. We found here great numbers of tortoises, orturtle, the shells of which were larger than a target. The sailors cookedthese into different dishes, as they had done before in the gulf ofArguin, where these animals are found in plenty, but not so large as here. Out of curiosity I eat some of the flesh of these tortoises, which seemedvery good, having a good smell and taste, and was not inferior to veal. We salted a great number of them, which proved a valuable addition to ourstock of provisions during the voyage. We caught likewise a prodigiousquantity of fish, both off the mouth of the river and in the stream; and, though we knew not the kinds, they were large and well-flavoured. Themouth of this river is a good arrow-shot across, and it is deep enough toadmit a vessel of 150 tons. We remained two days in this place forrefreshments, taking in a good stock of tortoises and fish, and largequantities of pigeons, which we killed without number. To the firstisland at which we anchored we gave the name of _Bona Vista_, as beingthe first we got sight of; and to this other, which seemed the largest ofthe four, the name of St Jago, having cast anchor there on the day of StPhilip and St James. Every thing being in readiness for pursuing ourvoyage, we took our departure from these islands, and shaped our coursefor Cape Verd. We arrived at _Spedegar_, and keeping within sight of land, we came to a place named the _Two Palms_, which is between Cape Verd andthe river Senegal. Being perfectly acquainted with the coast, we doubledthe Cape next day, and came once more to the river Gambia, into which weimmediately entered; and, finding no opposition from the Negroes or theiralmadias, we sailed up the river, always by day, and continually sounding. Such of the almadias as we saw on the river kept at a distance, close tothe banks of the river, and never ventured to approach. About ten milesup the river we cast anchor on a Sunday morning, at an island where oneof our sailors was buried who had died of a fever; and as his namehappened to be Andrew, we called it the island of St Andrew[4]. 

Leaving this island we proceeded up the river, followed by some of theNegroes in their almadias, yet always keeping at a considerable distance. Our interpreters often hailed them, and shewed them various trinkets, which were offered for their acceptance, and endeavoured to entice them tocome near, by telling them that we were good-natured civilized people, from whom they had nothing to fear. Wrought upon by these representations, the Negroes at length approached, and came up with my caravel; and at lastone of them, who understood the language of our interpreter, came on board. He was greatly surprized at every thing he saw in and about the caravel, especially with the sails and rigging, having no other idea of moving avessel on the water but by means of oars. He was no less amazed at ourcolour and dress, as his nation mostly go stark naked, or with a singlewhite cotton shirt as their sole dress. We were exceedingly kind andattentive to this Negro, and made him many presents of trinkets, and otherthings of small value, with which he was much delighted. I asked him manyquestions respecting the country, through our interpreter, and at lengthlearnt that we were in the country of Gambia, of which Forosangoli waschief lord; and, by what we could learn from him, the residence ofForosangoli was at the distance of nine or ten days journey, in adirection between the south and the southwest. He said that Forosangoliwas tributary to the king of Melli, who is the great emperor of theNegroes; that there were many inferior lords, who dwelt near the river onboth sides, and, if we pleased, he would conduct us to the residence ofone of these lords, named Battimansa, and would endeavour to negociate atreaty of peace and friendship between him and us. Being much pleased withthis offer, we carried this Negro along with us, and treated him with muchattention; and, sailing up the river, we came to the place whereBattimansa resided, which, in my opinion, was above forty miles from themouth of the river. In going up the river, into which several lesserrivers fall, we sailed to the eastwards, and at the place where we came toanchor, we found it much narrower than at the mouth, being not above amile in breadth, by our estimation[5]. On coming to this place, we sentone of our interpreters and the native Negro to Battimansa, with a presentof a handsome garment, called an _alzimba_, made of Moorish silk, in theform of a shirt; and they were desired to inform him of the reason of ourcoming into his country, signifying, "That the Christian king of Portugalhad sent us thither, to enter into a treaty of friendship and peace withhim, and that if he had any call for our commodities, our king wouldsupply him with them every year. "

As soon as our messengers had discharged their commission, Battimansa sentsome of his Negroes to the caravel, with whom we entered into friendship, and bartered several things for Negro slaves and some gold; but gold wasby no means to be had in any thing like the plenty we expected, from theaccount given of this country by the natives of Senegal, who, beingthemselves extremely poor, consider that to be a large quantity which wethink very trifling. The Negroes value their gold as a very precious thing, even at a higher rate than the Portuguese, yet we got it in barter veryreasonably for things of very small value. We continued here eleven days, during which the caravels were continually resorted to by great numbers ofNegroes from both sides of the river, who came to see the novelties, andto sell their goods, among which there were a few gold rings. Part oftheir commodities consisted of cotton cloth and cotton yarn; some of thepieces being all white, some striped blue and white, and others again withred, blue, and white stripes, all very well wrought and coloured. Theylikewise brought civet for sale, the skins of civet-cats, monkies, largeand small baboons of various sorts; and these last being very plenty theysold them cheap, or for something not exceeding ten _marquets_ in value, for each; and the ounce of civet for what was not worth more than forty orfifty marquets; not that they sold their commodities by weight, but Ijudged the quantity to be about an ounce. Other Negroes brought varioussorts of fruit for sale, among which were many small wild dates, whichthey seemed to think much of, but which our people thought not good, asthe taste was different from those of Europe: As for me, I would notventure to eat any of them, lest they might have given me the flux, orsome other distemper. Our ships were every day crowded with people ofdifferent aspects and languages[6], and the natives were continually goingup and down the river from one place to another, both men and women, intheir almadias. They have no sails, and propel their almadias entirelywith oars, which they use on both sides, all the rowers standing up. Oneman stands at the stern, who rows sometimes on one side, sometimes on theother, to keep the almadia steady in her course. They have no pins or row-locks to steady their oars, but hold them fast with both hands; their oarbeing a pole, like a half lance, seven feet and a half long, with a roundboard like a trencher fastened to one end, and with these they row withgreat safety and swiftness, in the mouths of their rivers, which are verynumerous; but they seldom go out to sea, or to any distance from their owncoasts, lest they should be taken by their neighbours and sold for slaves. 

[1] There is some difficulty respecting the date of this second voyage. In the former, Cada Mosto sailed from Portugal in March 1455. In the course of his proceedings, the month of November is mentioned, and some subsequent transactions are said to have happened in July, which, on this arrangement, must necessarily have been of the year 1456. If, therefore, the dates of the former voyage be accurate, the second ought to have been dated in 1457. --E. 

[2] This part of the narrative is involved in difficulty, and most be erroneous. A storm from the S. W. Off Cape Branco, almost in lat. 21° N. And a N. W. Course, could not possibly lead to the discovery of the Cape Verd islands, almost six degrees farther south, and at least six degrees farther west. This difficulty may be solved, by supposing the storm from the N. E. And that the ships drove to the S. W. From off Cape Branco. --E. 

[3] This passage alludes to the voyage of Antonio de Noli in 1462. And it may be remarked, that de Faria, who mentions the discovery of these islands by Noli, takes no notice of the actual discovery by Cada Mosto. --Astl. 

[4] The editor of Astleys Collection considers this as having been St Jameses island, which is about twenty miles up the Gambia: But there is a small island near the northern bank, now called Charles I. Which exactly corresponds with the distance in the text. --E. 

[5] According to our best maps or charts of the Gambia, this river is never less than four miles broad, and generally above five, till we get near 100 miles up the river, to the reach which encircles the Devils Point, where it still is two miles wide. It is possible that the original journal of Cada Mosto may have had leagues of three marine miles each, in which case the residence of Battimansa may have been at or near the Devils Point, above 100 miles up the river. --E. 

[6] Though this country will be amply described in other voyages in our Collection, it may be proper to remark, that both sides of the river Gambia are inhabited by a mixed population of three nations, the Feloops, Foleys, and Mandingoes, each of whom have their own separate villages interspersed. This population is divided into many states, lordships, or little kingdoms; as Joalli, Barrah, Kolar, Badibu, Barsalli, &c. On or near the northern bank; Kumbo, Fonia, Kaen, Jagra, Yamini, &c. On the southern. --E. 

SECTION IX. 

_Some Account of the Manners and Customs on the Gambia, and of theElephant and Hippopotamus. _

It now remains for me to relate what I observed and was informed ofconcerning this country, during my short stay. The religion of the Negroesof Gambia consists of various kinds of idolatry; they place great relianceon sorcery and other diabolical things, yet all believe in God. There aremany Mahometans among them, who trade to many countries, yet are notsettled in houses, because the natives are ignorant[1]. They live verymuch in the same manner with the natives of Senegal, and have the samekinds of provisions; but they cultivate more sorts of rice. They eat dogsflesh, which I never heard of being used anywhere else. They are clothedin cotton garments, and have great abundance of cotton in their country, which may be the reason of the Gambians not going naked, as those ofSenegal do, where cotton is very scarce. The women dress in the samemanner; and, when they are very young, take great delight in delineatingfigures on their necks, breasts, and arms, with the point of a hot needle, which are never obliterated, and which resemble the flowers and ornamentswhich are wrought on silk handkerchiefs. The country is excessively hot, and the heat increases as we go to the south; besides which, we found itmuch hotter up the river than at sea, owing to the immense number of treeswith which the country everywhere abounds. Some of these trees are of verygreat dimensions. Near a spring where our sailors were in use to fill ourwater casks, not far from the banks of the river, there grew anexceedingly large tree, but its height was by no means proportional to itsthickness; for, though it measured seventeen cubits in girth near theground, its height, by estimation, was only twenty paces. This tree washollow, but the branches were very large, avid extended to a greatdistance, forming a thick and ample shade. But there were many other treesmuch larger than this, by which the richness and fertility of the soil maybe easily conceived; and the country is intersected by numerous streams. 

There are many elephants in this country, but the natives are ignorant ofthe art of taming these animals, as is practised in other countries. Oneday, while we lay at anchor in the middle of the river, we observed threeelephants come out from the wood and walk by the river side, on which wesent our boat with some of the people towards them, but they immediatelyreturned into the wood. These were all I ever saw alive; but, sometimeafterwards, Guumi-mensa[2], one of the Negro lords, shewed me a dead youngelephant, which he had killed after a chase of two days. The Negroes hunton foot in the woods, using only arrows and assagays, or javelins, whichare all poisoned. When they hunt the elephant they conceal themselvesbehind trees, and even sometimes mount to their tops, leaping from onetree to another in pursuit of the elephant, which, being a large unweildyanimal, is often wounded in many places before it can turn round, or placeitself in a posture of defence; but, in an open field, no person dareattack one, nor could even the swiftest escape from their pursuit, as Ihave been informed by many of the Negroes. The teeth of this dead elephant, which was shewn me by Guumi-Mensa, one of which still remained in the jaw, did not exceed three spans long, which distinctly shews that it was quiteyoung in comparison of those whose teeth are from ten to twelve spans inlength; yet, small as it was for an elephant, we computed that the weightof its carcass was equal to five or six oxen. Guumi-Mensa made me apresent of what part of this elephant I liked best, and gave the remainderto his huntsmen to feast on. Understanding that elephants flesh was eatenby the Negroes, I had some both roasted and boiled, of which I tasted, that I might be able to say that I had fed upon the flesh of an animalwhich had never been eaten by any of my countrymen; but I found it hard, and of an unpleasant relish. I brought one of the legs and a part of thetrunk on board our caravel, together with some of the hair from its body, which was a span and a half long, of a black colour, and very thick. On myreturn to Portugal, I presented this hair to Don Henry, together with apart of the flesh salted up for that express purpose, which he receivedwith much satisfaction, as it was the first of the kind that had beenbrought from the countries that were discovered under his auspices. Thefoot of the elephant is round, like that of a horse, but without hoofs;instead of which it is covered by a very thick, hard, black skin, anddefended by five nails on the fore part, which are round and of the sizeof a _grossone_[3]. Though young, the foot of this elephant measured aspan and a half in diameter. From the same Negro lord I received the footof a full-grown elephant, the sole of which was three spans and an inch indiameter; which, together with a tooth of twelve spans long, I presentedto Don Henry on my return, who sent it afterwards as a great curiosity tothe Dutchess of Burgundy. 

In the river Gambia, and in other rivers on this coast, besides the_Calcatrici_[4] and other animals, there is one called the _river horse_, or hippopotamus, of the same nature almost with the sea cow, and whichlives both on land and in the water. This animal is as large in the bodyas a cow, with very short legs and cloven feet, having a large head likethat of a horse, and two huge teeth like the tusks of a wild boar, some ofwhich I have seen upwards of two spans long. This animal, when it gets outof the river, walks on the land like any other fourfooted beast; and, sofar as I know, was never before discovered by any Christian traveller, except perhaps in the Nile. We saw likewise a number of bats, or ratherowls, upwards of three spans long; and many other birds, quite differentfrom those of our country, both in appearance and taste, yet very good toeat. 

[1] The meaning of this expression is obscure. Perhaps it implies that their Mahometan teachers had no mosques, because the Negroes were ignorant of the means and method of construction. The knowledge of God among the northern Negroes was assuredly due exclusively to the Mahometan missionaries. --E. 

[2] Called Gnumi-Mensa in Grynaeus. According to Jobson, Mensa, or Mansa, signifies a king in the Mandingo language. --Astl. 

[3] A Venetian silver coin, not exceeding a silver penny. --Astl. 

[4] This animal is nowhere explained. Perhaps the crocodile or alligator. --E. 

SECTION X. 

_Continuation of the Voyage from the Gambia to the river Kasa-Mansa, CapeRoxo, the rivers of St Ann and St Domingo, and the Rio Grande. _

Having continued eleven days in the river Gambia, and many of our peoplebecoming affected by acute fevers, we dropt down the river on the eveningof the eleventh day, departing from the country of Batti-Mansa[1], andgot out of the river in a few days, so stocked with commodities as toencourage us to proceed farther; and indeed, having been so farsuccessful, and having a plentiful supply of provisions, and every thingnecessary for prosecuting the voyage, we considered as incumbent on us toattempt some farther discoveries towards the south. We accordinglysteered southwards with a favourable wind; but finding the land to run aconsiderable way to the S. S. W. From the mouth of the Gambia, to a certainpoint which we took for a cape[2], we stood out to the west to gain theopen sea, the whole coast to the south of the Gambia being low, andcovered with trees to the waters edge. On gaining an offing, we foundthat the beforementioned point was no actual cape or promontory, as theshore appeared perfectly straight on the other side; yet we kept at somedistance out to sea, as we observed breakers for several miles out tosea[3]. On this account we had to proceed with great caution, keepingalways two men at the head of the ship, and one in the main-top, to lookout for shoals and breakers; and as a farther precaution, we sailed onlyduring the day, and came to anchor every night. In this cautious progress, our caravels sailed always one before the other, having fixed the order ofsailing by lot, and changed the leader every day, in order to avoid alldisputes. 

At the end of two days sail in this manner, always in sight of land, wediscovered on the third day the mouth of a river about half a mile wide[4], and towards evening we observed a little gulf or inlet, which wesupposed might be the entrance of another river; but as it grew late, wecame to anchor for the night. Next morning we sailed into this gulf, andfound that it was the mouth of a large river, not a great deal less in myopinion than the Gambia, and both its banks were full of very beautifultall trees. We cast anchor within the mouth of this river, and agreed tosend two armed boats on shore with our interpreters to get intelligencerespecting the country, according to our usual practice. This was doneaccordingly, and our interpreters, brought back word that the river wascalled Kasamansa, from a Negro lord of that name who resided at a placeabout thirty miles up the river; but who was absent from his residence, on a warlike expedition against the lord of a neighbouring territory. 

On receiving this intelligence, we sailed from this river next day, without attempting any traffic with the natives. This river of Kasamansais twenty-five leagues, or 100 miles to the south of the Gambia[5]. Standing on about twenty-five miles farther, we came to a cape which is alittle more elevated than the rest of the coast, and as its front had ared colour, we named it Cape _Roxo_, or _Rosso_. Proceeding forwards, wecame to the mouth of a pretty large river about a crossbow-shot wide, which we did not enter, but to which we gave the name of the river of StAnn. Farther on still, we came to the mouth of another river, not lessthan the former, which we named St Dominic, or St Domingo[7]; distantfrom Cape Rosso, by our estimation, between fifty-five and sixty miles. In another days sailing, we came to a very large river, which at firstappeared to be a gulf, and was judged to be about twenty miles in breadth;but we could observe the beautiful trees on the south side, and it tookus a considerable time to sail across to that side. On getting over tothat side, we observed several islands in the sea, and as we wished toprocure some intelligence concerning the country, we came to an anchor. Next morning two almadias came off to us from the land, one of which wasas long as a caravel, and carried about thirty hands; the other wassmaller, and was manned by sixteen Negroes. They came towards us withgreat eagerness; and, not knowing what might be their design, we tookto our arms and waited their approach. As they drew near, they fixed awhite cloth to the end of an oar, which they held up as a signal of peace, and we answered them in a similar manner. The Negroes then came alongsideof our ships, the largest of the almadias coming up to the caravel inwhich I was. They gazed at every thing they saw, examining the form ofthe ship, the masts, yards, sails, and rigging with much attention, andthey seemed astonished at seeing the white colour of our people. Ourinterpreters spoke to them, in order to learn the name of the country, but could not understand a word of their language, which was a greatmortification to us, as we were obliged to leave the place withoutgetting any intelligence; but we purchased a few gold rings from one ofthe Negroes, agreeing about the price by signs. 

Finding ourselves in a country where our interpreters were of no use, andconsidering therefore that it would be to no purpose for us to proceedany farther, we determined to return. We stayed two days in the mouth ofthis large river, which we therefore named Rio Grande[8], and where wefound the north pole very low[9]. In this place we found greatirregularity in the tides; for, whereas at Venice, and all other placesin Europe, the flux and reflux are each of six hours continuance, thetide here only flows four hours, and ebbs eight, and the violence of theflowing tide is quite incredible, insomuch that we had great difficultyto stem it with three anchors a-head. Nay, such was its impetuosity, thatwe were sometimes obliged to hoist our sails, and even then it exceededthe force of the wind. 

Taking our departure from the mouth of this vast river, on our way backto Portugal, we directed our course to two large islands and some smallones, which lay about thirty miles distance from the continent, which wefound quite low, yet full of large and beautiful green trees, andinhabited by Negroes[10]. Encountering here the same difficulty ofintercourse, for want of knowing their language, we made no stop, buttook our departure for Portugal, where we arrived in safety. 

[1] At this place Grynaeus calls him Batrinense; though he had named him rightly Bati-mansa before. --Astl. 

[2] This is now called Cape St Mary. --E. 

[3] This seems to allude to what is now called Bald Cape, about twenty miles south from Cape St Mary, and stretching somewhat farther west; from which there extends breakers or sunken rocks a considerable distance from the land. --E. 

[4] Between the mouth of the Gambia and that of the Casamansa, there are three inlets, which appear to be smaller mouths of the latter river. The most northern of these is named St Peter, the most southerly Oyster river; the intermediate one has no name. --E. 

[5] The actual distance is barely a degree of latitude, or less than seventy English miles. Cada Mosto probably estimated by the log, the more circuitous track by sea. --E. 

[6] Cada Mosto does not mention the remarkable change which takes place here in the direction of the coast. From the Gambia to Cape Rosso, the coast runs direct south; after which its direction is E. S. E. To the mouth of the river St Ann. --E. 

[7] Called in modern charts, Rio S. Dominica. --E. 

[8] According to de Faria, Rio Grande was discovered by Nunez Tristan in 1447, nine years before it was visited by Cada Mosto. --Astl. 

[9] Cada Mosto is exceedingly superficial in his account of the Rio Grande; and it even seems dubious if he ever saw or entered this river, as he appears to have mistaken the navigable channel between the main and the shoals of the Rio Grande for the river itself; which channel extends above 150 English miles, from the island of Bulam in the E. S. E. To the open sea in the W. N. W. This channel agrees with his description, in being twenty miles wide, whereas the real Rio Grande is greatly smaller than the Gambia. --E. 

[10] These may be the island of Waring and the Marsh islands, at the north-western entry of the channel of the Rio Grande, forming part of the Bissagos islands. --E. 

SECTION XI. 

_The Voyage of Piedro de Cintra to Sierra Leona, and the Windward coast ofGuinea; written by Alvise da Cada Mosto. _

The two voyages to the coast of Africa in which Cada Mosto was engaged, and which have, been narrated in the foregoing Sections of this Chapter, were followed by others; and, after the death of Don Henry, two armedcaravels were sent out upon discovery by orders from the king of Portugal, under the command of Piedro de Cintra, one of the gentlemen of hishousehold, with injunctions to proceed farther along the coast of theNegroes than had hitherto been effected, and to prosecute new discoveries. In this expedition, Piedro de Cintra was accompanied by a youngPortuguese who had formerly been clerk to Cada Mosto in his two voyages;and who, on the return of the expedition to Lagos, came to the house ofhis former employer, who then continued to reside at Lagos, and gave himan account of the discoveries which had been made in this new voyage, andthe names of all the places which had been touched at by Piedro de Cintra, beginning from the Rio Grande, the extreme point of the former voyage[1]. 

De Cintra first went to the two large inhabited islands at the mouth ofthe Rio Grande which I had discovered in my second voyage, where helanded, and ordered his interpreters to make the usual inquiries at theinhabitants; but they could not make themselves understood, nor couldthey understand the language of the natives. Going therefore into theinterior, they found the habitations of the Negroes to consist of poorthatched cabins, in some of which they found wooden idols, which wereworshipped by the Negroes. Being unable to procure any information inthis place, Cintra proceeded, in his voyage along the coast, and came tothe mouth of a large river between three and four miles wide, which hecalled Besegue, from a lord of that name who dwelt near its mouth, andwhich he reckoned to be about forty miles from the mouth of the RioGrande[2]. Proceeding about 140 miles from the river Besegue, along avery hilly coast; clothed with high trees, and having a very beautifulappearance, they came to a cape to which they gave the name of Verga[3]. Continuing along the coast, they fell in with another cape, which, in theopinion of all the seamen, was the highest they had ever seen, having asharp conical height in the middle like a diamond, yet entirely coveredwith beautiful green trees. After the name of the fortress of Sagres, which was built by the deceased Don Henry on Cape St Vincent, thePortuguese named this point Cape Sagres of Guinea. According to theaccount of the Sailors, the inhabitants of this coast are idolaters, worshipping wooden images in the shape of men, before which they makeofferings of victuals as often as they eat or drink. These people aremore of a tawny colour than black, having marks on their faces and bodiesmade with hot irons. They go almost entirely naked, except that they wearpieces of the bark of trees before them. They have no arms, as there isno iron in their country. They live on rice, millet, beans, and kidneybeans, larger than ours; and have also beef and goats flesh, but not inany great abundance. Near to Cape Sagres there are several very smalluninhabited islands. 

The inhabitants of this river have large almadias, carrying from thirtyto forty men, who row standing, without having their oars fixed to anything, as formerly noticed. They have their ears pierced with many holes, in which they wear a variety of gold rings. Both men and women have alsoa hole through the cartilage of the nose, in which they wear a gold ring, just like that of iron in the noses of our buffalos, which they take outwhen eating. The ladies belonging to the kings and great men, by way ofextraordinary grandeur, have gold rings on other parts of their body, which decorum prevents us from particularizing. 

Passing Cape Sagres, they sailed about forty miles farther along the coast, and came to the Rio de San Vincents, which is about four miles wide; andabout five miles farther they found another, which they called Rio Verde, larger at the mouth than the former[5]. Both of these rivers were so namedby the sailors in the caravels. About twenty-four miles beyond the RioVerde, they came to another cape which they called _Cape Liedo_, signifying the _cheerful_, because of the beautifully verdant country inits neighbourhood[6]. From Cape Liedo there extends a large mountain forabout fifty miles along the coast, all of which is very high, and coveredwith tall verdant trees. At the end of this mountain, and about eightmiles from the shore, there are three small islands, the largest of whichdoes not exceed ten or twelve miles in circumference. To these the sailorsgave the name of _Saluezze_[7]; and they named the mountain _Sierra Leona_, or the Lion Mountain, on account of the continual roaring of thunder onits summit, which is always enveloped in clouds. 

Proceeding beyond Sierra Leona, the coast was quite low, and the shorefull of sand banks running out into the sea. About thirty miles from thesouthern extremity of the mountain, they found a river near three mileswide at the entrance, and because the water had a red colour, they calledit Rio Roxo[8]. And farther on they found a cape, likewise of a red colour, which they named Cape Roxo[9]. And they gave the same name of Roxo to asmall uninhabited island, about ten miles off at sea, where the northpolar star seemed only the height of a man above the horizon. Beyond CapeRoxo, the sea forms a gulf, about the middle of which there enters a river, which the seamen called St Mary del Nievos, or of the snow, as having beendiscovered on the day of that Saint. On the other side of the river thereis a cape, with an island close beside it[10]. This gulf is full of sandbanks, running ten or twelve miles along the coast, on which the seabreaks with considerable violence, and has a strong current both in theebb and flow of the tide; and the little island just mentioned is named_Scauni_, on account of these sand banks. Twenty-four miles distant fromthis river is a large cape called St Ann, having been discovered on theday of that saint; and the whole coast between is low, with very shallowwater. Twenty-four miles beyond this cape is the river of _Palms_, sonamed from the abundance of these trees which were seen there. The mouthof this river, though of sufficient width, is so full of shoals; and sandbanks as to render its entrance very dangerous. About seventy milesfarther on, there is another small river called _Rio de Fumi_, or SmokeRiver; so named, because at the time of its discovery, they saw nothingbut smoke along this coast, made by the Negroes[11]. Beyond this river, about twenty-four miles, there is a cape which runs a great way out intothe sea, on which stands a high mountain, on which account it was called_Cabo del Monte_, or Cape Mount About sixty miles still farther on, to theS. E. There is another and smaller cape, on which is a small mountain orhill, which was named Cape _Cortese_, or _Misurado_. The first night aftertheir arrival at this place, the voyagers saw many fires among the trees, made by the Negroes on seeing the ships, as they had never seen suchobjects before. 

About sixteen miles beyond Cape Misurado, there is a large forest of treesclose to the shore, to which they gave the name of St Mary's Grove. Thecaravels came to anchor beyond this wood, and several almadias came offfrom the shore towards them. There were two or three naked negroes in each, having sharp pointed sticks in their hands, which our seamen supposed tobe darts; some of them had small knives, and they had only two targets andthree bows among them all. These Negroes, had their ears and noses pierced, from which hung some strange ornaments resembling human teeth. Theinterpreters spoke to them, but could not understand their language. Threeof these Negroes ventured on board one of the caravels, one of whom wasdetained by the Portuguese, and the other two allowed to go away; forCintra had been ordered by the king, in case of discovering any countrywhere the interpreters did not understand the language, that he was tobring away one of the natives either by force or fair means, that he mightbe able to give an account of his country, either by some of the Negroesin Portugal happening to understand his language, or after he had acquiredthe Portuguese. 

Piedro de Cintra, having determined to proceed no farther, returned backto Portugal from Cape Misarado, to which he had traced the coast of Africafrom the Rio Grande. Upon his return, this negro who had been detained offCape Misurado, was examined by several Negroes, and at length wasunderstood by a Negress who belonged to an inhabitant of Lisbon; notindeed by his own proper language, but by means of another which was knownto them both. Whatever intelligence may have been procured on thisoccasion, was not made public, except that there were unicorns in hiscountry. After this Negro had been kept for some months in Lisbon, and hadbeen shewn many of the curiosities of Portugal, the king ordered him to besupplied with clothes, and sent him back in a caravel to his own country. But from that coast no other ship had arrived before my departure, whichwas on the first of February 1463[12]. 

[1] For this exordium or introduction, we are indebted to the editor of Astley's Collection of Voyages and Travels, said to have been a Mr John Green. The infant Don Henry of Portugal died in 1463; so that there must have been an interval of six or seven years between the second voyage of Cada Mosto and this of Piedro de Cintra: Though de Faria seems to put this voyage as having been executed before the death of that excellent prince, yet Cada Mosto, who then actually resided at Lagos, could not be mistaken is this important particular. -- Astl. 

[2] In a note to the second voyage of Cada Mosto, it has been already noticed that he seems to have given the name of Rio Grande to the channel between the Bissagos islands, or shoals of the Rio Grande and the Main. This river Besegue, may possibly be the strait or channel which divides the island named particularly Bissagos, or more properly Bissao, from that of Bassis or Bussi. Yet, this river Besegue may even have been that now called Rio Grande, in which, about twenty-four leagues above its mouth, there is an island called Bissaghe. --E. 

[3] It is strange that the Rio de Nuno, close by this cape, the estuary of which is not less than seven or eight miles wide, should be here omitted; but the present voyage is very superficially narrated throughout. --E. 

[4] The text is here obviously defective, as no river is mentioned before; but the allusion must be to the river Pongo, Pongue, or Pougue, at the mouth of which Cape Sagres is situated; indeed that cape seems to be formed by one of the islands off the mouth of the river. --E. 

[5] There are a number of small rivers on the coast, between Cape Sagres and Cape Tagrin, such as Tofali, Dania, Buria, Berrea, Tanna, Pogone, Cagrance, dos Casas; but our modern charts have none named as in the text on this part of the coast. --E. 

[6] This is now called Cape Tagrin, and forms the northern point at the entrance of the Sierra Leone river, otherwise called the Mitomba or Tagrin river. The southern point is named Cape Sierra Leone; and in some maps is likewise named Liedo very improperly. It is necessary to distinguish carefully between the _Cape_ of Sierra Leone, and the mountainous ridge of the same name, which appears to extend a considerable way along the coast to the S. E. Near fifty miles, to the river Kates, or Sa. Ma. Della Neue. But, from the baldness of the narrative, there is great difficulty in tracing out this voyage. --E. 

[7] These are now called Bananas islands, in lat. 8° N. --E. 

[8] Perhaps the Camaranca. --E. 

[9] Probably that now called Tassa Point, or Cabo de S. Anna. --E. 

[10] This account seems again to refer to the river Camaranca and Tassa Point; otherwise called Cape St Ann; yet this cape is brought in immediately afterwards. Indeed this voyage is inextricably confused, probably incorrect or corrupt. --E. 

[11] The large island of Sherbro, with Sherbro Strand and Shoals, a very prominent feature of this part of the African coast, is here entirely overlooked; unless we suppose de Cintra to have gone on the outside of that island, considering the sound as a river, and naming the N. W. Point of Sherbro island Cape St Ann. --E. 

[12] We have already seen that Don Henry died in this year, which must, therefore, be here an error of the press, either in the original publication by Cada Mosto, or in some of the after editions. --E. 

CHAPTER V. 

CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES ALONG THE COAST OF AFRICA, FROM THE DEATH OF DON HENRY IN 1463, TO THE DISCOVERY OF THE CAPE OF GOODHOPE IN 1486[1]. 

SECTION I. 

_Progress of Discovery from Cape Verga to Cape St Catherine; from theDeath of Don Henry to that of King Alphonzo V_. 

After the decease of Don Henry, the illustrious father of maritimediscovery, the progress of the Portuguese along the coast of Africareceived a considerable check, as the military ardour of Alphonzo theFifth was principally directed to the support of his pretensions to thethrone of Castile, the circumstances of which are unconnected with theplan of this work. King Alphonzo was not however entirely inattentive tothe trade for gold and slaves, which his illustrious uncle Don Henry hadcommenced with that part of Africa which is now called Guinea. The originof this name of Guinea, or _Ghinney_, is unknown. It is not in use amongthe natives, and seems to have been imposed by the Portuguese from theappellation of _Ghenchoa_, given to a country on the south side of theSenegal, us first mentioned by Leo and afterwards by Marmol. Ever sincethe year 1453, as already mentioned, considerable importations of goldhad been made to Portugal from the coast of Africa; but little or noprogress had been made in extending the discoveries farther south, forsome time previous to the decease of Don Henry. In 1470, King Alphonzosailed with a considerable army, in a fleet of above 300 ships, andcarried the strong fort of _Arzila_ on the Atlantic coast of Africa, alittle way to the south of the Straits of Gibraltar. But of his militaryexploits in Africa, from which he acquired the appellation of _Africanus_, and assumed the additional title of _Lord of the coasts on both seas_, our present purpose does not call for any recital. In 1479, the disputesbetween the crowns of Portugal and Castile were compromised by a treatyentered into by Alphonzo V. King of Portugal, and Ferdinand king ofCastile; by which the trade of Guinea, and the navigation of its coast, with the proposed conquest of _Fez_, were guaranteed to Portugal, and theCanary islands were annexed to the crown of Castile. 

From the want of any accurate history of the progress of the Portuguesediscoveries, it is utterly impossible to determine the dates orcircumstances of many of the progressive discoveries along the westerncoast of Africa, and of its islands. In 1469, Alphonzo farmed the Guineatrade for five years to Fernando Gomez, for the yearly rent of 500 ducats, or about 138 pounds; taking, him bound at the same time, to extend thediscoveries for 500 leagues to the southwards during the period of hisexclusive privilege. In 1471, according to Marmol, Juan de Santareu andPedro de Escobar, discovered the _Oro de la Mina_, or the _Gold coast_;and advancing still farther, under the guidance of two experienced pilots, Martin Fernandez and Alvaro Esteves, they discovered _Cabo Catalina_, orCape St Catherine, in lat. 1° 40' S. This promontory, which is thirty-oneleagues to the south of Cabo de Lope Gonzales, derived its name from theday of the saint on which it was first seen, and forms the northernboundary of the great kingdom of Congo. The discovery of this cape isassigned by some writers to Sequiera, a knight belonging to the royalhousehold. 

The celebrated Portuguese historian, Emanuel de Faria, in his _AsiaPortuguesa_, has recorded all the Portuguese voyages, from their firstattempts under Don Henry, to their developement of China and Japan, andhas even left an account of all the ships that sailed from Lisbon forAfrica and Asia, down to the year 1600; but was unable to ascertain thedates of many important events. Neither he nor De Barros have been ableto remove the uncertainty respecting the first discovery of the island ofSt Thomas on the coast of Africa, the south end of which touches theequinoctial. During the remainder of the reign of Alphonzo, the line ofcoast, from Cape Verga in lat. 10° N. To Cape St Catherine in 1° 40' S. Was much frequented by the Portuguese. Of this coast an ample account hasbeen given by Dapper and Barbot, chiefly following a tract published byGotard Artus of Dantzick, which is to be found in De Bry's Collection, and that of David von Nyendael and others. This was the work of a Dutchnavigator, which was first translated in to German, and thence by Artusinto Latin. But our peculiar department is confined to actual voyages andtravels, and the progress of discovery; and it would both much exceed ourproper limits, and would be an entire deviation from our plan ofarrangement, to admit lengthened geographical and topographicaldisquisitions; which, so far as they are at all admissible, must bereserved for the more particular voyages and travels, after those ofgeneral discovery have been discussed. 

There are four principal islands in the Gulf of Guinea, or Bight ofBiafra, as it is usually called by English navigators, Ferdinand Poo, Princes isle, St Thomas, and Annobon, the discovery of which have beenrelated as follows by Barbot, and his account seems the most probable[2]. Fernando Lopez discovered the first of these in 1471, in lat. 3° 40' N. Giving it the name of _Ilha formosa_, or the Beautiful Island, which wasafterwards changed to that of _Fernando Poo_, which it still retains. Inan account of the kingdom of Congo, in Churchill's Collection, viii. 527, more properly named the Oxford Collection, or that of Osborne, v. 2. Thisisland, and a river on the coast of the continent of Africa, directlyeast, now called Cameroon River, are said to have taken their names ofFernando Poo from their first discoverer. Some writers assign thediscovery of these four islands, and that of St Matthew, to FernandoGomez, who formed the Guinea trade. Perhaps they were discovered underhis auspices, by the navigators whom he employed. This island is composedof very high land, easily seen at a great distance, and the Portuguesehad formerly sugar plantations upon it. The _Ilha do Principe_, orPrinces Island, in lat. 1° 30' N. Was either discovered by Fernando Lopez, or by Santaren and Escobar, about the same period, and probably receivedits name in honour of the illustrious prince, Don Henry. This island isdescribed as consisting of high table mountains, pyramidal at their bases, and visible at the distance of twenty leagues; being about nine leagueslong by five leagues broad. It is said to abound in oranges, lemons, bananas, cocoa-nuts, sugar-canes, rice, many species of sallad herbs, andto be susceptible of producing the European grains. The mandioca, or rootof the cassada plant, is generally used for bread, of which the juicewhile raw is said to be a virulent poison; while its meal, or rasped root, after the malignant juice is carefully pressed out, is used for bread. The inhabitants also, have sheep, hogs, goats, and an immense number ofpoultry; but these have probably been introduced by the Portuguese. 

The _Ilha de San Thome_, or island of St Thomas, which is said to havereceived its name from the saint to whom the chapel of the greatmonastery of _Thomar_ is dedicated, and to which all the Africandiscoveries are subjected in spirituals, has its southern extremityalmost directly under the equinoctial, and is a very high land of an ovalshape, about fifteen leagues in breadth, by twelve leagues long. 

The most southerly of these islands, in lat. 1° 30' S. Now called Annobon, was originally named Ilha d'Anno Bueno, or Island of the Happy Year, having been discovered by Pedro d'Escovar, on the first day of the year1472. At a distance, this island has the appearance of a single highmountain, and is almost always topt with mist. It extends about fiveleagues from north to south, or rather from N. N. W. To S. S. E. And isabout four leagues broad, being environed by several rocks and shoals. Ithas several fertile vallies, which produce maize, rice, millet, potatoes, yams, bananas, pine-apples, citrons, oranges, lemons, figs, and tamarinds, and a sort of small nuts called by the French _noix de medicine_, orphysic nuts[3]. It also furnishes oxen, hogs, and sheep, with abundanceof fish and poultry; and its cotton is accounted excellent. 

Including the voyages of Cada Mosto and Pedro de Cintra, which have beenalready detailed, as possibly within the period which elapsed between thedeath of Don Henry in 1463, and King Alphonzo, which latter event tookplace on the 28th August 1481, and the detached fragments of discoveryrelated in the present Section, we have been only able to trace a faintoutline of the uncertain progress of Portuguese discovery during thatperiod of eighteen years, extending, as already mentioned, to Cape StCatherine and the island of Annobon. A considerable advance, therefore, had been made since the lamented death of the illustrious Don Henry;which comprehended the whole coast of Guinea, with its two gulfs, usuallynamed the _Bights_ of Benin and Biafra, with the adjacent islands, andextending to the northern frontier of the kingdom of Congo[4]. If thefollowing assertion of de Barros could be relied on, we might concludethat some nameless Portuguese navigators had crossed the line even beforethe death of Don Henry; but the high probability is, that the navalpupils of that illustrious prince continued to use his impress upon theirdiscoveries, long after his decease, and that the limits of discovery inhis time was confined to Cape Vergas. Some Castilians, sailing under thecommand of Garcia de Loaysa, a knight of Malta, landed in 1525 on theisland of St Matthew, in two degrees of southern latitude[5]. They hereobserved that it had been formerly visited by the Portuguese, as theyfound an inscription on the bark of a tree, implying that they had beenthere eighty-seven years before[6]. It also bore the usual motto ofthat prince, _talent de bien faire_. 

In the paucity of authentic information respecting these discoveries, itseems proper to insert the following abstract of the journal of aPortuguese pilot to the island of St Thomas, as inserted by Ramusio, previous to the voyage of Vasco de Gama, but of uncertain date; although, in the opinion of the ingenious author of the Progress of MaritimeDiscover, this voyage seems to have been performed between the years 1520and 1540. In this, state of uncertainty, it is therefore made a sectionby itself, detached in some measure from the regular series of thePortuguese discoveries. 

[1] Astley, I. 15. Clarke, I. 290. Purchas, I. Harris, I. 664. 

[2] Clarke, I. 295. 

[3] These may possibly be the nuts of the Ricinus Palma Christi, from which the castor oil is extracted. --E. 

[4] Strictly speaking the northern limits of Loango, one of the divisions of the extensive kingdom of Congo, is at the Sette river, ten leagues S. S. E. From Cape St Catherine. --E. 

[5] There is no island of that name in this position; so that the island of St Matthew of de Barros must refer to Annobon. --E. 

[6] These dates would throw back the discovery of this island, and the passage of the line by the mariners of Don Henry, to the year 1438, at a time when they had not reached the latitude of 25° N. Which is quite absurd. --E. 

SECTION II. 

Voyage of a Portuguese Pilot from Lisbon to the Island of St Thomas[1]. 

Before I left Venice, I was requested by letter from Signior HieronimoFracastro of Verona, that, on my arrival at Conde, I would send, him anaccount of my voyage to San Thome, to which island our ships often sailfor cargoes of sugar. The passage of the equinoctial line, under whichthat island, is situated, appeared to that gentleman so extraordinary acircumstance as to merit the attention of men of science; and youlikewise made me a similar request. I began, therefore, immediately aftermy return, to draw up an account of my voyage, from those notes which wepilots usual keep of all occurrences, and I compared it in my progresswith the journals of some friends who had formerly made the same voyage. When I afterwards attentively perused my manuscript, it did not appear tome worthy of being communicated to a gentleman of such scientificcharacter as Signor Hieronimo, whose talents I had duly appreciated, bythe perusal of his publications, which I received from you before mydeparture from Venice. I therefore laid my manuscript aside, not wishingthat any one might peruse it; but as you have again urged the performanceof my promise, I now anxiously obey a request, which, as coming from you, I must always consider a command. Apprehensive, likewise, of appearingforgetful of your polite attentions, I prefer the danger of exposing myignorance, to the possibility of being charged with ingratitude or wantof attention. Being a sailor, and unused to composition, I pretend tolittle more than copying the remarks of those who have sailed from ourcontinent to _Ethiopia_, without attempting to reduce my narrative intolucid order, or to embellish it with fine writing. You will thereforehave the goodness to destroy this account, after its perusal, that theerrors I have committed, by compliance with your commands, may not drawupon me the imputation of presumption. 

The Portuguese ships which sail to the island of St Thomas from Lisbon, for cargoes of sugar, usually put to sea in February, though some vesselsmake this voyage at every period of the year. Their course is S. S. W. Until they reach the Canary Islands; after which they steer for theisland of Palmas, which is opposite to Cape Bojador on the coast ofAfrica, and is about ninety leagues from the kingdom of Castile. Thisisland has plenty of provisions, and abounds in wine and sugar. The north-west wind prevails most, and a great sea rages continually on its coast, particularly in the month of December[2]. 

If the ships which are bound for the island of St Thomas find itnecessary to obtain a quantity of salt after having taken on board asufficient supply at the island of _Sal_, they steer for the coast ofAfrica at the Rio del Oro; and, if they have calm weather and a smoothsea; they catch as many fish in four hours, with hooks and lines, as maysuffice for all their wants during the remainder of the voyage. But, ifthe weather is unfavourable for fishing at the Rio del Oro, they proceedalong the coast to Cape Branco; and thence along the coast to the islandof Arguin. The principal sorts of fish on this coast are _pagros_, called_albani_ by the Venetians; likewise _corvi_ and _oneros_, which latterare only a larger and darker-coloured species of _pagros_. As soon astaken, the fish are opened and salted, and serve as an excellent supplyof provisions to navigators. All the coast of Africa, from Cape Bojador, otherwise called _Cabo della Volta_, as far as Cape Branco and even toArguin, is low and sandy. At Arguin, which is inhabited by Moors andNegroes, and which is situated on the confines between these two nations, there is a capacious harbour, and a castle belonging to our king ofPortugal, in which some Portuguese always reside with the royal agent. 

On leaving the island of Sal, our ships steer next for St Jago, anotherof the Cape Verd islands. This island is situated in _fifteen degrees onthe equinoctial and thirty leagues towards the south_[3]. It is seventeenleagues long, and has a city on the coast, with a good harbour called_Ribiera Grande_, or the Great River, now St Jago. From two highmountains, one on each side, a large river of fresh water flows into theharbour; and, from its source, full two leagues above the city, its banksare lined on each side with gardens, having fine groves of oranges, cedars, pomegranates, several sorts of figs, and the cocoa-nut palm, which has been long planted on this island. It produces all kinds ofvegetables in great abundance and perfection; but they do not afford goodseeds, so that it is necessary to procure these every year from Europe. The city is on the south coast of the island, and is well built of stone, being inhabited by about 500 families of distinction, Portuguese andCastilians. Its government is entrusted to a corregidor or governor, appointed by the king of Portugal; and two judges are chosen annually, one for the determination of naval and maritime causes, and the other forregulating the police. This island is very mountainous, and is verybarren in many parts, which are entirely destitute of wood; but itsvallies are fertile and well cultivated. In June, when the sun entersCancer, the rains are so incessant that the Portuguese call that month_La Luna de las Aquas_, or the Water Month. Their seed-time begins inAugust, when they sow maize, called _miglio zaburo_. This is a white bean, which is ready to be gathered in forty days, and is the chief food ofthese islanders, and of all the inhabitants of the coast of Africa[4]. They also sow much rice and cotton; the latter of which comes to greatperfection, and is manufactured into striped cloths, which are exportedto the country of the Negroes, and bartered for black slaves. 

To give a distinct view of the commercial transactions with the Negroes, it is proper to inform you, that the western coast of Africa is dividedinto several countries and provinces, as Guinea, _Melegote_[5], thekingdom of Benin, and the kingdom of Manicongo. Over all this extent ofcoast, there are many Negro kings or chiefs, whose subjects areMahometans and idolaters, and who are continually at war with each other. These kings are much respected by their subjects, almost to adoration, asthey are believed to have originally descended from heaven. When the kingof Benin dies, his subjects assemble in an extensive plain, in the centreof which a vast pit or sepulchre is dug, into which the body is lowered, and all the friends and servants of the deceased are sacrificed andthrown into the same grave, thus voluntarily throwing away their ownlives in honour of the dead. On this coast there grows a species of_melegete_, extremely pungent like pepper, and resembling the Italiangrain called _sorgo_. It produces likewise a species of pepper of greatstrength, not inferior to any of that which the Portuguese bring fromCalicut, under the name of _Pimienta del rabo_, or _Pepe dalla coda_, andwhich African pepper resembles _cubbebs_, but so powerful that an ouncewill go farther than a pound of the common sort; but its exportation isprohibited, lest it should injure the sale of that which is brought fromCalicut[6]. There is also established on this coast a manufacture of anexcellent kind of soap from palm-oil and ashes, which is carried on forthe king's account. All the trade of this coast, to the kingdom of_Manicongo_ exclusively, is farmed out every four or five years to thehighest bidder. Great Negro caravans bring gold and slaves to thestations on the coast. The slaves are either prisoners taken in war, orchildren whom their parents have parted with in the hope of their beingcarried to a more fertile country. For above ninety years after the firstdiscovery of this coast, the Portuguese merchants were accustomed toenter the large rivers by which the country is everywhere intersected, trading independently with the numerous tribes inhabiting their banks;but now the whole of this commerce is in the hands of stationary licensedfactors, to whom it is farmed. 

On quitting St Jago we steer southerly for the Rio Grande, which is onthe north of Ethiopia, beyond which we come to the high mountain ofSierra Liona, the summit of which is continually enveloped in mist, outof which thunder and lightning almost perpetually flashes, and is heardat sea from the distance of forty or fifty miles. Though the sun is quitevertical in passing over this mountain, and extremely hot, yet the thickfog is never dissipated. In our voyage we never lose sight of land, yetkeep always at a considerable distance, carefully observing thedeclination of the sun, and keeping a southerly course till we arrive in_four degrees on the equinoctial_[7], when we suddenly change our courseto the south-east, keeping the Ethiopian coast always on our left hand inour way to the island of St Thomas. On this coast, between the tropic andthe equinoctial, we never meet with any hard gales, as storms are veryrarely found within the tropics. On nearing the land, the soundings inmany parts of the coast do not exceed fifty _braccia_, but farther outthe depth rapidly increases, and the sea usually runs high at a distancefrom the land. When we arrived at Rio del Oro, as mentioned before, weobserved four stars in the form of a cross, of an extraordinary size andsplendour, elevated thirty degrees above the antarctic pole, and formingthe constellation called _il Crusero_. While under the tropic of Cancer, we saw this constellation very low; and, on directing our _balestra_[8]to the lowermost of these stars, we found it to be directly south, andconcluded that it must be in the centre of the antarctic polar circle. Weobserved the same constellation very high when we were at the island ofSt Thomas; and remarked that the moon, after rain, produces a rainbowsimilar to that occasioned by the sun during the day, except that thecolours were dim and ill-defined. On leaving the straits of Gibraltar, Idid not observe any sensible change on the ebb and flow of the sea; butwhen we approached Rio Grande, which is eleven degrees to the north ofthe equinoctial, we observed a considerable tide at the mouth of thatriver, and the rise in some places was much the same as on the coast ofPortugal, whereas at the isle of St Thomas it was nearly the same as atVenice. 

The island of St Thomas was discovered above eighty[9] years ago, by somecaptains in the royal navy of Portugal, and was altogether unknown to theancients. Its horizon or parallel passes at an equal distance between thearctic and antarctic poles, and its days and nights are always equal. Thearctic polar star is there invisible, but the _guardiani_ are seen insome measure to revolve, and the constellation which is known by the nameof _il crusero_, is seen in the heavens at a high altitude. To theeastwards[10] of St Thomas, and at the distance of 120 miles, the smallisland called _Il Principe_ is situated. This latter island is inhabitedand cultivated, the produce of its sugar canes belonging to the revenueof the kings eldest son, from which circumstance the island derives itsname. To the S. S. W. Or S. And by W. And in the latitude of almost 2° S. Is the uninhabited island of Annobon, on which numbers of crocodiles andvenomous serpents are found. Its rocky shores abound in fish, and aremuch resorted to by the inhabitants of St Thomas on that account. Whenfirst discovered, the island of St Thomas was an entire forest, containing a variety of trees, which, though barren, were extremelyverdant. These trees were all remarkably tall and straight, theirbranches all drawn close to the stems, and not spreading out as with us. After clearing away a great part of the forest, the inhabitants built aprincipal town called _Pouoasan_, which has an excellent harbour. Theprincipal dependence of the settlers in this island is upon their sugars, which they exchange yearly with the merchants who trade thither, forflour in barrels, wines, oil, cheese, leather, swords, glass beads, drinking-cups, pater-nosters, and _buzios_, which are a small kind ofshells, called by the Italians _white porcelain_, and which pass inEthiopia as money. The Europeans who reside on this island depend muchfor provisions on the ships, as they cannot subsist on the fare used bythe Negroes. The slaves employed in their sugar plantations are procuredfrom Guinea, Benin, and Congo; and some rich planters have from 150 to300 Negroes. These work five days in every week for their masters, andare allowed the Saturdays to themselves, when they cultivate variousarticles of provision, as the _miglio zaburo_, a species of bean formerlymentioned, a root called _igname_, and many species of culinaryvegetables, the seeds of which must be imported from Europe, as they donot come to perfection in this climate. 

[Illustration: Chart of North Western Africa]

The soil of St Thomas consists of a red and yellow marl, or clay, ofgreat fertility, which is kept soft and mellow by the heavy dews whichfall nightly, contributing greatly to vegetation, and preventing it frombeing dried up by the great heats; and so great is the luxuriantfertility of the soil, that trees immediately spring up on any spots leftuncultivated, and will grow as high in a few days as would require asmany months with us. These sprouts are cut down and burnt by the slaves, and their ashes are used as manure for the sugarcanes. If planted inJanuary, the canes are ready to be cut in June, and those which areplanted in February become ripe in July; and in this manner they keep upa succession throughout the whole year. In March and September, when thesun is vertical, the great rains set in, accompanied with cloudy andthick weather, which is of great service to the sugar plantations. Thisisland produces yearly above 150, 000 arobas of sugar, each containingthirty-one of our pounds, of which the king receives the tenth part, which usually produces from 12, 000 to 14, 000 arobas, though many of theplanters do not pay this tythe fully. There are about sixty _ingenios_driven by water, for bruising the canes and pressing out the juice, whichis boiled in vast chaldrons, after which it is poured into pans in theshape of sugar-loaves, holding from fifteen to twenty pounds each, inwhich it is purified by means of ashes. In some parts of the island, where they have not streams of water, the canes are crushed by machinesworked by the Negroes, and in others by horses. The bruised canes aregiven to the hogs, which hardly get any other food, yet fattenwonderfully, and their flesh is so delicate and wholesome as to bepreferred to that of poultry. Many sugar refiners have been brought herefrom Madeira, on purpose to endeavour to manufacture the sugars of StThomas more white and harder than its usual produce, but in vain. This isalleged to proceed from the extreme richness of the soil injuring thequality of the sugar; just as with us, wines produced in soils of toogreat fertility are apt to have a peculiar flavour. Another cause of thisis supposed to proceed from the climate of the island being too hot andtoo moist, except in the month of June, July, and August, at which seasona fresh dry wind blows from Ethiopia to this island; and they then maketheir best sugars. 

The planters are obliged, to ship off their sugars as soon as they canprocure shipping, because they would become liquid if attempted to bekept for a length of time. At present, not above two-thirds of the islandare appropriated to the cultivation of sugar; but any person who comes tothis island for the purpose of settling, whether from Spain or Portugal, or any other country, may procure from the royal intendant as much landas he is able to cultivate, and at a moderate price. The esculent rootwhich is known in the Spanish islands by the name of _batata_, is herenamed ingame by the Negroes, and is their principal food, either boiledor roasted under the ashes. There are different kinds of this rootproduced on the island, but that which is known by the name of _ignamecicorero_ is preferred by the merchant vessels, all of which purchaseconsiderable quantities as a sea-stock for their homeward voyage, and theNegroes cultivate them largely for the express purpose of supplying theships[11]. This island is distinguished by a high mountain in the middle, thickly covered by tall, straight, and verdant trees, and its summit iscontinually enveloped in clouds, whence water is diffused in numerousstreams all over the island. A large shallow stream flows through thecity of Pouoasan, supplying it with abundance of excellent water, whichthe inhabitants reckon of a medicinal quality, and allege that St Thomaswould not be habitable if it were not for this river and its othernumerous springs and rivulets. The native trees are chiefly barren, andthough some olives, peaches, and almonds, were planted by the earlysettlers, which soon grew with great luxuriance, they never bore anyfruit, and this has been the case with all stone fruits that have beentried. But the cocoa-nut palm, brought hither from Ethiopia, has thrivensatisfactorily. Repeated attempts have been made to cultivate wheat, butalways unsuccessfully, though tried at different seasons of the year; asthe ear would never fill, but always ran up to straw and chaff only. 

In March and September, the sky is always overcast with clouds and mists, and continual rains prevail, which season is considered by theinhabitants as their winter. In May, June, July, and August, which theycall _Mesi di Vento_, or windy months, the prevalent winds are from thesouth, southeast, and southwest; but the island is sheltered by thecontinent from the north, northeast, and northwest winds; The summermonths are December, January, and February, when the heat is excessive, and the atmosphere being continually loaded with vapour, occasions theair to feel like the steam of boiling water. The shores of this islandabound in many kinds of fish, and, during the months of June and July, the inhabitants catch a kind which they name _le chieppe_, which aresingularly delicate. In the seas between this island and the coast ofAfrica, there are prodigious multitudes of whales, both of the large andsmall kinds. --Should you, Sir, be unsatisfied with my ill-written andconfused information, I beg of you to consider that I am merely a seaman, unpracticed in literary composition. 

[1] Ramusio. Clarke I. 298. This voyage was communicated by the relator to Count Raimond della Torre, a nobleman of Verona. --Clarke. 

[2] A description of the islands of Cape Verd, and an account of the supply of salt usually taken on board by the Portuguese ships at the island of Sal, for the purpose of laying in a sea store of salt fish, is here omitted. --Clarke. 

[3] This geographical expression is utterly unintelligible, but may be a strange mode of denoting its latitude, which is 15° N. But I know not what to make of the thirty leagues towards the south, unless the author meant that it was thirty leagues in extent from north to south, and seventeen leagues from east to west. --E. 

[4] The description in the text is not applicable to maize, and must refer to some species of bean, or kidney-bean. --E. 

[5] Called likewise Maleguette, and named also the Grain-Coast and the Pepper-Coast. Manicongo is obviously the kingdom of Congo. --E. 

[6] Some of this is smuggled and sold in England. --Clarke. 

 This Guinea pepper is probably that now known under the name of Jamaica pepper; but the extremely pungent kind must be some of the numerous species of capsicums, usually called Cayenne pepper. --E. 

[7] This strange expression seems to imply 4° of north latitude. --E. 

[8] Called likewise Balestriglia, being the Venetian name for the cross- staff, or fore-staff, an astronomical instrument which has been superseded by the quadrant and sextant. --E

[9] In an after part of this narrative, the pilot informs us, that his first voyage to the island of San Thome was in 1520, and that he made five voyages to that place. If, therefore, the date of his present voyage were fixed to 1530, it would carry us back to 1450, or even earlier, for the date of this discovery, near thirteen years before the death of Don Henry. --Clarke. 

 In Mr Clarkes note on this passage, he erroneously calculates on the above data that the discovery might have been in 1460, which is only seventy years back from 1530. But the result of the data in the text shews, that either the pilot was mistaken as to the real date of the discovery, or that his narrative has been corrupted, so that no reliance can be placed on his dates. --E. 

[10] The direction of _Il Principe_, or Princes Island, from St Thomas, is N. N. E. And the distance does not exceed seventy miles. --Clarke. 

[11] These _batatas_ are probably a different species from our potatoes, and may be what are called sweet potatoes in the West Indies; perhaps the _igname cicorero_ is the West Indian _yam_. Four species of _igname_ or _batata_, are mentioned in Barbot as originally from Benin, Anwerre, Mani-Congo, and Saffrance. The first of these is remarkably sweet, and the second keeps well. A variety of esculent roots might prove of high utility to navigators, and are too much neglected. Among these, the parsnip and Jerusalem artichoke deserve notice, as being very nutritive, and proof against all weathers. --Clarke. 

SECTION III. 

_Continuation of Portuguese Discoveries, from Cape St Catherine to thekingdom of Congo_. 

We are still obliged to continue the account of the Portuguesediscoveries historically, from the want of any regular journals of theirearly voyages along the African coast. In the original efforts of theillustrious Don Henry, although the progress was extremely slow, we havemuch to admire in the character of that prince, who possessed genius tostretch beyond the trammels of custom and authority, boldly thinking forhimself, pointing out the way of extending the knowledge of our globe bymaritime discoveries, and persevering nobly in his renewed efforts, inspite of the timid ignorance of his unexperienced pilots and mariners. But it is not easy to explain the continuance of that slow progress, which was even retarded during the years which elapsed between the demiseof that prince of mariners in 1463, and that of Alphonso in 1481; whenthe increased experience of the Portuguese, in their frequent voyages tothe new discovered Atlantic islands and African coast, ought to haveinspired them with fresh vigour and extended views of discovery andcommerce. The military character of Alphonso may, however, explain thisin a great degree, as all his energies were directed towards theextension of dominion in the Moorish kingdom of Fez; and the business ofdiscovery was devolved as a burdensome and unprofitable task on thefarmers of the trade to the coast of Africa, which appears to have becomeextensive and lucrative, after the discovery of Guinea and its islands, and the establishment of the sugar colonies in these islands. We learn, likewise, from the preceding voyage of the Portuguese pilot to the islandof St Thomas, that the mariners still confined themselves almost entirelyto creeping along the coast, from cape to cape, and from island to island, not daring to trust themselves to the trackless ocean, under the now sureguidance of the heavenly luminaries; but which they then did notsufficiently understand, nor did they possess sufficient instruments fordirecting their course in the ocean. It would appear that they had thenno other method of computing the longitude but by means of the log, ordead reckoning, which is liable to perpetual uncertainty from currentsand lee-way, and which a storm, even of short continuance, must havethrown into total confusion. Their instruments and methods fordetermining even the latitudes, appear to have then been imperfect andlittle understood. In the sequel of this deduction, we shall find thefirst Portuguese squadron which sailed for India, conducted across theIndian ocean by a Moorish pilot. 

On the accession of John II. To the throne of Portugal in 1481, thediscoveries along the coast of Africa were resumed with a new spirit. While infante or hereditary prince, his principal revenue was derivedfrom the profits of the Guinea trade, and of the importation of gold fromthe haven of Mina; and among the first measures of his reign, he turnedhis attention to the improvement and extension of that valuable branch ofcommerce. For this purpose, he gave orders to make all necessarypreparations for building a fortress and church at the port of Mina. Allthe requisite materials, even to stones and tiles, were accordinglyshipped from Lisbon in a squadron of ten caravels and two transports, with 500 soldiers and 200 labourers or workmen of various kinds. Thisexpedition was placed under the command of Don Diego d'Azumbuja, anexperienced officer, under whom were the following naval captains, Gonçalez da Fonseca, Ruy d'Oliveira, Juan Rodrigues Gante, Juan Alfonso, Diego Rodrigues Inglez, Bartholomew Diaz, Pedro d'Evora, and Gomez Aires. This last was a gentleman belonging to the household of Pedro king ofArragon, all the others being noblemen of the household of King John. Pedro de Cintra and Fernam d'Alfonso commanded the transports, and asmall vessel attended the squadron as an advice-boat. This squadronsailed on the 11th December 1481, and reached their destination on the19th January 1482, at an African village named _Aldea_, where they foundJuan Bernardo, who had previously sailed for the coast in quest of gold. 

Bernardo was immediately sent by Azumbuja, to inform Camarança, the Negrochief of the district, with the arrival of the Portuguese armament, andto desire a conference, with directions to endeavour to impress thatchief with a high sense of the rank and character of the Portugueseofficers, and of the irresistible power of the armament now upon hiscoast. Early next morning, Azambuja landed with all his followers, whowere secretly armed, in case of meeting with any hostilities from thenatives; and moved forwards in great form to a large tree, not far fromthe Negro village of Aldea, on a spot which had been chosen as aconvenient situation for the intended fortress. A flag, bearing the royalarms of Portugal, was immediately displayed upon the tree, and an altarwas placed under the shade of its boughs, at which the whole companyunited in assisting at the first mass that was celebrated in Guinea, offering up their solemn prayers to God for the speedy conversion of theidolatrous natives, and for the perpetual continuance and prosperity ofthe church which was to be erected on this spot. The day on which thisimpressive ceremony was performed being dedicated to St Sebastian, thatname was given to the valley on which the tree stood, under which theywere now assembled. 

Soon after the completion of this religious ceremony, Camarançaapproached with a numerous train. Azambuja, sumptuously dressed, andornamented by a rich golden collar, prepared to receive the Negro chief, seated on an elevated chair, having all his retinue arranged before him, so as to form an avenue. The Negroes were armed with spears, shields, bows, and arrows, and wore a kind of helmets made of skins, thicklystudded with fish teeth, giving them a very martial appearance. Thesubordinate chiefs were distinguished by chains of gold hanging fromtheir necks, and had various golden ornaments on their heads, and even ontheir beards. After the exchange of presents, and other tokens of mutualrespect and confidence, Azambuja made a speech to Camarança, through themediation of an interpreter, in which he explained the purpose of hisembassy and expedition, and used every argument he could think of, toconciliate the friendship of the Negro chief, to make him fully sensibleof the power of the king of Portugal, and to reconcile him to theintended permanent establishment upon the toast. Camarança listened tothe harangue, and the explanation of it by the interpreter, in respectfulsilence, keeping his eyes steadily fixed on the countenance of Azambuja. After which, casting his eyes for some time on the ground, as ifprofoundly meditating on what he had heard, he is said to have made thefollowing guarded and judicious answer:

"I am fully sensible of the high honour done me on this occasion by yoursovereign. I have always endeavoured to deserve his friendship, bydealing strictly with his subjects, and by constantly exerting myself toprocure immediate ladings for their ships. Hitherto the Portuguese, whohave visited my country, were meanly dressed, and easily satisfied withthe commodities we had to give them; and so far from desiring to remainin the country, were always anxious to complete their cargoes, and toreturn whence they came. This day I observe a wonderful difference. Agreat number of persons, richly dressed, are eager for permission tobuild themselves houses, and to remain among us. But assuredly, personsof such rank, under the guidance of a commander who claims his descentfrom the God who created the day and the night, would never be able toendure the hardships of our climate, and could not procure in thiscountry those luxuries they have been accustomed to in their own. Thosepassions which are common to all men, will certainly produce disputesbetween us; and it were much better that we should continue on the samefooting as hitherto, allowing your ships to come and go as they havealways done before; in which case, the desire of seeing each otheroccasionally, and of mutual intercourse in trade, will preserve peacebetween you and us. The sea and the land, which are always neighbours, are continually at variance, contending for the mastery; the sea alwaysviolently endeavouring to subdue the land, which, with equal obstinacy, defends itself against the encroachments of the sea. "

The prudential jealousy and distrust displayed on this occasion byCamarança, astonished and perplexed the Portuguese commander; and itrequired the exercise of much address on his part, to prevail upon theNegro chief to allow the fulfilment of his orders, and to prevent thenecessity of having recourse to violent measures. When the workmen weremaking preparations next day to lay the foundations of the intendedfortress on the coast, they observed a large rock, which lay verycommodious for serving them as a quarry, and accordingly proceeded towork it for that purpose. This happened unfortunately to be venerated bythe Negroes as one of their Gods, and they immediately flew to arms inopposition against the sacrilegious violation of the sanctified rock, andmany of the workmen were wounded, before the natives could be pacified bynumerous presents. At length, after the constant labour of twenty days, the fort began to assume a formidable appearance, and received the nameof _Fortaleza de San Jorge da Mina_, or Fort St George at Mina. In achurch constructed within its walls, a solemn mass was appointed to becelebrated annually, in honour of Don Henry, Duke of Viseo, ofillustrious memory. Azambuja continued governor of this place during twoyears and seven months, and was honoured, on his return to Portugal, withparticular marks of royal favour. In 1486, King John bestowed on this newestablishment all the privileges end immunities of a city. 

Impressed with the great advantages that might be derived to his kingdom, through the prosecution of the maritime discoveries in Africa, and moreespecially by opening a passage by sea to India, of which his hopes werenow sanguine, the king of Portugal, who had now added to his titles thatof _Lord of Guinea_, made application to the pope, as universal fatherand lord of Christendom, for a perpetual grant of all the countries whichthe Portuguese had already discovered, or should hereafter discover, towards the east, with a strict prohibition against the interference ofany European State in that immense field of discovery, commerce, andcolonization. The pope conceded this enormous grant, probably without themost distant idea of its extent and importance: not only prohibiting allChristian powers from intruding within those prodigious, yet indefinitebounds, which he had bestowed upon the crown of Portugal, but declaring, that all discoveries that were or might be made in contravention, shouldbelong to Portugal. Hitherto, the Portuguese navigators, in the course oftheir discoveries along the shores of Western Africa, had been in use toerect _wooden_ crosses, as indications of their respective discoveries. But the king now ordered that they should erect _stone crosses_, aboutsix feet high, inscribed with, the arms of Portugal, the name of thereigning sovereign, that of the navigator, and the date of the discovery. 

In the year 1484, Diego Cam or Cano proceeded beyond Cape St Catherine, in lat. 1° 40' S. The last discovery of the reign of King Alphonso, andreached the mouth of a considerable river, in lat. 5° 10' S. Called_Zayre_ by the natives, now called Congo river, or the Rio Padron. Diegoproceeded some distance up this river, till he met with some of thenatives, but was unable to procure any satisfactory intelligence fromthem, as they were not understood by the Negro interpreters on board hisship. By means of signs, however, he understood that the country wasunder the dominion of a king who resided at a considerable distance fromthe coast, in a town or city called Banza, since named San Salvador bythe Portuguese; on which he sent a party of his crew, conducted by thenatives, carrying a considerable present far the king, and meaning towait their return. Unavoidable circumstances, however, having protractedthe return of his people far beyond the appointed time, Diego resolved toreturn into Portugal with an account of his discovery; and, having gainedthe confidence of the natives, he prevailed on four of them to embarkwith him, that they might be instructed in the Portuguese language, toserve as interpreters for future intercourse with this newly discoveredregion, and made the natives understand by means of signs, that, afterthe expiration of fifteen moons, these persons should be returned insafety. 

These Africans were men of some consequence in their own country, andwere of such quick apprehensions, that they acquired a sufficientknowledge of the Portuguese language during the voyage back to Lisbon, asto be able to give a competent account of their own country, and of thekingdoms or regions beyond it, to the southwards. The king of Portugalwas much gratified by this discovery, and treated the Africans broughtover by Diego with much munificence. Next year, Diego Cam returned to theriver of Congo, where he landed the four natives, who carried manypresents from King John to their own sovereign, and were directed toexpress his anxious desire that he and his subjects would embrace theChristian faith. 

Having landed the Negroes, and received back his own men whom he had lefton his former voyage, Diego proceeded to discover the coast to thesouthwards of the Congo river; leaving a respectful message for the kingof Congo, that he must postpone the honour of paying his respects to himtill his return from the south. The farther progress of Diego is veryindefinitely related by the Portuguese historians; who say, that after arun of twenty leagues, he erected two stone crosses, as memorials of hisprogress, one at a cape called St Augustine, in lat. 13° S. But the otheron Cape Padron, in 22° S. This last latitude would extend the discoveryof Diego between the latitude of the Congo river and this high latitude, to 280 Portuguese leagues, instead of twenty. Besides, Cape Padron formsthe southern point at the mouth of the river of Congo, and is only in lat. 6° 15' S. The high probability is, that the first cross erected by DiegoCam in this voyage, was at Cape Palmerinho, in lat. 9° 15' S. And theother may have been at Rocca Boa, in lat. 13° 20' S. Clarke[1] isdisposed to extend the second cross to Cabo Negro, in lat. 16° S. Eitherinfluenced by his provisions running short, or desirous of forming afriendly, connection with the king of Congo, Diego measured back his wayto the Congo river, where he was received in a most satisfactory mannerby the sovereign of that country. The reports of his subjects who hadbeen in Portugal, and the liberal presents which they had brought to himfrom King John, had made a deep impression on the mind of this Africanmonarch. He made many inquiries respecting the Christian religion, andbeing highly gratified by its sublime and consolatory doctrines, perhapsinfluenced by the reports his subjects had brought him of its magnificentceremonies, he appointed one of his principal noblemen, named _Caçuta_ or_Zazut_, to accompany Diego Cam, as his ambassador to King John;anxiously requesting the king of Portugal to allow this nobleman and hisattendants to be baptized, and that he would be pleased to send someministers of his holy religion to convert him and his subjects from theiridolatrous errors. Diego Cam arrived safely in Portugal with Caçuta; whowas soon afterwards baptized by the name of _John Silva_, the king andqueen of Portugal doing him the honour of attending on him as sponsors atthe holy font; and the splendid ceremonial was closed by the baptism ofhis sable attendants. 

Some time previous to this event, Alphonso de Aviero carried anambassador from the king of Benin to the king of Portugal, requestingthat some missionaries might be sent for the conversion of his subjects;and, although the artful conduct of that African prince threw manydifficulties in the way of this mission, many of the Negroes of thatcountry were converted. From the ambassador of Benin, the king ofPortugal received information of a powerful monarch, named _Organe_, whose territories lay at the distance of 250 leagues beyond the kingdomof Benin, and who possessed a supremacy over all the adjacent states. Assuming Cape Lopo Gonçalves, in lat. 1° S. As the southern boundary ofthe kingdom of Benin, 250 Portuguese leagues would bring us to thekingdom of Benguela, or that of Jaa Caconda, about lat. 14° or 15° S. Yetsome persons have strangely supposed that this king _Organe_ or _Ogané_was a corruption of _Jan_ or _Janhoi_, the title given by the Christiansof the east to the king of Abyssinia. "But it is very difficult toaccount for this knowledge of Abyssinia in the kingdom of Benin, not onlyon account of the distance, but likewise because several of the mostsavage nations in the world, the _Galla_ and _Shangalla_, occupy theintervening space. The court of Abyssinia did indeed then reside in_Shoa_, the south-east extremity of the kingdom; and, by its power andinfluence, might have pushed its dominion through these barbarians to theneighbourhood of Benin on the western ocean. But all this I must confessto be a mere conjecture of mine, of which, in the country itself, I neverfound the smallest confirmation[2]. " To these observations of thecelebrated Abyssinian traveller, it may be added, that the distance fromBenin to Shoa exceeds six hundred Portuguese leagues. 

While the king of Portugal continued to encourage his navigators toproceed to the southwards in discovering the African coast, he becameanxious lest some unexpected rival might interpose to deprive him of theexpected fruits of these discoveries, which had occupied the unremittingattentions of his predecessors and himself for so many years. Learningthat John Tintam and William Fabian, Englishmen, were preparing, at theinstigation of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, in 1481, to proceed on avoyage to Guinea, he sent Ruy de Sousa as his ambassador, to Edward IV. Of England, to explain the title which he held from the pope as lord ofthat country, and to induce him to forbid his subjects from navigating tothe coast of Africa, in which negotiation he was completely successful. He likewise used every exertion to conceal the progress of his ownnavigators on the western coast of Africa, and to magnify the dangers ofthe voyage; representing that the coast was quite inhospitable, surrounded by most tremendous rocks, and inhabited by savage cannibals, and that no vessels could possibly live in those tempestuous seas, inwhich every quarter of the moon produced a furious storm, except those ofa peculiar construction, which had been invented by the Portuguese ship-builders. 

A Portuguese pilot, who had often made the voyage to Guinea, had thetemerity to assert, that any kind of ship could make this redoubtedvoyage, as safely as the royal caravels, and was sent for to court by theking, who gave him a public reprimand for his ignorance and presumption. Some months afterwards, the same pilot appeared again at court, and toldthe king, "That being of an obstinate disposition, he had attempted thevoyage to Guinea in a different kind of vessel from those usuallyemployed, and found it to be impossible. " The king could not repress asmile at this solemn nonsense; yet honoured the politic pilot with aprivate audience, and gave him money to encourage him to propagate thedeception. About this period, likewise, hearing that three Portugueseseamen, who were conversant in the navigation of the coast of Africa, hadset out for Spain, intending to offer their services in that country, John immediately ordered them to be pursued as traitors. Two of them werekilled, and the third was brought a prisoner to Evora, where he was brokeon the wheel. Hearing that the Portuguese seamen murmured at the severityof this punishment, the king exclaimed, "Let every man abide by his ownelement, I love not travelling seamen. "

Encouraged by the successful progress of Diego Cam in 1484 and 1485, KingJohn became sanguine in his hopes of completing the discovery of amaritime route to India, around the continent of Africa, and determinedupon using every exertion for this purpose. His first views were toendeavour to procure some information respecting India, by means of ajourney overland; and with this object, _Antonio de Lisboa_, a Franciscanfriar, together with a nameless lay companion, were dispatched to makethe attempt of penetrating into India, through Palestine and Egypt. But, being ignorant of the Arabic language, these men were unable to penetratebeyond Jerusalem, whence they returned into Portugal. Though disappointedin this attempt, by the ignorance or want of enterprise of his agents, his resolution was not to be repressed by difficulties, and he resolvedupon employing fresh exertions both by sea and land, for theaccomplishment of his enterprise. He accordingly fitted out a smallsquadron under Bartholomew Diaz, a knight of the royal household, toattempt the passage by sea. 

[1] Prog, of Mar. Disc. I. 329. Note r. 

[2] Bruce's Abyssinia, II. 105. 

SECTION IV. 

_Discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, by Bartholomew Diaz, in 1486_[1]. 

For this important enterprise, Bartholomew Diaz was only supplied withtwo small caravels of fifty ton each, accompanied by a still smallervessel, or tender, to carry provisions. Of these vessels, one wascommanded by Bartholomew Diaz, as commodore, the second caravel by _JuanInfante_, another cavalier or gentleman of the court, and Pedro Diaz, brother to the commander in chief of the expedition, had charge of thetender. The preparations being completed, Bartholomew sailed in the endof August 1486, steering directly to the southwards. 

We have no relation of the particulars of this voyage, and only know thatthe first spot on which Diaz placed a stone pillar, in token of discoveryand possession, was at _Sierra Parda_, in about 24°40'S. Which is said tohave been 120 leagues farther to the south than any preceding navigator. According to the Portuguese historians, Diaz sailed boldly from thisplace to the southwards, in the open sea, and never saw the land againuntil he was forty leagues to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, which hehad passed without being in sight of land. The learned geographer, MajorRennel, informs us, that Sir Home Popham and Captain Thompson, whileexploring the western coast of Africa in 1786, found a marble cross, onwhich the arms of Portugal were engraved, in latitude 26°37'S. Near a baynamed Angra Pequena: But, as the Portuguese long continued to frequentthese coasts exclusively, and considered them all as belonging to theirdominions under the papal grant, this latter cross, on which theinscription was not legible, may have been erected at a considerablysubsequent period. At all events, the track of Diaz was far beyond theusual adventure of any former navigator, as he must have run a course offrom seven to ten degrees of latitude, and at least between two or threedegrees of longitude, in utterly unknown seas, without sight of land. Thefirst land seen by Diaz is said to have been forty leagues to theeastward of the cape, where he came in sight of a bay on the coast, whichhe called _Angra de los Vaqueros_, or bay of herdsmen, from observing anumber of cows grazing on the land. The distance of forty Portugueseleagues, would lead us to what is now called Struys bay, immediately eastof Cabo das Agullias, which latter is in lat. 34° 50' S. And long. 20° 16'E. From Greenwich. From this place Diaz continued his voyage eastwards, to a small island or rock in the bay, which is now called Zwartkops orAlgoa, in long. 27° E. On which rocky islet he placed a stone cross orpillar, as a memorial of his progress, and named it, on that account, Santa Cruz, or _El Pennol de la Cruz_. In his progress to this place fromthe Angra de los Vaqueros, he had set some Negroes on shore in differentplaces, who had been brought from Portugal for this purpose, and who werewell clothed, that they might be respected by the natives. These Negroeswere likewise provided with small assortments of toys for bartering withthe natives, and were especially charged to make inquiry as to thesituation and distance of the dominions of Prester John. Of the fate ofthese Negroes we are nowhere informed, but may be well assured they wouldreceive no intelligence respecting the subject of their inquiry, from theignorant Hottentots and Caffres of Southern Africa. 

It would appear that Diaz was still unconscious that he had reached andoverpassed the extreme southern point of Africa, although now nearly ninedegrees to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, and at least one degreeback towards the north of his most southern range; but he may havesupposed himself in a deep bite or bay of the coast, similar to the well-known gulf of Guinea. Under this impression, that he had not accomplishedthe grand object of his enterprize, he was anxious to continue his voyagestill farther towards the east: But, as the provisions on board his twocaravels were nearly exhausted, and the victualling tender under thecommand of his brother was missing, the crews of the caravels becameexceedingly urgent to return, lest they might perish with famine. Withsome difficulty he prevailed on the people to continue their course abouttwenty-five leagues farther on, as he felt exceedingly mortified at theidea of returning to his sovereign without accomplishing the discovery onwhich he was sent. They accordingly reached the mouth of a river, whichwas discovered by Juan Infante, and was called from him, _Rio delInfante_, now known by the name of Great-Fish River, in about lat. 33°27'N. Long. 28°20'E. The coast still trended towards the eastwards, with aslight inclination towards the north; so that, in an eastern course ofabout thirteen degrees, they had neared the north about six degrees, though still unsatisfied of having absolutely cleared the southern pointof Africa. 

From this river, the extreme boundary of the present voyage, Diazcommenced his return homewards, and discovered, with great joy andastonishment, on their passage back, the long sought for and tremendouspromontory, which had been the grand object of the hopes and wishes ofPortuguese navigation during _seventy-four_ years, ever since the year1412, when the illustrious Don Henry first began to direct and incite hiscountrymen to the prosecution of discoveries along the western shores ofAfrica. Either from the distance which the caravels had been from the land, when they first altered their course to the eastwards, or from the capehaving been concealed in thick fogs, it had escaped notice in thepreceding part of the voyage. At this place Diaz erected a stone cross inmemory of his discovery; and, owing to heavy tempests, which heexperienced off the high table land of the Cape, he named it _Cabo dosTormentos_, or Cape of storms; but the satisfaction which King Johnderived from this memorable discovery, on the return of Diaz to Portugalin 1487, and the hope which it imparted of having opened a sure passage bysea from Europe through the Atlantic into the Indian ocean, by which hissubjects would now reap the abundant harvest of all their long and arduouslabours, induced that sovereign to change this inauspicious appellationfor one of a more happy omen, and he accordingly ordered that it should infuture be called, _Cabo de boa Esperança_, or Cape of Good Hope, which ithas ever since retained. 

Soon after the discovery of the _Cape_, by which shorter name it is nowgenerally preeminently distinguished, Diaz fell in with the victualler, from which he had separated nine months before. Of nine persons who hadcomposed the crew of that vessel, six had been murdered by the natives ofthe west coast of Africa, and Fernand Colazzo, one of the three survivors, died of joy on again beholding his countrymen. Of the circumstances of thevoyage home we have no account; but it is not to be doubted that Diaz andhis companions would be honourably received by their sovereign, after avoyage of such unprecedented length and unusual success. 

[1] Clarke, I. 342. 

SECTION V. 

_Journey overland to India and Abyssinia, by Covilham and de Payva_[1]. 

Soon after the departure of Diaz, King John dispatched Pedro de Covilhamand Alphonso de Payva, both well versed in the Arabic language, withorders to travel by land into the east, for the discovery of the countryof _Presbyter_, or _Prester John_, and to trace the steps of the lucrativecommerce then carried on with India by the Venetians for spices and drugs;part of their instructions being to endeavour to ascertain thepracticability of navigating round the south extremity of Africa to thefamed marts of Indian commerce, and to make every possible inquiry intothe circumstances of that important navigation. Some writers have placedthis journey as prior in point of time to the voyage of Diaz, and haveeven imagined that the navigator was directed or instructed by the reportwhich Covilham transmitted respecting India. Of the relation of thisvoyage by Alvarez, which Purchas published in an abbreviated form, from atranslation out of the Italian in the collection of Ramusio, found amongthe papers of Hakluyt, Purchas gives the following character: "I esteem ittrue in those things which he saith he saw: In some others which he had byrelation of enlarging travellers, or boasting Abassines, he may perhapssometimes rather _mendacia dicere_, than _mentiri_. " To _tell_ lies ratherthan _make_ them. 

Covilham, or Covillan, was born in a town of that name in Portugal, andwent, when a boy, into Castile, where he entered the service of DonAlphonso, duke of Seville. On a war breaking out between Portugal andCastile, he returned into his native country, where he got into thehousehold of King Alphonso, who made him a man-at-arms. After the death ofthat king, he was one of the guard of King John, who employed him on amission into Spain, on account of his knowledge in the language. He wasafterwards employed in Barbary, where he remained some time, and acquiredthe Arabic language, and was employed to negotiate a peace with the kingof Tremesen. He was a second time sent into Barbary on a mission to King_Amoli-bela-gegi_, to procure restitution of the bones of the infant DonFernando, in which he was successful. 

After his return, he was joined in commission, as before-mentioned, withAlphonso de Payva, and these adventurous travellers left Lisbon in May1487. Covilham was furnished with a very curious map for these times, bythe Prince Emanuel, afterwards king of Portugal, which had been copied andcomposed, with great care and secrecy, by the licentiate Calzadilla, afterwards bishop of Viseo, assisted by Doctor Rodrigo, and a Jewishphysician named Moses; which map asserted the practicability of passing bysea to India round the southern extremity of Africa, on some obscureinformation which had been collected by those who constructed it. 

With a supply of 500 crowns in money, and a letter of credit, or bills ofexchange, Covilham and De Payva went first to Naples, where their bills ofexchange were paid by the son of _Cosmo de Medici_. From Naples they wentby sea to the island of Rhodes, and thence to Alexandria in Egypt, whencethey travelled as merchants to Grande Cairo, and proceeded with thecaravan to _Tor_[2] on the Red Sea, near the foot of Mount Sinai. Theyhere received some information respecting the trade which then subsistedbetween Egypt and Calicut, and sailed from that place to Aden, a tradingcity of Yemen, on the outside of the Straits of Babelmandeb. Thetravellers here separated; Covilham embarking in one vessel for India, while De Payva took his passage in another vessel bound for Suakem on theAbyssinian coast of the Red Sea, having engaged to rejoin each other atCairo, after having carried the directions of their sovereign into effect. 

The Moorish ship from Aden in which Covilham had embarked, landed him atCananor on the coast of Malabar, whence, after some stay, he went toCalicut and Goa, being the first of the Portuguese nation who hadnavigated the Indian ocean; having seen pepper and ginger, and heard ofcloves and cinnamon. From India he went by sea to Sofala on the easterncoast of Africa, where he is said to have examined the gold mines, andwhere he procured some information respecting the great island ofMadagascar, called by the Moors the _Island of the Moon_. With thevarious and valuable information he had now acquired, relative to theproductions of India and their marts, and of the eastern coast of Africa, he now determined to return to Egypt, that he might be able tocommunicate his intelligence to Portugal. At Cairo he was met bymessengers from King John, informing him that Payva had been murdered, and directing him to go to Ormuz and the coast of Persia, in order toincrease his stock of commercial knowledge. The two messengers from theking of Portugal whom Covilham met with at Cairo, were both Jewish rabbis, named Abraham of Beja and Joseph of Lamego. The latter returned intoPortugal with letters from Covilham, giving an account of hisobservations, and assuring his master that the ships which sailed to thecoast of Guinea, might be certain of finding a termination of the AfricanContinent, by persisting in a southerly course; and advising, when theyshould arrive in the _eastern ocean_, to inquire for Sofala and theIsland of the Moon. 

Covilham and Rabbi Abraham went from Cairo, probably by sea, to Ormuz andthe coast of Persia, whence they returned in company to Aden. From thatplace, Abraham returned by the way of Cairo to Portugal with theadditional information which had been collected in their voyage to theGulf of Persia; though some authors allege that Joseph was the companionof this voyage, and that he returned from Bassora by way of the desert toAleppo, and thence to Portugal. 

From Aden, Covilham crossed the straits of Babelmandeb to the south-eastern coast of Abyssinia, where he found Alexander the king, or negus, at the head of an army, levying tribute or contributions from hisrebellious subjects of the southern provinces of his dominions. Alexanderreceived Covilham with kindness, but more from motives of curiosity thanfor any expectations of advantage that might result from any connectionor communication with the kingdom of Portugal. Covilham accompanied theking to Shoa, where the seat of the Abyssinian government was thenestablished; and from a cruel policy, which subsists still in Abyssinia, by which strangers are hardly ever permitted to quit the country, Covilham never returned into Europe. Though thus doomed to perpetualexile in a strange and barbarous land, Covilham was well used. He married, and obtained ample possessions, enjoying the favour of several successivekings of Abyssinia, and was preferred to some considerable offices in thegovernment. Frequent epistolary intercourse took place between him andthe king of Portugal, who spared no expence to keep open the interestingcorrespondence. In his dispatches, Covilham described the several portswhich he had visited in India; explained the policy and disposition ofthe several princes; and pointed out the situation and riches of the goldmines of Sofala; exhorting the king to persist, unremittingly andvigorously, in prosecuting the discovery of the passage to India aroundthe southern extremity of Africa, which he asserted to be attended withlittle danger, and affirmed that the cape was well known in India. He issaid to have accompanied his letters and descriptions with a chart, inwhich the cape and all the cities on the coast of Africa were exactlyrepresented, which he had received in India from a Moor. Covilham wasafterwards seen by, and intimately acquainted with Francesco Alvarez, hishistorian, who was sent on an embassy into Abyssinia by Emmanuel king ofPortugal. Alvarez, who appears to have been a priest, calls Covilham hisspiritual son, and says that he had been thirty-three years in greatcredit with _Prette Janni_, so he calls the king of Abyssinia, and allthe court, during all which time he had never confessed his sins, exceptto GOD in secret, because the priests of that country were not in use tokeep secret what had been committed to them in confession. This wouldprotract the residence of Covilham in Abyssinia, at least to the year1521, or 1522; but how long he may have lived there afterwards does notappear. 

[1] Clarke, i. 384. Purchas, II. 1091. 

[2] El Tor is on the Arabian coast of the Red Sea, near the mouth of the Bahr Assuez, or Gulf of Suez, in lat. 28° 10' N. Long. 33° 36' E. --E. 

CHAPTER VI. 

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF INDIA BY THE PORTUGUESE, BETWEENTHE YEARS 1497 AND 1525: FROM THE ORIGINAL PORTUGUESE OF HERMAN LOPES DECASTANEDA. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Although, in strict conformity to chronological arrangement, thediscovery of America by COLUMBUS in 1492, ought to precede our account ofthe discovery of the maritime route from Europe to India by thePortuguese, which did not take place until the year 1498; it yet appearsmore regular to follow out the series of Portuguese navigation anddiscovery to its full completion, than to break down that original andvast enterprise into fragments. We might indeed have stopt with the firstvoyage of De Gama, which effected the discovery of India: But as thecontents of this Chapter consists of what may be considered an authenticoriginal record, and carries on the operations of the Portuguese in Indiato the year 1525, it seemed preferable to retain this curious originalhistory entire. It is obvious that Castaneda must have used the originaljournals of De Gama, and other early Portuguese commanders, or of somepersons engaged in the voyages and transactions; as he often forgets thehistorical language, and uses the familiar diction of a person actuallyengaged, as will appear in many passages of this Chapter. 

The title of this original document, now first offered to the public inmodern English, is "_The first Booke of the Historie of the Discoverieand Conquest of the East Indias by the Portingals, in the time of KingDon John, the second of that name. By Hernan Lopes de Castaneda;translated into English by Nicholas Lichefield, and dedicated to SirFraunces Drake. Imprinted at London by Thomas East, 1582_. "

Though the transactions here recorded are limited in the title to thereign of John II. They occupied the reigns of his immediate successorEmmanuel, or Manuel, and of John III. Castanedas history was printed inblack letter at Coimbra, in eight volumes folio, in the years 1552, 1553, and 1554, and is now exceedingly scarce. In 1553, a translation of thefirst book was made into French by Nicolas de Grouchy, and published atParis in quarto. An Italian translation was published at Venice in twovolumes quarto, by Alfonso Uloa, in 1578[1]. That into English byLichefield, employed on the present occasion, is in small quarto andblack-letter. The voyage of De Gama is related by De Barros in his work, entitled Da Asia, and has been described by Osorius, Ramusio, Maffei, andde Faria. Purchas gives a brief account of it, I. Ii. 26. The beautifulpoem of the Lusiad by Camoens, the Portuguese Homer, is dedicated to thecelebration of this important transaction, and is well known through anelegant translation into English by Mickle. In the present chapter, thecurious and rare work of Castaneda, so far as his first book extends, isgiven entire; and the only freedom employed in this version, besideschanging the English of 229 years ago into the modern and moreintelligible language, has Been to prune a quaint verbosity, mistaken byLichefield for rhetorical eloquence. The dedication of the earlytranslator to the celebrated Sir Francis Drake, is preserved in itsoriginal dress, as a sufficient specimen of the language of England atthe close of the sixteenth century. 

DEDICATION. 

 _To the right Worshipfull Sir Fraunces Drake, Knight, N, L, G, wisheth all prosperitie. _

 They haue an auncient custome in Persia (the which is also observed throughout all Asia) that none will enterprise to visit the king, noble man, or perticularly any other person of countenance, but he carieth with him some thing to present him with all worthy of thanks, the which is not onely done in token of great humilitie & obedience, but also of a zealous loue & friendly affection to their superiours & welwillers. So I (right worshipfull following this Persian president) hauing taking vpon me this simple translation out of the Portingale tongue, into our English language, am bold to present & dedicate the same vnto you as a signification of my entire good will. The history conteineth the discouerie and conquest of the East Indias, made by sundry worthy captaines of the Portengales, in the time of King Don Manuel, & of the King Don John, the second of that name, with the description, not onely of the country, but also of every harbour apperteining to every place whervnto they came, & of the great resistance they found in the same, by reson wherof there was sundry great battles many times fought, and likewise of the commodities & riches that euery of these places doth yeeld. And for that I know your worship, with great peril and daunger haue past these monstrous and bottomlesse sees, am therfore the more encouraged to desire & pray your worships patronage & defence therof, requesting you with all to pardon those imperfections, which I acknowledge to be very many, & so much the more, by reason of my long & many years continuance in foreine countries. Howbeit, I hope to have truly observed the literal sence & full effect of the history, as the author setteth it forth, which if it may please you to peruse & accept in good part, I shall be greatly emboldened to proceede & publish also the second & third booke, which I am assured will neither be vnpleasant nor vnprofitable to the readers. Thus alwaies wishing your good worship such prosperous continuance and like fortunate successe as GOD hath hitherto sent you in your dangerous trauaile & affayres, and as maye euery waye content your owne heartes desire, doe euen so take my leaue. From London the fifth of March. 1582. 

 Your worships alwayes to commaund, _Nicholas Lichefild. _

[1] Bibl. Des Voyages, V. 2. 

 * * * * *

DEDICATION BY CASTANEDA. 

 _To The most high and mighty Prince, John III. 

 King of Portugal and Algarve, &c. _

 It hath seemed to me, most high and mighty prince, our dread king and sovereign, so important and weighty a matter to undertake a history of the great and valiant actions which our Portuguese have performed in the discovery and conquest of India, that I often thought to relinquish the attempt. But as these noble deeds were principally undertaken and performed for the glory of Almighty God, the conversion of the barbarous nations to the Christian faith, and the great honour of your highness; and as, by the power and mercy of the Omnipotent, such fortunate success has been granted to these famous enterprises, I have been encouraged to proceed. I therefore trust entirely to the aid and comfort of the divine goodness in publishing this work, giving the glory thereof to God alone, and its earthly praise to your excellent highness, and the king Don Manuel your father, of famous and happy memory. 

 Although these glorious deeds are well known and spread abroad over the world, they yet cannot be sufficiently made manifest unless set forth in writing, by means of which their memory may endure for ever, and remain always as if present to the readers; as history hath perpetuated the actions of the Greeks and Romans which are of such high antiquity. Of other transactions, nothing inferior to theirs, perhaps even far greater, which have been performed by other nations, there is little or no memory, because these do not remain recorded by history: Such are those of the Assyrians, Medes and Persians; of the Africans against the Romans; of the Suevi against Julius Caesar; of the Spaniards in recovering their country from the Moors; and principally of these invincible and pious kings of Portugal, your glorious ancestors, Don Alonso Henriques, Don Sancho his son, and Don Alonso, who acquired the kingdoms of Portugal and Algarve by great and wonderful deeds of arms. Of all which, there hardly remaineth any memory, for want of having been duly recorded by writing. So likewise of those actions which have been performed in India, only as it were of yesterday, the exact memory of them is confined to four persons; and if they were to die, all remembrance of these transactions must have ended to their great dishonour. Considering these things, I resolved to record these noble deeds which the subjects of your highness have performed in the discovery and conquest of India, which have never been surpassed in valour, or even equalled, in any age or country. Leaving all mention of the conquests of Cyrus and other barbarians, and even taking into the account the deeds of Alexander, so famous over all the world, which are as nothing compared to what has been performed since India became frequented by the Portuguese, no more than a dead lion can be likened to one alive. The conquests of Alexander were all by land, and achieved by himself in person, against nations who were little trained or accustomed to feats of arms. But the Portuguese conquest of India was performed by the captains of your highness, after a voyage by sea of a year and eight months, going almost around the globe, from the utmost limits of the west through the vast and bottomless ocean, seeing only the heaven and the water; a thing never before attempted by man, and hardly even imagined. After surmounting hunger and thirst, and daily exposure to furious storms, and a thousand dangers in the voyage; they had to encounter great and cruel battles on their arrival in India; not against men armed only with bows and spears, as in the time of Alexander, but with people of stout and tried courage and experienced in war, having ordinance and fire-workers more numerous even than the Portuguese, besides many other excellent weapons. The power of these men, against whom the subjects of your highness had to contend, was infinitely greater than that of King Porus, against whom Alexander had to encounter; yet the Portuguese, though few in number, uniformly had the victory, and never retired from the war as was done by Alexander. 

 Leaving the actions of the Greeks, and considering what was performed by the Romans with their innumerable armies and vast fleets, which seemed to cover the face of the sea, and by means of which they thought to have conquered the whole earth. Yet they never adventured beyond the Red Sea; neither was the greatest of their famous victories comparable to those battles which have been fought by our men in India; in which, most invincible prince, the great prosperity of your father and you is well known. As, without moving from your palace, discoveries and conquests have been achieved by your captains, more extensive than ever were discovered or conquered by any prince in person. There never was any conquest, either by the Barbarians, Greeks, or Romans, of any thing like equal difficulty with this of India; neither any kings or captains of any of these nations equal in valour and conduct to those of your father and yourself, as will manifestly appear from the whole tenor of the following history. 

 The great actions which the subjects of your highness have worthily accomplished, must be deemed to have been permitted and appointed by the providence of God; that so those barbarians, with their vain idols, and the false sectaries of Mahomet, might be brought into the catholic faith, as at this time great numbers have been added to the Christian religion. For, since these great exploits, your highness, as a most godly and Christian prince, hath taken especial care, and hath given command that the Christian doctrine of the _brotherhood of the company of Jesus_ should be taught in India, which you ordered to be brought from Rome, and have always supported at your expence. Thus likewise, you have erected, and founded the noble and sumptuous university of Coimbra, to augment the honour and reputation of your kingdom; where, besides many divines and colleges of poor begging friars to expound the evangelical law, there are temporal men also to instruct those of your subjects that defend and enlarge the commonwealth by deeds of arms, and those who adorn the same by means of learning. 

 All these heroic virtues of your highness being well known to me, have encouraged me to publish this work and others, which have some taste of learning, that they may remain a perpetual memorial of the noble deeds of so many gentlemen and knights of Portugal, your subjects. In this I have been much forwarded by having been in India, where I sojourned with my father, who was sent into that country by your highness as a judge. I spent all my youth in the pursuit of learning, and in the study of ancient historians. Being in India, I set myself with all diligence to learn and understand all that had been done in regard to the discovery and conquest of that country by the Portuguese, with the intention of making the same known and common to all men. By my inquiries, and through the information derived from sundry gentlemen and captains, both such as were actually present in the various transactions, and employed in their execution, as by others who were engaged in counselling and preparing the means of their being performed, I have derived much authentic information; as, likewise, by the perusal of many letters and memorials, which were written by men of credit and reputation, all of which I have examined as evidences of the authenticity of my work, both while in India and since my return into Portugal. As the matters I meant to write of were many, so it became necessary for me to acquire information from many sources; and as those whom I examined were upon oath, it is lawful for me to bring them forward as sure evidence. In these researches some of these men had to be sought after in almost every part of Portugal; and being separated in sundry places, my inquiries have occasioned great travel of my person, and much expence; to which I have devoted the greater part of my life, and have constituted the preparation for this work my sole recreation. Since my residence in the university of Coimbra, in the service of your highness, I have joined together all these informations; which, together with the duties of my office, have caused much toil both of body and mind. Having now accomplished the composition of this book and others, I most humbly offer the same to your highness; and, after many and most fortunate years of governing, I pray God to take you from the transitory seignory of this earth, and to receive you into the perpetual joys of Heaven. 

 _Hernan Lopes de Castaneda. _

SECTION I. 

_Previous steps taken by the King of Portugal, John II. Preparatory tothe Discovery of India. _

Don John, the second of that name, and thirteenth king of Portugal, considering that all spices, drugs, precious stones, and other richeswhich came from Venice, were brought out of the east, and being a princeof great penetration, and high emprize, he was greatly desirous toenlarge his kingdom, and to propagate the knowledge of the Christianfaith to distant regions. He resolved, therefore, to discover the way bysea to the country whence such prodigious riches were brought, that hissubjects might thereby be enriched, and that his kingdom might acquirethose commodities which had hitherto been brought by way of Venice. Hewas much encouraged to this enterprise, by learning that there wereChristians in India, governed by a powerful monarch called Presbyter John, who was reported to be a Christian prince, and to whom he thought properto send ambassadors, that an intercourse of friendship might beestablished between them and their subjects. He consulted, therefore, with the cosmographers of the time, whom he directed to proceed accordingto the example already given in sailing along the coast of Guinea, whichhad been formerly discovered by command of the prince his uncle, Masterof the order of Christ. Accordingly, Bartholomew Diaz, one of theofficers of the royal storehouse at Lisbon, was sent upon this expedition, who discovered that great and monstrous cape, now called of Good Hope, which was unknown to our ancestors. Finding it both terrible anddangerous, he yet passed 140 leagues beyond, to a river which he named_Rio del Infante_, whence he returned into Portugal. In this voyage, Diazgave those names which they still retain, to the ports, harbours, andrivers where he took in fresh water, and erected certain marks, withcrosses, and the royal arms of Portugal, the last of which was placed ona rock named _El pennol de la Cruz_, fifteen leagues on this side of thebefore mentioned river. Diaz returned from this voyage without havingprocured any intelligence concerning India, as all the inhabitants of thecoast which he visited and discovered were ignorant black savages. 

On the return of Diaz, king John resolved to attempt the discovery ofIndia by land; for which purpose he had formerly sent friar Antonio deLisboa by land, in company with a lay person; but as they were ignorantof the Arabic language, they could not travel into those parts, and wentno farther than Jerusalem, whence they returned into Portugal, withouthaving acquired any knowledge of the object of their journey. Yet theking continued to prosecute this discovery of India by land, for which heemployed two of his own servants, Pedro de Covillian and Alonso de Payva, both versant in the Arabic language, who were instructed to search outthe dominions of Presbyter John, and the country whence the spices anddrugs were brought to Venice, and to inquire whether there were anynavigation from the southern extremity of Africa to India. To these menhe gave a chart, which was extracted from a map of the world, byCalsadilla, bishop of Viseo, an eminent astronomer. He gave them likewisea general letter of credit and safe conduct, requiring them to beassisted and protected, and supplied with money, in whatever kingdoms orcountries they might travel; ordering them to receive 400 crowns from thechest of the orchard of Almeryn, for their charges. Of this sum, theytook what they deemed necessary to bear their expences till their arrivalat Valentia in Arragon, placing the rest in the bank of Bartholomew ofFlorence, to be repaid at Valentia. 

Receiving their audience of leave from King John, in presence of DonManuel, duke of Viseo, afterwards king, they departed from Santaxen onthe 7th May 1487, and came to Naples on St Johns day of that year; whencethey were forwarded by the sons of Cosmo de Medici, and went to Rhodes, and thence to Alexandria. From this place they travelled as merchants toCairo, whence they went in company with certain Moors of Fez and Tremesento Toro, a harbour on the Arabian coast of the Red Sea. They here learnedmany things respecting the Indies, and of the trade from the Red Sea toCalicut; and, going from Toro to a place on the coast of Ethiopia, theywent to the port of Aden. The travellers here separated, Alonso de Payvapassing over to the emperor of Ethiopia, erroneously called PresbyterJohn: For he, of whom Marco Polo speaks, under that title, as governingall the Indies, and whose country joins with the great khan of Kathay, was vanquished and slain in a battle by that sovereign; at which time hiskingdom was put an end to, and no one of that race or title has sincereigned. Yet Alonso de Payva actually believed that the emperor ofEthiopia was Presbyter John, having learnt that he was a Christian kingover a Christian nation, as shall be more particularly declared hereafter. At their separation they agreed to meet again at Cairo, when each hadexecuted his part of the royal orders. 

Pedro de Covillian sailed from Aden for the Indies, in a ship belongingto the Moors of Cananor, and went to Calicut and the island of Goa, wherehe acquired complete information respecting the spices of India, thecommodities which come from other places, and the towns of the Indies;the names of all which he inserted, but ill written, in his chart. FromIndia he went to Sofala, where he procured information respecting thegreat island of St Lawrence, called the Island of the Moon by the Moors. Observing that the natives of Sofala were black, like those of Guinea, heconcluded, that all the coast between was under subjection to the Negroes, and consequently that navigation was practicable from Guinea to Sofala, and thence to the Indies. Returning from Sofala, he went to Ormus, andthence to Cairo, where he learnt that Alonso de Payva was dead, and meantto have returned to Portugal. He chanced to meet at Cairo two Spanishjews, Rabbi Abraham, a native of Viseo, and Joseph, born in Lamego; who, after the departure of Covillian and Payva from Portugal, had told theking that they had been in Cairo, where they had received muchinformation concerning Ormus, and of its trade with the Indies. Fromthese Jews Covillian received letters from the king, directed to him andPayva, ordering them to return along with the Jews, if they had seen allthat he had given them in charge. If they had not executed all hisoriginal instructions, they were now directed to send by the Jews anexact account of all the knowledge they had acquired, and to use theirutmost efforts to visit Presbyter John, and to give all the informationin their power respecting Ormus, to Rabbi Abraham, who had sworn by hislaw not to return to Portugal without visiting that place. 

On receiving these letters, Covillian changed his intention of returninginto Portugal, and dispatched Joseph there with letters to the king, giving an account of all that he had seen and learnt in India and Sofala, and transmitted the chart on which he had inserted all the places he hadvisited. In these letters he informed the king that the emperor ofEthiopia was assuredly the same with Presbyter John; but my opinion isthat this is an error, as this sovereign has no such name in his owndominions, as I shall more clearly shew hereafter. On the departure ofJoseph, Covillian and Rabbi Abraham went to Ormus, and thence back to theRed Sea; whence Covillian sent Abraham into Portugal, with letters to theking, containing all the information acquired in this part of theexpedition, and intimating his determination to go into the dominions ofPresbyter John. This he accordingly did, and came to the presence of thethen emperor of Ethiopia, named Alexander, to whom he delivered theletters with which he had been entrusted by the king of Portugal for thatmonarch. Alexander received him courteously, and seemed much pleased withthe letters of the king of Portugal, as being from so very distant aChristian prince, yet did not seem to attach much credit or importance tothem. But he gave all honour, and many gifts to Covillian. 

When Covillian was ready to depart from Ethiopia, and awaited leave forthat purpose, which he had solicited, Alexander died, and was succeededby a new emperor named _Nahu_, who could never be prevailed on to allowof his departure; neither could he procure leave for that purpose fromthe next emperor, David, the son of Nahu, so that Covillian had to remainin Ethiopia, and never returned into Portugal. From that time King Johnnever heard more of him, and therefore concluded that he was dead;nothing having ever been received from him respecting his travels, exceptwhat was contained in the letters carried by the Jews, as beforementioned. 

There came afterwards to Lisbon, a friar from this country of PresbyterJohn, who was received courteously by the king, and on whose reports ofgreat things concerning that country, the king determined to proceed inmaking a discovery of the way to the Indies by sea. He accordingly gaveorders to John de Bragança, his surveyor of the forests, to cut downtimber for building two small ships for that voyage. But King John died, and was succeeded by King Manuel, of glorious memory, who had been chosenby Divine Providence to accomplish the discovery of these countries, bywhich the Christian faith hath been greatly extended, the royal house ofPortugal much honoured, and the subjects wonderfully enriched. 

SECTION II. 

_Narrative of the first Voyage of Vasco de Gama to India and back, in theyears 1497, 1498, and 1499_. 

On the death of King John, he was succeeded by Don Manuel, a prince of agreat mind, bent upon high enterprise, and prone to undertake and executethings beyond the ordinary reach of human knowledge, even more than wasAlexander the Great. Being exceedingly desirous to prosecute thediscovery of the Indies, which had been begun by his predecessor, andproceeding upon the information left him by King John, relative to thatnavigation, he commanded Fernan Lorenzo, treasurer of the house of Mina, to cause construct two ships for this voyage, from the timber which hadbeen provided by King John. These were named the Angel Gabriel and theSan Raphael, the former being of the burden of 120 tons, the latter 100. In addition to these, a caravel of 50 tons, called the Berrio, and a shipof 200 tons were purchased. In the year 1497, the king appointed Vasco dela Gama, as chief captain for the voyage, an experienced navigator, whohad done great service, and a man of great valour, well fitted forexecuting the great enterprize intended by the king. Paulo de la Gama, brother to the captain-general, and Nicholas Coello, both men of valourand enterprise, were appointed the other captains of the squadron. Bartholomew Diaz was likewise commanded to accompany the squadron ofdiscovery in a caravel to the Mirna: And as the three ships of warappointed for the voyage could not contain a sufficient supply ofprovisions for their crews, the ship of 200 tons, which had beenpurchased from Ayres Correa, was ordered to accompany de Gama to a placecalled St Blaze, at which the squadron was to take in water, where thevictuals with which she was loaded were to be distributed to the otherships, after which she was ordered to be burnt. 

Having received their orders, Vasco de la Gama and the other captainstook their leave of the king at _Monte mayor_, and departed for Lisbon, where he embarked his company of 148 persons, at Belem, on Saturday the8th of July 1497. At this embarkation all the religious belonging to thechurch of our Lady at Belem, went in procession in their cowls, bare-headed, and carrying wax candles, praying for the success of theexpedition; accompanied by almost the whole people of Lisbon, weeping anddeploring the fate of those who now embarked, as devoted to certain deathin the attempt of so dangerous a voyage. Thus commended to God and goodfortune, the officers and crews embarked and immediately set sail. Vascode la Gama, the captain-general, took the command in the Angel Gabriel, of which Pedro de Alenquer was pilot, who had been in the same capacitywith Diaz when he passed the Cape of Good Hope, and discovered the _Riodel Infante_. Paulo de Gama went captain of the San Raphael, NicholasCoello of the caravel Berrio, and Gonsalo Gomes[1], a servant of Vasco dela Gama, commanded the large victualling ship. The captain-general gaveout instructions, that in case of separation, they should keep theircourse for Cape Verd, which was appointed as their rendezvous. 

Proceeding on the voyage, they came in sight of the Canaries in eightdays, whence steering for Rio de Oro, they were separated by a tempest, during an exceedingly dark night, on which they all shaped their coursefor Cabo Verde. Paulo de la Gama, Nicholas Coello, Bartholomew Diaz, andGonsalo Gomes rejoined, and sailed together for eight days, when theycame in sight of the captain-general on Wednesday evening, and salutedhim with many guns, and the sound of trumpets, all heartily rejoicing fortheir safe meeting and good fortune in this their first essay of danger. Next day, being the 20th of July[2], the fleet reached the islands of StJago, and came to anchor in the bay of Santa Maria, where it remainedseven days, taking in fresh water, and repairing the yards and otherparts of their rigging which had been damaged in the late storm. OnTuesday the 3d of August[3], the captain-general went on his voyage, after taking leave of Diaz, who now returned to Portugal. Proceeding forthe Cape of Good Hope with all his squadron, de la Gama _entered the gulfinto the sea_[4], and sailed all August, September, and October, suffering many great tempests of violent wind and rain, so that theyoften expected instant death. At length, on Saturday the 4th November, they got sight of land at nine in the forenoon, at which they weregreatly rejoiced; and being all together, the captains saluted thegeneral, all dressed in their best array, and having their ships alldecorated with flags. Not knowing the coasts they sailed along until theTuesday following, when they had a perfect view of a low shore, in whichwas a great bay, that appeared convenient for the ships to take in water, into which they all entered and came to anchor. This place was afterwardsnamed _Angra de Santa Elena_, or St Helen's bay[5]. The people of thecountry, as our men afterwards found, were small, black, ill-favouredsavages, clothed in the skins of beasts, somewhat like French cloaks, having curious wrought wooden cases for their privities; and in speakingthey seemed always, sighing. These natives were armed with oak staves, hardened in the fire, pointed with the horns of beasts, somewhat burnt orhardened with fire, which served them for swords. They lived on the rootsof herbs, and on sea wolves and whales, which are very numerous in thiscountry, likewise on sea crows and gulls. They also eat of certain beasts, which they call Gazelas, and other beasts and birds which the landproduces; and they have dogs which bark like those of Portugal. Thegeneral, after the squadron was brought to anchor, sent Coello in a boatalong the shore, in search of water, which he found four leagues from theanchoring ground, at a place which he named St. Jago, [6] whence all theships provided themselves with fresh water. 

Next day, the general with the other captains, escorted by some of thepeople, went on shore to view the natives, and to endeavour to learn whatdistance the Cape of Good Hope was from thence; for the chief pilot, whohad been on the voyage with Diaz, had departed thence on returning, inthe morning, into the open sea, with a fair wind, and had passed itduring the night, and had not come near the shore when outward bound;wherefore he did not certainly know its situation, nor was he acquaintedwith its appearance, but conjectured it might be thirty leagues fromwhere they then were at the utmost. When the general was on shore, heovertook one of the natives, who was going to gather honey at the foot ofa bush, where it is deposited by the bees without any hive. With thisperson, he returned to the ship, thinking to have got an interpreter, butno one on board the squadron could understand his language. The generalcommanded this man to have meat and drink, and set him on shore next daywell dressed, that he might return satisfied to his countrymen. Accordingly, the day following, this man came down to the shore abreastof the ships, with about fifteen more natives, and the general wentashore, carrying with him spices, gold, and pearls, to try if thesepeople had any knowledge of these things. But from the little estimationwith which these articles were viewed, it was concluded that the nativeshad no knowledge of them. The general distributed among the natives somesmall bells, tin rings, counters, and such toys, which they receivedjoyfully; and from that time till next Saturday morning, great numbers ofthe natives resorted to the fleet, whence they went back to their towns. One Fernan Veloso craved leave of the general to accompany the natives totheir habitations, that he might see their manner of living. On goingalong with them, the natives took a sea wolf which they roasted at thefoot of a hill for their supper, after which they made Veloso return tothe fleet, and it appeared to him that the natives had armed themselves, meaning to attack our people. On his return, Veloso saw that he wassecretly followed, wherefore he hastened to the shore and hailed theships. On this, the general who was then at supper, looked out towardsthe land, where he saw numbers of the savages following Veloso. Hetherefore gave orders for all the ships to be in readiness against anattack, and went himself on shore with several others unarmed, notdreading any harm. On seeing our boats coming towards the shore, thesavages began to run away with much clamour; but when our people landed, they returned and set upon them furiously, throwing their darts, andusing other weapons, which constrained our people to take to their boatsin all haste, taking Veloso along with them; yet in this scuffle thegeneral and three others were wounded. The Negroes returned to theirtowns; and during four days after, while our ships remained in the bay, they never saw any more of the natives, so that they had no opportunityto revenge the injury they had done. 

"Some commerce took place between the Portuguese and the Hottentotnatives around St Elena Bay, by means of signs and gestures; when thefleet received plenty of excellent fresh provisions, in exchange forclothes, hawks bells, glass beads, and other toys; but this friendlyintercourse was interrupted through the imprudence of a Portuguese youngman named Veloso. Delighted with the novelty of the scene, and anxious tosee the manners of the natives more intimately, he obtained permission toaccompany them to their huts, where a sea calf was dressed in theHottentot fashion, to his great astonishment. Disgusted at theirloathsome cookery, he rose abruptly, and was impatient to depart, and wasaccompanied by the natives on his way back to the ships with the utmostgood humour. Veloso, however, became apprehensive of personal danger, andhorridly vociferated for assistance on his approach to the shore. Coellosboat immediately put off to bring him on board, and the natives fled tothe woods. These needless apprehensions on both sides were increased bymutual ignorance of each others language, and led to hostilities. WhileDe Gama was taking the altitude of the sun with an astrolabe, someHottentots sprung from an ambush, and threw their spears, headed withhorn, very dexterously among the Portuguese, by which the general andseveral others were wounded. On this occasion, the Portuguese deemed itprudent to retreat to their ships[7]. "

Having taken in fresh water and provisions in St Elena Bay, the squadronleft that place on the forenoon of Thursday the 16th November, with thewind at S. S. W. And steered for the Cape of Good Hope, and on the eveningof the following Saturday came in sight of that cape. But on account ofthe wind being contrary, he had to stand out to sea all day, and turnedtowards the land as night set in. In that manner he continued plying towindward until the following Wednesday, which was the 20th of November[8], when he doubled the cape with a fair wind, sounding the trumpets of allthe ships, and making every demonstration of joy, but placing the chiefconfidence in God, that his providence would guide and protect them inaccomplishing the enterprise in which they were engaged. 

"In this part of the voyage the greatest proofs of courage and resolutionwere evinced by De Gama. While endeavouring to double this formidable andalmost unknown cape, owing to contrary winds and stormy weather, thewaves rose mountain high. At one time his ships were heaved up to theclouds, and seemed the next moment precipitated into the bottomless abyssof the ocean. The wind was piercingly cold, and so boisterous that thecommands of the pilot could seldom be heard amid the din of the warringelements; while the dismal and almost constant darkness increased thedanger of their situation. Sometimes the gale drove them irresistibly tothe southwards, while at other times they had to lay to, or to tack towindward, difficultly preserving the course they had already made. Duringany gloomy intervals of cessation from the tempest, the sailors, exhausted by fatigue, and abandoned to despair, surrounded De Gama, entreating him not to devote himself and them to inevitable destruction, as the gale could no longer be weathered, and they must all be buried inthe waves if he persisted in the present course. The firmness of thegeneral was not to be shaken by the pusillanimity and remonstrances ofthe crew, on which a formidable conspiracy was entered into against him, of which he received timely information from his brother Paulo. With hisassistance, and that of a few who remained stedfast to their duty, theleading conspirators, and even all the pilots, were put in irons; whilstDe Gama, and his small remnant of faithful followers remained day andnight at the helm, undismayed at the dangers and difficulties thatsurrounded them. At length, on Wednesday the 20th November, all thesquadron safely doubled the tremendous promontory[9]. "

Continuing the voyage along the coast beyond the cape, they saw greatnumbers of large and small cattle as they passed, all well grown and fat;but could perceive no towns, as the villages inhabited by the natives areall farther inland, the houses being of earth covered with straw. Thenatives were all somewhat black, clothed like those they had seen at StElena Bay, speaking the same language, and using similar darts, togetherwith some other kinds of arms, both for defence and assault. The countryis very pleasant, being diversified with wood and water; and adjoining tothe cape on the east side, they found a great harbour now called FalseBay, almost six leagues wide at the mouth, and running about as much intothe land. Having thus doubled the cape, the squadron came, on the Sundayafter, being St Katherine's day, 25th November, to the watering-place ofSt Blaze[10], which is sixty leagues beyond the cape, and is a very largebay, exceeding safe in all winds except the north[11]. 

The natives here resembled those already seen in dress and arms. Thecountry produces many large elephants, and numerous oxen, of vast sizeand extremely fat, some of which have no horns. On some of the fattest ofthese the natives were seen riding, on pannels stuffed with rye straw, asis used in Spain, and having a frame of wood like a saddle. Such of themas they choose to sell they mark by means of a piece of wood, like theshaft of one of their arrows, put through the nose. In this harbour, about three cross-bow shots from the shore, there is a rock muchfrequented by sea wolves, as large as great bears, very wild and fierce, with long, great teeth. These animals are very dangerous, and will attackmen, and their skins are so hard as not to be pierced with spears, unlesspushed with much force and valour. These animals resemble lions, andtheir young bleat like kids. One day that our men went to this rock foramusement, they saw at least three thousand of these animals, old andyoung. On this rock also, there are great numbers of birds as large asducks which do not fly, having no feathers in their wings, and which braylike so many asses[12]. 

Having thus arrived at the Bay of St Blaze, and lying there at anchor, the general caused all the provisions to be taken out of the store-shipand divided among the others, and then burned the store-ship, as the kinghad ordered. In this business and other needful employments, for theirsafety in the remainder of the voyage, they were occupied in that bay forten days. On the Friday after their arrival, about ninety of the nativesmade their appearance, some on the shore, and others on the hills, onwhich the general and the captains went to the shore, having their boatscrews well armed, and even taking ordinance with them, to avoid the sameaccident which had happened at St Elena bay. When near the shore, thegeneral threw some bells on the land, which the Negroes pickt up, andsome of them came so near as to take the bells out of his hands. He muchwondered at this familiarity, as Diaz had informed him when he was inthose parts, the natives all ran away and would never approach nearenough to be seen and conversed with. Finding them thus gentle, contraryto his expectation, he went on land with his men, and bartered red night-caps with the Negroes, for ivory bracelets which they wore on their arms. Next Saturday, the natives came to the shore to the number of more thantwo hundred, including their children, and brought with them twelve oxen, and four sheep. When our people went on shore, some of the natives beganto play on four flutes, in four several tones, making good music; onwhich the general caused the trumpets to be sounded, and the nativesdanced with our people. Thus the day passed in mirth and feasting, and inpurchasing their oxen and sheep. On Sunday a still greater number of thenatives came down to the shore, having several women among them, andbringing a number of oxen for sale. After the sale of one of the oxen, some of our people noticed some young Negroes hidden among certain bushes, who had with them the weapons of the older people, from which it wasconjectured that some treason was intended. Upon this, the general causedour people to remove to a place of greater security, and were followed bythe Negroes to the landing place. The Negroes now gathered together, asif they meant to fight the Portuguese; on which the general, beingunwilling to harm them, embarked in the boats with all his people, andthen commanded two pieces of brass ordnance to be fired off, on whichthey were much amazed and scampered off in confusion, leaving theirweapons behind. After this, the general ordered a cross or pillar, havingthe arms of Portugal to be set upon the shore, but the Negroes pulled itdown immediately, even before our people retired. 

After remaining ten days here, as before mentioned, the fleet set sailfor the Rio del Infante, on Friday the 8th December, being the Conceptionof our Lady, and during this part of the voyage, there arose a greatstorm with _forewind_ on the eve of St Lucy, 12th December, that all theships run under close reefed courses. During this storm, they partedcompany with Nicholas Coello, but rejoined the next night after. On the16th December, when the gale abated, they discovered land near certainsmall rocks, sixty leagues from the harbour of St Blaze, and five leaguesfrom the Pennon de la Cruz, where Diaz set up his last stone pillar[13], and fifteen leagues short of the Rio del Infante[14]. This country wasvery pleasant, and abounded in cattle, becoming more sightly and withhigher trees the further our fleet sailed towards the east, as could beeasily seen from the ships as they sailed along near the shore. OnSaturday they passed close within sight of the rock _de la Cruz_, andbeing loath to pass the _Rio del Infante_, they stood out to sea tillvespers, when the wind came round to the east, right contrary. On this, the general stood off, and on plying to windward, till Tuesday the 20thDecember, at sunset, when the wind changed to the west, which wasfavourable. Next day at ten o'clock, they came to the before-mentionedrock, being sixty leagues a-stern of the place they wished to haveattained[15]. 

This rock is the cause of the great currents on this coast, which were sopowerful, that the fleet had much ado with a brisk favourable wind tostem the current between that place and Rio Infante in three or four days;but at length they joyfully passed these currents without damage, as Diazhad done formerly, and the general, encouraged by his good fortune, gavethanks to God, saying, he verily believed it was the good pleasure of Godthat they should attain to the discovery of the Indies. 

Thus continuing the voyage till Christmas day, they had discoveredseventy leagues to the eastwards, and had arrived in the latitude inwhich India was said to be in his instructions. The fleet continued tosail for so long a time without going to land, as to be in want of water, insomuch that they had to dress their provisions in sea water, and wereforced to reduce the allowance of drink to one pint of water per man eachday. But on Friday the 11th January 1498, drawing near the land, theboats were sent out to view the coast, where they saw many Negroes, bothmen and women, all of whom were of great stature, and followed our boatsalong the coast. As these people appeared quiet and civil, the generalcalled Martin Alonzo, who could speak many of the Negro languages, anddesired him and another to leap on shore, which they immediately did. Alonzo and his companion were well received by the natives, especially bytheir chief, to whom the general sent a jacket, a pair of breeches, and acap, all of a red colour, and a copper bracelet, of which he was veryproud, and returned thanks to the general, saying, "that he might haveany thing he wished for or needed that his country produced. " All which, as Martin Alonzo understood their language[16], he reported to thegeneral, who was much pleased that by this means an intercourse could beopened with the natives. Alonzo and another of our people wereaccordingly permitted by the general to go for one night along with thenatives to their town, where the chief dressed himself out in his newgarments, and was beheld with much admiration by his people in his finery, clapping their hands for joy. This salutation was repeated three or fourtimes on their way to the town, and when there, the chief made thecircuit of the whole village, that all the people might see and admirehis new and strange attire. When this ceremonial was ended, the chiefretired to his own house, where he commanded Alonzo and his companion tobe well lodged and entertained, and gave them for supper a hen exactlythe same as one of ours, and a kind of pap, or porridge, made of a yellowgrain called _Mylyo_[17], of which likewise they made bread. Many of theNegroes repaired that night to their lodging to have a near view of thestrangers; and next day, the chief sent them back to the ships, accompanied by some Negroes, laden with hens for the general, whoreturned thanks for the same by means of Alonzo his interpreter. Duringfive days that our ships remained off this coast, no kind of harm wasdone or offered by the inhabitants, who seemed quiet and gentle, and tohave many _noble men_, for which reason, he called this place _Terra daboa gente_, or the land of Good People[18]. The town in which MartinAlonzo was had its houses constructed of straw, yet well furnished within. The women were more numerous than the men, as in a company of forty women, there were only twenty men. These people were armed with long bows andarrows, and had darts headed with iron, having many copper bracelets, ontheir arms and legs, with copper ornaments in their hair. They have alsoiron daggers, with pewter handles and ivory sheaths; so that it ismanifest they have plenty of copper and tin. They have likewise abundanceof salt, which they make from sea water, which they carry in gourds tocertain caves where the salt is made. They were so fond of linen, thatthey gave a great quantity of copper in exchange for an old shirt, andwere so quiet and civil, that they brought water to our boats from ariver about two cross-bow shots from the landing, which our people namedRio do Cobre, or Copper River. 

"Osorius places the arrival of the Portuguese on this part of the coast aday earlier than Castaneda, and gives the following additionalinformation. On the 10th January 1498, they discovered some small islands, about 230 miles from their last watering-place, having a very beautifulappearance, and consisting of verdant meadows, intermixed with groves oflofty trees, where they could see the inhabitants walking on the shore ingreat numbers. Here De Gama landed, and sent one of his men, who was wellversant in the Negro languages to visit the king, and who was receivedwith much civility, receiving presents of the produce of the country onhis dismissal. Before leaving Lisbon, De Gama received ten malefactors onboard who had been condemned to die, but were pardoned on condition ofgoing on this voyage, for the purpose of being left wherever De Gamapleased, that they might examine the country, and be enabled to give himan account of the inhabitants on his return. On setting sail from thisplace, De Gama left two of these exiles on shore, to inform themselves ofthe character and manners of the natives[19]. 

From this place our fleet departed on the 15th January, and proceeding ontheir voyage, came to another country of very low land, having very thicktall trees; and proceeding onwards, they found a river which was veryopen at the mouth, near which he came to anchor on Thursday the 24th ofJanuary, as the general deemed it proper to examine this country, and totry if any intelligence could be here procured concerning India. Thatsame evening, he and his brother Nicholas Coello[20] entered the river;and, at day-break next morning, the land was observed to be extremely lowand covered with water, having many trees of great height, thickly loadedwith various kinds of fruits, the country appearing very pleasant. Theysaw likewise certain boats with some of the natives coming towards theship, at which the general was well pleased, as he conceived from theirhaving some degree of maritime knowledge in these parts, that he couldnot now be very far from India, or at least should soon hear news of thatcountry. The natives were Negroes of good stature, all naked, except eacha small apron of cloth made of cotton. On reaching the ships, they cameon board without hesitation, and behaved themselves as if they had beenlong acquainted with our people. They were well received, and werepresented with bells and other toys, but did not understand any of thelanguages spoken by Martin Alonzo, or any of the other interpreters onboard, so that the only intercourse was by signs. They departed aftergood entertainment, and afterwards they and many others returned to theships in their boats, bringing with them such provisions as their countryafforded. The natives seemed much satisfied with their reception; andbesides those who came to the ships by water, many others came byland[21], among whom were several women who were tolerably handsome, especially the young maidens; but all were as naked as the men. They havethree holes in their lips, in which they wear small pieces of tin by wayof ornament. The natives took several of our men along with them to makemerry at one of their towns, whence they brought water to our ships. 

After the general had been three days in this river, two of the nobles, or head men of the natives, came on board to visit him, who were nakedlike the rest, except that their aprons were much larger, and one of themhad a handkerchief on his head, embroidered with silk, while the otherwore a nightcap of green satin[22]. Observing their cleanliness, orcivility, the general treated these people courteously, and gave themvictuals, apparel, and other things, of which they seemed to make butsmall account; and by certain signs, shewn by a young man, it wasunderstood that his country was at a considerable distance, where he hadseen ships as large as ours. This intelligence gave great hopes to ourpeople that the Indies were not far off, which was much confirmed by thechiefs who had been on board, sending off for sale certain cloths made ofcotton, on which there were marks of ochre. In respect of all theseencouraging tokens, the general named this river _Ho rio dos bos Sinaes_, or River of Good Signs; and called the place San Rafael, after the nameof his own Ship[23]. 

From the signs of the before-mentioned young men, that the country of thehead men who had been on board was far off, where they had seen largeships, the general concluded that the Indies were still at a greatdistance; and therefore determined, in consultation with the othercaptains, to lay the ships aground, to give their bottoms a thoroughrepair, which was done accordingly. In this operation they employedthirty-two days, during which, our people were much afflicted with agrievous sickness, thought to proceed from the air of the country. Theirhands and feet became swelled, and their gums became so sore and putridthat they could not eat, and the smell of their breath was quiteintolerable[24]. With this pestilent infection our people were muchdiscouraged, and many of them died, the survivors being in great troubleand perplexity. But De Gama took much care, and used much diligence fortheir recovery, and to comfort their affliction; continually visiting thesick, and giving them such wholesome and medicinal things as he hadprovided for his own use; through all which many recovered who would havedied, and the rest were thereby greatly comforted, and encouraged. 

Having repaired the ships, and provided them with all necessaries thatcould be procured at the river of Good Signs, the fleet departed fromthence on Saturday the 24th of February. 

"At this period, two accidents occurred which had nearly frustrated allthe hopes of this expedition. De Gama being along side of the shipcommanded by his brother, with whom he wished to speak, had hold of thechains, when the boat was carried from under him by the force of thecurrent, but by immediate assistance, he and his boats crew wereprovidentially saved. Soon afterwards, when the fleet was passing the barof the river, the ship of De Gama grounded on a sand bank, and her losswas for some time considered as inevitable; but she floated again withthe return of the tide, and to their inexpressible joy received nodamage[25]. "

As there was little or no wind, the fleet stood out to sea to avoid theshore, and about vespers on Sunday, they descried three small islands outto sea, about four leagues distant from each other. Two of these werereplenished with trees, but the third was quite bare. Seeing no cause todelay the voyage in examining these islands, De Gama held on for six days, coming always to anchor at night. On the evening of Thursday, the firstof March, they came in sight of four islands, two of which were near theland, and the other two farther out to sea; and the fleet steered throughthe channel next morning, the ship commanded by Coello, as being thesmallest, going first. But endeavouring to enter a certain harbour, between the mainland and one of these islands, Coello missed the channeland ran aground, on which the other ships put about and went back. Theysoon perceived seven or eight boats under sail coming from the islandwhich was a good league distant from Coello, at which sight they weremuch rejoiced, and Coello and his people received them with muchdemonstration of friendship and satisfaction, Coello went along withthese people to the general, and presented them, saying, that here was aquite different kind of people from any they had seen hitherto. Then thegeneral commanded _to let them go a seaboard with their boats_[26], as heproposed to go with them to their island to anchor with his ships, thathe might see what kind of a country it was, and if he could learn anycertain intelligence concerning India. But the boats continued to followour ships, making signals, and calling to our people to wait for them;wherefore the ships came to anchor, and the boats came to our fleet. Thepeople on board were of good stature and somewhat black, clothed indresses of cotton, striped with sundry colours; some girdled to theirknees, while others carried their apparel on their shoulders like cloaks. Their heads were covered with kerchiefs, somewhat wrought with silk andgold thread, and they were armed with swords and daggers like Moors. Intheir boats, also, they had certain musical instruments named _sagbuts_. They came immediately on board with as much confidence as if they werelong acquainted, and entered into familiar conversation in the languageof Algarve, and would not be known as Moors[27]. 

The general ordered these people to be well entertained, and they eat anddrank willingly of whatever was set before them; after which, by means ofFernan Alvarez, who could speak their language, he learned that theisland to which they belonged was called Monsambicke, or Mozambique, onwhich was a town full of merchants, who traded with the Moors of India, who bring them silver, linen cloth, pepper, ginger, silver rings, manypearls, and rubies; and that, from a country behind, they procure gold. They offered likewise to conduct our people into the harbour, where theywould learn the truth of these things more fully. On consulting with theother captains, the general determined upon going into this harbour, toexamine more accurately into these reports, and to procure pilots tocarry them on their voyage, as they had no one in the fleet who knew theway. Nicholas Coello was therefore ordered to make the first essay, andto take the soundings of the bar, his ship being the smallest. But inentering, he touched on the point of the island where he broke his helm, and was in great danger of being lost; but by good providence he got offwith no farther injury. He now found the bar was quite safe, and got intothe harbour, where he anchored two cross-bow shots from the town, whichis in fifteen degrees towards the south[28]. The harbour is very good, the town is plentifully supplied with such provisions as the countryproduces, the houses being constructed of straw, and the inhabitantsMoors, who trade to Sofala in large vessels that have neither decks nornails, their planks being sewed together with _cayro_ or twine, made fromthe fibres of the cocoa nut rind, and their sails of mats made of theleaves of a species of palm. Some of these vessels use compasses of Genoa, and regulate their voyages by means of quadrants and sea charts. Withthese Moors the Moors of India trade, as likewise do those from the RedSea, because of the gold which is to be had here. On seeing our people, the Moors of Mozambique thought the Portuguese had been Turks, whom theyknew of from the Moors who dwell on the Red Sea; and those who were firstat our ships carried intelligence to the xeque, or sheik, which is thetitle of the governor of this island for the king of Quiloa, in whoseterritories it is situated. 

"Though we shall afterwards have occasion to investigate this easterncoast of Africa more fully, in editing particular voyages to its shores, some notices seem here to be proper[29]. Owing to his keeping at adistance from, the shore for security, the present voyage gives littleknowledge of the eastern coast of Africa, and it is even difficult toassign the many stations at which De Gama touched between the Cape ofGood Hope and Mozambique. We have already noticed the river of Good Signs, as being probably the northern mouth of the Delta of the Zambeze, nowcalled _Quilimane_, from a fort of that name on its banks. The mouth ofthis branch runs into the sea in lat. 18° 25' S. In his passage from the_Terra de Natal_, or Christmas Land, so named from having been discoveredon Christmas day, and named, in this account of De Gamas voyage, _theLand of Good People_, De Gama missed Cape Corientes, forming the S. W. Point of the channel of Mozambique, or _Inner Passage_, as it is nowcalled, and overshot Sofala, the southern extremity of Covilhamsdiscoveries, at which he was probably directed to touch, as Covilhamschart might have been of some use to direct his farther progress to Aden, and thence to Calicut or Cananor, on the Malabar coast. 

"The eastern coast of Africa is hitherto very little known to geography, its trade being entirely confined to the Portuguese, who havesettlements at Sofala, the river Zambeze, Mozambique, Quiloa, and Melinda, and conceal all the circumstances respecting their foreign possessionswith infinite jealousy. It is said to have once been in contemplation bythe British government, to employ Sir Home Popham to make a survey ofthis coast, but this design was never executed. Commodore Blanketremained on this station for a considerable time, and much informationmay be expected from his journal, some drawings of the coast having beenalready made for charts, which are preparing, under the orders of theAdmiralty. About the year 1782, a great mass of geographical informationwas collected on the continent of Europe and lodged in the British Museum, from which information may probably be derived respecting this coast, when that collection shall have been arranged and submitted to thepublic. According to D'Apres, all the eastern coast of Africa, for agreat way south of the equinoctial, is lined by a range of islands, whence shoals extend to the distance of a league. These islets form anouter shore, with a winding channel within, and are in some places aleague from the coast of the continent, though very apt to be mistakenfor the real coast. Within this range the boats or almadias of thecountry ply backwards and forwards in great safety, in the interveningchannel. 

"Ptolemy places the _Prasum promontorium_, or Green Cape, the extremesouthern boundary of ancient knowledge of the east coast of Africa, inlat. 15" 30' S. And the Portuguese universally assume Mozambique asPrasum, by which classical name it is distinguished in the Lusiad ofCamoens, in reference to the voyage of De Gama, and the near coincidenceof situation gives great probability to this supposition. [Greek:prason] signifies a leek, and is also used to denote a sea-weed of asimilar green colour, and the name may either have been derived from theverdure of the point, or from the sea-weeds found in its neighbourhood. At all events, Prasum cannot be farther south than Cape Corientes, orfarther north than Quiloa or the Zanguebar islands. The harbour ofMozambique has seldom less than eight or ten fathom water, which is soclear, that every bank, rock, or shallow can be easily seen. 

"The Moors, so often mentioned, are supposed by Bruce to have beenmerchants expelled from Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella, who first fixedtheir residence on the western coast of Africa, and extending themselveseastwards, formed settlements in Arabia and Egypt, till the oppressionsof Selim and Soliman, the Turkish emperors, interrupted their commerce, and obliged them to disperse along the coast of Abyssinia and easternAfrica. Besides the impossibility, chronologically, for the assignedcauses having produced the supposed effect, there is no necessity forhaving recourse to this improbable hypothesis. From being best acquaintedwith their Moorish conquerors, the Spaniards and Portuguese have alwaysbeen accustomed to name all the Arabians Moors, wherever they found them, and even gave at first the name of _black_ Moors to the Negroes, whenceour old English term _Black-a-moors_. It is well known that the Arabs, especially after their conversion to Mahometanism, were great colonizersor conquerors; even the now half-christian kingdom of Abyssinia was anearly colony and conquest of the pagan Arabs, and its inhabitants areconsequently _white_ Moors in the most extended Portuguese sense. TheArab, or Moorish kingdoms along the African coast of the Indian ocean, are branches from the same original stem, and the early Mahometanmissionaries were both zealous and successful in propagating Islaemismamong the most distant pagan colonies of their countrymen. As all zealousMussulmen are enjoined the pilgrimage of Mecca, and commerce mixeslargely with religion in the holy journey, by which the faithful fromevery distant region often meet at Mecca, and induce each other to extendtheir commercial adventures to new regions, it may possibly have been, that some Moors originally from Spain, may even have reached Mozambiquebefore the time of De Gama; but it is ridiculous to suppose that all theMoors on the African coast had been Spaniards. The overthrow of the greatMoorish kingdom of Granada only took place five or six years before thepresent voyage. 

"The island of Mozambique, which does not exceed a league incircumference, is described as low and swampy, and was inhabited by Moorswho had come from Quiloa and Sofala. It was afterwards much resorted toby the Portuguese as a winter station, and became the key of their Indiantrade. The African coast stretches out on both sides of the island intotwo points, that on the north-east called Pannoni, off which a shoal withthree islets extends, some way into the sea. The southern point is calledMangale[30]. "

When the Moorish governor of Mozambique[31] was informed of the arrivalof the Portuguese, and that Coello was come to anchor in the harbour, hefully supposed that they were Turks or Moors from some distant place, andimmediately came to visit him, apparelled in fine silk, with manyattendants. Coello received him very courteously; but as neither he norany in his ship could speak their language, the governor soon retired. Coello gave him, however, a red cap, on which he seemed to set littlevalue, and presented him likewise with some black beads, which he carriedaway in his hand, both being given and received in token of friendship. On leaving the ship, he required Coello, by signs, to let him have theboat to carry him on shore, which Coello readily agreed to, and sent someof his men to the land along with him. These the governor carried to hishouse, and feasted them on dates and other things, and sent back withthem a pot of preserved dates to Coello, with which he regaled thegeneral and his brother when they had entered the harbour. On the arrivalof the other two ships, the governor again sent off some of his people tovisit them, still taking them for Turks, presenting many pleasant anddelicate viands, and asking permission to visit them in person. Thegeneral, in return, sent the governor a present, consisting of red hats, short gowns, coral, brass basons, hawks bells and many other things, which he slighted as of no value, and asked why the general had not senthim scarlet, which he chiefly desired. 

Soon afterwards the governor came off to visit the general; who, beingapprized of his coming, ordered all the ships to be dressed out in theirflags. He likewise made all the sick and infirm men to be kept out ofsight, and brought a good many of the most alert men from the other ships, whom he ordered to be secretly armed, in case of any violence ortreachery on the part of the Moors. The governor came on board, accompanied with many men, all well apparelled in silk, having many ivorytrumpets and other musical instruments, on which they played almostwithout ceasing. The governor was a lean man, of good stature, dressed ina linen shirt down to his heels, over which he wore a long gown of Meccavelvet, having a cap of silk of many colours, trimmed with gold, on hishead, at his girdle he wore a sword and dagger, and had silk shoes. Thegeneral received him on entering the ship, and led him to an awning, trimmed up in the best manner they were able. The general then begged himnot to be offended that no scarlet had been sent, having brought nonewith him, and that his ships only contained such merchandize as were fitto be bartered for victuals for the people; and that his only object atpresent was to discover the way to the Indies, for which purpose he hadbeen sent by a great and mighty king, his master. All this was conveyedthrough the interpretation of Fernan Martin[32]. The general then orderedan entertainment of the best meats and wines which the ship afforded, tobe set before the governor and his principal attendants, of all whichthey partook willingly, even drinking wine with good will. The governorasked whether they came from Turkey, as he had heard say that the Turkswere a fair people like them, and desired to see our country bows, andthe books of our law. To this the general answered, that he and his menwere not from Turkey, but from a kingdom in their neighbourhood; that hewould most willingly shew his bows and other weapons, but had not thebooks of our law, as they were not needed at sea. Then some cross-bowswere brought, which were bent, and shot off in presence of the governor, also some of our harness or defensive armour, with all of which he wasmuch pleased, and greatly astonished. 

During this conference, the general learnt that the port of Calicut inIndia was 900 leagues distant from Mozambique; and, as there were manyshoals in the course, that it was very necessary to have a pilot fromthis place. He learned also that there were many cities along the coast. He likewise understood, that the kingdom of Prester John was far fromthis place, in the inland country[33]. Considering the expediency ofhaving a pilot, the general requested to have two from the governor, whoagreed to the demand, on condition that they should be well used. Thereason of wishing to have two was, lest one might die during the voyage, and our people were much pleased with this promise. The governor came asecond time to visit the general, and brought with him both the pilotswhom he had promised; to each of whom were given thirty crowns and a coat, each crown being worth five shillings, under this condition, thatwhenever one of them should go on shore, the other should remain on board, that one might always stay by the ship while in harbour. 

Notwithstanding these friendly meetings, speeches, and assurances, itsoon appeared, after the departure of the governor, that the Moors hadlearned, during their intercourse with our people, that they wereChristians, on which the former friendship and good will of the Moorstowards them was changed to wrath and fury, and they henceforwards usedevery endeavour to kill our men, and to take possession of the ships. Thegovernor, therefore, and his people, used every effort for thismischievous purpose, and had certainly succeeded, if the Almighty had notmoved the heart of one of the Moorish pilots who had been received intothe Portuguese fleet, to reveal the same to the general; who, fearinglest the infidels might suddenly execute their purpose, as being numerousin comparison to his small company, determined to remain no longer in theharbour. Wherefore, on Saturday the 10th March 1498, being seven daysafter his arrival, he quitted the harbour of Mozambique, and cast anchorclose to an island, at the distance of a league from that place;intending, on Sunday, to hear mass on shore, that they might confess andreceive the sacrament, which had not been done since leaving Lisbon. 

After the ships were come to anchor in this place of safety from beingburnt by the Moors, which the general greatly dreaded, he determined togo back to Mozambique in his boat, to demand the other pilot who had beenpromised, but who still remained on shore. Leaving his brother with thefleet, in readiness to come to his aid if needful, the general wenttowards Mozambique with his boat, accompanied by Nicholas Coello, and theMoorish pilot. On their way they saw six _zambucos_ or boats, filled withMoors, coming towards them, armed with long bows and arrows, and alsowith shields and spears. The Moors called to our people to come alongwith them to the town; and the Moorish pilot, who explained their signals, advised the general to do so, as the governor would not otherwise deliverthe other pilot, who still remained on shore. The general was muchdispleased at this advice, believing the pilot only wished him toapproach the shore, that he might be able to run away, and thereforeordered him to be secured as a prisoner. He likewise gave orders to fireat the Moorish boats from his ordnance. When Paulo de la Gama heard theshot, believing the general to be in more danger than he actually was, heimmediately came with the ship Berrio under sail to his aid. On seeingthis, the Moors fled away in such haste that the general could notovertake them, and therefore returned with his brother to where the otherships were at anchor. 

Next day, being Sunday, the general and all his men went on shore, wherethey heard mass, and received the sacrament very devoutly, havingconfessed the evening before. After this they re-embarked and set sailthe same day. Having no hope of procuring the other pilot, the generalordered to release him whom he had confined, and carried him on thevoyage. But he, willing to be revenged for the indignity he hadexperienced, determined on carrying the Portuguese fleet to the island ofQuiloa, which was all peopled with Moors; and, as it seemed, intended toinform the king of that place that our ships belonged to the Christians, that he might destroy them and kill the crews. For this purpose, hecraftily persuaded the general not to be in trouble for want of the otherpilot, as he would carry him to a great island, on hundred leagues fromthence, which was inhabited half by Moors, and half by Christians, whowere always in war with each other, and where he might easily find pilotsto conduct him to Calicut. Though the general was much pleased with thisinformation, he yet did not give implicit credit to the Moor, butpromised him high rewards if he carried him in safety to that country, and so went forward on the voyage with a scant wind. 

On the Tuesday the fleet was still in sight of the land from which theytook their departure, and remained becalmed all that day and the next. OnWednesday night, a gentle breeze sprung up from the eastward, on whichthe fleet stood off to seaward, but on Thursday morning, on again makingthe land, they were four leagues to leeward of Mozambique, whence plyingto windward, they came back that evening to the island where they hadheard mass on the Sunday before, where they cast anchor and remainedeight days waiting for a fair wind. While here at anchor, a white Moor, who was a _molah_ or minister among the Moors of Mozambique, came onboard the generals ship, representing that the governor was much grievedat the breach of peace and friendship between them, which he would nowgladly renew. To this the general made answer, that he would make nopeace with the governor unless he sent him the other pilot whom he hadhired and paid. With this answer the _molah_ departed, and never cameback. After this, while still waiting for a fair wind, there came anotherMoor on board, accompanied with his son, a boy, and asked the general togive him a passage to the city of Melinda, which he said was on his wayto Calicut. He said that he was a native of the country near Mecca, whence he had piloted a ship to Mozambique, and would gladly go with him, that he might return to his own country; and farther, he counselled thegeneral not to remain in expectation of any answer from the _zeque_, whohe was sure would make no peace with him, on account of his hatred to theChristians. The general was rejoiced at the coming of this Moor, expecting to acquire information from him concerning the straits of theRed Sea, and of the towns on the coast between Mozambique and Melinda, bywhich he had to sail, and therefore gave orders to receive this Moor andhis son on board. 

As the ships were rather short of water, the general and the othercaptains determined upon entering the harbour of Mozambique, to take inwhat they needed; but ordered strict watch to be kept, lest the Moorsshould set the ships on fire. They entered therefore again into theharbour on Thursday; and when night came, they went in their boats insearch of water, which the Moorish pilot assured them was to be found onthe firm land, and offered to guide them to the place. Leaving Paulo dela Gama in charge of the ships, and taking Nicholas Coello and the pilotalong with him in the boats, the general went on shore about midnight tothe place where the pilot said that water was to be had. But it could notbe found; whether that the pilot misled them in hope of escaping, orfinding he could not escape, did so out of malice. Having spent the wholenight fruitlessly in search of water, and day beginning to dawn, thegeneral returned to the ships for more force, lest the Moors might setupon him and his small company at a disadvantage. Having furnished hisboats with a larger force of armed men, he returned to the shore, stillaccompanied by Coello and the Moorish pilot, who, seeing no means ofescaping, now pointed out the watering-place close by the shore. At thisplace they observed about twenty Moors armed with darts, who shewed as ifthey meant to prevent them from taking water. The general therefore gaveorders to fire three guns, to force them from the shore, that our menmight be able to land unopposed. Amazed and frightened by the noise andthe effect of the shot, the Moors ran away and hid themselves in thebushes; and our people landed quietly, and took in fresh water, returningto the ships a little before sunset. On arriving, the general found hisbrother much disquieted, because a Negro, belonging to John Cambrayes, the pilot of Paulo de la Gama, had run away to the Moors, though himselfa Christian. [34]

Upon Saturday the 24th of March, being the eve of the annunciation of ourLady, a Moor appeared early in the morning on the shore, abreast of theships, calling out in a loud and shrill voice, "that if our men wantedany more water they might now come for it, when they would find such aswere ready to force their return. " Irritated at this bravado, andremembering the injury done him in withholding the promised pilot, andthe loss of the Negro, the general resolved to batter the town with hisordnance in revenge, and the other captains readily agreed to the measure. Wherefore they armed all their boats, and came up before the town, wherethe Moors had constructed a barricade of boards for their defence on theshore, so thick that our men could not see the Moors behind. Upon theshore, between that defence and the sea, an hundred Moors were drawn up, armed with targets, darts, bows, arrows, and slings, who began to slingstones at the boats as soon as they came within reach. They wereimmediately answered with shot from our ordnance, on which they retiredfrom the shore behind their barricade, which was soon beaten down, whenthey ran into the town, leaving two of their men slain. The general andhis men now returned to the ships to dinner, and the Moors were seenrunning from that town to another; and so much were they afraid of thePortuguese, that they abandoned the island, going by water to anotherplace on the opposite side. After dinner, our people went with theircaptains on shore, to endeavour to take some of the Moors, with the hopeof procuring restitution of the Negro belonging to Cambrayes, who had runaway from the ships, and they were likewise desirous of recovering twoIndians, who were said by the Moorish pilot to be detained as captives inMozambique. 

On this occasion, Paulo de la Gama seized four Moors who were in a boat;but a great many Moors in other boats escaped, by hastening on shore andleaving their boats behind, in which our men found much cotton cloth, andseveral books of their Mahometan law, which the general ordered to bepreserved. The general and the other captains ranged in their boats alongside of the town, but did not venture on shore, not having sufficientforce, nor could they get any speech of the Moors. Next day they went onshore at the watering-place, where they took what was needed without anyopposition from the Moors. Being now hopeless of recovering the Negro, orof procuring the Indian captives, it was determined to depart; but thegeneral resolved to be revenged on the town and people for their enmity. For which reason, he went against it next day with ordnance, anddestroyed it in such sort that the Moors had to abandon it, and flee intoanother island within the country. [35] This being done, the fleet weighedanchor on Tuesday the 27th of March, and departed from Mozambique, whencethey proceeded to two little rocks, which they called St George, andwhere they came to anchor in waiting for a wind, which was now contrary. Soon afterwards the wind came fair and they departed, but the wind was solight, and the currents so strong, that they were forced in a retrogradecourse. 

The general was much pleased to find that one of the Moors taken by hisbrother at Mozambique was a pilot, and was acquainted with the navigationto Calicut. Proceeding on their voyage, they came, on Sunday the first ofApril, to certain islands very near the coast, to the first of which theygave the name of _Ilha da Açoutado_, because the Moorish pilot ofMozambique was here severely whipt by order of the general, for havingfalsely said that these islands were part of the continent, and likewisefor not shewing the way to the watering-place at Mozambique, as beforerelated. Being cruelly whipt, the Moor confessed that he had brought themto this place expressly that they might perish on the rocks and shoals ofthese islands, which were so numerous and so close together, that theycould hardly be distinguished from each other. On this the general stoodout to sea, and on Friday the 4th of April, [36] standing to the north-west, he came in sight, before noon, of a great land, with two islandsnear the coast, around which were many shoals. On nearing the shore, theMoorish pilots recognized it, and said that the Christian island ofQuiloa was three leagues astern; on which the general was much grieved, believing certainly that the natives of Quiloa had been Christians, asrepresented by the pilots, and that they had purposely taken a wrongcourse that the ships might not come there. The pilots, to conceal theirtreachery, alleged that the winds and currents had carried the shipsfarther than they reckoned. But in truth, they were more disappointed inthis than even the general, as they had reckoned upon being here revengedupon the Portuguese, by having them all slain. In this God preserved ourpeople from the intended danger most miraculously, for if they had goneto Quiloa they had all surely perished; as the general was so fullypersuaded of the natives being Christians, as reported by the pilot, thathe would doubtless have landed immediately on his arrival, and havethereby run headlong to a place where he and all his people would havebeen slain. Both parties being thus sorry for having missed Quiloa, thegeneral because he hoped to have found Christians, and the Moorish pilotsbecause of their intended treachery, it was determined to put back withthe intention of seeking for it; but still the wind and currents opposedtheir purpose, and they tried a whole day in vain. This doubtlessproceeded from the providence of God, and his merciful goodness to ourmen, who were thus preserved by miracle from the malicious and devilishintentions of the two Moorish pilots of Mozambique. 

The fleet being thus baffled and tossed to and fro, it was determined tobear away for the island of Mombaza, in which the pilots said there weretwo towns, peopled both by Moors and Christians. But they gave out thisas before to deceive our people, and to lead them to destruction; forthat island was solely inhabited by Moors, as is the whole of that coast. Understanding that Mombaza was seventy miles distant, they bore away forthat place, and towards evening, they came in sight of a great islandtowards the north, in which the Moorish pilots pretended there were twotowns, one of Christians and the other of Moors; making this falseassertion to make our people believe that there were many Christians onthis coast. While pursuing their voyage towards Mombaza for some days, the ship San Raphael chanced one morning, two hours before day, to getaground on certain shoals, two leagues from the shore of the continent. Paulo de Gama immediately made signals to apprize the other ships of hissituation and their danger; on which they had the good fortune to avoidthe shoals and got safely to anchor. The boats from the other ships wereimmediately sent off to assist Paulo de Gama in the St Raphael; and, onseeing that the tide was then low, the general was much rejoiced, as hewell knew she would float again with the tide of flood; whereas, before, he was much afraid she might be totally lost. He therefore gave orders tocarry all their anchors out to deep water, to prevent her from gettingfarther on the shoal. By the time this was done day broke, and soon afterat low water the St Raphael was quite dry on a sand bank, having taken noharm in striking. While waiting for the tide of flood, our people namedthese sands _Os baixos de Sam Rafael_, or the Shoals of St Raphael, andnamed certain islands and hills of the continent, then in sight, theislands and hills of St Raphael. 

While the ship remained thus dry, and the people walking about on thesand, they saw two boats full of Moors, who came to our ships, bringingmany sweet oranges, much better than those of Portugal. These men toldthe general not to fear any damage to the ship which was aground, as shewould float uninjured with the next flood; and the general was so muchpleased with this good heartening, that he gave them several presents, which they accepted with many thanks; and understanding that our fleetintended to put in at Mombaza, they requested to be carried thither. Thegeneral granted their request, and permitted them to remain on board, theothers returning from our ships to their own country. [37] When it wasfull sea, the St Raphael floated and got off the shoal, and the fleetproceeded on its voyage. 

Following the coast to the north-eastwards, the fleet came to anchoroutside of the bar of the harbour of Mombaza, about sunset of Saturdaythe 7th of April. Mombaza is on an island very near the shore of thecontinent, and has plenty of provisions, such as millet, rice, and cattle, both large and small, all well grown and fat, especially the sheep, whichare uniformly without tails; and it abounds in poultry. It is likewisevery pleasant, having many orchards, abounding in pomegranates, Indianfigs, oranges, both sweet and sour, lemons, and citrons, with plenty ofpot-herbs, and it has an abundant supply of excellent water. On thisisland there is a city having the same name, Momabza, standing in lat. 4°S. Which is handsomely built on a rocky hill washed by the sea. Theentrance of the haven has a mark or beacon, and on the very bar there isa little low fort, almost level with the water. [38]

Most of the houses of this place are built of stone and lime, having theceilings finely constructed of plaster, and the streets are very handsome. This city is subject to a king of its own, the inhabitants being Moors, some of whom are white and others brown[39]. The trade of this city isextensive, and its inhabitants are well dressed, especially the women, who are clothed in silk, and decorated with gold and precious stones. Theharbour is good and much frequented by shipping, and it receives from theAfrican continent, in its neighbourhood, great quantities of honey, wax, and ivory. 

The general did not enter the harbour that night because it grew late, but commanded to hoist the flags in compliment, which the people did withmuch mirth and joy, in hope that they had come to an island in whichthere were many Christians, and that next day they might hear mass onshore. They had likewise great hope that the sick, who were almost thewhole crews, might here recover their health; though, indeed, they weremuch reduced in number, many having died during the voyage. Soon afterour ships came to anchor, although night approached, a large boat, containing about a hundred men, all armed with swords and targets, wasseen coming towards the fleet. On reaching the generals ship, they wouldhave all come on board with their weapons, but the general only permittedfour of their principals to come aboard, and even they unarmed; causingthem to be told in their own language, that they must excuse hisprecaution, being a stranger, and not knowing therefore whom he mighttrust. To those whom he permitted to come on board he gave courteousentertainment, presenting them with such conserves as he had, of whichthey readily partook; and he requested of them not to take ill that hehad thus refused entrance to so many armed men. They said that they hadmerely come to see him, as a new and rare thing in their country, andthat their being armed was merely because such was the custom of thecountry, whether in peace or war. They also said, that the king ofMombaza expected his arrival, and would have sent to visit him, if it hadnot been so late, but certainly would do so next day. Their king, theyadded, was rejoiced at his arrival, and would not only be glad to see him, but would load his ships with spices. They also said that there were manyChristians on the island, who lived by themselves; at which the generalwas much pleased, believing their story, which agreed with what the twopilots had said. Yet he entertained some jealous doubts, for all theirfair speeches, and wisely suspected the Moors had come to see if theycould lay a train to take our ships. In this he was perfectly right, asit afterwards appeared that this was their sole intent. The king ofMombaza had received perfect intelligence that we were Christians, and ofall that we had done at Mozambique, and plotted to be revenged, by takingour ships and killing our men. 

Next day, being Palm Sunday, still prosecuting his wicked purpose, theking sent some white Moors with a message to the general, declaring hisgreat joy at our arrival, inviting him into the harbour, and engaging tosupply him with all things he might be in need of; and, in token of amity, sent him a ring, a sheep, and many sweet oranges, citrons, and sugarcanes. These white Moors were likewise instructed to pretend that theywere Christians, and that there were many Christians in the island. Allthis was so well counterfeited, that our people actually believed them tobe Christians, on which account the general received them with muchcourtesy, and made them some presents, sending a message to the king thathe would certainly come farther into the harbour next day. He also sent apresent to the king of a fine branch of coral. And, for the greatersecurity, he sent along with these white Moors, two of our banished men, who had been embarked expressly for such hazardous undertakings, or forbeing left on shore where it might be deemed expedient, to becomeacquainted with the circumstances of various places, and to be taken onboard again. These men, and the Moors who had been on board, were met inlanding by a number of people, curious to see and examine them, whoaccompanied them all the way to the kings palace, where they had to passthrough three several doors, each guarded by an armed porter, before theycame to the place where the king was. They found the king in no verygreat state, yet he received them well, and commanded the Moors who hadbrought them on shore to show them the city. In going through the streets, our men saw many prisoners in irons; but, not knowing the language, theycould not ask who or what these were, yet believed they might beChristians, us our general was informed by the Moorish pilots, and thekings two messengers, that there were Christians on the island, and thatthe Christians and the Moors had wars together. Our men were likewisecarried to the house in which the merchants of India dwelt, who were saidto be Christians. These people, learning that our men were Christians, shewed much joy at receiving them, embracing and banqueting them, andshewed them a piece of paper on which the figure of the Holy Ghost waspainted, which they worshipped on their knees, with great shew ofdevotion, as if they had been what they pretended. The Moors theninformed our men by signs, that there were many other Christians atanother place, too far for carrying them there; but that they should beconducted to see them when our ships came into the harbour. All this wasdone craftily to entice our people into the harbour, where they weredetermined to destroy them all. 

After our two men had seen the city, they were conducted back to the king, who ordered them to be shewn ginger, pepper, cloves, and wheat, givingthem samples of them all to be carried to the general, with assurancethat he had great store of all these commodities, and would give him hisloading if he desired it. They were likewise told, that he had greatplenty of gold, silver, amber, wax, ivory, and other riches, which hewould sell at lower prices than they could be bought in any other place. This message was brought off on Monday to the general; who, hearing thekings offer to furnish him with a loading of these commodities, was muchrejoiced, and was much pleased with the information brought by the twoconvicts, and their good report of the people, city, and country, andmore especially on account of the _two_ Christians whom they had seen inthe house of the Indian merchants. After a consultation with the othercaptains, it was determined to enter the port next day, and to accept thespices offered by the king of Mambaza, after which, to continue thevoyage to Calicut; and, if they could not procure similar articles there, to return contented with what might be got in this place. In the meantime, several of the Moors visited our ships, conducting themselves with muchgentleness and humility, and evincing an appearance of friendship andkindness to our people, as if they had been long and familiarlyacquainted. 

When the tide of flood was sufficiently advanced on the following morning, the general gave orders to weigh anchor, intending to carry the shipsinto the harbour. But the Almighty Disposer of events, not willing thathe and his company should fall into the snare which the Moors had laidfor their destruction, interposed to avert the danger, and to work theirsafety. For, when the generals ship had weighed anchor, and was about toenter the port, she touched on a shoal by the stern; upon which, heimmediately let fall his anchor again, which was likewise done by theother captains. Seeing this, the Moors who were on board concluded thathe would not enter the harbour that day, and instantly took to their boat, which was alongside, and made for the city: At the same time, the pilotof Mozambique leapt from the stern of the admirals ship into the water, and was taken into the boat by the Moors. The admiral called out to themto bring him back, but all in vain; on which he began to suspect that theMoors and their king had evil intentions towards him and his people, andwas thankful for the accident which had detained him from the harbour, and preserved him from the purposed treachery. After explaining hisapprehensions to the other captains, he commanded, in the evening of thisday, that two of the Moors who had been made prisoners at Mozambiqueshould be put to the torture, to endeavour to ascertain whether anytreachery was intended, and to force them to disclose the same. This wasdone by dropping melted bacon upon their flesh; and they immediatelyconfessed that treason was intended, and that the pilots had escaped byswimming from the ship, as fearing the same had been discovered. On thisconfession, the general resolved on no account to enter the harbour; yetdetermined to put another Moor to the torture, to learn if he were inconfederacy with the rest. But this Moor, on seeing preparations made forthe purpose, although his hands were bound, leapt into the sea; which waslikewise done by another Moor before day-light. 

Having thus discovered the secret mischiefs which had been preparedagainst him, the general gave thanks to God, by whose good providence heand his people had been delivered from imminent hazard of death among theinfidels; whereupon he and his company joined in the _Salve regina_ withgreat devotion. After this, lest the Moors might attempt any thingagainst their safety during the night, he ordered a strong and vigilantarmed watch to be kept. It is worthy of notice, that all the sick amongour people, who were indeed many, began presently to get well from theirfirst coming to Mombaza; so that in this time of their great necessityand danger, they found themselves sound and strong, beyond all human hope, and far above the ordinary course of nature; for which reason it can onlybe attributed to the marvellous and supernatural power of God, miraculously done at this peculiar instant time of need, for thepreservation of these poor and distressed persons, whose only hope ofsafety was in him. After the night watch was set, those of the Berriofelt the cable by which they lay at anchor swagging, as if shaken by agreat tunny, of which there were many in this place, very large andexcellent food: But, on giving more attention to the circumstance, theyperceived that this was occasioned by their enemies the Moors, some ofwhom were swimming about the cable, and were cutting it with knives orfalchions, that the ship might drift on shore and fall a prey to them. Onseeing this, our men scared them away by crying out, and gave notice tothe other ships to be on their guard against similar attempts. Somepeople from the San Raphael went immediately to the assistance of theBerrio, and found some of the Moors about the chains and tacklings of theforemast, who cast themselves into the sea, and swam, along with thosewho had attempted to cut the cable, to certain boats that were in waitingat a short distance, in which, as our people afterwards learnt, therewere a great number of the Moors, who now rowed away to the city in allhaste. 

Our fleet still remained off the harbour of Mombaza, all the Wednesdayand Thursday following; during both of which nights the Moors came off inboats, which always lay close by the shore, whence some of them swam tothe ships, endeavouring to cut our cables: But our men kept such strictwatch, that they were unable to succeed. Our people, however, were alwaysin much fear and perplexity, lest the Moors might burn our ships; and itwas wonderful they did not make the attempt by means of the ships theyhad in the harbour, which, in all human probability, they had succeededin, killing and destroying us all. It was conjectured that they weredeterred from making this attempt, from fear of the ordnance in our ships;but whatever might appear to us as the cause of their not using openforce, it was assuredly the good pleasure and favour of God, that puttheir hearts in fear against making an open attack, by which we werepreserved from the execution of their cruel purposes towards us. 

The reason of the general remaining during the two days off Mombaza was, that he might endeavour to procure two pilots from thence to carry him toCalicut, without which assistance the voyage would have been verydifficult, as our pilots had no knowledge of that country. But findingnone were to be had, he took his departure from that place on Fridaymorning, though with a very light wind. On leaving the anchorage, he wasforced to leave one of his anchors behind, as the crew was so completelyexhausted by hauling up the rest, that they were unable to weigh this one. It was afterwards found by the Moors, and carried into their city, whereit was deposited near the kings palace. When Don Francisco de Almeida, first viceroy of the Indies, took this place from the Moors, this anchorwas there found, as I shall afterwards relate in the second book of thiswork. 

Departing thus from Mombaza, the fleet continued its voyage along thecoast to the north-east, and having very light wind, was obliged to cometo anchor in the evening near the shore, about eight leagues from Mombaza. Towards the dawn of next day, two sambuccos, or little pinnaces, wereseen about three leagues to the leeward of the fleet, and out at sea; onwhich, in hope of procuring some pilots who could carry him to Calicut, the general ordered the anchors to be weighed, and he and the othercaptains gave chase to the sambuccos the whole of that day. Towardsvespers, the general came up with and captured one of these pinnaces, butthe other escaped to the land. In the captured pinnace there wereseventeen Moors, among whom was an old man who seemed master over therest, and had his young wife along with him. In this boat there was greatstore of silver and gold, and some victuals. On the same evening thefleet came to anchor off Melinda, which is eighteen leagues from Mombaza, and is in lat. 3° S. This place has no good harbour, being only an almostopen roadstead, having a kind of natural pier or reef of rocks on whichthe sea beats with much violence, owing to which the ships have to rideat a considerable distance from the shore. The city stands in a broadopen plain, along the shore, surrounded with many palms, and other sortsof trees, which are green the whole year. It has also many gardens andorchards, abounding with all kinds of herbs and fruits, and manyfountains of good water. Their oranges are particularly excellent, verylarge and sweet. They have also abundance of millet and rice, plenty bothof cattle and sheep, and great store of fine poultry, which are verycheap. Melinda is a large city, with fair streets, and many good housesof stone and lime, containing several storeys, with windows, and havingterraced roofs made of lime and earth. The native inhabitants are black, of well proportioned bodies, having curled hair; but many strangersresort thither and dwell in the city, who are Moors from Arabia, whoconduct themselves in a commendable manner, especially the gentlemen orbetter sort. These, from the girdle upwards, go naked; but below thegirdle they are dressed in silk, or fine stuffs of cotton, though somewear short cotton cloaks, after the old fashion. On their heads they wearcertain cloths embroidered with silk and gold. They wear also richdaggers, ornamented with silken tassels of many colours, and veryhandsome swords. They are all left-handed, and go constantly armed withbows and arrows, taking great delight in archery, at which they are veryexpert. They account themselves good horsemen; yet there is a commonsaying on this coast, _the horsemen of Mombaza, and the women ofMelinda_, as in Mombaza they are excellent horsemen, and the women ofMelinda are very handsome, and dress richly. 

In this city also there are many Gentiles from the kingdom of Cambaya inIndia, who are great merchants and trade to this place for gold, which isfound in this country, as likewise ambergris, ivory, pitch, and wax; allof which commodities the inhabitants of Melinda exchange with themerchants of Cambaya for copper, quicksilver, and cotton cloth, to theprofit and advantage of both parties. The king of this city is a Moor, who is served with far more state than any of the kings on this coast tothe southwards. Being arrived over against this city, the general and allthe people of the fleet were much rejoiced at seeing a city resemblingthose of Portugal, and gave thanks to God for their safe arrival. Beingdesirous of procuring pilots to navigate the fleet to Calicut, thegeneral commanded to come to anchor, meaning to use his endeavours forthis purpose. For, hitherto, he could not learn from the Moors he hadlately captured, whether any of them were pilots; and though he hadthreatened them with the torture, they always persisted in declaring thatnone of them had any skill in pilotage. 

Next day, being Easter eve, the old Moor who had been made prisoner inthe pinnace, told the general that there were four ships belonging toChristians of the Indies at Melinda, and engaged, if the general wouldallow him and the other Moors to go on shore, he would provide him, ashis ransom, Christian pilots, and would farther supply him with everything he might need. Well pleased with the speeches of the old Moor, thegeneral removed his ships to within half a league of the city, whencehitherto no one came off to our fleet, as they feared our men might makethem prisoners; for they had received intelligence that we wereChristians, and believed our ships were men of war. On the Monday morning, therefore, the general commanded the old Moor to be landed on a ledge, orrock, opposite the city, and left there, expecting they would send fromthe city to fetch him off; which they did accordingly as soon as our boatdeparted. The Moor was carried directly to the king, to whom he said, asinstructed by the general, what he chiefly desired to have. He farthersaid, that the general desired to have amity with the king, of whom hehad heard a good report, hoping by his aid, and with the will of God, hemight be enabled to discover the route to India. The king received thismessage favourably, and sent back the Moor in a boat to the general, accompanied by one of his own servants and a priest, saying, that hewould most willingly conclude a treaty of amity with him, and shouldsupply him with what pilots he needed. These messengers likewisepresented the general from the king, with three sheep, and a great manyoranges, and sugar canes, which he thankfully accepted; desiring themessengers to acquaint their master, that he gladly agreed to theprofered amity, and was ready to confirm the same between them, andpromised to enter their harbour next day. He farther desired them toinform the king, that he was the subject of a great and powerfulsovereign in the west, who had sent him to discover the way to Calicut, with orders to enter into peace and amity with all kings and princes onwhose territories he might happen to touch by the way. That it was now_two years_[40] since he left his own country, and that the king hismaster was a prince of such puissance and worth as he was convinced theking of Melinda would be glad to have for a friend. He then dismissed themessengers, sending as a present to their king a hat of the fashion ofthe time, two branches of coral, three brass basons, two scarfs, and somesmall bells. 

On the second day after Easter, the general removed his ships nearer thecity. The king knowing this, and believing that the king of Portugal mustbe a high-spirited prince, and the general a worthy subject, who hadhazarded himself in so long and dangerous a voyage, became desirous ofseeing such men; wherefore, he sent a more honourable message to thegeneral, saying, that he proposed next day to visit him in person, intending that their meeting should be on the water; and sent him apresent of six sheep, with a considerable quantity of cloves, ginger, pepper, and nutmegs. Upon this message, the general removed his fleetstill nearer the city, and came to anchor close to the four ships of theIndies, of which the old Moor had made mention as belonging to Christians. When the owners of these ships learnt that we were Christians, they cameimmediately to visit our general, who happened then to be in the ship ofPaulo de la Gama. These men were of a brown colour, but of good statureand well proportioned, dressed in long white cotton gowns, having largebeards, and the hair of their heads long like women, and plaited up undertheir turbans or head-dresses. The general received them with muchkindness and attention, asking, by means of an interpreter, whounderstood the language of Algarve, or Arabic, whether they wereChristians. These men had some knowledge of that language, though it wasnot their own tongue, but had learnt it in the course of their trade andconversation with the Moors of Melinda, of whom they advised the generalto beware, lest their inward intentions might be far different from theiroutward shew. Willing to make trial if these men were really Christians, the general caused a picture to be shewn them, on which our Lady waspainted weeping, surrounded by some of the apostles, but withoutinforming them what this was meant to represent. Immediately on thisbeing set before them, they fell down and worshipped the picture, prayingfor some time. The general then asked if they were of Calicut; on whichthey answered they were of Grangalor[41], still farther off, and couldgive him no information respecting Calicut. From this time, so long asour fleet remained at Melinda, these people came every day on board theship of Paulo de la Gama, to pay their devotions before this picture, offering to the images which it represented gifts of pepper and otherthings. These Indian Christians, according to their own account, eat nobeef. 

On the last day of the week after Easter, and in the afternoon, the kingof Melinda came off in a great boat to our fleet. He was dressed in acassock of crimson damask lined with green satin, and wore, a rich clothor turban on his head. He sat in a chair, of the ancient fashion, verywell made and wrought with wire, having a silk cushion; and on anotherchair beside him, there lay a hat of crimson satin. An old man stood byhim as his page, who carried a very rich sword with a silver scabbard. Inthe boat there were many sacbuts, and two ivory flutes eight spans long, on which they played by a little hole in the middle, agreeing andaccording well with the music of the sacbuts. The king was likewiseattended by about twenty Moorish gentlemen, all richly dressed. When theking had nearly attained our ships, the general went to meet him in hisboat, gaily decorated with flags and streamers, himself dressed in hisbest apparel, and attended by twelve of the principal officers of thesquadron, leaving his brother in charge of the ships. On the boatsmeeting, the two parties made every demonstration of friendship andrespect; and the Moorish king immediately offered to come on board thegenerals boat, that he might see him the better. The general accordinglyreceived him with all respect, and the king shewed as much honour andcourtesy to the general as if he had been likewise a king. The Moorishking, after examining the dress and appearance of the general and his menwith the utmost attention, asked the general the name of his king, whichhe commanded to be immediately written down. He particularly inquiredrespecting the power of the king of Portugal, and the general gave themost satisfactory answers to all his questions; particularly detailingthe reasons of his being sent to discover Calicut, that Portugal might bethence supplied with spices, which were not to be had in his own country. The king, after giving him some information on these points, andrespecting the straits of the Red Sea, promised to furnish the generalwith a pilot to carry him to Calicut, and then earnestly solicited him toaccompany him to the city, where he might solace and refresh himself inthe palace, after the fatigues and dangers of so long a voyage; andpromised, if the general would do so, that he the king would visit him onboard. To this the general prudently answered that he was not authorisedby his instructions to go on shore, and that he could not answer fordeviating from the orders of his sovereign. On this the king observed, that if he were to visit the ships, he could not well answer for hisconduct to the inhabitants of his city; yet, he was grieved that theadmiral refused to go into the city, which should be at his will andpleasure, and that of the king his master, to whom he should either writeor send an ambassador, if the general would call in at Melinda on hisreturn from Calicut. The general gave the king thanks for his politeness, and promised to return that way; and, while this conversation was goingon, he sent for the Moors who had been taken in the pinnace, whom hepresented to the king, saying, he would most gladly perform any otherservice that lay in his power to the king. The king was greatly pleasedwith this gift, which he valued as much as if the admiral had given himanother city equal to Melinda. 

Having ended their conversation, and confirmed their mutual friendship, the king rowed through among our ships, examining them with much pleasureand admiration, and was saluted in passing by many discharges of theordnance, at which he and his attendants seemed much delighted. On thisoccasion, the general attended upon him in his own boat out of respect, and the king observed, that he never was so much pleased with any men aswith the Portuguese, and would most gladly have some of them to help himin his wars. To this the general answered, that if his highness were tohave experience of what they were able to perform, he would like thePortuguese still better; and that they should certainly give him aid, ifit should please the king of Portugal to send any of his war ships toCalicut, which he did not doubt would be the case, if it were Gods willto permit the discovery of that place. After the king had satisfied hiscuriosity, he requested of the general, since he would not go himselfinto the city, to permit two of his men to go and see the palace, offering to leave his own son, and one of his chief priests, which theynamed Caçis[42], in pledge for their safe return. To this request thegeneral consented, and sent two of our men along with the king: He, athis departure, requested that the general would next day, in his boat, come close to the shore, when he should be gratified with a sight of thenative horsemen going through their evolutions. After this they separated. 

Next day, being Thursday, the general and Nicholas Coello went in theirboats well armed along the shore, according to the invitation of the king, keeping at a small distance from each other for mutual defence in case ofneed, where they saw many men skirmishing on the shore. As our boatsapproached the royal palace, certain of the kings attendants brought himin a chair down some stone stairs which led to the water; and, being thenvery near the generals boat, the king entered into friendly conversationwith him, and once more entreated him to land and go to the palace;saying, that his father, who was lame, was exceedingly desirous to seehim, and even offered, that, while the general remained on shore, he andhis children would go on board the ships as hostages for his security. But our general, still dreading that some bitter treachery might lurkbeneath this honied speech, continued to excuse himself from landing, ashe had not permission from his own prince to do so, and must obey him, inall things. After this, taking his leave of the king, he rowed past theships of the Indian merchants, which he saluted in passing with hisordnance; and when they saw us pass, they held up their hands, exclaimingChriste! Christe!

That night, having obtained leave from the king, our men made them agreat feast, with much diversion, also of squibs, firing of guns, andloud cries. The fleet remained at anchor for two days without any messagefrom the shore, on which account the general was much distressed, fearingthe king had taken offence at his refusal to go on shore, and might breakthe peace and amity between them, and not send him any pilot. But onSunday the 21st of April, a person who was in high credit with the king, came off to visit the general, who was much disappointed when this personbrought no pilot, and again began to entertain suspicions of the kingsintentions. When the king learnt this, and that the general remainedmerely for the purpose of having a pilot, he sent him one who was aGentile, called _Gosarate_[43] in their language, and whose name was_Canaca_, sending an apology at the same time for not having sent thisperson sooner. Thus the king and the general remained friends, and thepeace continued which had been agreed between them. 

"De Barros and Faria give this pilot the name of _Malemo Cana_, and saythat he belonged to one of the Indian ships of Cambaya, then at Melinda. De Barros adds, that he shewed De Gama a very small chart of the coast ofIndia, laid down with meridians and parallels, but without rhumbs of thewinds. This pilot shewed no surprise on seeing the large wooden and metalastrolabes belonging to the Portuguese, as the pilots of the Red Sea hadlong used brass triangular instruments and quadrants for astronomicalobservations, and that he and others who sailed from Cambaya, and theports of India, navigated by the north and south stars, and theconstellations of the eastern and western hemispheres; and, though theydid not use these instruments in navigation, they employed one made ofthree pieces of board, similar to the _balhestillia_, or cross-staff ofthe Portuguese. 

"In a collection of papers published in 1790, called _DocumentosArabicos_, from the royal archives of Lisbon, chiefly consisting ofletters between the kings of Portugal and the tributary princes of theeast in the sixteenth century, the _zeque, sheik_, or king of Melinda, with whom De Gama afterwards made a treaty of alliance, and whoseambassador he carried into Portugal, was named Wagerage[44]. "

Having thus procured a pilot, and provided all things necessary for thevoyage, De Gama departed from Melinda for Calicut, on Friday the 26th ofApril 1498[45], and immediately made sail directly across the gulf whichseparates Africa from India, which is 750 leagues[46]. This golf runs along way up into the land northwards; but our course for Calicut lay tothe east[47]. In following this voyage, our men saw the north star nextSunday, which they had not seen of a long while; and they saw the starsabout the south pole at the same time. They gave thanks to God, that, whereas it had been represented to them, that in this season, which wasthe winter of the Indies, there were always great storms in this gulf, they now experienced fair weather. On Friday the 18th of May, twenty-three days after leaving Melinda, during all which time they had seen noland, they came in sight of India, at eight leagues distance, the landseeming very high. Canaca, the pilot, tried the lead and found forty-fivefathoms, upon which he altered his course to the south-east, havingfallen in with the land too far to the north. Upon the Saturday, he againdrew near the land, but did not certainly know it, as the view wasobscured by rain, which, always falls in India at this season, beingtheir winter. On Sunday the 20th of May, the pilot got view of certainhigh hills which are directly behind the city of Calicut, and came sonear the land that he was quite sure of the place; on which he came upwith great joy to the general, demanding his _albrycias_, or reward, asthis was the place at which he and his company were so desirous to arrive. The general was greatly rejoiced at this news, and immediately satisfiedthe pilot, after which, he summoned all the company to prayers, sayingthe _salve_, and giving hearty thanks to God, who had safely conductedthem to the long wished-for place of his destination. When prayer wasover, there was great festivity and joy in the ships, which came thatsame evening to anchor two leagues from Calicut. Immediately uponanchoring, some of the natives came off to the ships in four boats, called _almadias_, inquiring whence our ships came, as they had neverbefore seen any resembling their construction upon that coast. Thesenatives were of a brown colour, and entirely naked, excepting very smallaprons. Some of them immediately came on board the general, and theGuzerat pilot informed him these were poor fishermen; yet the generalreceived them courteously, and ordered his people to purchase the fishwhich they had brought for sale. On conversing with them, he understoodthat the town whence they came, which was in sight, was not Calicut, which lay farther off, and to which they offered to conduct our fleet. Whereupon the general requested them to do this; and, departing from thisfirst anchorage, the fleet was conducted by these fishermen to Calicut. 

Calicut is a city on the coast of Malabar, a province of the second India, which begins at the mount of Delhi, and ends at Cape Comory, being sixty-one leagues in length, and fifteen leagues broad[48]. The whole of thiscountry is very low, and apt to be covered with water, having manyislands in its rivers, which flow into the Indian Sea. This country ofMalabar is divided from the kingdom of Narsinga by a very high hill. TheIndians report that this land of Malabar was covered by the sea of old, which then reached to the foot of the hills, and thence to a hill, wherenow the islands of the Maldives are found, which were then firm land; andthat in after times it destroyed that latter country, and laid bare thecountry of Malabar, in which are many pleasant and rich cities, dependentupon trade, which they carry on principally with Calicut, which exceedsall cities of our days in riches and in vice. Its foundation and rise wasas follows: In ancient times, this country of Malabar was entirely ruledby one king, who dwelt in the city of _Coulan_. In the reign of the lastking of this race, named _Saranaperimal_[49], who died 600 years ago, theMoors of Mecca discovered India, and came to the province of Malabar, then inhabited by idolaters, and governed by an idolatrous king. From thetime of the coming of these Moors, they began to reckon their years as wedo, from the birth of our Saviour[50]. After the coming of the Moors intoMalabar, they insinuated themselves so much into the confidence of thebefore-mentioned king, that he became a convert to their law, renouncingthe religion of his country, and embracing Mahometism with such zeal, that he resolved to go and end his days in the temple of Mecca. Havingthus resolved, out of love to the Mahometan sect, to abandon his kingdom, he called his kindred together, and divided all his territories amongthem, reserving only twelve leagues of country near the place where heintended to embark, not then inhabited, which he bestowed upon one of hiscousins who acted as his page. To this kinsman he gave his sword andturban, as ensigns of dignity; commanding all the other nobles, amongwhom he had distributed the rest of his territories, to obey this personas their emperor, the kings of Coulan and Cananor only excepted; whomalso, and all the others, he debarred from coining money, which was onlyto be done by the king of Calicut. Having thus given away his wholedignities and possessions, and set every thing in order, he embarked fromthe place where Calicut now stands; and because this king embarked fromthat place on his pilgrimage to Mecca, the Moors have ever since heldCalicut in so high devotion, that they and all their posterity wouldnever take their lading from any other port. From that time forwards, they discontinued trade with the port of Coulan, which they had usedformerly, and that port therefore fell to ruin; especially after thebuilding of Calicut, and the settlement of many Moors in that place[51]. 

As the Moors are merchants of most extensive dealings, they have renderedCalicut, as the centre of their trade, the richest mart of all the Indies;in which is to be found all the spices, drugs, nutmegs, and other thingsthat can be desired, all kinds of precious stones, pearls and seed-pearls, musk, sanders, aguila, fine dishes of earthen ware, lacker[52], gildedcoffers, and all the fine things of China, gold, amber, wax, ivory, fineand coarse cotton goods, both white and dyed of many colours, much rawand twisted silk, stuffs of silk and gold, cloth of gold, cloth of tissue, grain, scarlets, silk carpets, copper, quicksilver, vermilion, alum, coral, rose-water, and all kinds of conserves. Thus, every kind ofmerchandize from all parts of the world is to be found in this place;which, moreover, is very quiet, being situated along the coast, which isalmost open and very dangerous. Calicut is surrounded by many gardens andorchards, producing all the herbs and fruits of this country in greatabundance, having also many palms and other sorts of trees, and aboundsin excellent water. This part of India produces but little rice, which isa principal article of food in these parts, as wheat is with us; but itprocures abundance of that and all other kinds of provisions from othercountries. The city is large, but the dwellings consist only of strawhuts; their idol temples, and chapels, and the kings palace excepted, which are: built of stone and lime and covered with tiles; for, by theirlaws, no others are permitted to build their houses of any other materialthan straw. At this time, Calicut was inhabited by idolaters of manysects, and by many Moorish merchants, some of whom were so rich as to beowners of fifty ships. These ships are made without nails, their planksbeing sewed together with ropes of _cayro_, made of the fibres of thecocoa-nut husk, pitched all over, and are flat-bottomed, without keels. Every winter there are at least six hundred ships in this harbour, andthe shore is such, that their ships can be easily drawn up for repairs. 

"The subjects of the following digression are so intimately connectedwith the first establishment of the Portuguese in India, as to justifyits introduction in this place, which will greatly elucidate thenarrative of Castaneda; and its length did not admit of being inserted inthe form of notes. It is chiefly due to the ingenious and Reverend JamesStanier Clarke, in his Origin and Progress of Maritime Discovery, extracted by him from various sources. "

"The name of this country, Malabar, is said to be derived from _ulyam_, which signifies, in the original language of that part of India, _skirting the bottom of the hills_, corrupted into Maleyam or Maleam, whence probably came Mulievar, and Mala-bar. In a MS. Account of Malabar, it is said that little more than 2300 years ago, the sea came up to thefoot of the _Sukien_ mountains, or the western _gauts_. The emerging ofthe country from the waters is fabulously related to have been occasionedby the piety or penitence of Puresram Rama, who prayed to _Varauna_, theGod of the ocean, to give him a track of land to bestow on the Bramins. Varauna accordingly commanded the sea to withdraw from the _Gowkern_, ahill near Mangalore, all the way to Cape Comorin; which new land longremained marshy and scarcely habitable, and the original settlers wereforced to abandon it on account of the numerous serpents by which it wasinfested: But they afterwards returned, being instructed to propitiatethe serpents by worshipping them. "

"At first this country was divided into four _Tookrees_ or provinces, these into _Naadhs_ or districts, and these again into _Khunds_ or smallprecincts. The Bramins established a kind of republican or aristocraticalgovernment, under a few principal chiefs; but jealousies and disturbancestaking place, they procured a _Permaul_ or chief governor from the princeof Chaldesh, a sovereignty in the southern Carnatic: Yet it is morelikely that this sovereign took advantage of the divisions among thechiefs of Malabar, to reduce them under his authority. These permauls orviceroys were for a long while changed every twelve years; till at lengthone of them, named Sheo-Ram, Cheruma Perumal, or Shermanoo Permaloo, theSarana-perimal of Castaneda, became so popular that he set his master_Kishen Rao_, the rajah of Chaldesh, at defiance, and established his ownauthority in Malabar. An army was sent into Malabar to reduce the countryagain to obedience, but it was defeated, and from this event, which issaid to have happened 1000 years ago, all the rajahs, chief _nayres_, andother lords of Malabar, date the sovereignty and independence of theirancestors in that country. "

"After some time, Shermanoo-Permaloo, either became weary of hissituation, or from attachment to the Mahometan religion, resolved to makea division of Malabar among his dependents, from whom the presentchieftains are descended. Such is the current story among the inhabitantsof Malabar; yet it is more probable that his dependent chieftains, disgusted with his conversion to the religion of Mahomet, revolted fromhis authority, and contrived this story of his voluntary surrender anddivision of his dominions, to justify their own assumptions. After thisdivision of his kingdom, it is said that an _erary_, or person of thecast of cow-herds, originally from the banks of the Cavery, near Errodein the Carnatic, who had been a chief instrument of the success ofShermanoo-Permaloo in the war against rajah Kishen Rao, made applicationto Shermanoo for some support. Having very little left to give away, Shermanoo made him a grant of his own place of abode at Calicut, and gavehim his sword; ankle-rings, and other insignia of command, and presentedhim with water and flowers, the ancient symbols of a transfer of property. It is said that this cowherd rajah was ordained principal sovereign overthe other petty princes among whom Malabar was divided, with the title ofZamorin, and was authorized by Shermanoo to extend his dominion over allthe other chieftains by force of arms. His descendants have ever sinceendeavoured, on all occasions, to enforce this pretended grant, whichthey pretend to hold by the tenure of possessing the sword of ShermanooPermaloo, and which they carefully preserve as a precious relic. "

"From the period of the abdication of Shermanoo, to that of the arrivalof the Portuguese at Calicut, the Mahomedan religion had madeconsiderable progress in Malabar; and the Arabian merchants receivedevery encouragement from the Samoories or Zamorins, as they made Calicutthe staple of their Indian trade, and brought large sums of money yearlyto that place, for the purchase of spiceries and other commodities. Asthe rajahs of Cochin and other petty sovereignties on the coast, wereexceedingly jealous of the superior riches and power of the zamorins, andof the monopoly of trade enjoyed by Calicut, they gave everyencouragement to the Portuguese to frequent their ports; from whencearose a series of warfare by sea and land, which has finally reduced themall under subjection to the Europeans. "

"According to an Arabian author, _Zeirreddien Mukhdom_, who is supposedto have been sent to assist the zamorins and the Mahomedans in India, intheir wars with the Portuguese, Malabar is then said to have been dividedamong a multiplicity of independent princes or rajahs, whom he calls_Hakims_, some of whom commanded over one or two hundred men, and othersone, ten, fifteen, or even as high as thirty, thousand, or upwards. The three greatest powers at that time were, the _Colastrian_[53] rajahto the north, the zamorin of Calicut in the centre, and a rajah in thesouth, who ruled from Coulan, Kalum, or Coulim, to Cape Comorin, comprehending the country now belonging to the rajah of Travancore. "

"We now return from this digression, to follow the narrative of thePortuguese Discovery and Conquest of India, as related by Castaneda. "

So great was the trade and population of Calicut and the surroundingcountry, and the revenues of its sovereign through these circumstances, that he was able to raise a force of thirty thousand men in a single day, and could even bring an hundred thousand men into the field, completelyequipt for war, in three days. This prince, in the language of thecountry, was styled the Zamorin, or Samoryn, which signifies Emperor; ashe was supreme over the other two kings of Malabar, the king of Coulanand the king of Cananor. There were indeed other princes in this country, who were called kings, but were not so. This zamorin or king of Calicutwas a bramin, as his predecessors had been, the bramins being priestsamong the Malabars. It is an ancient rule and custom among these people, that all their kings must die in a pagoda[54], or temple of their idols;and that there must always be a king resident in the principal pagoda, toserve those idols: Wherefore, when the king that serves in the templecomes to die, he who then reigns must leave his government of temporalaffairs to take his place in the temple; upon which another is elected totake his place, and to succeed in ruling the kingdom. If the king who isin possession of the temporal authority should refuse to retire to thepagoda, on the death of the king who officiated in spirituals, he isconstrained to do so, however unwilling. 

The kings and nobles of Malabar are of a brown complexion, and go nakedfrom the waist upwards, all the under parts of their bodies being clothedin silk or cotton Vestments; yet they sometimes wear short gowns on theirupper parts, called _basus_, of rich silk, or cloth of gold, or ofscarlet, splendidly ornamented with precious stones, of all which thezamorin hath great store. They shave their beards, leaving only the hairon their upper lips, and do not shave the head like the Turks. In general, the natives of this country, even of the higher ranks, use little statein their households, and are very sparing in their diet; but the zamorinis served with considerable splendour. These kings or nobles never marry;but every one has a mistress of the Nayre cast, which, among the Malabars, are considered as the gentry; even the zamorin has only a mistress, whohas a house of her own near the palace, and a liberal allowance for thecharges of her household and maintenance at her own disposal. Upon anydislike or difference, he may always leave her for another. The childrenare only considered as the offspring of the mother, and have no right ortitle to inherit the kingdom, or any thing else belonging to the father;and when grown up, are only held in that rank or estimation which belongsto the blood or parentage of their mother. Brothers succeed to brothers;and in lack of these, the sons of their sisters, who do not marry, andhave no certainty respecting the fathers of their children; as they arevery free and dissolute in their manners, choosing paramours as theyplease. 

These sisters of the zamorin, and other kings of Malabar, have handsomeallowances to live upon; and when any of them reaches the age of ten, their kindred send for a young man of the Nayre cast, out of the kingdom, and give him great presents to induce him to initiate the young virgin;after which he hangs a jewel round her neck, which she wears all the restof her life, as a token that she is now at liberty to dispose of herselfto any one she pleases as long as she lives. 

When these kings are at war with each other, they often go personallyinto the field, and even join personally in fight upon occasion. When oneof them dies, the body is carried out into the fields, and burned on apile of sanders, and of another sweet smelling wood called _aguila_, allhis brothers and kindred, and all the nobles of the country being presentat the ceremony; which is uniformly postponed to the third day afterdeath, that all may have time to gather from a distance, and may have anopportunity of being assured whether his death was natural, or caused byviolence: Since, if he died by the hand of any one, all are bound toprosecute revenge. After the body is burnt, and the ashes buried, thewhole company shaves every part of their bodies, even to the youngestchild of these idolaters. This is their token of mourning; and during theensuing thirteen days, they all refrain from chewing betel, any oneinfringing this law being punished by cutting his lips. During thisperiod of thirteen days, he who is to succeed to the throne must abstainfrom all exercise of government, that any one who pleases may have anopportunity of urging any valid objection why he should not acquire thevacant government. After, this the successor is sworn before all thenobles of the country, to preserve and enforce all the laws and customsof their ancestors, to pay the debts of his predecessor, and to use hisutmost endeavours to recover any portion of the kingdom that may havebeen lost. While taking this oath, having his sword in his left hand, heholds in his right hand a burning candle, on which is a gold ring, whichhe touches with his fingers. After this they throw some grains of riceover him, using many other ceremonies, and numerous prayers, and thenworship the sun three times. When all these ceremonies are gone through, all the _Caymayles_, or lords of noble birth, taking hold of the candle, take an oath to be true and faithful subjects to the new king. 

After the end of the thirteen days mourning, they all begin to chew betel, and to eat flesh and fish as formerly, the new king alone excepted. He isbound to mourn for his predecessor during a whole year, chewing no betel, eating no flesh or fish, neither shaving his beard nor cutting; his nailsduring all that time. He must eat only once a-day, washing himself allover before this single meal, and devoting certain hours of every day toprayer. After the expiry of the year, he uses a certain ceremony for thesoul of the king his predecessor, much like our solemn dirge; at which100, 000 persons are often assembled, among whom he distributes large alms. When this ceremony is ended, the prince is confirmed as inheritor of thekingdom, and all the people depart. 

The zamorin of Calicut, and the other kings of Malabar, have each oneespecial officer, to whom the administration of justice is confided, andwhose authority in all matters of government is as ample as that of theking himself. The soldiers employed by these kings are called _Nayres_, who are all gentlemen, and who follow no other office or employ but thatof fighting when needed. They are all idolaters, armed with bows, arrows, spears, daggers of a hooked form, and targets, and they march in a veryregular and warlike manner; but they go entirely naked and barefooted, wearing only a piece of painted cotton cloth, which reaches from thegirdle to the knees, and a cloth or kerchief on their heads. All thesemen live continually at the charge of the king and nobles of the country, from whom they have small stipends for their maintenance; and they esteemthemselves so highly on account of their gentility of blood, that theywill not touch an husbandman, nor allow any such to enter into theirdwellings. When any husbandman goes through the streets they mustcontinually call out aloud _hoo hoo_; for if commanded by a nayre to makeway, they may be slain if they refuse. The king cannot raise any one tothe rank of a _nayre_, who are all such by descent. These _nayres_ servevery faithfully under those who give them their wages, not sparing by dayor night to use their best endeavours to serve their chiefs, nor makingany account of want of food or sleep, or of fatigue, when their serviceis required or may be effectual. Their expences are so small, that onhalf-a-crown, which is their only monthly pay, they can sufficientlymaintain themselves and a boy, whom each has as a servant. 

By the laws of this country, these nayres cannot marry, so that no onehas any certain or acknowledged son or father; all their children beingborn of mistresses, with each of whom three or four nayres cohabit byagreement among themselves. Each one of this confraternity dwells a dayin his turn with the joint mistress, counting from noon of one day to thesame time of the next, after which he departs, and another comes for thelike time. They thus spend their lives without the care or trouble ofwives and children, yet maintain their mistresses well according to theirrank. Any one may forsake his mistress at his pleasure; and in likemanner, the mistress may refuse admittance to any one o£ her lovers whenshe pleases. These mistresses are all gentlewomen of the Nayre cast; andthe nayres, besides being prohibited from marrying, must not attachthemselves to any woman of a different rank. Considering that there arealways several men attached to one woman, the nayres never look upon anyof these children born of their mistresses as belonging to them, howeverstrong a resemblance may subsist, and all inheritances among the nayresgo to their brothers, or the sons of their sisters, born of the samemothers, all relationship being counted only by female consanguinity anddescent. This strange law prohibiting marriage, was established, thatthey might have neither wives or children on whom to fix their love andattachment; and that being free from all family cares, they might themore willingly devote themselves entirely to warlike service. And themore to animate these gentlemen in the service of the wars, and toencourage them to continue in the order of nayres, they are privilegedfrom all imprisonments, and from the punishment of death on all ordinaryoccasions, except for the following crimes; killing another nayre, or acow which is an object of worship, sleeping or eating with an ordinarywoman, or speaking evil of the king. When the king has received authenticinformation of any of these offences having been committed, he issues awritten mandate to one of the nayres, commanding him to take two or threeother nayres in his company, and to slay the nayre who has committed thisoffence against the laws. In obedience to this warrant, they attack himwith their swords and put him to death where-ever they happen to find him, and then affix the royal order upon his body, that all may know thereason of his death. 

It is not permitted to any nayre to assume arms, or to enter into anycombat, till he has been armed as a knight. When a nayre becomes sevenyears old, he is set to learn the use of all kinds of weapons, theirmasters first pulling and twisting their joints to make them supple, andthen teaching them to fence and handle their arms adroitly. Theirprincipal weapons are swords and targets; and these teachers, who aregraduates in the use of the weapons, are called _Panycaes_, who are muchesteemed among the nayres, and all their former scholars, howeveradvanced in life or however high their dignity, are bound at all times togive them due honour and reverence when they meet; likewise, every_nayre_ is obliged to take lessons from these professors for two monthsyearly, all their lives: By this means they are very skilful in the useof their weapons, in which they take great pride. When a nayre desires tobe armed as a knight, he presents himself before the king, accompanied byall his kindred and friends, and makes an offering of sixty gold fannoms[55]. On which he is asked by the king if he is willing to observe andfollow the laws and customs of the nayres, to which he answers in theaffirmative. Then the king commands him to be girt with a sword, andlaying his right hand on his head, utters certain words as if praying inso low a voice that he is not heard. The king then embraces the youngnayre, saying aloud in their language, "Take good care to defend theBramins and their kine. " On this the nayre falls down and does reverenceto the king; and from that time he is considered as a knight, or memberof the fraternity of nayres. When any of the nayres enters into thepeculiar service of the king or of any individual noble, he binds himselfto die with and for him, and they keep their oaths. For, if their mastershould happen to be slain in any war or otherwise, they will fight tillthey are all slain; and if they cannot accomplish their purpose at thetime, or happen to be absent at the slaughter of their master, they goafterwards in search of the person who has done the deed, and never leaveoff till they are themselves slain. 

The Malabars are much given to soothsaying, and have lucky and unluckydays. They worship the sun moon and stars, the fire, cows, and the firstthing they meet on going out of a morning, believing every manner ofvanity. The devil is often in them, but they say it is one of their godsor _pagods_, as they call him. But whosoever or whatsoever it may be, itconstrains them to utter terrible words, which are believed by the king. When the devil enters into a nayre, he goes with a naked sword before theking, shaking and trembling and giving himself many wounds, saying, "I amsuch or such a god, and am come to tell thee such and such a thing, "crying out, and behaving himself like a madman or one possessed. If theking makes any doubt of what he says, he continues to roar still louderand to slash himself more severely, till the king gives credit to hisassertions. There are other tribes or lineages of people among theMalabars, of various sects and divers customs, of whom it were tootedious to speak in this place, who are all under obedience to theseveral kings and nobles. The Moors alone are exempted from thisobedience, on account of the large customs they pay for their merchandize, owing to which they are held in high estimation at Calicut. 

Having come to anchor on the outside of the bar or reef of Calicut, thegeneral sent one of the Portuguese convicts on shore, in one of thealmadias which had conducted the ships to this port; instructing him tosee what kind of a place it was, and to make trial of what kind of areception might be looked for, seeing we were Christians, and as thegeneral believed that the people were likewise Christians. When this manlanded, he was immediately surrounded by great numbers of the natives, staring at him as a stranger. These people asked of the fishermen whatman this was whom they had brought on shore? to which they answered, thatthey supposed him to be a Moor, and that he belonged to the three shipswhich were riding without the bar. But the people of Calicut wonderedmuch to see a person who was clothed so very differently from the Moorswho came from the Red Sea. Some of these people who had knowledge ofArabic spoke to this man, but he could not understand or answer them, atwhich they were much astonished. Yet, believing him to be a Moor, theyconducted him to a house where two Moors dwelt who came originally fromTunis and had established themselves in Calicut. On his appearance, oneof these Moors whose name was Bontaybo[56], who could speak Spanish, immediately recognized him for a Portuguese, having often seen people ofour nation at Tunis in the reign of King John, in a ship named La Reynawhich often traded to that port. As soon as Bontaybo saw the Portuguese, he exclaimed in Spanish, _Devil take you, what brought you here_? Hefarther inquired which way he had travelled so as to arrive at Calicut?To this the banished man answered, telling how many ships our general hadbrought with him; at which Bontaybo was much amazed, wondering how theycould possibly come by sea from Portugal to India. He then asked whatthey sought at so great a distance from home? And was answered that theycame in search of Christians and spices. Bontaybo then asked why thekings of France and Spain and the Doge of Venice had not sent their shipslikewise? Because, said our man, the king of Portugal would not allowthem. To this Bontaybo said, he was much in the right. After some fartherconversation in this way, Bontaybo gave him good entertainment, commanding certain cakes of wheat flour and honey, called _apes_ by theMalabars, to be set before him; and then said that he would accompany himto the ships to wait upon the general. 

Bontaybo accordingly came on board our general, whom he immediatelyaddressed in Spanish, saying, "Good luck! good luck! many rubies, manyemeralds. Thou art bound to give God thanks for having brought thee wherethere is abundance of all sorts of spices, precious stones, and all theother riches of the world. " On hearing this, the general and all thepeople were greatly astonished, not expecting to meet any one so far fromhome who understood their language; and even shed tears of joy for thishappy circumstance, and their safe arrival. They all then joined inhumble and hearty thanks to the Almighty, by whose favour and assistancealone this great happiness and good fortune had been accorded to them. The general embraced Bontaybo, whom he made to sit beside him, andquestioned him if he were a Christian, and how he came to Calicut. Bontaybo told him frankly that he was a Moor from Tunis in Barbary, andhad come to Calicut by way of Cairo and the Red Sea, and explained how hecame to know the Portuguese, as has been already mentioned. He fartherdeclared, that he had always been well disposed towards the Portuguesenation, having always found them worthy of confidence and friendship inall their dealings; and, having been a friend to them in times past, hewould not discontinue his good will, and was ready and willing to doevery thing in his power to serve them, and to assist them in the objectsfor which they had now come to Calicut. The general gave him many thanksfor his good will, and promised to reward him liberally for the friendlyaid he might give to him and his expedition, expressing his extremesatisfaction at being so fortunate as to meet such a person in this place, believing that God had sent him here to promote the great objects of thisvoyage, for which he passed through so many and long continued dangers, being quite sensible that he must have reaped little profit from all hislabours without such friendly assistance. 

The general then requested information from Bontaybo, as to the characterof the king or zamorin of Calicut, and whether, in his opinion, he wouldwillingly receive him as ambassador from the king of Portugal. Bontayborepresented the zamorin as a prince of good and honourable dispositions, who, he was convinced, would gladly receive the general as ambassadorfrom a foreign king; more especially, if the objects of his voyage wereto establish a trade with Calicut, and if the general had brought withhim any merchandize proper for that purpose; since the advantages whichthe zamorin derived from the customs upon trade formed the chief sourceof his revenue. He farther informed the general, that the zamorin residedat this time at Panane, a village on the coast about five leagues fromCalicut; and advised that the general should send a message there tonotify his arrival, and the reasons of his coming. The general was wellpleased with this advice and presented certain gifts to Bontaybo, alongwith whom he sent two of his men to Calicut, requesting Bontaybo todirect them on their way to Panane, which he did accordingly. When thesemessengers came into the presence of the zamorin, one of them, named_Fernan Martyn_, declared to him, by means of an interpreter, "That hewaited upon his highness on the part of his general, who had arrived inthe port of Calicut with three ships, having been sent there by the kingof Portugal with letters to his highness, which the general beggedpermission to present to him. " On hearing this message, and before givingany answer, the zamorin commanded each of the two messengers to bepresented with a piece cotton cloth and two pieces of silk, such as heused in his own apparel; after which he inquired of Fernan Martyn whatking it was who had sent him these letters, and how far his dominionswere from thence. Fernan fully answered these inquiries, adding, that hewas a Christian prince, and that those whom he had sent in the ships nowat Calicut were Christians; and related what great and numerous dangersthey had passed through during their voyage. The zamorin was much amazedat the incidents of the voyage which Fernan related at some length, andexpressed his satisfaction that so powerful a prince of the Christiansshould think of sending an ambassador to him from so great a distance. Hethen desired Fernan to inform the general, that he heartily welcomed himand his people into his dominions, advising him to bring his ships toanchor near a village called _Pandarane_ some way below where the shipsthen lay, as a far better harbour than Calicut which is an open and verydangerous road for shipping. The zamorin desired likewise that thegeneral might come by land from that place to Calicut, where he would beready to receive him. After this, the zamorin sent a pilot to navigatethe ships to the harbour of Pandarane; but, on coming to the bar of thatport, the general did not think it advisable to enter so far within theharbour as the pilot proposed, fearing lest he might expose himself todanger by reposing too great confidence in these people, and placinghimself too much within their power. In this he acted with much prudentforesight, by which he wisely avoided the injuries which were afterwardsattempted against him at this place. 

On his arrival at Pandarane, the general received a message from thekutwal[57] of Calicut, intimating that he and other nobles awaited him onshore by order of the zamorin, to conduct him to the city, and that hehad permission to land whenever he pleased[58]. But as the day drew neara close, the general returned an answer excusing himself from landingthat night. He immediately called a council of the other captains andprincipal officers of the fleet, to take their advice on the presentemergency, to whom he intimated his intention of going to visit the kingof Calicut on purpose to settle a treaty of trade and amity. Paulo deGama, his brother, strongly objected to his venturing on shore; allegingthat although the natives of the place were Christians, as they stillbelieved them, yet there were many Moors among them who were much to befeared as his mortal enemies; since these people at Mozambique andMombaza, where they had only passed by their ports, endeavoured todestroy them all, they were much more to be feared at Calicut where wehad come on purpose to enter into competition with them in trade, bywhich their profits would be diminished. It was therefore the moreprobable that they would use every effort to destroy the general, on whomour whole hope of safety and success depended; and, however much thezamorin might regret the commission of such a deed, he could not restorehim to life: besides which, the Moors were inhabitants of the place, where they had much interest, whereas the general was an utter stranger. Likewise, it was quite impossible for them to be assured that the king ofCalicut might not have leagued with the Moors for his death or captivity;either of which would ruin their voyage and prove the destruction of themall, and all the toils and dangers they had passed through would prove invain. To prevent all this danger, he strongly urged that the generalshould on no account go on shore, but should depute one of the captains, or some other person in the fleet in his stead; alleging that commandersin chief ought never to subject themselves to personal danger, unless incases of the most urgent necessity. 

All the officers were of the same opinion. But the general answered, thateven if he were perfectly assured that his landing were to occasion hisinstant death, he would not refrain from going to visit the king ofCalicut, to endeavour to settle amity and trade, and that he mightprocure some spices and other commodities from the place, by means ofwhich their discovery of Calicut might be proved on their return intoPortugal: As otherwise, if we returned without any of the productions ofthe Indies, their discovery would be discredited, and their honour andveracity called in question. "Think not therefore, " said he, "but I willrather die, than leave it in hazard that the long time we have alreadyspent, and may yet employ, shall be lost, and others sent to ascertainthe truth of our discoveries, while envious persons may have it in theirpower to discredit our services. Neither do I run into such hazard ofdeath, nor expose you to such dangers as you suppose; seeing that I amgoing to a city inhabited by Christians, and to a king who wishes theconcourse of many merchants in his dominions, as the more of these thatfrequent his port so much the greater must be his revenue from thecustoms upon trade. It is not my intention to stay long on shore, so asto give opportunity to the Moors to complot against me; as I propose onlyto talk with the king and to return in three days, by which time you mayhave every thing in readiness for our departure. If I should have the goodfortune, by the will of God, to establish trade and amity with the king ofCalicut, I would not exchange the honour and credit of that transactionfor any treasure that could be given me; neither can the king of Calicutsettle this affair so well with any other person, as he will honour me themore for being the captain-general of this fleet and the ambassador of ourking. Should any other go in my stead, the king might look upon himself asslighted and insulted, under an idea that I do not esteem him worthy to bevisited by myself, or that I do not trust him on his word and assurance. Besides, it is not possible for me to give sufficiently ample instructionsto any one I might send, to enable him to do what may be necessary underevery circumstance that may arise, as I myself might do. Even if it shouldchance that they kill me, it were better this should happen in thedischarge of my duty, than that I should preserve my life by neglecting toperform it. You, my friends, remain at sea in good ships: And if you hearof any mischance befalling me, my desire is that you shall immediatelydepart and carry home news of our discovery. As for our present subject, there need be no farther argument; as I am determined, with the blessingof God, to proceed to visit the king at Calicut. "

When this determination was made known the captains made no fartherobjections, and chose out twelve persons to accompany him, among whomwere Diego Diaz his secretary, Fernan Martinez the interpreter, John deSala who was afterwards treasurer of the Indies, and nine others; andPaulo de Gama, his brother, was appointed to act as captain-generalduring his absence. The general, before going on shore, gave pointedorders that no person should on any account be permitted to come on boardthe ships; but that all who were desirous of any intercourse with themshould remain in their boats or almadias. He likewise directed thatNicholas Coello should come every day with his boat well armed as nearthe shore as he could with safety, on purpose to keep up an intercoursebetween the ships and himself. All these things being settled, thegeneral went on shore with his twelve attendants, all in their bestattire; their boat furnished with much ordnance, dressed out with flagsand streamers, and sounding trumpets all the way from the ships to theshore. On landing, the general was received with every demonstration ofrespect by the kutwal, attended by 200 nayres, and a great concourse ofnatives, both of the country and from the city of Calicut. Aftercompliments were passed, the general was placed in an _andor_ or litter, which the king of Calicut had sent for his use. In this country it is notcustomary to travel on horseback, but in these andors. This vehicle islike a horse-litter, except that they are very plain with low sides, andare carried by four men on their shoulders, who run post in this manner, carrying the king or any noble person when on a journey, and going at agreat rate. The person in the andor may either sit or lie as he pleases;and certain servants carry umbrellas, which they call _bueys_, to shelterthe person in the andor from the sun and rain. There are other andorswhich have a curved cane over them like a bow, and are so light that theycan be carried by two men. 

The general being mounted in one andor and the kutwal in another, theyset out for a town called Capocate[59], all the rest being on foot; butthe kutwal appointed certain people of the country to carry the baggageof our men, which was restored to them at Capocate, where the partystopped for refreshment, the general and his people being in one houseand the kutwal in another. Our people were here provided with boiled fish, with rice and butter, and some of the country fruits which are very good, though quite different from ours. One of these fruits is called _lacas_, and another Mango, and they have figs likewise. The water was excellent, and as good as any in Portugal. After resting and refreshing themselvesat Capocate, the general and his suite were embarked in a vessel calledan _ensangada_, consisting of two almadias lashed side by side. Thekutwal and his train embarked in many other boats; and the whole went upa river which discharges itself into the sea at this place. The numbersof people that came to the river side to view our men as they passed wasquite countless, by which it appears that the country was well inhabited. After going about a league up this river, our people came to a placewhere many large ships were drawn up on the shore. The whole party heredisembarked and proceeded by land, the general and kutwal in andors asbefore, being surrounded by thousands who were curious to see thestrangers, even many women pressing into the crowd with their childrenslung at their backs. 

From this place the kutwal carried the general to one of their pagodas oridol temples, into which they entered, and which the kutwal said was achurch of great holiness. This the general believed to be the case, fancying it to be a church of the Christians; which he the more readilybelieved, as he saw seven little bells hung over the principal door. Infront of this entry, there stood a pillar made of wire as tall as themast of a ship, on the top of which was a weathercock likewise made ofwire. This church was as large as a moderate convent, all built offreestone, and covered, or vaulted over with brick, having a fine outwardappearance as if its inside were of splendid workmanship. Our general wasmuch pleased with this church, as he actually believed himself in aChristian country, and gladly entered along with the kutwal. They werereceived by the priests, who were naked from the waist upwards, having akind of petticoats of cotton hanging down from the girdle to their knees, and pieces of calico covering their arm-pits, their heads legs and feetbare. They were distinguished by wearing certain threads over their rightshoulders, which crossed over their breasts under their left arms, muchin the way in which our priests used formerly to wear their stoles whenthey said mass. These men are called kafrs[60], and are idolaters, serving as priests in the pagodas of Malabar; and on the general goinginto the pagoda, they took holy water with a _sprinkle_ from a font, andthrew it over the kutwal and him and their attendants. After this, theygave them powdered sandalwood to throw upon their heads, as used to bedone amongst us with ashes; and they were directed to do the same ontheir arms. But our people, as being clothed, omitted this latter part ofthe ceremony, complying with the other. 

In this pagoda they saw many images painted on the walls, some of whichhad monstrous teeth projecting an inch from their mouths, and some hadfour arms; all of them so ugly that they seemed like devils, which raiseddoubts among our people whether they were actually in a Christian church. In the middle of the pagoda stood a chapel, having a roof or dome offreestone like a tower, in one part of which was a door of wire, to whichthere led a flight of stone steps. On the inside of this tower an imagewas observed in a recess of the wall, which our men could not seedistinctly, as the place was somewhat dark, and they were not permittedto go near, as none were allowed to approach except the priests. But fromcertain words and signs, our people understood this to be an image of theVirgin; on which the general and his attendants went upon their knees tosay their prayers[61]. John de Sala, however, being very doubtful thatthis was not a Christian church, owing to the monstrous images on thewalls, said, as he fell on his knees, "_If this be the devil, I worshipGod_, " on which the general looked at him with a smile. The kutwal andhis people, as they approached the chapel, prostrated themselves threetimes on their faces with their hands extended before them, after whichthey arose and said their prayers standing. 

From this place they went forwards to the city of Calicut, and were takenat their arrival into another pagoda similar to the former. After this, on entering the city, the crowd was so great that they could hardly maketheir way through the streets. The general was astonished to see suchmultitudes, and praised GOD for having brought him in safety to this city, humbly beseeching his divine mercy so to guide him on his way that hemight accomplish the objects of his expedition, and return safely intoPortugal. At length the pressure of the crowd became so great that thebearers were unable to get forwards, and the whole company were forced totake shelter in a house. They were here joined by the kutwals brother, anobleman who was sent by the king to accompany the general to the palace, and had many nayres along with him. The procession again set out, preceded by many trumpets and sacbuts sounding all the way; and one ofthe nayres carried a _caliver_, which he fired off at intervals. Afterthey were joined by the kutwals brother, the mob gave way for theprocession to pass, and shewed as much reverence as if the king himselfhad been present. There went in the procession at least 3000 armed men, and the multitudes of spectators, in the streets, at the doors andwindows, and on the roofs, were quite innumerable. The general was wellpleased at his honourable reception, and said pleasantly to those of hiscompany, "_They little think in Portugal how honourably we are receivedhere_. "

The procession arrived at the palace an hour before sunset. Though onlyconstructed of earth, the palace was very extensive and seemed a handsomestructure, having great numbers of trees interspersed among the differentbuildings, with pleasant gardens full of fine flowers and odoriferousplants, and many fountains; as the zamorin never goes out of the palacewhile resident in Calicut. On arriving at the palace, several caymals andother noblemen came out to receive the general, who led him to a largesquare immediately in front of the gates, whence they passed through fourseveral courts, at the gate of each of which there were ten porters whowere obliged to lay about them with sticks among the people to clear theway. On coming to the gate of the house in which the king resided, theywere met by the chief bramin, or high priest of the royal household, alittle old man, who embraced the general, and conducted him and hispeople into the palace. At this time the people pressed forwards withmuch eagerness to get a sight of the king, which they very seldom do ashe goes very rarely out of the palace; and the multitude was so greatthat some of them were stifled in the throng, which would likewise havebeen the case with two of our men, if they had not gone on before, withthe assistance of the porters, who severely hurt many of the mob, andforced them to make way. On passing the last gate, the general and hisattendants entered along with the noblemen into a great hall, surroundedwith seats of timber raised in rows above one another like our theatres, the floor being covered by a carpet of green velvet, and the walls hungwith silk of various colours. The king was of a brown complexion, largestature, and well advanced in years. He lay on a sofa covered with acloth of white silk and gold, and a rich canopy over his head. On hishead he had a cap or mitre adorned with precious stones and pearls, andhad jewels of the same kind in his ears. He wore a jacket of fine cottoncloth, having buttons of large pearls and the button-holes wrought withgold thread. About his middle he had a piece of a white calico, whichcame only down to his knees; and both his fingers and toes were adornedwith many gold rings set with fine stones; his arms and legs were coveredwith many golden bracelets. Close to his sofa there stood a gold shallowbason on a gold stand, in which was _betel_, which the king chewed withsalt and _areka_. This last is a kind of fruit about the size of a nut, and is chewed all over India to sweeten the breath, and is supposed tocarry off phlegm from the stomach and to prevent thirst. The king hadlikewise a gold bason on a golden stand, into which he spat out the betelwhen chewed; and a gold fountain with water for washing his mouth. Theking was served with betel by an old man who stood close to the sofa; allthe others who were in the presence held their left hands to their mouths, that their breaths might not reach the king; and it is thought unseemlyfor any one to spit or sneeze in the presence. 

When the general entered the hall in which the king sat, he stooped orbowed down three times according to the custom of the country, lifting uphis hands as one that praised God. The king immediately made signs forthe general to draw near, and commanded him to be seated on one of theseats; and the rest of the Portuguese came forwards, making similarreverences, and were likewise commanded to sit down opposite the king. Water was then presented to all the company to wash their hands, whichwas very refreshing, for, though it was then winter, they were very hot. They were then presented with figs and jakas, and the king was muchpleased to see them eat, laughing at them and conversing with the old manwho served him with betel. Our people being thirsty, called for water, which was brought to them in a golden ewer, and they were directed topour the water into their mouths as it is reckoned injurious to touch thecup with their lips. They accordingly did as they were directed; but somepoured the water into their throats and fell a coughing, while otherspoured it beside upon their faces and clothes, which much amused the king. After this, the king desired the general by an interpreter, to speak tothose who were present as to the purpose of his coming to Calicut. Butthe general was not satisfied with this, and signified that he wasambassador from the king of Portugal, a powerful prince, and thatChristian princes were not used to receive the embassies of othersovereigns by means of a third person, but by themselves in person in thepresence only of a few of their principal persons: and this being theusage of his country, he chose to deliver his message only to the kinghimself. The king agreed to this, and commanded the general and FernanMartinez who acted as interpreter, to be conducted into another chamber, which was adorned with as much magnificence as the first. 

As soon as the king entered this chamber, he took his seat on a sofa, attended only by his interpreter, the chief bramin, the old man who servedhim with betel, and the comptroller of his household. The king thenasked the general, from what part of the world he was come, and what werehis desires. He answered, that he was ambassador from the king of Portugal, the most powerful of the Christian sovereigns in the west, both in extentof dominions, numbers of people, and riches. That he and his predecessors, hearing that there were Christian kings and princes in the Indies, ofwhich the zamorin of Calicut was the chief, were exceedingly desirous ofsending some of their captains to discover the way, that they might enterinto friendship with the king of this country as brothers; and for thisreason he had been sent to his highness: Not that the king his master hadany need of his riches, having abundance already and more than was neededboth of gold and silver and other valuable things. That all the formercaptains who had been sent at great charges upon this discovery, afterhaving employed a year or more in vain and having consumed all theirvictuals, had returned again into Portugal. But that the present king DonManuel, being anxious to bring this great enterprize to a successfulconclusion, had entrusted him with command of three ships well suppliedwith provisions, commanding him not to return to Portugal withoutdiscovering the way to the Christian king of Calicut, and would certainlyorder his head to be cut off if he returned without fulfilling his orders. The said king his master had given him two letters to deliver to hishighness, which he would present next day as it was now somewhat late;when he would convince his highness that the king of Portugal was hisfriend and brother, and should request of highness, in confirmation offriendship, to send an ambassador to the king of Portugal, as was thecustom among Christian princes. The zamorin expressed his satisfactionwith this embassy, and told the general that he made him welcome to hiscapital; and, since the king of Portugal desired to be his friend andbrother, he would be the like to him, and should send an ambassador to himas desired. The zamorin then made inquiry into many circumstancesrespecting Portugal; how far distant it was from Calicut, how long thegeneral had been upon the voyage, and other things: And as it grew late, the king allowed him to retire, first asking him whether he would residewith the Moors or the Malabars; but as the general chose rather to have ahouse to himself, the king gave orders to a Moor who was his factor, toaccompany him, and to provide him with every thing necessary for hisaccommodation. 

Leaving the palace late, it being now towards ten o'clock, the kutwal andthe rest who had accompanied him there, escorted him back to where he wasto lodge; and as they were on their way, all on foot, there fell such rainthat the streets ran in torrents, insomuch that the factor gave orders tosome of the people to carry our general on their backs. The general wasdispleased at this and at the delay, and asked angrily at the factor if hemeant to carry him all night through the streets. The factor made answerthat he could not do otherwise, as the city was large and much scattered. He then conducted him into his own house to rest for some time, andprocured a horse for him to ride; but, as the horse had no saddle, thegeneral preferred going on foot. At length he was brought to a very goodlodging, to which his people had previously brought all his baggage. 

Next day, being Tuesday, the general was greatly rejoiced to see sopromising a commencement of his business, and resolved upon sending apresent to the zamorin; upon which he sent for the kutwal and the kingsfactor, to whom he shewed the present which he proposed sending. Thisconsisted of four _capotas_ or cloaks of scarlet cloth, six hats, fourbranches of coral, twelve _almasares_, a box containing seven brassvessels, a chest of sugar, two barrels of oil, and a cask of honey. Thekutwal and factor laughed in derision at this present, saying, that thiswas no fit present for their king, the poorest merchant presenting onemore valuable. They desired him rather to send gold, as the king wouldaccept, of nothing else. The general was offended at this, saying, if hehad been a merchant he would have brought gold; but, being an ambassador, he had brought none. That what he now offered were his own goods, and notbelonging to the king his master; who, being uncertain if he should everreach Calicut, had given him nothing to offer as a present to the zamorin. But, at his next coming, knowing now certainly the route, the king hismaster would send gold and silver and otter rich articles. To this theyanswered, that these things might be, but it was the custom of thiscountry for every stranger who had speech of the king to make him apresent in proportion to the greatness of his rank. The general replied itwas very proper their customs should be observed, and therefore he desiredto send this present, which he could not make more valuable, for thereasons already assigned; and if they would not suffer it to be carried tothe king, he should send it back to his ships. They answered he might doso, for they would not consent to have such a present sent to the king. The general, much displeased, said he would go speak with the king himself, and would then return to the ships, meaning to have informed the king ofall that had passed in regard to the intended present. This they said wasvery proper; but, as they would be detained long at court in attending him, they were obliged in the mean time to go upon other business, and wouldreturn to escort him to court, as the king would be angry if he wentwithout them, he being an entire stranger; and besides, he could not go insafety unaccompanied, because of the great numbers of Moors who resided inthat city. Giving credit to their words, the general consented to thisarrangement, and said he would wait for their return, which he expectedwould be without delay: But they did not return all that day, as they hadbeen gained over by the Moors to thwart the purposes of the general. 

The Moors in Calicut had received information of the transactions of thePortuguese at Quiloa, and of the taking of the _sambuco_ off Melinda; andknowing that we were Christians, were very jealous of our arrival atCalicut. Bontaybo had told the Moors that our purpose was not merely todiscover Calicut from curiosity, but that spices were in great estimationin Portugal, which abounded in gold and silver, and to which all kinds ofmerchandize was at present transported that went from Calicut by way ofthe Red Sea; and finally, that the settlement of a direct trade by thePortuguese with Calicut would tend greatly to the profit of the zamorin. All this the Moors very well understood: But, considering that we wereChristians, they believed, if we should establish trade with Calicut, that their own commodities would fall in price, and most of their profitsbe destroyed. Wherefore they consulted together how to induce the zamorinto take the general prisoner, to seize our ships, and to kill all our men;that they might not return into Portugal with any intelligence concerningCalicut. Upon this they associated themselves with some of those who werein greatest credit with the zamorin, to whom they procured access, andrepresented to him, That he ought not to be deceived by the Christians, for the general was no ambassador as he pretended, but a pirate who wentabout to rob and plunder whereever he came. They asserted having receivedundoubted intelligence of this from their factors in Africa; where afterentering into a friendly correspondence with the _xeque_, who evenvisited the general in his ship, gave him many presents, and provided himwith a pilot to bring him to Calicut, he had battered the town with hisordnance, and killed several of his subjects. That he had afterwardstaken some _sambucos_ laden with merchandize, treating the xeque and hissubjects like enemies. In like manner they misrepresented the conduct ofthe general at Mombaza and Melinda, turning every thing that had occurredto his dishonour. They reasoned from these misrepresentations, that hecould not be an ambassador sent to maintain peace and amity, as he wouldnot, in that case, have been guilty of these base hostilities, and wouldassuredly have brought the king a present worthy of the sovereign hepretended to come from. 

The king was much amazed at this discourse, and told the Moors that hewould consider and determine what was proper for him to do. The Moorsalso told the kutwal of all that they had said to the king, with whom hewas in great credit, and requested of him to persuade the king not tolisten to this embassage. The kutwal then went to the king, who told himall that the Moors had said, and the kutwal advised him to do as theMoors had requested. On this the king changed his good intentions towardsthe general, yet endeavoured to conceal his purposes. The Moors thenwaited on the general under pretence of friendship, offering to instructhim how best to conduct himself, saying that it was customary for allpersons who came from other places to Calicut on business with the kingto bring him a present. On this the general shewed them the present hehad proposed making, which the kutwal and the factor had made so light of;and, with whom they agreed, saying it was by no means a fit present, andwould rather seem a mockery, and give offence. Even Bontaybo agreed inthis opinion; and asked the general why he had not brought better things, as he knew that Portugal abounded in all manner of rich commodities. Butthe general excused himself as formerly, by saying that it was quiteuncertain whether he might ever have come to Calicut. 

The general remained the whole of this day in his lodgings, muchdispleased that the kutwal and factor had not returned according topromise, and was at one time resolved to have gone to court without them;yet thought it better to wait till next day. In the afternoon of theWednesday, the kutwal and factor made their appearance, when he mentionedhis dissatisfaction at their long absence; but they talked of otherthings, and gave him no answer on that subject. At length theyaccompanied him to the palace; but the king, having greatly changed hismind towards him, made him wait three hours for admission, and thenordered that only two of his people should be admitted into the presencealong with himself. Though the general considered this separation of hispeople as not looking well, he went into the presence attended by FernanMartinez and Diego Diaz, his interpreter and secretary. The king did notreceive him so well as formerly, and said with a severe countenance thathe had expected him all the preceding day. Not willing to give him thetrue cause of his absence, lest it might lead to a conversationrespecting the present, the general said he had tarried at home torecover from the fatigue of his long voyage. On this the king observed, that he pretended to have been sent on an embassy of friendship from arich and powerful king, and that he did not well understand what kind offriendship was intended, since he had sent him no present. To this thegeneral answered, That it was not to be wondered that the king his masterhad sent no present to his highness, considering the extreme uncertaintyof his being able to come to this place by a way never before attempted, and unknown till now. But, now that the way was discovered, and Godspared him to return to Portugal, his master would assuredly send himprincely gifts, worthy of them both: And if his highness would have thegoodness to give credit to the letters which he had brought from the kinghis master, he would there learn the intentions of the king of Portugalin sending him to Calicut. Instead of desiring to see the letters, theking asked him whether he was sent in search of stones or of men; and ifsent to discover men, how came it that the king his master had sent nopresent? And since it was manifest that he had brought him nothing, hedemanded of him to send him the golden image of the Virgin, which heunderstood was in his ship. 

The general, much concerned to find the king so much changed towards him, on account of not bringing him a present and amazed at this strangedemand, said that the image of the Virgin Mary of which his highness hadbeen told, was only of wood gilt, and not of gold; and besides, as thisholy image had protected him during his long perils on the sea, and hadbrought him so far in safety, he was unwilling to part with it. Thezamorin made no reply to this, but immediately demanded that he shouldproduce the letters from the king of Portugal. One of these was writtenin the Portuguese language, and the other in Arabic; and the generalexplained that this had been done, because the king his master did notknow which of these might be understood in the dominions of his highness:And, since he now knew that Portuguese was not understood in India, whereas Arabic was, he requested that some Christian of the Indies whounderstood Arabic might be employed to interpret the letter, because theMoors were known to be enemies to the Christians, and he was afraid lestthey might purposely give it a wrong interpretation. The king gave ordersto this purpose, but no Indian could be found who was able to read theletters, or at least who would acknowledge that he could read them. Seeing that it was now necessary that it should be read by the Moors, thegeneral requested that Bontaybo should be one of those appointed for thepurpose, placing more reliance on him than the others, as he was anacquaintance. The king accordingly commanded the letter to be read by himand other three Moors; who, having first read it over to themselves, interpreted it aloud to the king, to the following effect: "As soon as itbecame known to the king of Portugal, that the king of Calicut was one ofthe mightiest kings of all the Indies and a Christian, he was anxious toestablish a treaty of amity and commerce with him, that he might procurespices, which were in great abundance in his country, and to procurewhich the merchants of many parts of the world trade thither: And, if hishighness would give a licence to send for spices, he would send manythings from his kingdom which were not to be had in the dominions of hishighness; or if these things were not satisfactory, of which the generalcould shew him some samples, he was willing to send money, both gold andsilver, to purchase the spices. And finally referring his highness to thegeneral for farther information. "

On hearing this letter interpreted, and being desirous that his revenuesmight increase by the resort of many merchants to his dominions, thezamorin evinced his satisfaction at what he had heard; and assuming amore friendly deportment towards the general, asked him what were thearticles of merchandize that could be had from Portugal. De Gama namedmany different kinds; particularly mentioning such as he had samples ofalong with him, and likewise their money, and requested permission to goon board his ships that he might bring these things to his highness, offering to leave four or five of his men in his lodgings during hisabsence. Giving now more credit to the general than to what had been saidby the Moors to his prejudice, the king told De Gama he might go on boardwhen he pleased, taking all his men with him, as there was no call forany of them remaining on shore. He likewise said the general might freelybring his goods on shore, and sell them to the best advantage. Thegeneral was greatly satisfied with this permission, of which he had nohopes at the first, on seeing the unfriendly reception he had met with atthe commencement of his audience. He went back, therefore, to his lodging, accompanied by the kutwal; and the day being near a close, he deferredreturning on board that night. 

De Faria gives a somewhat different account of what passed at this secondaudience[62]. "It was wonderful that the zamorin, not knowing how to beproperly assured of the truth, should rely on the faith of him who wasaccused by his ministers. For, as if he had really known in whatdetestation the Portuguese hold a lie, although to their own advantage, he sent for De Gama, and told him plainly that he had been informed hisembassy was all a counterfeit, and that he was some banished man or afugitive: Yet at the same time offered, even if it were so, to give him akind reception, and to make him handsome appointments in his service; andpromised to rely entirely on his word for information respecting thetruth of the whole story. De Gama heard the king to an end with a firmcountenance, and declared himself highly sensible of the confidencereposed in him. He then proceeded to answer all that had been allegedagainst him, which he completely overturned by irrefragable argument in along and eloquent speech, preserving the utmost gravity and composurethroughout the whole. The zamorin eyed him steadfastly the whole time, hoping to be enabled to judge of the truth or falsehood of his assertionby his countenance; and concluded, from the unconcernedness of his looks, the eloquence of his words, and the firm gravity of his whole demeanour, that no deceit could lurk under such appearances of sincerity, that theMoors had accused him maliciously, and had imposed on his ministers. Hetherefore frankly allowed De Gama permission to return to his ships, andto land his merchandize, if he had any: Saying, that while that was doing, he would prepare a satisfactory answer to the letter of the king ofPortugal. "

On the next day, being the last of May, the kutwal sent a horse to thegeneral to carry him to Pandarane; but having no furniture, he requestedto be supplied with an _andor_, which was sent accordingly, when De Gamaimmediately set out for Pandarane, all his people accompanying him onfoot. The kutwal remained at Calicut, but a considerable number of nayresescorted the general on his way. When the Moors learnt that the generalwas gone to the ships, they went together to the kutwal, making largeoffers of money to him, if he would pursue the general, and detain him aprisoner under some feigned pretence; when they would take someopportunity of having him slain, in such way that the blame should notattach to the kutwal. And when he objected that the zamorin might punishhim for detaining the general contrary to his orders, they engaged so todeal with the zamorin as to obtain his pardon for that offence. Inducedby a large bribe, and encouraged by this promise, the kutwal followed DeGama in such haste that he soon passed our men, who lagged behind onaccount of the great heat. On overtaking De Gama, he asked by signs whyhe was in such haste, and where he was running to? The general answeredin the same manner, that he was running to avoid the heat. On coming toPandarane, as his men were not come up, the general declined going intothe town till they should arrive, and went into a house to get shelterfrom the rain. The people did not get to the town till near sunset, having lost their way; on which the general said if it had not been fortheir absence he would have been by this time on board. The generalimmediately desired the kutwal to order him to be furnished with analmadia or pinnace, to carry him and his people on board; but the kutwalsaid it was now late, and the ships so far away that he might miss themin the dark, for which reason he had better stay till next day. Thegeneral then said, if he were not immediately furnished with an almadia, he would return to the king and complain that he was detained contrary tohis license, and even mentioned as if he meant to return immediately toCalicut. To dissemble the more, the kutwal said he might have thirtyinstead of one, if he needed them, and pretended to send out to procurealmadias, while at the same time he commanded the owners to hidethemselves that they might not be found. 

In the mean time, while messengers were dispatched on pretence to seekalmadias, the general, having a strong suspicion that evil was intendedtowards him, walked leisurely along the water side, and sent off GonzalesPerez and two other mariners, to go on before and endeavour to findNicholas Coello with his boats, and to caution him to keep out of the way, lest the kutwal might send off to seize his boats and men. While Perezand the others were absent on this errand, it drew far into the night;and not choosing to go off till he learnt what success Perez had met with, he at length agreed to stay all night. Having placed De Gama in the houseof a Moor for the night, the kutwal pretended that he would go in searchof the three mariners who were absent; but he did not return till nextmorning. The general then required to have an almadia to carry him andhis people on board. Before answering, the kutwal spoke some words to hisnayres in their own language, and then desired the general to give ordersto have the ships brought near the shore oh which he should have leave todepart. On this the general became still more afraid that some treacherywas intended; yet answered boldly, that he would give no such order whilehe remained on shore, as that would make his brother believe he was aprisoner and had issued this order under restraint, on which he wouldimmediately depart for Portugal without him. The kutwal then threatenedstoutly that he should never be allowed to go off, unless he compliedwith this demand. The general, in return, declared he should immediatelyreturn to Calicut if not allowed to go on board, and make a complaint ofhis conduct to the king. The kutwal even dared him to do this, yet tookcare it should not be in his power, as he had ordered the doors to bekept shut and guarded by armed nayres, to prevent any of the Portuguesefrom going out. Yet it was the will of God that the kutwal dared not tokill the general or any of his men, although the Moors had bribed himwith a great sum of money, and notwithstanding his great credit with thezamorin. His anxiety to have the ships brought near the shore was, thatthe Moors might be able to board them and kill all their people; and, seeing it in this light, the general was equally determined to preventtheir nearer approach. Finding he could not prevail on the general tocommand the ships to be brought near the shore, and having no pretence tojustify either keeping him prisoner or offering him any wrong, the kutwalnext endeavoured to persuade him to order the sails and rudders on shore;at which the general only laughed, saying the king had given fullpermission to go on board without any such conditions, and assured himthe king should be fully informed of all his unjust proceedings. 

The general and his people now pretended to be in want of necessariesfrom the ships, and requested leave to send some of his people on board, while he should remain on shore; but this the kutwal refused, and ourpeople began to be seriously alarmed. At this time Gonzalo Perez returned, supposing the general at liberty and that he waited for him and hiscompanions. Perez informed De Gama that he had seen Coello, who waitedfor him with the boats near the shore. The admiral was exceedinglyanxious that the kutwal should not know of this circumstance, lest hemight send out a number of armed almadias to capture them; and thereforeurged Perez to return secretly to give Coello warning to return to theships and keep constantly on the alert for fear of an attack. When Coellogot this intelligence, he immediately set off, and the kutwal caused himto be pursued by several almadias full of armed men, but he made hisescape. The kutwal made another attempt to induce the general to orderhis brother to bring the ships near the shore, but in vain; for thegeneral told him, his brother, even if he were to write such an order, would not obey, or, were he disposed to do so, the other officers in theship would prevent him. The kutwal observed that he could not give creditto this, as he was sure any thing he commanded would be obeyed. But noarguments could prevail on the general to this measure, which he wassatisfied was meant for facilitating the destruction of the fleet togratify the Moors. 

The whole of this day was spent in this manner, and in the night ourpeople were confined in a large paved yard surrounded with walls, andunder even a stronger guard than attended them during the day; and eventhe general began to fear as well as the men, that they would beseparated from one another. Yet he trusted, when the zamorin should cometo know the usage they had received, he would give orders for theirrelease. That night, the kutwal came to sup with the general and sent asupply of fowls and rice. Finding that he could not prevail over theconstancy of De Gama, he determined at last to set him at liberty. Nextday, therefore, being Saturday the second of June, he desired the general, since he had promised to the king to bring his merchandize on shore, thathe ought to do so; as it was the usage of all merchants who came toCalicut to land their goods and crews, and not to return to their shipstill all was sold; and he promised, when this was done, to give him freeliberty to depart. Although the general gave very little credit to hisfair words, he yet said, if the kutwal would provide almadias for thepurpose, he would order his goods on shore; but was certain his brotherwould not allow the boats to leave the ships while he was detained onshore. The kutwal was now content to get the goods into his power, as heunderstood from the general they were of great value, and allowed thegeneral to send off a message to his brother. He therefore sent off aletter by two of his men, in which he gave his brother an account of hissituation, confined to his lodging but otherwise well used, and desiringhim to send some of the merchandize on shore to satisfy the kutwal; but, directing him, in case he was much longer detained, to believe that hewas kept prisoner by order of the zamorin; whose only object was to getthe Portuguese ships into his power, not having time to arm his own shipsfor that purpose. For this reason, if not set at liberty immediatelyafter the goods were landed, he required his brother to return withoutdelay to Portugal, and inform the king of all that had happened; that thetrade of so fine a country might not be lost to his country. And farther, to inform the king in what state he remained, trusting that his royalmaster would send such an armament as would enforce his restoration toliberty. 

On receiving this letter, and a circumstantial relation from themessenger of all that had happened on shore, Paulo de Gama immediatelysent the goods; but said in answer to the general, that he could notanswer to his honour to return to Portugal without him, and he trustedGod would enable the small force he had still in the fleet, with the aidof his ordnance, to compel the kutwal to liberate him. On the merchandizebeing landed, the general delivered it over into the custody of DiegoDiaz as factor, with Alvora de Braga as his clerk, whom he left in ahouse provided for them by the kutwal; after which he went on board theships. He then refused to send any more goods on shore, till thosealready there were sold and paid for, and determined not to run himselfagain into danger by venturing on shore after what had already past. Atthis the Moors were grievously vexed, as they thought it more easy forthem to have destroyed him on land than on board the ships. On purpose toentice him to land once more, the Moors made a mock of his goods, pretending they were good for nothing, and did all in their power toprevent them from selling. Thinking that the zamorin knew nothing of allthese transactions, he sent him an account of the whole five daysafterwards, by his factor, of all that had happened, and of the injuriousconduct of the Moors respecting the sale of the goods. The king seemedmuch offended by these proceedings, sending the general word that hewould punish all those who had used him ill, yet the kutwal remainedunpunished. The king likewise sent seven or eight merchants of Guzerate, who were idolaters, to buy the goods, accompanied by an honest nayre, toremain with Diaz at the factory to defend him against the Moors. Yet allthis was only done colourably, that the Moors might not appear to subornthe merchants; for these men bought nothing, and even beat down the priceof the commodities, to the great satisfaction of the Moors; who nowboasted that no person would buy our goods any more than they. Yet noneof the Moors durst venture to our factory, after they heard a nayre wasstationed there by the kings order. If they did not love us before, theyhated us ten times worse now, and when any of our men landed, they usedto spit on the ground in contempt, calling out Portugal! Portugal! But bythe especial order of the general, our people took no other notice thanmerely laughing at their insolence. 

As none of the merchants would buy our goods, the general supposed thatthis was occasioned by their being lodged at Pandarane, where none of themerchants of Calicut resided; and requested leave, by a messenger, fromthe zamorin, to have the goods removed to the city. This permission wasimmediately granted, and the king issued orders to the kutwal to see themremoved, and even to pay the persons who carried them, that nothingbelonging to the king of Portugal might be subject to any charges in hiscountry. The general would not trust himself any more on shore, althoughBontaybo, who frequently came off to visit him, advised him to wait onthe king, lest the great credit of the Moors might again prevail over hismind. But considering this man as a Moor, the general never put muchtrust in him, nor informed him of his intentions; yet always received himkindly, and gave him money and other gifts, that he might bring himintelligence of what was passing on shore. 

After the Portuguese merchandize was removed to Calicut, the generalpermitted one man daily from each of the ships to go on shore, to see thecity and to purchase any thing they had a mind for; always takingespecial care that one party returned on board before another landed. Ourpeople were courteously received and entertained by the natives, and wereeven lodged in their houses occasionally. They bartered several things onshore, such as bracelets of brass and copper, pewter, and other Europeanarticles, for the productions of the country, as freely and quietly as ifthey had been in Lisbon. Fishermen, and others of the idolaters came offto the ships, selling fish, cocoa-nuts, and poultry, for biscuit or money;while others came off with their children, merely to have a sight of ourships. On all these occasions, the general commanded them to be welltreated and to have food given them, to conciliate the people and tosecure the friendship of the zamorin. This continued till the tenth ofAugust, during which time the ships had always some of the natives onboard. 

Seeing the quietness of the people, and their familiarity with his men, who never met with any injury from the Moors or nayres, the generalbelieved the zamorin was willing to preserve friendship and peace withthe subjects of Portugal, and determined upon establishing a factory inCalicut for the sale of his commodities, although very little of what waslanded had as yet been sold. By this means, he hoped to lay a surefoundation for the establishment of trade, against the next expeditionwhich the king his master might send, if GOD pleased to send him homewith the intelligence of the discovery. Accordingly, with the advice andconcurrence of the captains and other principal officers of the fleet, hesent a present by Diego Diaz to the zamorin, consisting of scarfs ofdifferent colours, silks, corals, and various other articles. Diaz wasdesired to say to the king, that the general begged his highness toexcuse his presumption in sending such a present in token of his entiredevotion to his service, having nothing worthy of the acceptance of sogreat a prince. That the time now drew near when it would be necessary todepart on his return to Portugal; and therefore, if his highness meant tosend an ambassador to the king of Portugal, he had better give ordersthat he might soon be ready to embark. Presuming upon what his highnesshad already agreed to, and on the kindness hitherto shewn to him and hispeople by his highness, he requested permission to leave a factor andclerk in Calicut along with his merchandize, as a memorial of peace andamity between his highness and the king of Portugal, as a testimony ofthe truth of the embassy with which he had been entrusted, and in pledgeof farther embassy from the king his master as soon as the discovery wasmade known. He likewise prayed his highness to send on board as a fullconfirmation of his having actually made the voyage to India, a _bahar_of cinnamon, another of cloves, and a third of some other spices, whichshould be paid for by the factor out of the first sales of the goods inhis possession. It was four days after Diaz received this order before hecould get access to the zamorin, though he went every day to the palacefor this purpose. At length he was admitted to audience; and on seeingDiaz with his present, the king asked him what he wanted in so stern amanner that he was afraid of being killed. After delivering the messagefrom the general and wishing to deliver the present, the king refused tosee it, and commanded that it should be delivered to his factor. Theanswer he gave to the message was, that since the general wished todepart he might do so, but must first pay him 600 _serasynes_[63], according to the custom of the country. 

Diaz, on his return to the factory with the present intended for the king, was accompanied by many of the nayres, which he thought was from respect:but immediately on entering the house, the nayres remained at the door, forbidding him or any other person to go out. After this, a proclamationwas made through the city, forbidding any boat or almadia to go on boardour fleet on pain of death. Yet Bontaybo went off secretly, and gavewarning to the general not to venture on shore or to permit any of thepeople to land; as he had learned from the Moors, that any who might doso would surely lose their lives. Bontaybo said farther, that all thefair words of the king proceeded from dissimulation, that he might enticethe general and his people on shore to kill them all; all which evilintentions were occasioned by the Moors, who made the king believe thatthe Portuguese were thieves and pirates, who had come to Calicut to stealsuch merchandize as should be brought there; and who had come to spy outthe land, that they might return with a great armament to invade hisdominions. All this was confirmed by two Malabar idolaters, and thegeneral was in great uncertainty how best to proceed on the presentemergency. That same night, after dark, a Negro slave belonging to Diazcame off, with the information that Diaz and Braga were made prisoners, and with an account of the answer which the king had given to his message, what he had ordered to be done with the present, and of the proclamationswhich were made through the city. Diego Diaz, being anxious to have thesethings communicated to the general, had bribed a fisherman to carry thisman on board, as he could not well be recognized in the night owing tohis colour. The general, though much offended at these injuriousproceedings, was unwilling to depart till he might see the end of thesethings, and therefore waited to see whether anyone might come off to theships. Next day, being Wednesday the 15th of August, only one almadiacame off, in which there were four boys, who brought fine precious stonesfor sale. Although the general believed they were spies, he received themkindly, and gave no hints of having heard that Diaz was made a prisoner;expecting that others of more importance might come on board through whomhe might procure the enlargement of Diaz and Braga. By these boys hewrote to Diaz, but couched in such a manner that it might not beunderstood if it fell into any other hands. The letter was deliveredaccording to its direction, and the boys told the king of their receptionon board, by which he believed that the general knew not of theimprisonment of his people. On this he sent off other persons to theships, who were strictly enjoined not to disclose the treatment which thefactor had experienced. This was done out of policy to deceive thegeneral and to detain our ships, till the king might be able to send hisown fleet to set upon him, or till the ships might arrive from Mecca totake him prisoner. 

Some of the Malabars continued to come off daily, all of whom the generalcommanded to be well entertained, as he saw none of sufficient importanceto be detained. But, on the Sunday, six principal Malabars came on board, attended by fifteen men in another pinnace. Believing that the king wouldliberate Diaz and Braga in return for these men, he made them allprisoners; and sent a letter in the Malabar language, by two of thenative boatmen, to the kings factors, demanding his factor and clerk inreturn for those men he had detained on board. On perusal of this letter, the kings factor communicated the same to the king, who commanded him totake the Portuguese to his own house, that he might not appear to havehad any hand in their detention; and then to restore them to the generalin return for the Malabars, whose wives had made a great clamour aboutthe detention of their husbands. 

Seeing that his people were not sent on board, the general weighed anchoron Wednesday the 23d of August and set sail, meaning to try if this shewof going away would have the effect of recovering Diaz and Braga, inreturn for these Malabars whom he had detained. The wind being contrary, he came to anchor in an open road, four leagues from Calicut, where theships remained till the Saturday. As there was no appearance of gettingback his people, De Gama again set sail; but for want of wind had to comeagain to anchor, almost out of the sight of land. An almadia now came tothe ships with certain Malabars, who said that Diaz and the others werein the kings palace, and would be assuredly sent on board next day. Notseeing the detained Malabars, these people believed they had been all putto death. This affected delay proceeded entirely from craft, that theymight gain time to fit out the Calicut fleet, and for the arrival of theships from Mecca, when their combined force might environ and destroy thePortuguese. The general ordered these messengers to go back to Calicut, and not to return without his men or letters from them, as otherwise heshould sink them; and that if a satisfactory answer was not sent himwithout delay, he would cut off the heads of all the Malabars whom he haddetained. The Malabars returned to Calicut with this message; and a windspringing up, the general made sail, and came to anchor off Calicut aboutsunset. 

Next day, seven almadias came off to the fleet, in one of which wereDiego Diaz and Alvora Braga, the others being filled with many of thenatives. These people, however, were afraid to come on board, and putDiaz and Braga into the boat which was astern of the generals ship, andthen put off to a little distance, waiting for the generals answer. Diegotold the general, that when the king learnt of his having sailed, he sentfor him to the palace, assuming a pleasant countenance as pretending tobe ignorant of his imprisonment, and asked him why the general had kepthis subjects as prisoners on board. On being told the reason, he said thegeneral was in the right. He then asked if his own factor, who waspresent, had extorted any presents; for he well knew that one of hispredecessors had been put to death not long before, for taking bribesfrom merchant strangers. After this, the king desired Diaz to request thegeneral to send him the stone pillar having the cross and the arms ofPortugal, which he had promised to set up; and to know whether he wouldleave Diaz as factor in Calicut. Diaz likewise presented a letter for theking of Portugal, which was written on a palm leaf by Diaz, and signed bythe zamorin, to the following effect:

"Vasco de la Gama, a gentleman of thy house, came to my country, of whosearrival I was very glad. In my country there is abundance of cinnamon, cloves, pepper, and precious stones. The commodities I wish to procurefrom your country are, silver, gold, coral, and scarlet. "

Convinced of the duplicity of the zamorin, De Gama made no answer to themessage; but sent back all the nayres whom he had detained, desired themto tell the king he should return the others who were in custody, onreceiving back his merchandize. He sent however the stone pillar whichhad been required. On the next day Bontaybo came on board, saying thatthe kutwal, by order of the zamorin, had seized all his property, alleging that he was a Christian who had come overland to Calicut as aspy from the king of Portugal. Bontaybo said, he was sure this badtreatment had proceeded from the suggestion of the Moors; and, as theyhad seized his goods, he was sure they meant personal violence, on whichaccount he had made his escape. The general gave him a kind reception, offering to carry him to Portugal, promising that he should recoverdouble the value of his goods, besides, that he might expect to be wellrewarded by the king of Portugal. To this arrangement Bontaybo gladlyconsented, and had a good cabin assigned him by order of the general. About ten o'clock the same day, three almadias full of men came off tothe ships, having some scarfs laid on their benches, as being part of ourgoods; and these were followed by four other almadias, one after theother. The Malabars pretended that they had brought off all the goods, which they offered to put into his boat, and required him in return todeliver up the rest of the prisoners. But convinced this was a meredeception, the general desired them to go away, as he would have none oftheir merchandize, and was resolved to carry the Malabars to Portugal aswitnesses of his discovery. He added, if God spared his life, he shouldconvince them whether the Christians were thieves, as the Moors had madethe king of Calicut believe, who had therefore treated him with so muchinjustice. He now commanded several cannon to be fired, on which theywere afraid and made off. 

It was certain, if the kings ships had been afloat that they would havebeen sent to attack our ships; but they were all hauled upon shore onaccount of the winter season. Wherefore we may attribute it to Providencethat our ships happened to arrive here at this season, that thereby theymight escape and carry home news of having discovered the Indies, to thegreat advancement of the Catholic faith. 

Although greatly rejoiced at having made the discovery of the route toCalicut and the Indies, he was much distressed at the behaviour of thezamorin, believing that the next expedition that might be sent out wouldbe subject to great danger; but as he was unable to do any thing more atthis time, he consoled himself with the knowledge he had thus acquired ofthe safe navigation, and that he had procured specimens of the spices, drugs, precious stones, and other commodities which were to be procuredat this place. Having now nothing to detain him here, he departed fromCalicut, carrying with him the Malabars whom he had made prisoners; as hehoped by their means a good agreement might be entered into with thezamorin on sending out the next fleet from Portugal. On the Thursdayafter his departure, being becalmed about a league from Calicut, aboutsixty _tonys_, or boats of the country, came off to the fleet filled withsoldiers expecting to have taken all our ships. But the general kept themoff by frequent discharges of his artillery, though they followed him anhour and a half. At length there fell a heavy shower of rain attendedwith some wind, by which the fleet was enabled to make sail, and theenemies returned to the land. He now proposed to direct his course forMelinda; but made little way along the coast, by reason of calms. At thistime, having in mind the good of the next ships which might come toCalicut, he thought fit to send a soothing letter to the zamorin, whichwas written in Arabic by Bontaybo; in which he apologized for havingcarried off the Malabars, as evidences of his having been at Calicut. Hesaid he was sorry that he had left no factor, lest the Moors might puthim to death; and that he had been deterred by the some cause from havingfrequently landed himself. That, notwithstanding all that had happened, the king his master would be glad to have the friendship of the zamorin, and would assuredly send him abundance of all those commodities he mightneed; and that the trade of the Portuguese to his city would henceforthredound to his great profit. This letter was entrusted to one of theMalabars, who was set on shore and ordered to deliver it to the zamorin. 

Continuing his course along the coast, the fleet came on the ensuingThursday among certain rocky islands, from one of which that wasinhabited there came off several almadias, having fish and other victualsfor sale. The general treated these people kindly, giving them shirts andother articles to their great contentment; and, with their approbation, set up a cross on the island, which was named _El padron de Sancta Maria_. As soon as night approached, and the wind began to blow from the shore, the fleet made sail, always keeping near the land. On the Thursday after, being the 19th of September, they came in sight of a pleasant high land, off which lay six little islands, where he came to anchor. Going here onshore in search of fresh water, a young man was met with, who was orpretended to be a Christian. This person carried our men to a river, where they found a spring of excellent water issuing out of the rock; andfor his services they gave him a red nightcap. Next morning four nativescame off in a small boat, with many gourds and cucumbers for sale. Thesepeople said that their country produced cinnamon, and two of our peoplewere sent onshore to see whether this were true, who brought with themtwo green boughs which were said to be cinnamon, of which they had seen alarge grove, but it turned out only to be the wild kind. At their return, these men were accompanied by more than twenty natives, who brought hens, gourds, and cows milk for sale, and who said, if the general would sendsome of his men on shore, he might have abundance of dried cinnamon, hogs, and poultry: But he dreaded treachery, and would not allow any of hispeople to go on shore. Next forenoon, when some of our men went to a partof the shore at some distance from the ships to cut wood, they suddenlycame in sight of two boats lying close to the land, and returned withintelligence of what they had seen; but the general would not send toinquire what these might be until after dinner. In the mean time, one ofthe men in the top gave notice that he saw eight large ships out at sea, which were then becalmed. The general gave immediate orders to have everything in readiness in case of an attack, and as the wind served bothfleets, they soon came within two leagues of each other. The enemiesperceiving our fleet approaching, fled towards the shore; but one oftheir rudders breaking, the men belonging to that ship escaped in theirboats, and Coello immediately took possession, expecting to find it ladenwith rich commodities. Nothing was found however, except cocoa-nuts and akind of sugar called _melasus_, which is prepared from palms or datetrees. He also found on board many bows and arrows, swords, spears, andtargets. The other seven ships were run aground, so that our ships couldnot get near them, as drawing too much water; but our people followed intheir boats, and drove them out of their vessels by firing upon them withtheir ordnance. Next day, while our fleet was at anchor, seven men cameoff from the land in an almadia, who reported that these eight ships hadbeen sent by the zamorin from Calicut to capture our fleet, as they hadbeen informed by some of the fugitives[64]. 

From this place the general removed to the island of _Ansandina_, at ashort distance, where he was told he might procure good water. Thisisland is very small, and only a league from the continent. It containsseveral woods, and two cisterns, or conduits, built of freestone, one ofwhich is six feet deep, supplied with excellent water from certainsprings; and the sea around has great quantities of fish. Before theMoors traded with India, this island was well inhabited by the nativeidolaters, having many goodly buildings, and especially some fine pagodas. But when the Moors resorted to this coast from the Red Sea, they used totake in their wood and water at this place, and abused the inhabitants sointolerably that they abandoned the place, and pulled down most of theirpagodas and all their other buildings. These Gentiles were natives ofthat part of the continent which belongs to the king of _Narsingas_, andused often to repair thither to perform their devotions to three blackstones which were in a chapel of one of the pagodas, which still remains. This island is called _Ansandina_[65] in the Malabar language, whichsignifies the Five Islands, and is so named because there are other fourislands round about. 

Coming to anchor here, the general sent Coello on shore with an armedescort, to examine the country, and to see if there were any convenientplace for new-graving their ships bottoms, as they had been long at seaand had a long run before them. Every thing being found convenient, andthe measure approved of by all the captains, it was determined to laytheir ships successively aground for this purpose. The ship called theBerrio was first laid on shore; and while occupied in repairing andcleaning her bottom, many of the natives came off from the continent tosell victuals to our people. While this was going forwards two smallbrigandines were seen rowing towards our ships, ornamented with flags andstreamers on their masts, beating drums and sounding trumpets, and filledwith men who plied their oars. At the same time, five similar vessels wereseen creeping along shore, as if lying by to help the others if needful. The Malabars who supplied our people with provisions, warned the generalto beware of these vessels, which belonged to pirates who roamed about inthese seas, robbing all they met under pretence of peace[66]. The generalbelieved he might have taken these two vessels, if he had allowed them tocome close up with his ships, but did not choose to run any risk;wherefore, as soon as they came within gun-shot, he ordered all the cannonbelonging to the two ships which remained afloat to be fired at them; onwhich, calling out in a loud voice, _Tambarane! Tambarane!_ which is theirname for God, they fled away. Nicholas Coello, who was in his boat, followed after them, firing off his ordnance; but the general, fearful ofany mischance, called him back by signal. 

Next day, when the general and all his men were on shore at work upon theBerrio, twelve natives, who appeared to be men of some consequence, cameto the island in two small _paraos_, and presented a bundle of sugarcanes. These people asked permission to go on board the ships, as theyhad never seen any such before; but the general was much offended withthis, fearing they might be spies. While engaged in conversation withthese men, other two _paraos_ made their appearance, having as many men. But those who came first, seeing the general displeased, advised thesenew comers not to land. When the Berrio was repaired, the generals shipwas brought aground to receive the same attentions. 

While the general and the other captains were on shore, busied in therepairs of the San Michael, there came one day a man in a little _parao_, seemingly about forty years old, and not of that country, as he wasdressed in a _sabaco_, or gown of fine cotton reaching to his heels, hishead covered with a kerchief or towel, which partly covered his face, andwearing a faulchion or crooked cymeter at his girdle. Immediately onlanding, he went up and embraced the general, as if he had seen or knownhim before, and treated the other captains with the same politeness. Hetold them he was a Christian, born in Italy, and had been brought when achild into the Indies. That he now dwelt with a Moorish lord named_Sabayo_, who ruled a certain island called Goa, about twelve leagues fromthence, and who had 40, 000 horsemen on that island. That, as his dwellingwas now among the Moors, he conformed externally to their worship, thoughin his heart a Christian. That learning certain men had come in ships toCalicut, such as had never been seen before in the Indies, and that no oneunderstood their language, he immediately understood that they must be_Frangnes_, [67] for so the Christians are named in the Indies. That he wasdesirous of seeing them, and had asked leave of _Sabayo_ to come and visitthem; which, if he had not obtained, he would have died of vexation. ThatSabayo had not only granted him leave for this purpose; but desired, if hefound the strangers to be from his country, to offer them any thing theymight stand in need of which his country produced; particularly spices andprovisions. And besides, if they would come and live with him, Sabayowould entertain them honourably, and give them sufficient to live on. Thegeneral asked many questions concerning the country of Sabayo and otherthings, to which he made answer. After which he requested to have a cheesefrom the general, to send on shore to a companion, as a token of havingbeen well received. The general suspected some mystery in this man, yetordered a cheese and two new loaves to be given him, which he sent away tohis companion. He continued talking with great volubility, and sometimesso unguardedly as to raise suspicions of his being a spy. On this Paulo dela Gama, who particularly suspected him, inquired of some of the nativesif they knew who this man was; they immediately told him he was a pirate, who had boarded many other ships while laid aground. On receiving thisinformation, the general ordered him to be carried on board his ship, thenaground, and to be whipped well till he should confess whether all that hehad said was true or false; also, what was his purpose in coming thither, and whether he were actually a Moor or a Christian. He still insisted thathe was a Christian, and that all he said was true, declaring theinformation given by the natives to be entirely groundless. The generalnow ordered a more cruel torment to be inflicted to extort confession, causing him to be hoisted up and down by the members: when at length hedeclared he would tell the truth. He then acknowledged himself a spy, sentto discover how many men the general had, and what were their weapons, ashe was much hated on all that coast for being a Christian; and that many_atalayas_ or foists were placed in all the bays and creeks of the coastto assail him, but dared not till they were joined by forty large armedvessels that were getting ready to fall upon him. But he said he knew notcertainly when these vessels might be ready. The general now ordered himto be confined under hatches, intending to carry him into Portugal, as afit person to give the king his master intelligence respecting the Indies, and ordered him to get refreshing victuals, and that his cure should belooked well after. 

On receiving this information of the designs of his enemies, the generalwould stay no longer than was necessary for completing the repairs of hisown ship, which was got ready in ten days. About this time, the generalwas offered 1000 _fanons_ for the ship which had been taken by Coello; buthe refused to sell any thing to his enemies, and ordered her to be burnt. When the generals ship was ready, and the fleet had taken in a supply ofwater, they departed from the island of _Ansandina_, or Anchediva, on the5th of October 1498, steering directly out to sea on their course forMelinda. After sailing about 200 leagues from that island, the Moor[68]whom they had taken prisoner, seeing no prospect of escape, now made afull and true confession. He acknowledged that he lived with Sabayo, thelord of Goa, to whom word was brought that the general was wandering aboutin those seas, like one who knew not where he was, upon which orders weregiven to fit out a powerful fleet to make him prisoner. In the mean time, learning that the general was at the isle of Anchediva, Sabayo commandedhim to go thither to visit him, to get intelligence of his strength andintentions, and to endeavour to entice him to Goa; where it was Sabayosintentions to make him and all his people prisoners, and to employ them inhis wars against the neighbouring princes, as they were reported to bevaliant men. After this confession, the general gave this man bettertreatment, allowing him both clothes and money. Some time afterwards hebecame a Christian, by the name of Gaspar de la Gama, taking his name ofGaspar from one of the three kings of the Magi[69], and his surname fromthe general, who stood god-father at his baptism. 

The general pursued his course for Melinda, where he proposed to take onboard an ambassador from the xeque of that place. In the early part ofthis voyage he endured severe storms and contrary winds, which weresucceeded by calms, during which the heat of the sun was quiteinsufferable, and the voyage much delayed, insomuch, that water began togrow scarce, and the people had to be put on short allowance. Owing tothese circumstances, the people were afflicted with the same disease intheir gums, from which they had formerly suffered such great distress inthe river of Good Signs[70], on the outward voyage. Their arms and legsalso swelled, and many tumours broke out over their bodies, proceedingfrom a pestilent stinking humour, which threw them into a flux, of whichthirty persons died. From the continuance of calms and contrary winds, and the mortality among the people, the whole company became amazed, andbelieved they should never be able to get out from their presentdistressing situation; insomuch, that they solicited the general toreturn to Calicut, or some other part of India, and submit to what Godmight appoint, rather than to die on the sea of these terrible diseases, for which there was no remedy, especially as both provisions and waterbegan to fail. De Gama reasoned with them to little purpose, as they hadbeen now four months at sea, and there hardly remained, sixteen personsin each ship able to do duty, some of whom even were afflicted with thediseases of which the others had died. It is even said that Paulo de laGama and Nicholas Coello had agreed to return to India, if any windshould spring up that would have served for the voyage. 

At length a favourable wind sprung up unexpectedly, and in sixteen daysthey came in sight of land on Wednesday the 2d of February 1499, at whichthe mariners were much rejoiced, and soon forgot all their past troublesand dangers. As they came near the land towards evening, the general gaveorders to keep their heads out to sea during the night, to avoid rocks orshoals. As there were no person on board who knew where they were, a Mooralleged they had steered direct for Mozambique; saying there were certainislands 300 leagues from the shore, and directly over against that place, where the natives were continually subject to the disease which had beenso fatal to our men. When morning came, they stood towards the land, whenthey came before a large and goodly city, surrounded with walls, havingfair and lofty houses, and a large palace on a height in the middle ofthe city, seeming to be a magnificent building. This city is calledMagadoxo, and stands on one side of the Gulf of India on the coast ofEthiopia[71], an hundred and thirteen leagues from Melinda, the situationof which I shall explain hereafter. Knowing this to be a city of theMoors, he would not stop at this place, but commanded many shots ofordnance to be fired as he sailed past. Not being sure how far it was toMelinda, and fearing to overshoot that port, he lay too every night; andon Saturday the 5th of February, lying over against a village of theMoors, named Pate[72], 103 leagues from Magadoxo, there came off eight_terradas_, or boats of that country, filled with soldiers, and makingdirect for our fleet, from whence we shot off so many pieces of ordnance, that they soon fled back to the shore, and our people could not followfor want of wind. Next Monday, being the 7th of February, the fleetarrived at Melinda. The king immediately sent off his congratulations tothe general on his arrival, with a present of fresh provisions. De Gamasent Fernan Martinez on shore to return the compliments of the king, towhom he sent a present. On account of the great number of sick on board, the fleet stopped here for ten days, during which time he caused a land-mark to be erected on shore, with leave of the king, as a token offriendship. Having provided provisions and water for the ships at thisplace, he departed on the morning of Wednesday the 17th of February, taking with him an ambassador from the king of Melinda, to negotiate atreaty of perpetual peace and friendship with the king of Portugal. 

Considering that there were not sufficient men remaining for navigatingall the ships, the general and the other captains agreed to burn one ofthem, and the San Rafael was chosen to be sacrificed, because she was allopen, and had not been brought aground at Anchediva when the other twowere repaired. Accordingly, after taking out all her stores andmerchandize, which employed them during five days, she was burnt atcertain shoals, called the Shoals of St Raphael[73]. During these fivedays, the fleet procured a considerable quantity of hens from a villageon the coast called _Tangata_. Leaving this place, the two remainingships came on the 20th February to the island of Zenziber, which is insix degrees of S. Latitude, at ten leagues distance from the continent. This is a considerable island, having other two in its neighbourhood, onecalled _Pemba_, and the other _Moyfa_. These islands are very fertile, having abundance of provisions, and great quantities of oranges. Theinhabitants are Moors, who are by no means warlike and have few weapons, but are well clothed in silk, and cotton vestments, which they purchaseat Mombaza from the merchants of Cambaya. The women are ornamented withjewels of gold and silver, the former being procured at Sofala, and thelatter from the island of St Lawrence, or Madagascar. Each of these threeislands has a separate king, who, with all their subjects, are of theMahometan religion. 

When the king of the island of Zenziber was informed of the arrival ofour ships, he sent immediately to compliment the general, accompaniedwith great presents of the fruits and other productions of the country, and requested his friendship, to which the general gladly agreed and sentsuitable answers. After remaining here eight days for refreshments, thegeneral departed on the 1st of March, and came to anchor beside the isleof St George in the bay of Mozambique. Next day he caused a mark to beerected on this island, where he went on shore and heard mass; anddeparted thence without any intercourse with the inhabitants ofMozambique. On the 3d of March, he came to the island of St Blas, wherethe ships remained for some time to take in water, and to provide a stockof sea wolves, and _solitarios_, which were salted to serve as provisionfor the remainder of the voyage, and for which they were most thankful toGod. Departing from thence, they were driven back by a westerly windright contrary; but Providence sent them a fair wind, by means of whichthey doubled the Cape of Good Hope with infinite pleasure on the 20th ofMarch, all the remainder of the crews being now strong and in good health, with the cheering prospect of speedily returning to Lisbon. They now hada fair wind, which lasted them twenty days, and sped them on towards StJago. The fair wind now failed them and delayed their voyage. Trying thelead on Thursday the 25th of April, they found twenty-five fathom; andthe least water they had all that day was twenty fathom, on which accountthe pilots concluded they were on the shoals of the Rio Grande. 

Of the rest of this voyage, till the arrival of the general at the islandof St Jago, I have found no account; except that, when, approaching thatplace, Nicholas Coello parted company one night with the general, andmade direct for Portugal, that he might carry the first intelligence tothe king of the discovery of India; and arrived at _Cascais_ on the 10thof July 1499[74]. He went immediately to the king, whom he informed ofall that had befallen the general in his discovery of the Indies, and ofthe commodities which had been brought from thence; of which discovery, and of the prospect which it held out of a direct trade with India by sea, the king was as glad as when he had been proclaimed king of Portugal. 

After the separation of Coello, De Gama pursued his voyage for the islandof St Jago, both because his brother Paulo was sick with consumptivecomplaints, and because his ship was in very bad condition; all her seamsbeing open. At that island, he freighted a caravel, in hope of being ableto get his brother home to Portugal, and left John de Sala in charge ofhis own ship, to have her repaired and new rigged before proceeding forLisbon. The general and his brother left St Jago in the hired caravel forLisbon; but the disease of Paulo de Gama increased so rapidly, that hewas forced to put in at the island of Tercera, where Paulo de Gamadeparted this life like a good Christian and a worthy gentleman. When hehad buried his brother, Vasco de Gama set sail for Portugal, and arrivedat Belem in September 1499; having been two years and two months absenton this voyage. Of 108 men whom he had taken with him, only fifty[75]came home alive; which was a large proportion, considering the great andnumerous dangers they had gone through. 

When the general had returned thanks to God for his preservation andsuccess, he sent notice of his arrival to the king, who sent Diego deSylva y Menesis, Lord of Portugalete, and many other gentlemen, toconduct him honourably to court, which they did through a prodigiousconcourse of people, eager to see the man who had made so wonderful avoyage, and whom they had long thought dead. Being come into the presence, the king honoured him as one who, by the discovery of the Indies had doneso much for the glory of God, for the honour and profit of the king ofPortugal, and for the perpetual fame of the Portuguese name in the world. The king made him afterwards a knight, and gave him and his heirspermission to bear the royal arms of Portugal, as also to set at the footof the escutcheon two does, which are called gamas in the Portugueselanguage. He also gave him a perpetual pension or rent-charge of 300, 000rees[76] yearly, out of the tythe fish in the village of _Sinis_, inwhich he was born, and a promise of being made lord of that village; andtill these grants were executed in form, he allowed him 1000 crowns a-year;which, after the royal grants were made, reverted to the house of the_Contratation_ of the Indies. It was also granted, that when the tradewith India should be established, he might bring home spices to the valueof 200 ducats yearly, without paying any duty. He also gave him otherpossessions and rents, and a note of remembrance or promise to make him alord[77]. Nicholas Coello was promoted to be a gentleman of the royalhousehold, and received possessions and rents to bear his charges[78]. The king himself, in consequence of these discoveries, assumed the newtitle, of _Lord of the conquest and navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and the Indies_. 

[1] By Mr Clarke this person is named Gonçalo Nunez. 

[2] Mr Clarke alleges, that Lichefield, our original translator, has fallen into an error in this date, which ought to have been the 28th July. --E. 

[3] If Saturday were the 5th July, on which the fleet sailed from Lisbon, the 3d of August must have been on Thursday. But it does not seem necessary to insist upon such minute critical accuracy; which, besides, is unattainable. --E. 

[4] This strange expression probably means, that Gama stretched directly across the gulf of Guinea, not creeping as usual along the coast, and endeavoured to make a direct course for the Cape of Good Hope. --E. 

[5] Our old English translator, Lichefield, strangely mistakes in calling this place the _island_ of Sancta Haelena; which is assuredly St Elena bay, in lat. 32° 40' S. It has since been sometimes named St Martin's bay, but the proper and general name is the bay of St Elena, the S. W. Point of entry being called St Martin's Point. --E. 

[6] Perhaps the Berg river, at the bottom of St Elena bay. --E. 

[7] This paragraph is added to relation of Castenada from the works of Faria and Osorius. --Clarke. 

[8] If the Thursday on which they came in sight of the Cape were the 16th, the Wednesday following must have been the 22nd of the month. --E. 

[9] This paragraph is an addition to the text of Castaneda from Osorius-- Clarke, I. 342

[10] From the circumstances in the text, this watering-place of St Blaze is probably what is now called St Katherines or St Sebastians Bay; yet that place hardly exceeds forty-seven Portuguese leagues east from the cape. The sixty leagues of the text would carry us almost a degree farther east, to what is now called Kaffercroyts river. Clarke removes this place still farther to Flesh Bay, otherwise called Angra de St Braz, or Aguada de St Braz by De Barros. This latter place is seventy Portuguese leagues, or above eighty marine leagues east from the cape. --E. 

[11] This account seems erroneous, whether St Katherines or Flesh Bay be the one in question, as both ought to be safe in north winds, and the winds between the S and E points give both a lee shore. --E. 

[12] Probably a species of Penguins: Lichefield calls them _stares_, as large as ducks; Osorius says the natives called them _satiliario_, and that they were as big as geese. --E. 

[13] Probably Rock Point, forming the western boundary of Algoa or Zwartkops bay, in long. 27° E. Bring the rocky extreme promontory of the Krakakamma ridge. --E. 

[14] It is infinitely difficult to guess the course of these early voyages, without latitudes or longitudes, and only estimated distances by dead reckoning in uncertain leagues; but the Rio del Infante of this voyage and that of Diaz, is probably that now called Great-fish river, in the Zuureveld of Graaff Reynet, in long. 28° 20' E• which, however, is twenty-six Portuguese leagues, or thirty geographical leagues from Rocky Point, instead of the fifteen leagues of the text. --E. 

[15] The sixty leagues in the text are inexplicable on any rational supposition, as they seem to have again made the Rocks de la Cruz, or rather Rocky Point, said just before to be only fifteen leagues from Infante river, to which they were then bound. --E. 

[16] The Portuguese ships appear to have been now on the coast of Natal, or the land of the Caffres, certainly a more civilized people than the Hottentots of the cape. But the circumstance of Alonzo understanding their language is quite inexplicable: as he could hardly have been lower on the western coast than Minz, or perhaps Congo. Yet, as a belt of Caffres are said to cross the continent of Africa, to the north of the Hottentots, it is barely possible that some Caffre slaves may have reached the western coast. --E. 

[17] This grain was probably what is now well known under the name of millet. --E. 

[18] According to Barros, _Aguada da boa Paz_. --Clarke. 

[19] Gibb's Orosius, I. 50. 

[20] The text here ought probably to be thus amended, "He and his brother, _with_ Nicholas Coelle, " &c. --E. 

[21] These probably swam off to the ships. --E. 

[22] De Faria alleges that the people of this river were not so black as the other Africans, and wore habits of different kinds of stuffs, both cotton and silk, of various colours, and that they understood Arabic; and adds, that they informed De Gama there were white people to the eastwards, who sailed in ships like those of the Portuguese. Osorius likewise says, that one of the natives spoke Arabic very imperfectly, and that De Gama left two of his convicts at this place, which he called San Rafael. --Clarke. 

[23] There is no circumstance in the text from which the situation of this river can even be conjectured. Clarke, p. 440, alleges that it was Soffala; and yet, in a note in his preceding page, says, "That De Gama seems to have passed Cape Corientes during the night, and to have kept so far from land, on account of a strong current setting on shore, as not to have noticed Sofala. " In the notes on the Lusiad, this river of Good Signs is ascertained to have been one of the mouths of the Zambeze, or Cuama River, which divides Mocaranga from the coast of Mozambique; the different mouths of which run into the sea between the latitudes of 19° and 18° S. --E. 

[24] They were evidently afflicted with the scurvy; and accordingly De Barros refers the disease to its proper cause, "Having been for so long a time confined to the use of salt fish and corrupted biscuit. -- Clarke. "

[25] Addition to the narrative of Castaneda, from De Barros. --Clarke. 

[26] This obscure expression seems to mean that De Gama wished them to precede the ships, and point out the way into the harbour. --E. 

[27] This expression has probably been misunderstood by the original translator. It appears that these Moors of Mozambique spoke Arabic, here called the language of Algarve, and finding themselves understood and answered by the strangers, mistook the Portuguese for Moors. --E. 

[28] Mozambique is in lat. 15° 35' S. And in 41° of E. Long--E. 

[29] The observations here inserted, and marked with inverted commas, are made by the Editor of the present collection. They are much too long for insertion in the form of a note, and appeared of too much importance to be omitted; being chiefly from Clarke, I. 447. --E. 

[30] For the materials of this addition to the text of Castaneda, we are chiefly indebted to the Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. 447, 458. --E. 

[31] His name, as given by Osorius, was _Zacocia_, and De Barros adds, that he wore richly embroidered clothes, and had his sword ornamented with diamonds. --Clarke. 

[32] This is probably the same person named Fernan Alvares on a former occasion. --E. 

[33] It is added by De Barros, that three _Abexijs_, or Abyssinians, from the territory of _Preste Joano_, came on board the fleet, along with the Moors who brought provisions; and, seeing the image of the angel Gabriel painted on the ship of that name, and being accustomed to such representations of angels in their own country, they made their adorations to this holy picture. --Clarke. 

[34] Mr Clarke, Progr. Of Marit. Disc. I. 464, strangely misrepresents this story; saying, "that _the pilot_ of Paulo de la Gama had deserted to the Moors, though a Christian. "--E. 

[35] According to De Burros, after the inhabitants abandoned the town, the zeque sent De Gama a pilot to navigate Coello's ship, from whom De Gama learnt that Calicut was a months voyage from Mozambique. --Clarke, I. 464. 

[36] If Sunday, as above, were the first of April, the Friday following must have been the 6th. --E. 

[37] The text is here obscure; but it would appear that only some of the men belonging to these two boats remained on board, and the rest returned to the coast. Not that the Moorish pilots from Mozambique were here dismissed, as the text of Lichefild's translation seems to insinuate. --E. 

[38] Motta, in the Portuguese East Indian Pilot, places this town in lat. 3º 50'S. He says the entrance is much incommoded with shoals, and so narrow in some places as not to exceed the length of a ship. This city is said to have once stood on a peninsula, converted into an island by cutting a canal across the isthmus. --Clarke, I. 469. 

[39] This may be understood that part of the inhabitants were unmixed Arabs, comparatively whites; while others were of a mixed race between these and the original natives, perhaps likewise partly East Indian Mahometans, of a similar origin. --E. 

[40] This is surely an oversight in Castaneda or his translator, for _one_ year. --E. 

[41] It is difficult to ascertain what place in India is here meant. Cranganore comes nearer in sound, but is rather nearer Melinda than Calicut; Mangalore is rather more distant. The former a degree to the south of Calicut, the latter not quite two to the north; all three on the Malabar coast. On a former occasion, Castaneda says these merchants were of Cambaya or Guzerat, above eleven degrees north of Calicut. --E. 

[42] This seems to be the same office with that named Kadhi, or Khazi, by the Turks and Persians, which is rather the title of a judge than of a priest, which is named Moulah. --E. 

[43] It is probable that this passage should be thus understood, "The king sent him a pilot, who was an idolater from Guzerate, &c. "--E. 

[44] The addition to, or observations on the text, inserted in this place within inverted commas, are from Clarke, I. 486, 487. --E. 

[45] In Lichefild's translation this date is made the 22d; but the Friday after Sunday the 21st, must have been the 26th of the month. --E. 

[46] The difference of longitude between Melinda and Calicut is thirty- four degrees, which at 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, gives only 575 Portuguese leagues, or 680 geographical leagues of twenty to the degree. Thus miserably erroneous are the estimated distances in old navigators, who could only compute by the dead reckoning, or the log. --E. 

[47] The course from Melinda to Calicut is about E. N. E. The former being about three degrees to the S. And the latter almost eleven degrees to the N. Of the line. --E. 

[48] This vague account of the extent of Malabar is erroneous or corrupt, as sixty-one Portuguese leagues would barely reach from Cape Comorin to Calicut. The extreme length of the western maritime vale of India, from Cambay to Cape Comorin, exceeds 250 Portuguese leagues. --E. 

[49] The proper name of this prince who is said to have thus divided the kingdom of Malabar, was Shermanoo-Permaloo. --Clarke, I. 395. 

[50] This must be erroneous, as the Mahometans reckon from the year of the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, which commences in 622 of the Christian era. --E. 

[51] This story seems an Arabian tale, perhaps partly founded upon some real revolution in the government of Malabar. But it would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon disquisitions relative to Indian history. --E. 

[52] Laker is a kind of gum that proceedeth of the ant. This marginal note, in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, indicates the animal origin of lac, which has been elucidated of late by Dr Roxburgh. --E. 

[53] From the sequel in the narrative of Castaneda, this Colastrian rajah seems to have been the sovereign of Cananor. --E. 

[54] This word pagoda, applied by the Portuguese, to denote an Indian, temple, is said to be derived from a Malabar or Indian word, _Pagabadi_, signifying any idol. --Astley, I. 51. 

[55] This is described by Castaneda as a coin equal in value to three crowns. 

[56] By De Faria, this man is named Monzayde. --Astl. I. 30. 

[57] The title of kutwal is of Arabic origin, and properly signifies the governor of a fort or castle, but the office may be different in different places. In some instances, the kutwal seems to have been the deputy-governor, sheriff, or judge of a town. --Astl. I. 30. 

[58] Such are the expressions used by Lichefild; but I suspect the sense here ought to have been, That the kutwal required De Gama to land immediately, that he might go to Calicut, on purpose to be presented to the zamorin. --E. 

[59] In Astley, I. 81. This place is named Kapokats. --E. 

[60] Kafr is an Arabic word, signifying an infidel or unbeliever; and is applied by the Mahometans to all who do not believe the doctrines of Mahomet, and especially to all who worship images, including the Roman Catholics. The priests mentioned in the text were obviously bramins. The origin of the term here used by mistake, was obviously from the interpretation of Bontaybo, the friendly Moor; and explains the mistake of De Gama in believing the Malabars to have been Christians. Bontaybo applied the same significant term of kafr to the image worshippers of all denominations, without discriminating one species of idolater from another. --E. 

[61] On this part of the text, the author, or the original translator, makes the following singular marginal reflection:--"The general deceived, committeth idolatry with the Devil. "--E. 

[62] Astley, I. 24. A. 

[63] Called in Astley _sharafins_. --Astl. I. 36. 

[64] De Faria says that this fleet belonged to a pirate named Timoja, of whom frequent mention will be made hereafter; and that the eight ships were so linked together, and covered over with boughs of trees, that they resembled a floating island. --Astl. I. 38. A. 

[65] More probably Anche-diva, or Ange-diva. --Astl. I. 38. B. 

[66] These vessels seem more probably to have been the squadron of Timoja. --Astl. I. 38. C. 

[67] Frangnes, Franghis, or Feringays, a common name all over the East for Europeans; assuredly derived from the Francs or French, long known as the great enemy of the Mahometans, by their exploits in the crusades. --E. 

[68] De Faria says this person was a Jew, and that he made the sign of the cross from the shore to be taken on board. --Astl. I. 39. B. 

[69] Or rather one of the three kings of Collen. --Astl. I. 39. 

[70] Since called Cuama. --Astl. I. 39. C. 

[71] Magadoxo is in lat. 2° 20' N. And about 45° 40' E. Long. --E. 

[72] Pate stands on the coast of Zanguebar, on the Rio Grande, one of the mouths of the river Zebee, in lat. 1° 50' S. And about 41° 20' E. Long. --E. 

[73] De Faria says this ship was lost on the shoals called after her name but the men were saved. --Astl. I. 40. A. 

[74] De Faria alleges that Coello was separated by a storm near Cape Verd, and arrived at Lisbon, thinking De Gama had got home before him. --Astl. I. 40. B. 

[75] De Faria says fifty-five, and that they were all rewarded by the king. --Astl. I. 40. C. 

[76] The translator values this pension at 200l. A-year, perhaps equal in present value to 2000l. --E. 

[77] This does not appear to have been actually done until his return from India the second time, as will be mentioned hereafter. --E. 

[78] According to Astley, but without quoting any particular authority, De Gama had a grant from the king of the title of Don for himself and his descendants, and a pension of 3000 ducats: Coello was raised to the rank of Fidalgo, or gentleman, and had an appointment of 100 ducats yearly. --Astl. I. 40. 

SECTION III. 

_Voyage of Pedro Alvarez Cabral to India in 1500; being the second madeby the Portuguese to India, and in the course of which Brasil wasDiscovered. _

The certainty of a navigable communication with India, and the vastriches that were to be had in that country, being now ascertained, theking resolved to prosecute the discovery, on purpose to spread the gospelamong the idolaters, and to augment his own revenues and the riches andprosperity of his subjects. For these purposes, he determined to attemptthe settlement of a factory in Calicut by gentle means; hopeful that theymight be persuaded to a friendly intercourse, and might afterwards listento the word of God. 

He therefore commanded that a fleet of ten ships and two caravels shouldbe got ready against next year, to be well laden with all the commoditieswhich De gama had reported to have current sale in Calicut. There wentothers also to Sofala and Quiloa, where also he commanded factories to beestablished, both on account of the gold which was to be found there, andthat the ships might have a place to touch and refresh at in their way toand from India. Over the fleet intended for Calicut, he appointed PedroAlvarez Cabral, a gentleman of an honourable house, to be captain-general, Sancho de Toar being captain of his ship. The names of the other captains, so far as have come to my knowledge, were Nicholas Coello, Don LuisContinho, Simon de Myseranda, Simon Leyton, Bartholomew Diaz, whodiscovered the Cape of Good Hope, and his brother Diego Diaz, who hadbeen purser to Vasco do Gama in the former voyage. Of the caravels, Pedrode Tayde[1] and Vasco de Silviera, were captains. Arias Correa wasappointed supercargo of the whole fleet, and was ordered to remain asfactor in Calicut, having Gonsalo Gil Barboso and Pedro Vas Caninon ashis clerks. Two ships were to remain with the merchandize at Sofala, where Loriso Hurtado was to be factor. In the whole of this fleet thereembarked 1500 men[2]. 

The general was instructed, besides settling the factories, that if thezamorin would not quietly consent or give sufficient lading to the ships, he should make cruel war upon him for his injurious conduct to Vasco deGama. If the zamorin consented to the establishment of a factory andtrade, the general was secretly to request him not to allow any of theMoors of Mecca to remain or to trade in Calicut, or any other harbour inhis dominions, and to promise that the Portuguese should hereafter supplyall such commodities as used to be brought by the Moors, of betterquality and cheaper than theirs. That he should touch at Melinda, to landthe ambassador who had been brought from thence by De Gama, together witha present for the king of that place. Along with this fleet, the kingsent five friars of the order of St Francis, of whom Fra Henrique wasvicar, who was afterwards bishop _Siebta_, and who was to remain in thefactory to preach the Catholic faith to the Malabars[3]. 

The fleet being in full readiness, the king went in procession, on Sundaythe 7th of March 1500, to hear mass at the monastery of Belem, accompanied by the captain-general, whom he took along with himselfbehind the curtain in the royal seat, to do him the more honour. Aftermass, Don Diego Ortis, bishop of Viseu, preached a sermon, in which hegave high praise to Cabral for undertaking the command of this expedition, as serving not only the king his temporal master, but the eternal GOD hisspiritual Lord, drawing many comparisons in his favour from the Grecianand Roman histories. Mass being ended, a banner of the royal arms ofPortugal was delivered to the bishop, who solemnly blessed it, andreturned it to the king, who delivered it to Cabral, that it might bedisplayed at his main-top. The bishop then, gave a bonnet to the general, which had been blessed by the pope, and placed a rich jewel with his ownhands on his head, and gave him his blessing. When these ceremonies wereended, the king accompanied the captain-general to the water side, wherehe and the other captains of the fleet took leave of the king, kissinghis hands, the king giving them Gods blessing and his own; after whichall went on board, and the whole fleet saluted the king by dischargingall the ordnance of all the ships: But the wind being foul, the fleetcould not depart that day, and the king returned to Lisbon. 

Next day, being the 9th of May 1500, having a fair wind, the fleetweighed by signal from the general, and set sail at eight in themorning[4]. "_The whole fleete having wayed, did then begin to cut andspread their sayles with great pleasure and crie, saieng altogether_, Buenviage, _that is to say, a luckie and prosperous voyage. After all this, they beganne all to be joyfull, every man to use his severall office: Thegunners in the midst of the ship, hailing the maine sheets with thecapsteine: The mariners and ship boys, some in the forecastell halingbollings, braces, and martnets: Others belying the sheets both great andsmall, and also serving in trimming the sayles, and others the nettingsand foretop sayles: Other some vering the trusses, and also beleyingbrases and toppe sayle sheets, and coyling every sort of ropes. It waswonderful to see such a number of diversities of offices in so small aroome, as is the bredth and length of a ship_. "

Going on their voyage with a quarter wind, they came in sight of theCanaries on the 14th of March, and passed St Jago on the 22d. On the 24thof the same month, the caravel commanded by Vasco de Tayde parted company, and was never seen afterwards[5]. After waiting two days for the missingship, the fleet proceeded on its voyage, and on the 24th of April, camein sight of land. This was cause of much joy, as it was supposed to be acountry which had not been discovered by De Gama, because it lay to thewest[6] of their course. Cabral immediately sent off the master of hisship in a small boat to examine the country, who reported that itappeared pleasant and fertile, with extensive woods and many inhabitants. The fleet was brought to anchor, and the master sent again on shore toexamine more narrowly into the state of the country and its inhabitants. His account was that the natives were well proportioned, and of a swarthycolour, armed with bows and arrows, and all naked. A storm arising atnight, the fleet weighed anchor and stood along; the coast, till theyfound a good harbour, in which they all came to anchor, naming it _PuertoSeguro_, or the Safe Port, as it was quite secure in all weathers. Ourmen took two of the natives in an almadia or canoe, who were brought tothe admiral, but no one could understand their language. They hadtherefore apparel given them, and were set on shore much pleased. Thisencouraged the rest of the natives to mix with our people in a friendlymanner; but finding nothing to detain him here, the general determined totake in a supply of water, not knowing when he might have anotheropportunity. Next day, being in Easter week, a solemn mass was said onshore under a pavilion, and a sermon was preached by Fra Henrique. Duringservice, many of the natives gathered around, who seemed very merry, playing and leaping about, and sounding cornets, horns, and otherinstruments. After mass, the natives followed the general to his boat, singing and making merry. In the afternoon our men were allowed to go onshore, where they bartered cloth and paper with the natives for parrotsand other beautiful birds, which are very numerous in that country, andwith whose feathers the natives make very shewy hats and caps. Some ofour men went into the country to see the towns or dwellings of thenatives, and reported that the land was very fertile, and full of woodsand waters, with plenty of fruits of various kinds, and much cotton. 

As this was the country now so well known by the name of Brasil, I shallnot say any more about it in this place, except that the fleet remainedhere for eight days; during which a great fish was thrown ashore by thesea, greater than any _tonel_, and as broad as two. It was of a roundform, having eyes like those of a hog, and ears like an elephant, but noteeth; having two vents under its belly, and a tail three quarters of ayard broad, and as much in length. The skin was like that of a hog, and afinger in thickness. The general ordered a high stone cross to be erectedat this place, and named his new discovery _La tierra de Santa Cruz_, orthe Land of the Holy Cross. From hence he sent home a caravel, withletters to the king, giving an account of his voyage hitherto, and thathe had left two exiles[7] in this place, to examine the country; andparticularly to ascertain if it were a continent, as appeared from thelength of coast he had passed. He sent likewise one of the natives, toshew what kind of people inhabited the land. Considering the great lengthof the voyage he had to perform, Cabral did not deem it proper to spendany more time in examining this new country, but departed from PuertoSeguro[8] on the 2d of May, steering his course for the Cape of Good Hope, which was estimated to be 1200 leagues distant, and having a great andfearful gulf to cross, rendered dangerous by the great winds whichprevail in these seas during most part of the year. 

On the 12th of May a great comet appeared in the heavens, coming from theeast, and was visible during ten days and nights, always increasing insplendour. On Saturday the 23d of May, there arose a great storm from thenorth-east, attended with a high sea and heavy rain, which forced thewhole fleet to take in their sails. On its abatement they again spreadtheir foresails; and falling calm towards night, the ships astern spreadout all their sprit-sails to overtake the rest. On Sunday the 24th thewind again increased, and all the sails were furled. Between ten andeleven o'clock of that day a water-spout was seen in the north-west, andthe wind lulled. This deceived the pilots as a sign of good weather, wherefore they still carried sail: But it was succeeded by a furioustempest, which came on so suddenly that they had not time to furl theirsails, and four ships were sunk with all their men, one of which wascommanded by Bartholomew Diaz, the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope. The other _seven_[9] were half filled with water, and had been all lostif a part of their sails had not given way to the tempest. Soonafterwards the storm veered to the south-west, but still continued soviolent that they had to drive all that day and the next under bare poles, and the fleet much separated. On the third day the wind became moremoderate, coming round to the east and north-east, attended by a heavyswell, and the waves run higher than had ever been seen before, yet thefleet joined again to their great joy. This wind and high sea continuedfor twenty days, during all which time the ships had to lie to, and wereso tossed that no one thought it possible to escape being swallowed up. During day, the sea was black as pitch, and at night it appeared likefire. The general, with Simon de Myranda and Pedro de Tayde, bore up towindward during this long continued gale; while all the rest submitted tothe wind and went at Gods mercy. 

When the storm abated, the general found that, with only two other shipsin company, he had doubled the Cape of Good Hope without having seen it. On the 16th of July they fell close in with the coast of Africa, in lat. 27°S. But the pilots did not know the coast, and the general would notallow any one to go on shore. They could see great numbers of people onthe land, yet none came down to the shore to view the ships. Having nohope of procuring provisions from the natives, the seamen caught greatplenty of fish at this place; after which the general pursued his courseclose along shore, where he constantly saw many people, and great numbersof cattle feeding along the banks of a river which fell into the sea inthat neighbourhood. [10] Proceeding in this manner, the general came toSofala, with which the pilots were unacquainted, near which lay twoislands, [11] close by one of which two vessels lay at anchor. Theseimmediately made for the shore on seeing the Portuguese ships, and beingpursued were taken without resistance. The principal person belonging tothese vessels was a near relation[12] of the king of Melinda, and wasgoing from Sofala to Melinda with gold. The people were so much afraid onseeing our ships, that they threw a great part of the gold into the sea, and most of them escaped on shore. The general was much concerned at hisloss, especially that it should have fallen on the subject and relationof a prince who was in friendship with the king his master; and aftershewing him every civility, restored the two vessels with all theremaining gold. The Moor asked Cabral if he had any witches on board, whocould conjure up his gold from the bottom of the sea? Cabral answered, that the Christians believe in the true God, and do not practice or givecredit to witchcraft. 

Learning from this Moor that he had overshot Sofala, and not beinginclined to turn back, the general continued his voyage to Mozambique;where he arrived on the 20th of July and took in a supply of water, andprocured a pilot to carry him to the island of Quiloa, towards which hedirected his course. In this part of the voyage he saw several fertileislands, belonging to the king of Quiloa, who is a powerful prince; hisdominions extending from Cape Corientes almost to Mombaza, along nearly400 leagues of coast, including the two islands near Sofala, that cityitself and several others to Mozambique, many more all the way to Mombaza, with a great number of islands; from all which he derives largerevenues. [13] Yet he has few soldiers, and lives in no great state. Hisconstant residence is in an island named Quiloa, near the continent ofEthiopia, an hundred leagues from Mozambique. This island is full ofgardens and orchards, with plenty of various kinds of fruits, andexcellent water, and the country produces abundance of _miso_[14] andother grain, and breeds great numbers of small cattle; and the sea affordsgreat plenty of excellent fish. The city of Quiloa is in lat. 9°25'S. Andlong. 40°20'E. Handsomely built of stone and lime, and pleasantly situatedbetween fine gardens and the sea, having abundance of provisions from itsown island and from other places on the continent. The king and theinhabitants of the city are Moors of a fair colour using the Arabiclanguage, but the original natives of the country are Negroes. The Moorsof Quiloa are richly dressed, especially the women, who wear many goldenornaments. They are great merchants, enjoying the principal trade in goldat Sofala, whence it is distributed over Arabia Felix, and other countries;and many merchants resort thither from other places. Hence there arealways many ships in this port, which are all hauled upon the beach whennot in use. These ships[15] have no nails, but are sewed together by ropemade of _cairo_, and have their bottoms payed with wild frankincense, asthe country produces no pitch. The winter here begins in April and ends inMay. 

On arriving at Quiloa, and receiving a safe-conduct for that purpose, thegeneral sent Alonso Hurtado, attended by seven of the principal officers, to wait upon the king, signifying that Cabral had come here with thefleet of the king of Portugal to settle a trade in the city, and hadgreat store of merchandize fit for that purpose; and to say that he wasdesirous to confer with his highness on this subject, but had beenforbidden by the king his master to go on shore. The king agreed to giveCabral an audience afloat; and, on the following day Cabral waited forthe king in his boat, which was covered over with flags, and attended byall the other captains in their boats; as now Sancho de Toar and othertwo ships had joined company again. The king came in an almadia, accompanied by many principal Moors in other boats, all decked with flags, and with many trumpets, cornets, and sackbuts, making a great noise. Onthe arrival of the king, the whole Portuguese ordnance was fired off, bywhich the king and his train were much alarmed, not having beenaccustomed to such a salute. After mutual civilities, the letter from theking of Portugal was read, proposing the settlement of trade between thetwo nations, to which the king of Quiloa assented, and agreed that AlonsoHurtado should wait upon him next day with an account of the kinds ofmerchandize the Portuguese had to dispose of, for which he promised togive gold in exchange. But when Hurtado went next day on shore, the kingmade many excuses for not performing his promise, pretending to have noneed of the commodities, and believing that the general came to conquerhis country. The true reason was because he was a Moor and we wereChristians, and he was unwilling to have any trade or intercourse with us. After this the general remained three or four days, to see if the kingwould change his mind; but he continued inflexible, and strengthenedhimself with armed men, as jealous of being attacked. 

Finding that nothing could be done here, the general went on his voyage, and arrived at Melinda on the 2d of August. At this port he found threeships at anchor belonging to Moorish merchants of Cambaya; but, thoughladen with great riches, he would not meddle with them, out of respectfor the king of Melinda. On coming to anchor the general saluted the kingwith all his ordnance; on which the king sent a complimentary message ofwelcome, with a present of many sheep, hens, and ducks, and greatquantities of fruits. The general sent a message in return, intimatingthat he had come here by orders of the king of Portugal, to know if hishighness had any service which the fleet could perform for him, and todeliver a letter and a rich present from the king of Portugal, which hewould send whenever his highness pleased to give his commands. The kingwas much pleased with this message, and detained the messenger all night, most part of which he spent in making inquiries respecting the kingdom ofPortugal. As soon as it was day, the king sent two principal Moors towait upon the general, declaring his joy at his arrival, and desiring, ifhe had need of any thing in the country, to command all there as his own. The general then sent Aries Correa, the factor-general of the fleet, onshore to deliver the letter and presents, accompanied by most of theprincipal officers, and having all the trumpeters of the fleet soundingbefore him. The present consisted of the rich caparison of a riding-horse, of the most splendid and shewy fashion. The king sent the nobles of hiscourt to receive Correa in great state, and several women who had censersor perfuming pans which filled the air with a delightful odour. The kingreceived Correa in his palace, which was very near the water side, sitting in his chair of state, and accompanied by many noblemen andgentlemen. The letter, which was written hi Portuguese on one side andArabic on the other, being read, and the present laid before the king, heand his nobles all in one voice gave thanks to God and Mahomet forgranting them the friendship of so great a prince. During the three dayswhich the fleet continued here, Correa remained on shore at the kingsparticular request, in which he constantly employed himself in inquiriesconcerning the customs of the king of Portugal and the conduct of hisgovernment. 

The king of Melinda was very anxious to have Cabral to come on shore tothe palace, but he excused himself as having been ordered by his masternot to land at any port, with which the king was satisfied, yet desiredto have an interview on the water. On this occasion, though the palacewas very near the sea, he went on horseback to the shore, having hishorse decorated with the rich caparisons sent him by the king of Portugal, which were obliged to be put on by one of our men as none of the nativesknew their use. On coming to the shore, certain principal natives waitedat the foot of the stair, having a live sheep, which they opened alive, taking out the bowels, and the king rode over the carcase of the sheep. _This is a kind of ceremony that the witches there do use_. [16] Afterthis he went to the water side, with all his train on foot, saying in aloud voice certain words of incantation. The interview with the generaltook place on the water in great ceremony, and the king gave him a pilotto carry the fleet to Calicut. Cabral left two banished men at Melinda toinform themselves of all the circumstances of the country to the best oftheir abilities. One of these, called _Machado_, when he had learned theArabic language, went afterwards by land to the straits of the Red Sea, and from thence by Cambaya to _Balagarte_, and settled with the _sabayo_or lord of Goa, passing always for a Moor. This man was afterwards veryserviceable to Albuquerque, as will be seen hereafter. 

Leaving Melinda on the 7th of August, he came to Ansandina or Anche-diva, on the 20th of that month, where he waited some days for the fleet ofMecca, which he meant to have attacked. While there, the whole of thecrews confessed and received the sacrament. No ships appearing, the fleetleft Anchediva and sailed for Calicut, coming to anchor within a leagueof that place on the 13th of September. Several almadias came offimmediately to sell victuals: And some of the principal nayres, with aGuzurat merchant, brought a message from the zamorin, [17] declaring hissatisfaction at the arrival of the general at his city, in which everything he might need was at his command. The general made a polite answerto the king, with thanks for his civility, and gave orders to bring thefleet nearer to the city, in doing which all the ordnance was fired as asalute, to the great astonishment of the natives, the idolaters amongthem saying that it was impossible to resist us. Next day one Gaspar[18]was sent on shore to the zamorin, desiring to have a safe-conduct for adeputation from the general to wait on his highness; and along withGaspar the four Malabars who had been carried away from Calicut by DonVasco de la Gama were sent on shore. These men were all finely dressed inPortuguese habits, and the whole inhabitants of the city came out to seethem, rejoiced to find they had been well treated. Though the zamorin waswell pleased with the safe return of his subjects, he refused allowingthem to come into his presence as they were only fishermen, or of a lowcast; but he sent for Gaspar, whom he received with civility, and whom heassured that our people might come on shore in perfect safety. Onreceiving this intelligence, Cabral sent Alonso Hurtado to the zamorin, intimating that the Portuguese fleet had come on purpose to settle tradeand friendship, and that the general wished for an audience in which toarrange these matters with his highness. But had orders from the king hismaster not to go on shore without sufficient pledges for his security;among whom he demanded the kutwal of Calicut and Araxamenoca one of thechiefs of the nayres. [19] On this occasion Hurtado was accompanied by aperson who could speak the language, to act as his interpreter. 

The zamorin was unwilling to send the hostages required, alleging thatthey were old and sickly, and offered to send others who were better ableto endure the hardships of living on board. Yet he afterwards, at theinstigation of the Moors, was against sending any hostages; as they madehim believe that the general shewed little confidence in his promise, which was derogatory to his honour and dignity. This negociation lastedthree days, as Hurtado insisted on this as a necessary preliminary. Atlength, desirous of having trade settled with us, owing to the advantageswhich would accrue to his revenue, the zamorin agreed to give thehostages required. On which, leaving the command of the fleet in hisabsence to Sancho de Toar, Cabral directed that the hostages should bewell treated, but on no account to deliver them to any one even althoughdemanded in his name. On the 28th of December, Cabral went on shoremagnificently dressed and attended by thirty of his principal officersand others, the kings servants, in as much state as if he had been kingof Portugal; carrying with him rich furniture for his apartments, with acupboard of plate containing many rich pieces of gilt silver. He was metby many principal nayres, sent by the zamorin to wait upon him, andattended by a numerous train, among whom were many persons soundingtrumpets sackbuts and other musical instruments. The zamorin waited forhim in a gallery close by the shore, which had been erected on purpose;and while the general went towards the shore, accompanied by all theboats of the fleet, dressed out with flags and streamers, the hostageswere carried on board his ship, where they were loath to enter till theyshould see the general on shore, lest he might return and detain them;but were at last reassured of their safety by Aries Correa. On landing, Cabral was received in great state by several _caymals, pinakals_, andother principal nayres; by whose directions he was placed in an _andor_or chair, in which he was carried to the _serame_ or hall of audience, where the king waited his arrival. 

The serame or gallery, was all hung round with rich carpets, called_alcatifas_; and at the farther end the zamorin sat in an alcove orrecess resembling a small chapel, with a canopy of unshorn crimson velvetover his head, and having twenty silk cushions under him and about him. The zamorin was almost naked, having only a piece of white cotton roundhis waist, wrought with gold. On his head he wore a cap of cloth of goldresembling a helmet. In his ears he had rich jewels of diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, two of the latter being as large as walnuts. Hisarms, from the elbows to the wrists, were covered with golden bracelets, set with numberless precious stones of great value; and his legs, fromthe knees to the ankles, were similarly adorned. His fingers and toes hadnumerous rings, and on one of his great toes he wore a ruby of great sizeand wonderful brilliancy. One of his diamonds was bigger than a largebean. All these were greatly surpassed by his girdle of gold and jewels, which was altogether inestimable, and was so brilliant that it dazzledthe eyes of the beholders. Beside the zamorin was a rich throne or statechair, all of gold and jewels; and his _andor_, in which he had beencarried from the palace was of similar richness, and stood near him. Hewas attended by twenty trumpeters, seventeen of whom had silver trumpets, and three of them gold, all the mouth-pieces being finely wrought and setwith jewels. Although in full day, the hall was lighted by many silverlamps, in the fashion of the Moors. Close by the king there stood aspitting basin of gold, and several silver perfuming-pans, which producedan excellent odour. Six paces from the king, he was attended on by histwo brothers, who were the nearest heirs to the kingdom; and a littlefarther off were many noblemen, all standing. 

On entering the hall, and seeing the splendid state of the zamorin, Cabral would have kissed his hand, as is the custom of Europe; but wasinformed that this was not customary among them, and therefore sat downin a chair near the king, which was appointed for him as an especialhonour. He then delivered his letter of credit from the king of Portugal, written in Arabic, and then said, that the king his master, willing tocultivate trade and friendship with the zamorin and his subjects, hadgiven him orders to require permission to establish a factory or house oftrade in Calicut, which should always be supplied with every kind ofmerchandize that was in demand; and requested the zamorin to supply asufficient loading of spices for the ships under his command, which hewas ready to pay for, either by means of the commodities he had on board, or in ready money. The zamorin seemed or affected to be pleased with theembassy, and said that the king of Portugal was welcome to every thing inhis city of which he was in need. At this time the present from the kingof Portugal to the zamorin was brought forwards; which, among otherthings, contained, a richly wrought basin and ewer of silver gilt; a giltsilver flaggon and cover of similar workmanship; two silver maces; fourcushions, two of which were cloth of gold, and the other two of unshorncrimson velvet; a state canopy of cloth of gold, bound and fringed withgold; a carpet of rich crimson velvet; two very rich arras hangings, oneornamented with human figures, and the other with representations oftrees and flowers. The zamorin was much satisfied with this present, andsaid the general might either retire to his lodgings for rest andrefreshment, or might return to his ships as he thought best; but, as thehostages were men of high cast and could not endure the sea, who couldneither eat or drink while on board consistent with their customs, itbecame necessary that they should come on shore. Wherefore, if thegeneral would return to his ship and send these men on shore, andinclined to come back next day to conclude all matters relative to thetrade of Calicut, the same hostages should be again sent on board. As thegeneral placed confidence in these assurances of the zamorin, he went onboard, leaving Hurtado and other seven of his people in charge of hisvaluables that were left on shore. When at the water side and ready toembark, a servant of one of the hostages, who was dispatched by thecomptroller of the zamorins household, went before in an almadia or smallpinnace, and gave notice to the hostages that the general was coming onboard. On which they leapt into the sea, meaning to escape to land in thealmadia with the servant: But Aries Correa went immediately with some ofthe Portuguese mariners in a boat, and retook two of the hostages, withthree or four of the Malabars belonging to the almadia: The rest of thehostages, among whom was the kutwal, got to the city. 

When Cabral came on board and learnt what had happened, he ordered thetwo remaining hostages to be secured below deck, and sent a complaint tothe zamorin against the conduct of the hostages, laying all the blame onthe comptroller. He desired the messenger to inform the zamorin of thesituation of the two remaining hostages, and to say that they should beliberated whenever the Portuguese and the goods on shore were sent backto the ships. Next day the zamorin came to the shore accompanied by 12, 000 men, and sent off the Portuguese people and their commodities to theships in thirty almadias, with orders to bring back the hostages. Butnone of the Malabars in the almadias dared to approach the ships, beingafraid of the Portuguese, and returned therefore to the land withoutdelivering our people and commodities. Next day, the general sent some ofhis own boats to land the pledges, but at some distance from the almadias;on which occasion Araxamenoca, one of the hostages, leapt into the seawith an intention to escape, but was retaken; and while our people werebusied in securing him, the other hostage made his escape. The generalwas astonished at the want of truth and honour in these people, and gaveorders to keep Araxamenoca in strict custody; but finding at the end ofthree days that the zamorin did not send for him, and that during allthis period he refused all sustenance, Cabral took compassion on him andsent him to the zamorin, requesting that two of our men who remained onshore might be sent on board, which was complied with. 

After waiting three days without any message from the zamorin, thegeneral sent one Francisco Correa to inquire if he inclined to confirmthe agreement between them, in which case he would send Aries Correa onshore to treat with his highness, for whose safety he required hostages. The zamorin answered that he was perfectly willing to have the tradeestablished, and that the general might send Aries Correa or any otherperson on shore for that purpose, and transmitted two grandsons of a richmerchant of Guzerate as hostages. Aries Correa went accordingly on shore, and was accommodated by the orders of the zamorin with a convenient housefor himself and his goods, which belonged to the Guzerate merchant, whowas likewise commanded to assist Correa in regard to the prices of hismerchandize and all other things relating to the trade and customs of theplace. But this man being a friend to the Moors of Mecca, thwarted him inall things instead of giving him assistance. The Moors were determinedenemies to our people, both for being Christians, and lest their creditand advantageous traffic in Calicut might suffer by the establishment ofour trade in that port. Wherefore, by means of their confederacy with theGuzerate merchant, they took our goods at any price they pleased, andintimidated the Malabars from trading with us. The Moors concluded thatthe establishment of our factory would lower the price of suchcommodities as they had to sell, and would inhance the value of thespiceries, drugs, and jewels which they took in exchange. On this accountthey thwarted Correa in all his transactions, offering higher prices thanordinary for every article, by which he was constrained to buy everything at a very dear rate. If at any time he wished an audience of thezamorin, the Moors always contrived to be present, that some of themmight speak against him. In this conduct they were assisted by_Samicide_[20], a Moor, who was admiral of Calicut; who likewise hinderedany of our people of the factory from going on board the fleet, anddetained any of our boats that approached the shore, pretending to do thisby command of the zamorin. 

On learning this sinister conduct of the Moorish admiral of Calicut, andsuspecting some intended treachery, the general gave orders to the fleetto weigh their anchors, and to remove out of the harbour, lest they mightbe attacked by the zamorins fleet, and that he might take counsel withthe other captains for the safety of the expedition. On learning this, the zamorin inquired the reason from Correa, who urged the injuriousbehaviour of the Moors, and told him all that they had done. The zamorinimmediately gave orders that the Moors should discontinue their villanousconduct towards us, and even removed the Guzerate merchant from ourfactory, appointing one _Cosebequin_[21] in his place, who, though a Moor, was a very honest man and behaved to us in a friendly manner. This manwas of great credit in Calicut, being the head of all the native Moors ofthat country, who are always at variance with the Moors of Cairo and ofthe Red Sea, of whom the admiral Samicide was the chief. The Zamorin gavefarther orders, that our factory should be removed to a house close tothe shore which belonged to Cosebequin, that our merchants might havegreater freedom to buy and sell, without any interruption from the Moors. For the greater security, a deed of gift was made of this house by thezamorin to the king of Portugal and his successors for ever, a copy ofwhich, signed and sealed by the zamorin, was enclosed in a casket of goldthat it might be conveyed to Portugal; and permission was given todisplay a flag of the royal arms of Portugal from the top of thefactory[22]. On receiving intelligence of these favourable measures, Cabralbrought back the fleet into the harbour of Calicut, and sent hiscompliments of thanks to the zamorin for his gracious and favourabledispositions. After this, our factory had tolerably good fortune inconducting its trade by the assistance of Cosebequin: and the natives, finding our factory favoured by the zamorin, behaved so very civilly toour people that they could go about wherever they pleased, with as muchfreedom and safety as in Lisbon. 

During the subsistence of this friendly intercourse, a large Moorish shipwas descried from Calicut on its voyage from Cochin for Cambaya; and thezamorin requested our general to make prize of the ship, alleging that itcontained a peculiarly fine elephant which he wished to possess, andwhich had been refused to him although he had offered more than its value. The general answered that he would do this willingly to gratify hishighness; but, as he was informed the ship was large and well manned, both with mariners and soldiers, it could not be expected to surrenderwithout resistance, in which some men might be slain on both sides, andit was therefore necessary he should have the sanction of his highness tokill these people in case of resistance, which was accordingly granted. Upon which the general sent Pedro de Tayde in his caravel, accompanied bya valiant young gentleman named Duarte, or Edward Pacheco, and by sixtyfighting men, with orders to take this ship. Along with them the zamorinsent certain Moors, that they might witness the manner of fighting usedby the Portuguese. The caravel gave chase to the Moorish ship till night, and then lost sight of her; but in sailing along shore by moon-light, they saw her riding at anchor, ready for defence, judging her to be about600 tons burthen, and to contain 300 fighting men. Pacheco, according tohis orders, did not think proper to lay the Moorish ship on board, butcommanded his ship to be brought to, intending to sink the Moorish shipby means of his ordnance, in case of necessity. The Moors made light ofour small force, which they greeted with loud cries and the sound ofmusical instruments, after which they played their ordnance against ourcaravel. They were bravely answered by our men, and one of our ballsstruck them between wind and water, so that the Moorish ship took in muchwater; and many of their men being killed and wounded by our shot, theybore away for the bay of Cananor, which was very near, and came there toanchor beside other four Moorish ships. Pacheco followed them andcontinued to batter them with his guns, and had assuredly taken them hadnot certain _paroas_ belonging to the Moors come from the port of Cananorto their assistance. The night growing very dark, Pacheco quitted the baylest his caravel might be set on fire by the Moors, and came to anchorclose to an island at a short distance, having had nine of his menwounded by arrows during the engagement. 

Next morning Pacheco again attacked the Moorish ship, which at lastyielded, to the great displeasure of the natives of Cananor, who hadflocked to the seaside intending to have succoured the Moors; but, onPacheco sending a few shots among them, they all dispersed. Pacheco camenext day to Calicut with his prize, where the zamorin came down to thewater side to see the Moorish ship, giving great praise to our people fortheir prowess, being much astonished that so great a ship should be takenby one so much inferior in size and number of men. The general commandedthis ship to be delivered to the zamorin, together with the sevenelephants that were on board, which were worth in Calicut 30, 000 crowns. He also sent a message to the zamorin, saying that he need not beastonished at this action as he would perform much greater actions toserve his highness. The zamorin returned thanks for what had been done, and desired the brave men who had performed this gallant action to besent him, that he might do them honour and reward them as they deserved;and he bestowed large presents upon Pacheco in particular. Some affirmthat the performance of this gallant feat by so small a number of our menagainst such great odds, raised fear and jealousy of the Portuguese inthe mind of the zamorin, and made him anxious to get them away from hiscountry; for which cause he gave his consent to the treachery which wasused against them, as I mean to shew in the sequel[23]. 

The Moors of Calicut were more terrified than ever at the Portuguese inconsequence of the capture of this ship, and were much offended by thefavour bestowed by the zamorin upon our men for their gallantry on thisoccasion. They believed that all this was done, out of, revenge againstthemselves, for the injuries they had done us, and was intended to inducethem to retire from Calicut; especially as our people brought there asgreat store of merchandize as they did, and bought as many spices. Takingall this into consideration, they procured an audience of the zamorin, towhom one of their number made the following oration in the name of allthe Moors. 

_"Emparather[24]_ of all the Malabars, as great as the mightiestsovereign of the Indies, and most powerful among the princes of the earth. We are astonished that you should debase yourself by receiving into yourcountry these enemies of your law and strangers to the customs of yourkingdom, who seem pirates rather than merchants. We should not wonder atyour so doing were your city in want of the commodities they bring, orcould not otherwise dispose of the spiceries they purchase: But we, whomyou have long known and whose fidelity you are well assured of byexperience, have always done both to the great increase of your revenue. You appear to forget all this, by receiving those whom you do not knowinto your favour, and employing them to revenge your injuries, as if yourown numerous and faithful subjects were incompetent for the purpose. Inthis you dishonour yourself, and embolden these strangers to hold yourpower in contempt, and to act as we know they will hereafter, by robbingand plundering all merchant ships that frequent your port, to the ruin ofyour country, and who will at length take possession of your city. Thisis the true intent of their coming into these seas, and not to trade forspices as they pretend. Their country is almost 5000 leagues from hence, and the voyage out and home is attended by many dangers through unknownand stormy seas, besides the great cost of their large ships with so manymen and guns; Hence at whatever prices they may dispose of their spicesin Portugal, it is obvious such a trade must be carried on with greatloss; which is a manifest proof that they are pirates, and not merchants, who come here to rob, and to take your city. The house you have giventhem for a factory, they will convert into a fort, from whence they willmake war on you when you least expect it. All this we say more from thegood will we owe you, than for any profit; for, if you do not listen toour advice, there are other cities in Malabar to which we will remove, and to which the spices will be conveyed for us. "

To this harangue the zamorin gave a favourable answer, saying that hewould give attention to all they had said, of which indeed he already hadsome suspicions. That he had employed the Portuguese to seize the ship totry their courage, and had allowed them to load their ships, that themoney they had brought to purchase goods might remain in the country; andfinally, that he would not forsake them in favour of the strangers. TheMoors were by no means satisfied with all this, because the zamorin didnot order us to depart from Calicut, and did not stop our trade, whichwas their chief purpose. Though disappointed in these views, theycontinued to intermiddle in our affairs, particularly by buying up thespices and sending them elsewhere, in hope of irritating our people, andbringing on a quarrel, that they might have a pretext to attack us. Thisthey were much inclined to bring about, as, being greatly more numerousthan our men, they hoped the zamorin would take part with them against us. They likewise used all possible means to draw over the common people ofCalicut to their side, and to excite them to enmity, against us, bymaking them believe that our people had injured them. 

Through those devices, our factor was unable to procure more spices thansufficed to load two ships in the course of three months, from which thegeneral was convinced that the friendly assurances of the zamorin waslittle to be depended on; and if he had not been afraid of not being ableto procure a sufficient supply elsewhere, he would have gone to anotherport: But, having already consumed a long time and been at heavy charges, he determined to remain at Calicut, and sent a message to the zamorin, complaining of the delays, which ill accorded with the promises of hishighness, that the whole fleet should be loaded in twenty days, whereasthree months were now elapsed and the loading of two ships only wasprocured. He urged the zamorins promise that the Portuguese ships were tobe first loaded; whereas he had assured information that the Moors hadbought up great quantities of spices at lower prices, and sent them toother places, and begged the zamorin to consider that it was now time forthe ships to begin their voyage to Portugal, and that he anxiously wishedfor dispatch. On receiving this message, the zamorin pretended to be muchsurprised that our ships were still unprovided with a loading, and couldnot believe that the Moors had secretly bought up and removed the spices, contrary to his orders; and even gave permission to the general to takethose ships belonging to the Moors which were laden with spices, payingthe same prices for the spices which had been given by the Moors. Thisintelligence gave much satisfaction to the Moors, as a favourableopportunity for drawing on hostilities with the Portuguese; and, accordingly, one of the principal Moorish merchants began immediately toload his ship: openly with all kinds of drugs and spices, and subornedseveral Moors and Indians, who pretended to be the friends of our factor, to insinuate that he would never be able to find a sufficient loading forour fleet, if he did not seize that ship. Correa listened to thisinsidious advice, which he communicated to the general, urging him totake that Moorish ship, as he had license from the zamorin to that effect. The general was exceedingly unwilling to proceed to this extremity, afraid of the influence of the Moors with the zamorin, and of producinghostilities with the natives. But Correa remonstrated against delay, protesting that the general should be responsible for all losses thatmight accrue to the king of Portugal through his neglect. Over-persuadedby this urgency of the factor, the general sent all the boats of thesquadron on the 17th of December to take possession of the Moorish ship. 

When this intelligence was received on shore, the Moors thought this afavourable opportunity of destroying our people, and immediately raised agreat outcry against the Portuguese, incensing the people of the city tojoin with them in complaining to the zamorin; to whom they went in atumultuous manner, representing that we had bought and shipped a muchlarger quantity of drugs and spices than the value of all our merchandize, and not contented with this, were for taking all like thieves and pirates;they blamed the zamorin for permitting us to trade in the city, andrequested his license to revenge themselves upon us for the loss of theirvessel. The faithless and inconstant king save them the license theyrequired; on which they immediately armed themselves, and ran furiouslyto our factory, which was surrounded by a wall eight or ten feet high, and contained at that time seventy Portuguese, among whom was FraHenriques and his friars. Of our people in the factory, only eight werearmed with crossbows, all the rest being only armed with swords, withnothing to defend them but their cloaks. On hearing the tumult, ourpeople went to the gate of the factory, and seeing only a few assailants, they thought to defend themselves with their swords against a mischievousrabble, but the numbers of the Moors soon increased, and galled ourpeople so severely with their spears and arrows, that they were forced toshut the gates, after killing seven of the enemy, hoping to be able todefend themselves by means of the wall. In this conflict four of our menwere slain, and several wounded, and all the remainder mounted the wallto defend it by means of the crossbows, judging that the assailants wereat least four thousand men, among whom were several nayres. 

Cores now found himself unable to defend the factory against so great aforce, and therefore hoisted a flag as signal to the fleet. The generalwas at this time sick in bed, having been just blooded, and was nottherefore able to go in person to relieve the people in the factory; butimmediately sent all the boats of the fleet, well manned, under thecommand of Sancho de Toar. But he was afraid to venture on land with sosmall a force against so great a multitude, or even to approach too nearthe shore, lest the enemies might assail him in their almadias and tonis. He lay off, therefore, at a considerable distance, where he remained aspectator of the valiant defence made by our people at the factory, whence they killed great numbers of the assailants. But their enemiesalways increased in numbers, and they at length brought up certainengines to beat down part of the wall, in which they at length succeeded. On this, our men issued out by a door which led towards the sea side, inhopes of being able to fight their way to the boats, in which attemptCorea was slain, and fifty more of our men were either killed or madeprisoners, twenty only escaping who swam to the boats, most of whom weremuch wounded. Among these were Fra Henriques, and Antonio, the son ofAries Corea, then only eleven years old; who hath since done many noblefeats of arms in the Indies and other places, as I shall afterwardsdeclare in the _Fourth_ Book of this history. 

The general was much concerned at this event, not only for the loss ofhis men, but on seeing how little confidence could be reposed on thepromises of the zamorin after all the presents he had received, and theservices which had been performed for him. He had now spent three monthsat Calicut, during which he had only loaded two of his ships, and knewnot how to procure loading for the rest; especially as he could notexpect a favourable reception at Cochin on account of having captured theship with the elephant as before related. Considering the treason whichhad been practised on our men, the general determined upon taking asignal revenge, if the zamorin did not make an ample excuse for what hadtaken place, and make a full reparation by immediately providing the restof the ships with lading. The zamorin, however, had no such intentions, being much pleased with what the Moors had done, and even ordered all thegoods in our factory to be seized, to the value of 4000 ducats. Helikewise ordered all of our people who had been taken on shore to be madecaptives, four of whom died of their wounds. Seeing that no message orexcuse was sent by the zamorin all that day, the general held a councilwith his officers as to the proper steps to be taken on the presentemergency; when it was determined to take immediate and ample revenge, without giving time to the zamorin to arm his fleet. On this, orders wereissued to take possession of ten large ships which lay in the road orharbour of Calicut, which was done after some resistance, many of theircrews being killed or drowned, and others made prisoners who werereserved to serve as mariners on board our fleet. Some spices and othermerchandize were taken in these ships, and three elephants, which werekilled and salted as provisions for the voyage; and it appeared that 600Moors were slain in defending these ships. After every thing of value wastaken from the Moorish ships, they were all burnt in sight of the city. Many of the Moors embarked in their almadias to attempt succouring theirships, but our men soon put them to flight by means of their ordnance. 

The zamorin and the whole city of Calicut were much mortified to see somany ships destroyed, and them unable to help, but their astonishment andterror were much increased by the events of the ensuing day. During thenight, the general ordered all the ships of the fleet to be towed as nearas possible to the shore by means of the boats, and spread out at somedistance from each other, that they might be able to reach the city withtheir ordnance; which, as soon as day broke, was directed to play uponthe city in every direction, doing vast damage among the houses. Thenatives brought down to the shore such small pieces of ordnance as theypossessed, which they fired off against us, but without being able to dous any injury; whereas not a shot of ours missed taking effect, eitheramong the multitude of our enemies which flocked to the shore, or on thebuildings of the city, both the houses of the inhabitants and the templesof their deities receiving incredible damage. So great was theconsternation, that the zamorin fled from his palace, and one of hischief nayres was killed by a ball close beside him. Part even of thepalace was destroyed by the cannonade. Towards afternoon two ships wereseen approaching the harbour, which immediately changed their course onseeing how our fleet was employed; on which the general ceased firingagainst Calicut, and made all sail after these two ships to Pandarane, where they took shelter among other seven ships lying at anchor close tothe shore and filled with Moors. Finding that our fleet could not getnear enough to attack them, owing to shallow water, and considering thatit was now late in the season for his voyage back to Lisbon, the generalresolved to be contented with the revenge he had already taken uponCalicut, and made sail for Cochin, where he was informed there was morepepper to be had than even at Calicut, and where he hoped to enter into atreaty with the rajah of that place. '

On his way towards Cochin, Cabral took two ships belonging to the Moors, which he set on fire, after taking out of them some rice which they hadon board. On the 20th of December the fleet arrived at Cochin, which isnineteen leagues to the south of Calicut, and is in nine degrees towardsthe north[25]. Cochin is in the province of Malabar, on a river close tothe sea, and is almost an island, so that it is very strong and difficultof access, having a large and safe harbour. The land in its neighbourhoodis low and intersected by branches of the river into many islands. Thecity itself is built much after the same manner with Calicut, and isinhabited by idolaters, with a good many Moorish strangers, who comehither to trade from many countries, two of whom were so rich as to haveeach fifty ships employed. This country does not abound in provisions, but produces large store of pepper, even Calicut being mostly suppliedfrom hence: But as Calicut is greatly more resorted to by merchants, itis therefore much richer than Cochin. The king is an idolater, of thesame manners and customs with him of Calicut; but his country being smallhe is very poor, and has not even the right to coin money, being in manyrespects subordinate to the zamorin; who, on his accession to the thronealways goes to Cochin, and takes possession of that kingdom, eitherretaining it in his own hands, or restoring the rajah as he may thinkproper. The rajah of Cochin, consequently, is bound to assist the zamorinin all his wars, and must always be of the same religion with hisparamount. 

Having come to anchor in the harbour of Cochin, the general sent oneMichael Jogue[26] on shore with a message to the rajah, as he feared tosend Caspar on shore, lest he might run away. This person, though anidolater and a stranger, had come aboard our fleet with the intention ofbecoming a Christian, and of going into Portugal, and our general had himbaptised by the name of Michael. He was ordered to give the rajah ofCochin an account of all that had happened at Calicut, and that Cabralhad brought great store of merchandize to barter for the commodities ofCochin; or if the rajah were not satisfied with these, he was willing togive ready money for what he wanted; requesting to be furnished withloading for four of his ships in either way, as most agreeable to therajah. To this message the rajah[27] made answer, that he was exceedinglyglad of the arrival of the Portuguese, of whose power and valour he hadalready heard, for which he esteemed them highly, and that they werewelcome to purchase what spices his country afforded, either in barterfor their goods, or for money, as they thought proper. He added, that thegeneral might freely send any agents he pleased on shore to makepurchases and sales, and sent two principal nayres as hostages for theirsafety; conditioning only, that they might be changed daily for others, because any of that cast who chanced to eat even once on shipboard couldnever appear again in the rajahs presence. Cabral was well pleased withthis promising beginning, and immediately appointed Gonzalo Gil Barbosaas factor, who had been assistant to Aries Correa, giving him LaurençoMorena as clerk, and Madera de Alcusia as interpreter, with four of thebanished men as servants. 

On receiving notice of the landing of Barbosa, the rajah sent theregister[28] of the city to meet him, accompanied by many of the nayres, or principal men of the court, who brought him to visit the rajah, whowas much inferior in dress and appearance of state to the zamorin, eventhe hall of audience having only bare walls, seated around like a theatre, in which the rajah sat with very few attendants. Barbosa presented to therajah, in name of our general, a basin of silver filled with saffron, alarge silver ewer filled with rose water, and some branches of coral, which the rajah received with much satisfaction, desiring his thanks tobe returned to the general; and after some conversation with the factor, and interpreter, he gave orders for them to be properly lodged in thecity. The general gave especial orders that no more than the sevenpersons already mentioned should remain on shore, thinking it imprudentto risk a greater number, in case of experiencing a similar misfortunewith what had lately happened at Calicut. But there was here no cause fordistrust, as the rajah of Cochin was a person of truth and honour, asappeared by his good usage of our men, the quick dispatch that was usedin loading our ships with spices, and the orders he gave to his people toafford every assistance, which they did with much alacrity and zeal: sothat it seemed ordained of God, that the trade should be transferred fromCalicut to Cochin, for the advancement of the Catholic faith in theIndies, and the enrichment of the crown of Portugal[29]. 

After the ships were laden, two Indians came to wait upon the general, who said that they were brothers, and Christians, born in Cranganore nearCochin, who were desirous of going to Portugal, and thence to visit thePope at Rome, and the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem[30]. Being asked by thegeneral what kind of a city Cranganore was, whether it was entirelyinhabited by Christians, and whether these Christians followed the orderof the Greek or Roman church, one of them gave the following answers. 

Cranganore is a large city in the province of Malabar on the mainland, standing near the mouth of a river, by which likewise it is encompassed, inhabited both by idolaters and Christians, and by some Jews who are heldin small esteem. It is much frequented by strangers, among whom aremerchants from Syria, Egypt, Persia, and Arabia, who come thither topurchase pepper, a great deal of which commodity is gathered in itsterritories. It has a king of its own, to whom all the Christianinhabitants pay a certain tribute, and have a quarter of their own in thecity, where they have a church resembling ours, in which there werecrosses, but no images of the saints, and no bells, being summoned toprayers by the priests as in the Greek church. These Christians hailtheir popes, with twelve cardinals, two patriarchs, and many bishops andarchbishops, all of whom reside in Armenia, to which country theirbishops always went for consecration. He had been there himself alongwith a bishop, where he was ordained a priest. That this rule wasobserved by all the clergy of the Indies and of Cathay, who have to go tothe pope or Catholicos of Armenia for consecration. Of their twopatriarchs, one resides in the Indies, and the other in Cathay[31], theirbishops residing in different cities as it may seem convenient. Theirtonsure is made in form of a cross. 

The cause of their having a pope is said to have been on the followingaccount: 'When St Peter was residing at Antioch, there happened a greatschism, occasioned by Simon Magus, on which Peter was called to Rome toassist the Christians in overthrowing that heresy; and, that he might notleave the eastern church without a shepherd, he appointed a vicar togovern at Antioch, who should become pope after the death of Peter, andshould always assist the pope of Armenia. But, after the Moors enteredinto Syria and Asia Minor, as Armenia remained always in the Christianfaith, they came to be governed by twelve cardinals. Marco Polo, inwriting concerning Armenia, mentions this pope or Catholicos, and saysthere are two sects of Christians, the Nestorians and Jacobites, theirpope being named Jacobus, whom this Joseph named their Catholicos. Thepriests of Cranganore are not shaven in the same manner with ours, butshave the whole head, leaving a few hairs on the crown and they have bothdeacons and subdeacons. In consecrating the elements, they use leavenedbread and wine made of raisins, having no other in the country. Theirchildren are not baptized till they are eleven days old, unless theyhappen to be sickly. They confess as we do, and bury their dead after asimilar manner. They do not use the holy oil to the dying, but only blessthem; and when any one dies, they gather a large company and feast foreight days, after which the obsequies are celebrated. If any person dieswithout making a testament, their lands and goods go to the nearest heir;but the widow is entitled to her dower if she remain a year unmarried. Ongoing into church they use holy water. They hold the writings of the fourEvangelists in great veneration. They fast during Lent and Advent withmuch solemnity, and on Easter Eve they neither eat nor drink the wholeday. They have regularly sermons on the night of Holy Friday, and theyobserve the day of the Resurrection with great devotion. Likewise the twofollowing days, and the ensuing Sunday, are particularly kept holy, because on that day St Thomas thrust his hand into the side of ourSaviour. Ascension Day, Trinity Sunday, the Assumption and Nativity ofthe Blessed Virgin, Candlemas Day, Christmas Day, all the days of theapostles, and all the Sundays throughout the year, are kept with muchdevotion. They sanctify in a particular manner the first day of Julyevery year in honour of St Thomas, but they could give no reason why thiswas done. They have also native friars and nuns, who live with muchregularity. Their priests also live chastely, as those who do otherwiseare debarred from executing their functions. They allow of no divorcebetween married people, who must live together till death. They receivethe sacrament regularly three times in every year. They have among themcertain learned men, or great doctors, who keep schools, in which theyteach the Scriptures, and likewise some excellent interpretations whichwere left in old times by their ancient doctors. Their dress is similarto that of the Moors. Their day consists of forty hours; and, having noclocks, they judge of the time of the day by the sun, and in the night bythe motion of the stars[32]. The general was very glad to receive thisJoseph and his brother, and gave orders to provide them with a good cabinin his ship. 

While Cabral remained at Cochin, he received messages from the kings ofCananor and Coulan, both considerable princes in the province of Malabar, requesting him to come to their ports, where he should be suppliedcheaper than at Cochin, and giving him many offers of friendship. He madeanswer, with his hearty thanks, that he could not now visit their ports, having already begun to take in his loadings bet that he should certainlyvisit them on his return to India. Immediately after the Portuguese shipswere laden, a fleet of twenty-five great ships, and other small vesselswas descried in the offing; and notice was sent by the rajah of Cochin toour general, that this fleet contained fifteen thousand fighting men, andhad been fitted out on purpose to make him and all his people prisoners. At the same time the rajah offered to send men to his assistance, if hestood in need; but the general answered he had no need of any such aid atthe present, as he trusted, with God's blessing, to convince his enemiesthey were ill advised in seeking now to attack him, having already giventhem a trial of his strength; alluding to what he had already done tothem at Calicut. The enemy continued to hover off at sea, but did notventure to come nearer than a league, though they seemed in fightingorder. Seeing this shyness, the general weighed anchor, and went out withall his fleet against them, having on board the two nayres who werehostages for the factory on shore, but his intentions were to havereturned with them to Cochin. Soon after leaving the harbour, a greatstorm arose with a foul wind, so that he was forced to come to anchorwithout attaining to the enemy. Next morning, being the 10th January 1501, the wind came fair, and being desirous to attack the fleet of Calicut, the general made sail towards them; but missing the ship commanded bySancho de Toar, who had parted from the fleet in the night, and thatbeing the largest and best manned ship of the fleet, he deemed it prudentto avoid fighting with so large a force, especially as many of his menwere sick. The wind, likewise, was now quite fair for beginning hisvoyage home, and was quite contrary for going back to Cochin to land thehostages. He determined, therefore, to commence his voyage, and stood outto sea; the enemy following him during the whole of that day, butreturned towards Calicut when night drew on. Cabral now turned hisattention to the forlorn nayres, who had been five days on board withouteating, and by dint of much and kind entreaty, he at length prevailed onthem to take food. 

On the 15th of January, the fleet came in sight of Cananore, which lieson the coast of Malabar, thirty-one leagues north of Cochin. This is alarge city with a fine bay, the houses being built of earth, and coveredwith flat stones or slates, and it contains many Moors who trade thitherfor many kinds of goods. The neighbourhood produces hardly any morepepper than is necessary for its own consumpt; but has plenty of ginger, cardamoms, tamarinds, mirabolans, cassia-fistula[33], and other drugs. Inseveral pools of water near this city there are many very largealligators[34], similar to the crocodiles of the Nile, which devour menwhen they come in their way. They have very large heads with two rows ofteeth, and their breath smells like musk, their bodies being covered allover with hard scales like shells. In the bushes near this city there aremany large and very venomous serpents, which destroy men by means oftheir breath. There are bats likewise as large as kites, which have headslike a fox and similar teeth, and the natives often eat these animals. The city of Cananore abounds in fish, flesh, and fruits, but has toimport rice from other places. The king or rajah is a bramin, being oneof the three kings of Malabar, but is not so rich and powerful as thezamorin, or even as the rajah of Coulan. The general came to anchor atthis port, both because he had been invited by the rajah, and because hewished to take on board some cinnamon, of which commodity he had not asyet any on board. He accordingly purchased 400 quintals, and might havehad more if he would, but refused it; on which the people of the placeconcluded that he had no more money. On this coming to the knowledge ofthe rajah, he sent him word that he would trust him with any quantity hehad a mind for of that or any other commodity, till his return fromPortugal, or the arrival of any other in his stead. The rajah was inducedto make this offer, from his knowledge of the just dealings of thePortuguese, and their faithful performance of their promises. The generalsent his hearty thanks to the rajah for his liberality, promising toinform the king his master of his good will, and assuring his highnessthat he might depend on his constant friendship. 

Cabral now took on board an ambassador from the rajah of Cananore for theking of Portugal, who was sent to conclude a treaty of amity between them. Departing from Cananore, and standing across the gulf, he took a greatship richly laden on the last of January: But on learning that itbelonged to the king of Cambaya, he permitted it to proceed on its voyageuninjured; sending word to that sovereign, that the Portuguese did notcome to the Indies to make war on any one, excepting indeed with thezamorin of Calicut, who had scandalously broken the peace which had beenmade between them. He therefore only took a pilot out of this ship, toconduct him through the gulf between India and Africa. While continuingtheir voyage, and approaching the African shore, a great storm arose onthe 12th of February, by which in the night the ship of Sancho de Toarwas driven on shore, and taking fire was entirely burnt, the men onlybeing saved. As the tempest still continued, they were unable to stop atMelinda, or any other place till they came to Mozambique, where they castanchor, in order to take in water and to refit their ships, the seams ofwhich were all open. From this place, the general dispatched Sancho deToar to discover Sofala, with orders to make the best of his way fromthat place to Portugal, with an account of its productions. 

The ships being refitted, Cabral resumed the voyage to the Cape of GoodHope, near which they again experienced a violent storm, in which one ofthe ships was separated from the fleet, after firing signals of distress, and was never seen again during the voyage. At length, after many greatstorms and dangers, which it were tedious to recount, Cabral doubled theCape on Whitsunday the 22d of May; whence continuing his voyage with afair wind, he came to anchor at Cape Verd, where he found Diego Diaz, whohad separated from the fleet on the outward bound voyage. Diaz had beendriven into the Red Sea, where he wintered and lost his boat, and as mostof his men died from sickness, his pilot could not venture to carry himto India. He endeavoured therefore to find his way back to Portugal; butafter leaving the Red Sea, his men were so consumed with hunger, thirst, and sickness, that only seven of his crew remained. After remaining sometime at Cape Verd waiting in vain for the missing ships, Cabral proceededon his voyage, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the last day of July, in theyear 1501. Soon after his arrival, the ship which had separated in astorm off the Cape of Good Hope, came in; and shortly after that, Sanchode Toar arrived from Sofala. He described Sofala as a small islandclose on the continent of Africa, inhabited by a black people calledCaffres; and reported that much gold is brought to this place fromcertain mines on the adjacent continent; on which account Sofala is muchfrequented by Moors from India, who barter merchandize of small value forgold. He brought along with him to Lisbon a Moor whom he had received asan hostage or pledge for the safety of one of his own men, whom he hadleft there to acquire a knowledge of the country and its language; andfrom this Moor they got ample information respecting the people and tradeof those parts of Africa, which I shall afterwards communicate. Includingthis last ship, there returned six to Portugal out of the twelve whichhad sailed on the voyage for India, the other six having been lost. 

[1] It will appear in the sequel that there was another captain named Vasco de Tayde. --E. 

[2] Astley says only 1200, --Astl. I. 40. 

[3] According to Astley, there were eight Franciscan friars besides the vicar, eight chaplains, and a chaplin-major; and that their orders were to begin with preaching, and in case that failed, to enforce the gospel by the sword. In other words, to establish the accursed tribunal of the inquisition in India, to the eternal disgrace of Portugal, and of the pretended followers of the ever-blessed Prince of Peace. --E. 

[4] The remainder of this paragraph is given in the precise words and orthography of the original translator, Nicholas Lichfild, as a curious specimen of the nautical language of Britain in 1582. --E. 

[5] According to De Faria, this vessel parted in a storm near Cape Verd, and returned to Portugal. --Astl. I. 41. A. 

[6] By some unaccountable mistake, the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild says to the _east_. --E. 

[7] It appears that Cabral had twenty malefactors on board for such purposes, who had received pardon on condition of submitting to be landed on occasions of danger. --E. 

[8] Puerto Seguro is in lat. 16°S. And about long. 39° 40'W. This country of Brasil derived its name from the dye-wood so called. --E. 

[9] Originally, according to Castaneda, there were only ten ships and two caravels: Both the caravels have been already accounted for as having left the fleet; and after the loss of four ships, six only ought to have remained. Astley makes the whole fleet originally to have consisted of thirteen vessels, which will allow of seven now remaining. --E. 

[10] This part of the voyage is very indistinctly described. From the lat. Of 27°S. Where Cabral is said to have fallen in with the eastern coast of Africa, to Sofala, in lat. 19°S. The coast stretches out nearly five degrees to the east, to Capes Corientes and St Sebastian, with many rivers, the great bays of Delogoa and Asnea, and the islands of Bocica or Bozarnio, all of which must have been seen by Cabral during the slow navigation close along shore, but all of which are omitted in the text. --E. 

[11] Named Inhazato. Sofala is in lat. 13°S. And almost 36°E. From Greenwich. --E. 

[12] According to De Faria, this person was uncle to the king of Melinda, and was named Sheikh Foteyma. --Astl. I. 41. B. 

[13] In modern maps this extensive line of coast is divided into the following separate territories, Inhambane, Sabia, Sofala, Mocaranga, Mozambico, and Querimba; which will be illustrated in future portions of this work. --E. 

[14] This word _miso_ is probably an error of the press for mylyo, by which the African grain named millet is distinguished in other parts of Castaneda. The _small cattle_ of the text are probably meant for sheep, as they are frequently thus contradistinguished in other parts of the original from _great cattle_, not here mentioned. --E. 

[15] These vessels were probably precisely similar to the Arab _dows_ of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, which will be afterwards more particularly described. --E. 

[16] Thus the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild. It was more probably a superstitious ceremony to guard against witches. --E. 

[17] In an account of this voyage by a Portuguese pilot, inserted in the collection of Ramusio, the name of the reigning zamorin is said to have been Gnaffer. Ramus. I. 125. 

[18] Probably the person who was carried prisoner from Anchediva by De Gama, in the former voyage. --E. 

[19] According to De Faria, the hostages demanded on this occasion were six principal men of the Bramin cast, whose names were brought from Portugal by Cabral, by the advice of Bontaybo or Moncayde, the Moor who went off with De Gama. --Astl. I. 43. B. 

[20] Named by De Faria, Coje Cimireci. --Astl. I. 44, a. 

[21] Called Coje Bequi by De Faria; or rather Khojah Beki, or Beghi: But most of the foreign names are so corruptly given that it is difficult to rectify them. --Astl. I. 44. B. 

[22] According to De Faria, this house was granted not without great difficulty, and was taken possession of by Correa with sixty men. -- Astl. I. 45. 

[23] According to De Faria, this event was occasioned by the Moorish admiral of Calicut, without the knowledge of the zamorin, who instigated Cabral to the attempt in hope of injuring the Portuguese, and sent information to the Moors to be on their guard. He adds that Cabral, having discovered the fraud, restored the ship and cargo to the owners, whom he satisfied for their damages, in order to gain the favour of the rajah of Cochin. --Astl. I. 45. 

[24] Perhaps meant by Lichefild instead of emperor; or it may be some native term of dignity. --E. 

[25] The latitude of Cochin is almost 10º N. While Calient is about 11º 10'. --E

[26] This Michael Jougue or Joghi, is said to have been a bramin, or Malabar priest; one of these devotees who wander about the country, girt with chains and daubed with filth. Those wanderers, if idolaters, are named Jogues; and Calandars if Mahometans. --Astl. I. 47. A. 

[27] The rajah who then reigned at Cochin is named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, by De Faria, De Barros, and other early writers. --Astl. I. 47. B. 

[28] In other parts of Castaneda, this officer is called the kutwal--E. 

[29] According to De Barros, the rajah of Cochin was offended by the conduct of the zamorin, on several accounts, and among the rest for monopolising the trade on the Malabar coast. --Astl. I. 43. A. We may easily conceive that one strong ground of favour to the Portuguese at Cochin, was in hopes by their means to throw off the yoke of the zamorin. --E. 

[30] One of these Christians died during the voyage, but the other, named Joseph, arrived in Portugal. This is the _Josephus Indus_, or Joseph the Indian, under whose name there is a short voyage in Grynæus: which properly speaking is only an account of Cranganore and its inhabitants, particularly the Christians and their ceremonies, with some account of Calient, Kambaya, Guzerat, Ormuz, and Narsinga, very short and unsatisfactory. --Astl. I. 48. B. 

[31] Called Caitaio in the original, but obviously Cathay, or Northern China, in which we have formerly seen that there were Nestorian Christians. --E. 

[32] In Lichefilds translation, the account of the day of these Indian Christians runs thus, which we do not pretend to understand: "They have their day, which they do call _Intercalor_, which is of _forty_ hours. "

 This account of the Christians found in India by the Portuguese, is exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory; but it would lead to a most inconvenient length to attempt supplying the deficiency. Those of our readers who are disposed to study this interesting subject, will find it discussed at some length in Mosheim, and there is a good abstract relative to these Oriental sects given by Gibbon, in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. --E. 

[33] Named Canyfistola in Lichefilds translation. 

[34] Lagartos in the original. 

 * * * * *

Note. --In the Novus Orbus of Simon Grynaeus, p. 202-211, there is anarticle entitled, _Short Account of India, by Joseph, an Indian Christian, who accompanied Cabral[A] to Lisbon in 1501_. We were inclined to haveinserted this account at this part of our collection as an ancient andoriginal document: But, on an attentive perusal, it is so jejune, contused, and uninstructive as not to merit attention. It evidentlyappears to have been penned by some person in Cabral's ship during thevoyage home, from repeated conferences with Joseph: But, as the writer ofthis article informs us himself, many particulars were unknown to Joseph, because he had little intercourse with the idolaters, or because thereporter could not understand the answers which Joseph made to hisinquiries. --E. 

[A] In Grynaeus, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, is named Peter Aliares. --E. 

SECTION IV. 

_Voyage of John de Nueva, being the third made by the Portuguese to India_. 

Is the same year 1501, supposing all differences to have been settledamicably at Calicut by Cabral, and that a regular trade was establishedboth there and at Sofala and Quiloa, the king of Portugal dispatchedthree ships and a caravel from Lisbon, under the command of John de Neuva, a native of Galicia in Spain, who was accounted a valiant gentleman;having under his orders, Francisco de Navoys, Diego Barboso, and Hernandode la Pyna, as captains of three of the ships. Two ships of this fleetwere destined to carry merchandize to Sofala[1], and the other two toCalicut, and all the four contained only eighty men[2]. The instructionsgiven to Nueva were, that he was to touch at the island of St Blas, wherehe was to wait ten days if any of his ships had separated. He was then toproceed for Sofala, where, if a factory were settled he was to deliverthe goods destined for that place before going to India. If a factorywere not already settled there, he was to do every thing in his power forthat purpose, leaving Alvaro de Braga there as factor, with themerchandize embarked in the caravel for that market. From Sofala, he wasto proceed to Quiloa; and thence directly to Calicut. He was fartherdirected, in case of meeting with Cabral, to obey him as general, anddesire him to settle a factory at Sofala, if his own attempt should fail. 

Nueva left Lisbon on this voyage in March, four months before the returnof Cabral, and arrived in safety at the isle of St Blas; where he found aletter in an old shoe suspended from the branch of a tree, written byPedro de Tayde[3], informing him that the fleet of Cabral had passed thisisland on its way back to Portugal, and giving an account of what hadhappened at Calicut, of the good treatment the fleet had received atCochin, where some of our men remained, and of the friendly dispositionof the king of Cananor[4]. On consulting with the other captains, it wasjudged improper to leave the caravel at Sofala, in these circumstances, as their whole force did not exceed eighty men; wherefore they proceededdirectly for Quiloa, where they found one of the exiles who had been leftthere by Cabral, from whom they received a particular account of all thathad happened at Calicut, and of the loss of several of his ships, all ofwhich he had learnt from some Moors. From Quiloa Nueva sailed on toMelinda, where the king confirmed the intelligence he had received fromthe exile at Quiloa[5]. Thus fully instructed in the state of matters, Nueva deemed it prudent to keep all the ships of his small squadron, andsailed across from Melinda to Anchediva, where he came to anchor inNovember, intending to take in a supply of water at that place. Whilehere, seven large ships belonging to Cambaya, which were bound for theRed Sea, appeared off the anchoring ground, and seemed at first disposedto attack our ships; but being afraid of the Portuguese ordnance, theycontinued their voyage. From Anchediva Nueva proceeded for Cananor, wherehe had an audience of the rajah, from whom he received particular noticeof all that had happened in Calicut to Cabral, and of the offer which therajah had made to load all his ships at Cananor. The rajah assured him ofhis earnest desire of doing every thing in his power to serve the king ofPortugal, and pressed him to take in his loading at that port; but Nuevadeclined this offer for the present, until he had consulted with thefactor at Cochin, for which port he took his departure from Cananor. Onhis way between Cananor and Cochin, Nueva took a ship belonging to someof the Moorish merchants at Calicut, after a vigorous resistance, and setit on fire. 

On his arrival at Cochin, the factor who had been left there by Cabralcame on board with the rest of his company, and acquainted him that therajah was greatly offended with Cabral for leaving the port withoutseeing him, and for carrying away the hostages; yet had always kindlyentertained and the other members, of the factory, lodging them everynight in the palace for security, and always sending a guard of nayresalong with any of them who had occasion to go out during the day, onpurpose to defend them from the Moors who sought their destruction, andwho had one night set fire to the house in which they lodged before theirremoval to the palace. He also informed Nueva that the Moors hadpersuaded the native merchants to depreciate the price of the Portuguesemerchandize, and not to take these in exchange for pepper, so that unlesshe had brought money for his purchases he would have little chance ofprocuring a loading. On this intelligence, and considering that he hadnot brought money, Nueva immediately returned from Cochin to Cananor, expecting to procure his loading at that port, in consequence of thefriendly dispositions of the rajah towards the king of Portugal[6]. Onhis return to Cananor, he found that money was as necessary there for hispurchases as at Cochin: But, when the rajah, was informed of hisdifficulties from want of money, he became his security to the nativemerchants for 1000 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, 450 quintals ofcinnamon, and fifty quintals of ginger, besides some bales of linencloth[7]. By this generous conduct of the rajah, Nueva procured a loadingfor his ships, and left his European merchandize for sale at Cananor underthe management of a factor and two clerks. 

On the 15th December, while waiting for a fair wind to begin his homewardvoyage, the rajah sent notice to Nueva that eighty _paraws_ were seen tothe northward, which were past mount _Dely_, and that these vessels werefrom Calicut, sent expressly to attack the Portuguese ships; and therajah advised him to land his men and ordnance for greater security: Butthe general was not of this mind, and sent word to the rajah that hehoped, with the assistance of God, to be able to defend himself. Next day, being the 16th of December, before dawn, about an hundred ships andparaws full of Moors came into the bay, sent on purpose by the zamorin, who was in hopes to have taken all our ships and men. As soon as Nuevaperceived this numerous armament, he hoisted anchor and removed hissquadron to the middle of the bay, where he ordered all his ships to pourin their shot against the enemy without intermission. Doubtless, but forthis, the enemy would have boarded his ships, and they were so numerousit would have been impossible for him to have escaped; but as the Moorshad no ordnance, they could do our people no harm from a distance, andmany of their ships and paraws were sunk, with the loss of a vast numberof men, while they did not dare to approach for the purpose of boarding, and not a single person was killed or hurt on our side. The enemy towardsevening hung out a flag for a parley; but as Nueva feared this might beintended as a lure, he continued firing, lest they might suppose hestopped from weariness or fear. But the Moors were really desirous ofpeace, owing to the prodigious loss they had sustained, and theirinability to escape from the bay for want of a fair wind. At length, mostof his ordnance being burst or rendered unserviceable by thelong-continued firing, and seeing that the Moors still kept up their flagof truce, Nueva ceased firing and answered them by another flag[8]. Immediately on this, a Moor came to Neuva in a small boat, to demand acessation of hostilities till next day. This was granted, on conditionthat they should quit the bay and put out to sea, which they didaccordingly. Although the wind was very unfavourable, Nueva stood out tosea likewise, which the enemy could hardly do, as their ships and parawscan only make sail with a fair wind. Notwithstanding all that had happened, Nueva was constrained to come to anchor close to the fleet of the enemy, and gave orders to keep strict watch during the night. At one time theywere heard rowing towards our fleet, and it was supposed they intendedsetting our ships on fire; on which Neuva ordered to veer out more cable, to get farther off. Perceiving that the boats of the enemy continued tofollow, he commanded a gun to be fired at them, on which they made off;and the wind coming off shore and somewhat fair, they made sail forCalicut. 

Nueva, after returning thanks to God for deliverance from his enemies, took his leave of the rajah of Cananor, and departed for Portugal, wherehe arrived in safety with all his ships[9]. 

After the departure of Nueva from Cananor, one of his men named GonsaloPixoto, who had been made prisoner and carried to Calicut, came toCananor with a message from the zamorin to Nueva, making excuses for allthat had been done there to Cabral, and for the attempt against his ownfleet at Cananor, and offering, if he would come to Calicut, to give hima full loading of spices, and sufficient hostages both for his safety andthe performance of his promise. 

[1] It afterwards appears that one vessel only was destined for this particular trade: Perhaps the second was meant for Quiloa. --E. 

[2] According to Astley, I. 49. The crews of these four vessels consisted in all of 400 men. --E. 

[3] Called de Atayde by Astley. --E. 

[4] According to Astley, I. 49. Nueva discovered in this outward voyage the Island of Conception, in lat. 8° S. But this circumstance does not occur in Castaneda. --E. 

[5] Before arriving at Melinda, Nueva gave chase to two large ships belonging to the Moors, one of which he took and burnt, but the other escaped. --Astl. I. 49. 

[6] According to De Faria, Nueva took in a part of his loading; at Cochin, with a view perhaps to preserve the credit of the Portuguese nation at that place. --Astl. I. 50. A. 

[7] In the original this linen cloth is said to have been made of _algadon_, a word left untranslated by Lichefild, probably _al-cotton_, or some such Arabic word for cotton: The linen cloth, therefore, was some kind of calico or muslin. --E. 

[8] According to De Faria, five great ships and nine paraws were sunk in this action. De Barros says ten merchant ships and nine paraws. --Astl. I. 50. C. 

[9] On this part of the voyage, Astley remarks, on the authority of De Faria, that Nueva touched at the island of St Helena, which he found destitute of inhabitants; though it was found peopled by De Gama in his first voyage, only four years before. What is called the island of St Helena in De Gamas first voyage, is obviously one of the head-lands of St Elens bay on the western coast of Africa. The island of St Helena is at a vast distance from the land, in the middle of the Atlantic ocean. --E. 

SECTION V. 

_The Second Voyage of De Gama to India in 1502; being the Fourth made bythe Portuguese to the East Indies_. 

As the king of Portugal felt it incumbent upon him to revenge theinjurious and treacherous conduct of the zamorin, he gave orders toprepare a powerful fleet for that purpose; the command of which was atfirst confided to Pedro Alvares de Cabral, but, for certain justconsiderations was taken from him and bestowed on Don Vasco de la Gama. Every thing being ready, De Gama sailed from Lisbon on the 3d of March1502, having the command of thirteen great ships and two caravels[1]. Thecaptains of this fleet were, Pedro Alonso de Aguilar, Philip de Castro, Don Lewis Cotinho, Franco De Conya, Pedro de Tayde, Vasco Carvallo, Vincente Sodre, Blas Sodre, the two Sodres being cousins-german to thecaptain-general, Gil Hernand, cousin to Laurenço de la Mina, Juan LopesPerestrello, Rodrigo de Castaneda, and Rodrigo de Abreo; and of the twocaravels Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were commanders. In this powerfulsquadron they carried out the materials of a third caravel, which wasdirected to be put together at Mozambique, and of which Hernand RodriguesBadarsas was appointed to be commander. Besides this first fleet ofseventeen sail, a smaller squadron of five ships remained in preparationat Lisbon, which sailed on the 5th of May under the command of Stephen dela Gama[2]. 

When De Gama had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and was arrived at _thefarther end of the currents_[3], he went himself with four of thesmallest vessels to Sofala, sending on the remainder of the fleet to waithis arrival at Mozambique. This visit to Sofala was in consequence oforders from the king, to examine the situation of the city and toendeavour to find a proper situation for a fort, that the Portuguesemight monopolize the trade in gold at that place. He remained theretwenty-five days, during which he settled a treaty of amity with the king, and had leave to establish a factory; after which mutual presents wereinterchanged, and De Gama departed for Mozambique. In going out of theriver from Sofala, one of the ships was lost, but all the men were saved. At Mozambique he made friendship with the king, who had proved sounfriendly in the first voyage, and even obtained leave to settle afactor with several assistants, who were left on purpose to providevictuals for such ships as might touch here on the voyage to or fromIndia. Here likewise the caravel destined for that purpose was set up andprovided with ordnance and a sufficient crew, and was left for theprotection of the factory. On leaving Mozambique, De Gama sailed forQuiloa, having orders to reduce the king of that place to becometributary, as a punishment for his unfriendly conduct towards Cabral. Onhis arrival in that port, Ibrahim the king came on board to visit theadmiral, afraid of being called to account for the injuries he had doneto Cabral. De Gama, knowing that he was not to be trusted, threatened tomake him a prisoner under the hatches, if he did not immediately agree topay tribute to the king of Portugal[4]. The king from fear engaged to pay2000 miticals of gold yearly, and gave one Mehemed Aleones, a principalman among the Moors whom he hated, as an hostage for the payment. Thereason of his dislike to Mehemed was this: Ibrahim was himself an usurper, having seized the government in prejudice to the right heir, and wasafraid that Mehemed intended to dethrone him. When the king found himselfat liberty, in consequence of this arrangement, he refused to send thepromised tribute, in hope that De Gama might put the hostage to death, bywhich means he might get rid of his enemy: But the Moor, on finding thetribute did not come, was fain to pay the same himself, by which means heprocured his own liberty. While at Quiloa, the fleet was joined by thesquadron of five ships under Stephen de Gama. 

Leaving Quiloa, De Gama proceeded with the whole fleet for Melinda, wherehe took in water and visited the king[5]. Going from thence for India, and being arrived off Mount Dely, to the north of Cananor, he met a shipbelonging to the Moors of Mecca, and bound for Calicut, which was takenby our men after a stout resistance[6]. When the ship surrendered, DeGama went on board and commanded the owners and all the principal Moorsto come before him, whom he ordered to produce all their goods on pain ofbeing thrown overboard. They answered that they had nothing to produce, as all their goods were in Calicut; on which De Gama ordered one of themto be bound hand and foot and thrown into the sea. The rest wereintimidated by this procedure, and immediately delivered up every thingbelonging to them, which was very valuable; all of which was committed tothe charge of Diego Hernando Correa, the factor appointed for conductingthe trade at Cochin, by whose directions they were transported into oneof the Portuguese ships. De Gama ordered all the children belonging tothe Moors to be taken on board one of his own ships, and vowed to makethem all friars in the church of our Lady at Belem, which he afterwardsdid[7]. All the ordinary merchandize belonging to the Moors was dividedamong his own men; and when all the goods were removed, he orderedStephen de la Gama to confine the Moors under the hatches, and to set theship on fire, to revenge the death of the Portuguese who were slain inthe factory at Calicut. Soon after this was done, the Moors broke openthe hatches, and quenched the fire; on which the admiral ordered Stephende Gama to lay them, aboard. The Moors rendered desperate by this inhumantreatment, defended themselves to the utmost, and even threw firebrandsinto our ship to set it on fire. Night coming on, Stephen had to desist, but was ordered to watch the Moorish ship carefully that it might notescape during the dark, and the Moors all night long were heard callingon Mahomet to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians. When dayappeared, the admiral again ordered Stephen de la Gama to set the ship onfire, which he did accordingly, after forcing the Moors to retreat intothe poop. Some of the Moors leapt into the sea with hatchets in theirhands, and endeavoured to swim to our boats; but all of these were slainin the water by our people, and those that remained in the ship were alldrowned, as the vessel sunk. Of 300 Moors, of whom thirty were women, notone escaped alive; and some of our men were hurt. 

De Gama came soon afterwards to Cananor, where he sent on shore theambassadors, and gave them a message for the king, informing him of hisarrival, and craving an audience. Upon this the rajah ordered a platformof timber to be constructed, which projected a considerable way into thewater, covered over with carpets and other rich cloths, and having awooden house or pavilion at the end next the land, which was likewisecovered like the bridge, and was meant for the place of meeting betweenthe rajah and the admiral. The rajah came first to the pavilion, attendedby 10, 000 nayres, and with many trumpets and other instruments playingbefore him; and a number of the principal nayres were arranged on thebridge or platform, to receive the admiral in an honourable manner. Theadmiral came in his boat, attended by all: the boats of the fleet deckedout with flags and streamers, carrying certain ordnance in their prows, and having many drums and trumpets making a very martial appearance. Theadmiral disembarked at the outer end of the platform, under: a generalsalute from the ordnance of the boats, and was accompanied by all hiscaptains and a number of men well armed. There were carried before himtwo great basins of silver gilt, filled with branches of coral and otherfine things that are esteemed valuable in India. The admiral was receivedat the head of the platform by the nayres placed there on purpose, andwas conducted to the rajah, who waited; for him at the door of thepavilion, and welcomed him with an embrace. They then walked togetherinto the pavilion, in which two chairs were placed out of compliment tothe admiral, on one of which the rajah sat down, though contrary to hisusual custom, and desired the admiral to be seated on the other. At thisinterview a treaty of friendship and commerce was settled, and a factoryallowed to be established at Cananor. In consequence of this, the admiralgave orders for some of the ships to load here, while others were to dothe same at Cochin[8]. 

Having settled all things to his mind at Cananor and Cochin, the admiralproceeded with his fleet to the harbour of Calicut, where he took severalparaws in which were about fifty Malabars who could not escape; but heforbore making any farther hostilities against the city, till he mightsee whether or not the zamorin would send him any message. Soonafterwards there came a boat with a flag to the admirals ship, a whichwas a person in the habit of a Franciscan friar, who was taken at firstsight for one of those who had accompanied Ayres Correa, and who theysupposed had remained a prisoner. On entering the ship, he saluted them, saying _Deo gratias_; but was immediately recognized as a Moor. Heexcused himself for coming in that disguise, to secure permission ofgetting on board, and said that he brought a message from the zamorin tothe admiral, about settling a trade in Calicut. To this the admiral madeanswer, that he would by no means treat on this subject, unless thezamorin would previously satisfy him for all the goods which had beenseized in the factory, when he consented to the death of Correa and therest who were there slain. On this subject three days were spentineffectually in messages between the zamorin and the admiral, as theMoors used every influence to prevent any friendly agreement. At length, perceiving that all these messages were only meant to gain time, theadmiral sent notice to the zamorin that he would wait no longer than noonfor his final answer, and if that were not perfectly satisfactory and incompliance with his just demands, he might be assured he would wage cruelwar against him with fire and sword, and would begin with those of hissubjects who were now prisoners in his hands. And, that the zamorinmight not think these were only words of course, he called for anhour-glass, which he set down in presence of the Moorish messenger, sayingthat as soon as the sand had run out a certain number of times, he wouldinfallibly put in execution all that he had threatened. All this, however, could not induce the zamorin to perform his promise; for he was of aninconstant and wavering disposition, and influenced by the counsels ofthe Moors. The outward shew he had made of peace was only feigned, oroccasioned by the fear he had of seeing so great a fleet in his port, from which he dreaded to sustain great injury; but the Moors had nowpersuaded him into a contrary opinion, and had prevailed on him to breakhis word. 

When the time appointed by the admiral was expired, he ordered a gun tobe fired, as a signal to the captains of his ships to hang up the poorMalabar prisoners, who had been distributed through the fleet. After theywere dead, he ordered their hands and feet to be cut off and sent onshore in a paraw, accompanied by two boats well armed, and placed aletter in the paraw for the zamorin, written in Arabic, in which hesignified that he proposed to reward him in this manner for his deceitfulconduct and repeated breach of faith; and, in regard to the goodsbelonging to the king of Portugal which he detained, he would recoverthem an hundred fold[9]. After this, the admiral ordered three of hisships to be warped during the night as near as possible to the shore; andthat these should fire next day incessantly on the city with all theircannon, by which vast injury was done, and the royal palace was entirelydemolished, besides several other houses belonging to the principalinhabitants of the place. The admiral afterwards departed for Cochin, leaving Vincente Sodre with six well armed ships to command the coast, who was to remain in India when the rest of the fleet returned toPortugal, and was likewise directed to go upon a voyage of discovery tothe straits of Mecca, and the coast of Cambaya[10]. 

From Calicut the admiral sailed for Cochin; and immediately on hisanchoring in that port, the rajah[11] sent on board certain hostages toremain as his sureties; and when the admiral landed, the rajah went inperson to meet him. At this interview, the rajah delivered up to theadmiral Stephen Gyl and others who had remained in his country, and theadmiral presented a letter from the king of Portugal to the rajah, returning thanks for the kindness he had shewn to Cabral, and declaringhis satisfaction at the settlement of a factory for trade at Cochin. Theadmiral also delivered a present from the king of Portugal to the rajah, consisting of a rich golden crown set with jewels, a gold enamelledcollar, two richly wrought silver fountains, two pieces of figured arras, a splendid tent or pavilion, a piece of crimson satin, and another ofsendal[12]; all of which the rajah accepted with much satisfaction. Yet, not knowing the use of some of these things, the admiral endeavoured toexplain them; and particularly, ordered the pavilion to be set up to shewits use, under which a new treaty of amity was settled. The rajahappointed a house for the use of the Portuguese factory, and a scheduleof prices were agreed upon, at which the various spices, drugs, and otherproductions of the country were to be delivered to the Portuguese factors, all of which were set down in writing in form of a contract. The rajahlikewise delivered present for the king of Portugal, consisting of twogold bracelets set with precious stones, a sash or turban used by theMoors of cloth of silver two yards and a half long, two great pieces offine Bengal cotton cloth, and a stone as large as a walnut taken from thehead of an animal called _bulgoldolf_, which is exceedingly rare, and issaid to be an antidote against all kipds of poison[13]. A convenienthouse being appointed for a factory, was immediately taken possession ofby Diego Hernandez as factor, Lorenzo Moreno, and Alvaro Vas as clerks, and several other assistants. 

While the ships were taking in their cargoes at Cochin, a message wasbrought to the admiral from the zamorin, engaging, if he would return toCalicut, to make a complete restitution of every thing that had beentaken from the Portuguese, and that a treaty of friendship and commercewould be immediately arranged between them. After considering thismessage, the admiral ordered the messenger to prison, meaning to takerevenge on him in case the zamorin should prove deceitful in thisinstance as he had already been in many others[14]. After this precaution, he went to Calicut, more for the purpose of endeavouring to recover themerchandize, than from any expectation of procuring the friendship of thezamorin. For this reason he took only his own ship[15], leaving Stephende Gama in the command at Cochin in his absence. The captains of thefleet were much averse to this rashness; yet could not persuade him totake a larger force, as he said he would be sufficiently protected by thesquadron of Vincente Sodre, which was cruizing on the coast, whom hecould join on any emergency. On his arrival at Calicut, the zamorinimmediately sent notice that he would satisfy him next day for all thegoods which had been taken from Cabral, and would afterwards renew thetrade and settle the factory on a proper footing. But as soon as heunderstood that the admiral had come with so small a force, he commandedthirty-four paraws to be got in readiness with all expedition, for thepurpose of taking his ship. And so unexpectedly did these assail him, that the admiral was forced to cut one of his cables and make out toseaward, which he was fortunately enabled to do, as the wind came offfrom the land. Yet the paraws pursued him so closely, that he mustinfallibly have been taken, if it had not been for the squadron of Sodremaking its appearance, on sight of which the paraws gave over the chaseand retired to Calicut. 

On his return to Cochin, die admiral immediately ordered the messenger ofthe zamorin to be hanged[16]. The failure of this treacherous attemptagainst De Gama gave much concern to the zamorin; who now resolved to tryif he could induce the rajah of Cochin to refuse a loading to thePortuguese, and to send away their factory from his port. With this viewhe transmitted a letter to that prince, in the following terms:

"I am informed that you favour the Christians, whom you have admittedinto your city and supplied with goods and provisions. It is possible youmay not see the danger of this procedure, and may not know howdispleasing it is to me. I request of you to remember the friendshipwhich has hitherto subsisted between us, and that you now incur mydispleasure for so small a matter in supporting these Christian robbers, who are in use to plunder the countries belonging to other nations. Mydesire is, therefore, that for the future you may neither receive theminto your city, nor give them spices; by which you will both do me agreat pleasure, and will bind me to requite your friendship in whateverway you may desire. I do not more earnestly urge these things at thepresent, being convinced you will comply without further entreaty, as Iwould do for you in any matter of importance. "

The rajah of Cochin answered in the following terms: That he knew not howto expel the Christians from his city, whom he had received as friends, and to whom he had passed his word for trade and amity. He denied thathis friendly reception of the Christians could be construed as anyoffence to the zamorin, as it was the custom in the ports of Malabar tofavour all merchants who resorted thither for trade; and declared hisresolution to maintain his engagements inviolate to the Portuguese, whohad brought great sums of gold and silver, and large quantities ofmerchandize into his dominions in the course of their trade. The zamorinwas much offended by this answer of the rajah of Cochin; to whom he wrotea second time, advising him earnestly to abandon the Portuguese if he hadany respect for his own welfare. The rajah of Cochin was not to be moved, either by the persuasions or threatening of the zamorin, and sent a replyto his second letter, in which he declared he should never be induced tocommit a base or treacherous action by fear of the consequences, and wasresolved to persist in maintaining his treaty of trade and amity with thePortuguese. Finding that he could not prevail on the rajah of Cochin toconcur with him, he commanded twenty-nine large ships to be fitted out inorder to assail the Portuguese fleet when on its return homewards, expecting that he should be able to destroy them with more ease whenfully laden. 

The rajah of Cochin gave no intimation to the admiral of the letters andmessages which had been interchanged between him and the zamorin, untilhe went to take leave; at which time, he declared he would hazard theloss of his dominions to serve the king of Portugal. The admiral, aftermany expressions of gratitude for his friendly disposition and honourableregard for his engagements, assured him that the king his master wouldnever forget the numerous demonstrations he had given of friendship, andwould give him such assistance as should not only enable him to defendhis own dominions, but to reduce other countries under his authority. Hedesired him not to be in fear of the zamorin, against whom there shouldhenceforwards be carried on so fierce war, that he would have enough ofemployment in defending himself, instead of being able to attack others. In this the general alluded to the aid which the rajah might expect fromthe ships that were to remain in India under the command of Vincent Sodre. All this conversation took place in presence of many of the principalnayres, of which circumstance the rajah was much pleased, as he knewthese people were in friendship with the Moors, and had opposed the grantof a factory to us at Cochin[17]. 

Having completed the loading of ten ships, the admiral sailed from Cochinon his homeward-bound voyage; and when about three leagues from Pandarane, he descried the Moorish fleet of twenty-nine large ships coming towardshim. After consulting with the captains of his fleet, and the wind beingfavourable for the purpose, he immediately bore down to engage them. Theships commanded by Vincente Sodre, Pedro Raphael, and Diego Perez, beingprime sailers, closed up first with the enemy, and immediately attackedtwo of the largest ships of the Moors. Sodre fought with one of thesealone, and Raphael and Perez assailed the other. Almost on the firstonset, great numbers of the enemies were so dismayed that they leapt intothe sea to escape by swimming. On the coming up of De Gama with the restof the fleet, all the enemies ships made off as fast as they couldtowards the shore, except those two which were beset at the first, andwere unable to escape, which were accordingly taken possession of. DeGama, considering that all his ships were richly laden, would not pursuethe flying enemy, being afraid he might lose some of his ships on theshoals; but our men went in their boats and slew about 300 of the Moorswho had endeavoured to save themselves by swimming from the two capturedships. These vessels were accordingly discharged of their cargoes; whichconsisted of great quantities of rich merchandize, among which were sixgreat jars of fine earthen ware, called porcelain, which is very rare andcostly and much admired in Portugal; four large vessels of silver, andmany silver perfuming pans; also many spitting basons of silver gilt: Butwhat exceeded all the rest, was a golden idol of thirty pounds weight, with a monstrous face. The eyes of this image were two very fine emeralds. The vestments were of beaten gold, richly wrought and set with preciousstones; and on the breast was a large carbuncle or ruby, as large as thecoin called a crusado, which shone like fire. 

The goods being taken out, the two ships were set on fire, and theadmiral made sail for Cananor, where the rajah gave him a house for afactory, in which Gonzalo Gill Barbosa was settled as factor, havingSebastian Alvarez and Diego Godino as clerks, Duarte Barbosa asinterpreter, and sundry others as assistants, in all to the number oftwenty. The rajah undertook to protect these men and all that might beleft in the factory, and bound himself to supply lading in spices to allthe ships of the king of Portugal at certain fixed prices[18]. In returnfor these favourable conditions, the admiral engaged on behalf of theking of Portugal to defend the rajah in all wars that might arise fromthis agreement; conditioning for peace and friendship between the rajahsof Cochin and Cananor, and that the latter should give no aid to any onewho might make war upon the former, under the pain of forfeiting thefriendship of the Portuguese. After this, the admiral gave orders toVincente Sodre to protect the coast with his squadron till the month ofFebruary; and if any war should break out or seem probable between thezamorin and Trimumpara, he was to winter in Cochin for the protection ofthat city; otherwise he was to sail for the straits of the Red Sea, tomake prize of all the ships belonging to Mecca that traded to the Indies. 

All these matters being properly arranged, De Gama departed from Cananorfor Portugal on the 20th December 1502[19]; with thirteen ships richlyladen, three of which had taken in their cargoes at Cananor, and theother ten at Cochin. The whole fleet arrived in safety at Mozambique, where the ship commanded by Stephen de Gama having sprung a great leak, was unladen and laid on shore to be repaired. Seven days after theirdeparture from Mozambique, the ship commanded by Lewis Cotinho sprung agreat leak, and they were forced to endeavour to return to Mozambique torepair her; but, the wind being contrary, they had to do this in a creekon the coast. Continuing their voyage, they were assailed by a suddentempest off Cape Corientes, in which the ship commanded by Stephen deGama had her sails all split by the storm, owing to which she wasseparated from the fleet, and no more seen till six days after thearrival of the admiral at Lisbon, when she came in with her mast broken. The storm having abated, during which the fleet took shelter under thelee of Cape Corientes, the admiral prosecuted his voyage to Lisbon, andarrived safe at Cascais on the 1st September 1503. All the noblemen ofthe court went to Cascais to receive him honourably, and to accompany himto the presence of the king. On his way to court, he was preceded by apage carrying a silver bason, in which was the tribute from the king ofQuiloa. The king received him with great honour, as he justly merited forhis services in discovering the Indies, and in settling factories atCochin and Cananor, to the great profit of the kingdom; besides the greatfame and honour which redounded to the king, as the first sovereign whohad sent to discover the Indies, of which he might make a conquest if hewere so inclined. In reward for these brilliant services, the king madehim admiral of the Indies, and likewise gave him the title of Lord ofVidegueyra, which was his own. 

 * * * * *

Note. --As De Gama did not return again to India till the year 1524, whichis beyond the period contained in that part of Castaneda which has beentranslated by Lichefild, we shall have no occasion to notice him again inthis part of our work. For this reason, it has been thought proper togive the following short supplementary account of his farther services inIndia. 

"In 1524, Don Vasco De Gama, now Count of Videgueyra, was appointedviceroy of India by John III. King of Portugal, and sailed from Lisbonwith fourteen ships, carrying 3000 fighting men. Three were lost duringthe voyage, with all the men belonging to two of them. While in the Gulfof Cambaya, in a dead calm, the ships were tossed about in so violent amanner that all onboard believed themselves in imminent danger ofperishing, and began to consider how they might escape. One man leaptover-board, thinking to escape by swimming, but was drowned; and such aslay sick of fevers were cured by the fright. The viceroy, who perceivedthat the commotion was occasioned by the effects of an earthquake, calledaloud to his people, _courage my friends, for the sea trembles from fearof you who are on it_. To make some amends for the misfortunes of thevoyage, Don George de Meneses, one of the captains, took a large shipbelonging to Mecca, worth 60, 000 crowns, a large sum in those days. Afterhis arrival at Goa, the viceroy visited some forts, and issued thenecessary orders for regulating the affairs of his government; but he hadnot time to put any of his great designs into execution, as he died onChristmas eve, having only held the government of Portuguese India forthree months. De Gama is said to have been of middle stature, with aruddy complexion, but somewhat gross. His character was bold, patientunder fatigue, well fitted for great undertakings, speedy in executingjustice, and terrible in anger. In fine, he was admirably fitted for allthat was entrusted to his conduct, as a discoverer, a naval and militarycommander, and as viceroy. He is painted with a black cap, cloak, andbreeches, edged with velvet, all slashed, through which appears thecrimson lining. His doublet is of crimson satin, over which his armour isseen inlaid with gold. He was the sixth successive governor of India, andthe second who had the rank of viceroy. "--Astl I. 54. B. 

[1] According to Astley, much difference of opinion took place in the council of Portugal, whether to continue the trade to India for which it was requisite to employ force, or to desist entirely from the attempt; but the profits expected from the trade, and the expectation of propagating the Romish religion and enlarging the royal titles, outweighed all considerations of danger; and it was resolved to persist in the enterprize. --Astl. I. 50. 

[2] The distribution, of this force is somewhat differently related by Astley. Ten ships only are said to have been placed under the immediate command of Vasco de Gama; five ships under Vincente Sodre, who had orders to scour the coast of Cochin and Cananor, and to watch the mouth of the Red Sea, on purpose to prevent the Moors, or Turks and Arabs, from trading to India; the third, as in the text, was under Stephen de Gama, but with no particular destination mentioned; and the whole were under the supreme command of Vasco de Gama, as captain- general. --Astl. I. 50. 

[3] Such is the expression in the translation by Lichefild; but which I suspect ought to have been, "and had passed Cape Corientes. "--E. 

 In Astley, the following incident is mentioned: When off Cape Verd, Vasco de Gama met a caravel bound from La Mina, on the western coast of Africa, carrying much gold to Lisbon. He shewed some of this to the ambassadors whom Cabral had brought from Cananor, and who were now on their return to India. They expressed much surprize at this circumstance; as they had been told by the Venetian ambassador at Lisbon, that the Portuguese could not send their ships to sea without assistance from Venice. This insinuation proceeded from envy, as the Venetians were afraid of losing the lucrative trade with India which they had long enjoyed through Egypt. --Astl. I. 51. 

[4] According to De Faria, De Gama began by cannonading the city of Quiloa; but on the king consenting to become tributary, all was changed to peace and joy--Astl. I. 51. A. 

[5] According to Astley, De Gama was forced beyond Melinda, and took in water at a bay eight leagues farther on; and going thence towards India, he spread out his fleet that no ship might escape him; in consequence of which he took several, but was most severe on those belonging to Calicut. --Astl. I. 51. 

[6] In Astley this ship is said to have belonged to the soldan of Egypt, and was very richly laden, besides being full of Moors of quality, who were going on pilgrimage to Mecca. --Astl. I. 51. 

[7] DeFaria says there were twenty of these children, whom De Gama caused to be made Christian friars, to make amends for one Portuguese who turned Mahometan. --Astl. I. 51. C. 

[8] Castaneda, or rather his translator Lichefild, gets somewhat confused here, as if this factory were settled at Cochin, though the whole previous scene is described as at Cananor. --E. 

[9] De Faria says the bodies of these unfortunate Malabars were thrown into the sea, to be carried on shore by the tide. --Astl. I. 52. A. 

[10] By the straits of Mecca are here meant the straits of Bab-el-mandeb, or the entrance from the Indian Ocean into the Red Sea; and by the coast of Cambaya, what is now called Guzerat. --E. 

[11] The rajah or king of Cochin has already been named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, on the authority of De Barros, De Faria, and other ancient authors; yet De Faria, in other instances, calls him Uniramacoul--Astl. I. 52. B. 

[12] It is difficult to say what may have been meant by this last article. In old French writings _Rouge comme Sendal_ means very high red, or scarlet; from which circumstance, this may have been a piece of scarlet satin or velvet. --E. 

[13] Of the animal called bulgoldolf in the text we have no knowledge, nor of this stone of wonderful virtue; but it may possibly refer to the long famed bezoar, anciently much prized, but now deservedly neglected. --E. 

[14] According to De Faria, this messenger was a bramin, who left his son and nephew at Cochin as hostages, and accompanied De Gama to Calicut, where he carried various messages between the zamorin and the admiral. --Astl. I. 53. B. 

[15] De Faria says he was accompanied by a caravel. --Astl. 1. 53. B. 

[16] The son and nephew of the messenger, according to De Faria. --Astl. I. 53. C. 

[17] In addition to the narrative of Castaneda, De Barros, Maffi, and De Faria relate, that ambassadors came to De Gama while at Cochin from the Christian inhabitants in Cranganore and that neighbourhood, who they said amounted to 30, 000. They represented, that they knew he was an officer of the most Catholic king in Europe, to whom they submitted themselves; in testimony of which, they delivered into his hands the rod of justice, of a red colour, tipped with silver at both ends, and about the length of a sceptre, having three bells at the top. They complained of being much oppressed by the idolaters; and were dismissed by De Gama with promises of a powerful and speedy assistance. --Astl. I. 53. D. 

[18] De Faria alleges that the persons who were appointed to settle matters relative to trade at this port, differed much upon the price of spices: on which occasion many threatening messages were sent to the rajah, who at length through fear complied with all the demands of the Portuguese. He says that the rajahs of Cochin and Cananor were as refractory and adverse at first as the zamorin; and that when De Gama arrived at Cochin, the three princes combined to make him winter there by fraud, and joined their fleets to destroy him. That on the failure of this combination, a durable peace was made with Trimumpara; and the rajah of Cananor, fearing the Portuguese might not return to his port, sent word to De Gama that he was ready to comply with all his demands, --Astl. I. 54, a. 

[19] In Castaneda this date is made 1503; but from an attentive consideration of other dates and circumstances in that author, this must have been a typographical error. --E. 

SECTION VI. 

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from the departure of De Gamain December 1502, to the arrival of Alonzo de Albuquerque in 1503. _

As soon as the zamorin was assured of the departure of De Gama for Europe, he determined on putting his threats in execution against the rajah ofCochin, for which purpose he gathered an army at the village of Panani, not far from Cochin[1]. This was soon known to the inhabitants of Cochin, who were exceedingly afraid of the great power of the zamorin, and weremuch dissatisfied with their sovereign for incurring the displeasure ofthat prince out of respect to the Christians, whom they inveighed againstwith much bitterness on all occasions, and openly insulted wherever theywere seen. Some that were in high credit with the rajah said openly, thatas the zamorin was much more powerful than their state, our men ought tobe delivered up to him, as the war was entirely on our account, for whomthe kingdom ought not to be put in hazard. But the rajah, much offendedat these people, declared that he was resolved to defend the Portugueseagainst the zamorin, trusting that God would favour him in so just acause. Yet many of his subjects were much inclined to have seized thePortuguese belonging to the factory, but durst not, as the rajah gavethem a place of considerable strength to dwell in, and appointed a guardfor their security. 

At this time Vincente Sodre arrived with his squadron in the bay ofCochin, after having done much damage on the coast of Calicut, both byland and sea. The Portuguese head factor sent Laurenzo Moreno to informSodre of the preparations which were making by the zamorin for the attackof Cochin, and requiring him in the name of the king of Portugal to landwith his men for its defence. But Sodre answered, that his orders were todefend the sea and not the land; for which reason, if the zamorin hadprepared to attack Cochin by sea, he would certainly have defended it;but as the war was to be carried on by land, he could not interfere, andthe rajah must defend himself. The factor sent a second message, entreating him, in the name of God and on his allegiance to the king ofPortugal, not to abandon the factory in this state of danger, as thepower of the rajah was inadequate to defend Cochin against the zamorin;and as the sole object of the war was for the destruction of the factoryand the ruin of the Portuguese trade, it certainly was his duty, ascaptain-general for the king of Portugal in these seas, both to defendthe factory and to give every assistance in his power to the rajah. ButSodre was immoveable, pretending that he had been ordered to discover theRed Sea, where he expected to make many rich prizes, and set sail fromCochin for Cape Guardafui, preferring the hope of riches to his duty indefending the factory of Cochin. 

The zamorin collected his army, as already mentioned, at the village ofPanani, where, besides his own subjects and allies, several of theprincipal subjects of the rajah of Cochin joined his standard, desertingtheir own sovereign, and carrying along with them all the power they wereable to muster: Among these were the caimalls or governors of Chirapipiland Cambalane, and of the large island which is opposite to the city ofCochin. At this place, the zamorin made a long speech to his assembledchiefs, in which he endeavoured to justify his enmity to the Portuguese, whom he represented as thieves, robbers, and pirates, and as having firstcommenced hostilities against him without cause. He contrasted the quietand friendly conduct of the Moors, who had traded for 600 years withMalabar, having never done injury to any in all that time, and hadgreatly enriched the country, and had raised his city of Calicut to bethe greatest emporium in all the Indies: Whereas the Portuguese had takenand destroyed his ships, made his ambassadors prisoners, insisted onhaving their ships laden before those belonging to the Moors, had taken aship of the Moors, burnt ten of his ships in his own harbour, haddestroyed his city and forced him to escape for safety from his palace;taking law and vengeance for pretended grievances into their own hands, instead of applying regularly to him for redress. And, since the rajah ofCochin was fully informed of all these things, yet persisted in favouringthe Portuguese in despite of all remonstrances, he had resolved to makewar upon him, to deprive him of his dominions, and to drive theseChristian intruders out of India. 

This address gave much satisfaction to all the assembled chiefs, and mostespecially to the lord of Repelim, who entertained a rooted enmityagainst the rajah of Cochin, who had dispossessed him of an island calledArrnuul. The only person who opposed the zamorin on this occasion wasNambeadarin[2], who was brother and next heir to the zamorin. He stronglyurged the impolicy of driving the Christians from Malabar, to whichmerchants resorted from all places of the world, seeing that thePortuguese had made richer presents to the zamorin, than he had everreceived before, and had brought much gold and silver into the countryfor the purchase of commodities, which was not usually done by such ascame to make war. He represented the attempt of the hostages to escapewho had been given for the safety of the Portuguese chief, and whom thezamorin was pleased to call ambassadors, as the first cause of jealousyand distrust; yet they were afterwards reconciled, and took the largeMoorish ship at the desire of the zamorin, to whom they presented thegreat elephant. He said their conduct in trade and otherwise while inCalicut was quite satisfactory to all except the Moors, who were enviousagainst them for interfering in their trade, and accused them falsely oftaking pepper against the will of the owners, which in fact they had donethemselves to prevent the Christians from loading their ships; nay thatthis was so evident that even the zamorin had licensed the Portuguese totake the pepper from the Moorish vessels. After which the Moors had risenagainst them, slaying their men and seizing all their goods. Yet, afterall these outrages, they had given the zamorin a whole day in which tooffer reparation, and had not sought revenge of their injuriestreacherously like the Moors. That he saw no cause of going to waragainst the rajah of Cochin for receiving the Portuguese into his citylike any other merchants who might frequent his harbour, as had likewisebeen done by the rajahs of Cananor and Koulan, who would not have done soif they had been robbers and pirates. And if the zamorin meant to drivethe Portuguese from the Indies, besides making war on Cochin, it would benecessary for him to do the same against Canauor and all the otherprinces on the coast. 

The zamorin was a good deal staggered by the discourse of Nambendarin, who had much credit and authority with him; insomuch, that it is thoughthe would have desisted from prosecuting the war, if it had not been forthe Moors and the caymals, who represented that it would be a greatdisgrace to his character to recede after the assemblage of so great anarmy, and that it was to be expected the rajah of Cochin might now agreefrom fear to do what the zamorin had desired him. The zamorin thendesired his sorcerers to point out a fortunate day for marching forwardwith his army, which they did accordingly, and promised him an assuredvictory. With this assurance, on which he placed great reliance, thezamorin departed from Panani, and took possession of Repelim, which isfour leagues from Cochin. 

The rajah of Cochin had regular intelligence of all that passed in thecamp of the zamorin by means of spies, and was in great troublerespecting the event, not having sufficient force for his defence, asmany on whom he most relied had gone over to the enemy. Even those whoremained served against their inclination, more especially theinhabitants of Cochin, who abhorred our people, and said openly that itwere proper the rajah should either deliver them up to the zamorin orsend them away from Cochin, to avoid the impending war. Many of theinhabitants of Cochin deserted the place for fear of the consequences. The members of the Portuguese factory were much alarmed by all thesecircumstances, and requested permission from the rajah to withdraw toCananor, where they might remain in safety till the arrival of the nextfleet from Portugal; hoping by this means to remove the cause of war, andto satisfy the subjects of the rajah. Trimumpara was displeased at thisrequest, as not reposing sufficient confidence in his word, and declaredhe would rather forfeit his kingdom, and even his life, than deliver themup to the zamorin or any other who sought to injure them; and that, although he might lose Cochin in the war, there still were places ofsufficient strength in which to keep them safe till reinforcements shouldarrive from Portugal. That although the zamorin had a great army, yetvictory did not always follow numbers, as a few valiant men were oftenvictorious over great odds, especially having justice on their side. Hetherefore desired the factory to remain, and to pray God to give him thevictory. The Portuguese now offered to give him such aid as their smallnumber would allow; but he declined allowing them to expose themselves toany danger on the present occasion, as his credit depended upon thepreservation of their lives, that they might witness, for his faithfuladherence to the treaty of amity which he had formed with their nation. Upon this he placed them under the safeguard of certain naires in whom hehad confidence. After this, the rajah called all his nobles into hispresence, together with the chief naires, who were the cause of all themurmurs against the Portuguese, and addressed the assemblage to thefollowing effect:

"I am much concerned to find that truth and loyalty should be wantingamong men of your quality. I do not wonder at the present misconduct ofthe lower orders, who are often constrained by their poverty andwretchedness to commit all manner of wickedness. But that naires, whohave always been noted for fidelity, should desire me to forfeit thepromise which I have made, to the captain-general in behalf of thePortuguese, to defend them to the utmost of my power against all violenceas my own subjects, astonishes and distresses me beyond measure. Underthese assurances of protection, which were given with your consent, thesemen were left in my city; and yet, because you see the zamorin comingagainst me with more men than I have, you would have me to break mypromise. Were I so unjust, you of all men ought to abhor me. If you dweltwith any sovereign on the assurance of his word, how would you conceiveof him, if he were to treat you as you would now have me to act by theseChristians? Is it because you are afraid of the great power of thezamorin? Be assured it were better for us all to die in the discharge ofour duty, and the preservation of our promise, than to live dishonoured. To me no evil can be greater than to break my word, nor can there be agreater dishonour to yourselves than to be the subjects of a false andtreacherous king. These Christians have brought much profit to me and mycountry, and the zamorin might have kept them in his own city, if he hadpermitted their factory to settle there in peace. Were it his intentionto drive the Christians out of India, and to make war on all who receivethem into their dominions, he ought to have begun this war with the rajahof Cananor: But his cause of war is the envy he has conceived at seeingme benefited by the trade which he has lost through his own misconduct, and because he believes in his pride that I am unable to withstand. But Itrust in God and the justness of my cause, that with your assistance, Ishall obtain the victory, and shall be able to protect the Christians, and preserve my honour inviolate. " This speech had great effect upon theassembled naires, who were astonished at the constancy and resolution ofthe rajah. They all therefore craved pardon for the fears they hadentertained, and promised to live and die in his service. The rajahimmediately called the factor and the rest of the Portuguese into hispresence, to whom he gave an account of all that had taken place betweenhim and the naires; and named before them the prince _Naramuhin_[3], hisbrother and next heir, as general of the army which was destined to actagainst the forces of the zamorin, commanding every one to obey him inevery respect as if he were himself present. Naramuhin accordinglymarched with 5500 naires, and entrenched himself at the ford which formsthe only entry by land into the island of Cochin, and which is only knee-deep at low water. 

When the zamorin received notice of the army of Cochin having taken postat this ford, he was somewhat afraid, more especially as he knewNaramuhin was considered to be the bravest and most fortunate warrior inMalabar. He therefore made a fresh attempt to induce the rajah of Cochinto accede to his demands, of delivering up the Portuguese and their goods, otherwise threatening to conquer his dominions, and to put all theinhabitants to the sword. Although the rajah of Cochin was quite sensibleof the inferiority of his military force, and was convinced what thezamorin threatened might readily happen, he yet determined to remain firmto his engagements, and sent the following answer:

"If you had required with civility what you have proudly commanded me, Ishould not have esteemed your valour lessened by your courtesy: For withmen of wisdom and power there is no need for insolent vaunts. I have notas yet so sinned against God, that I should humble myself to vainboasting, or think that he should grant you the victory over me and thosebrave men who fight on my side. In spite of all your pride, I trust evenwith the small number I have to defend me in my just quarrel, that Ishall be enabled to overcome you and all my enemies. However much you mayhave practised deceit and injustice, it has ever been my rule to avoidshame and dishonour, and I will never consent to deliver up theChristians or their goods, which I have engaged to defend. "

The zamorin was much offended by this answer from the rajah of Cochin, and vowed to destroy his whole country in revenge: Leaving, therefore, the isle of Repelim on the last day of March, he entered on theterritories of Cochin, yet refrained from doing any injury, as he nowoccupied those parts which belonged to the chieftains who had joined himagainst their own sovereign. On the 2d of March, the army of the zamorinmade an attempt to force a passage by the ford which was defended byprince Naramuhin; yet, in spite of all his prodigious superiority ofnumbers, he was forced to retire with considerable loss. Disappointed inthis first essay, the zamorin encamped close by the ford, and sent thelord of Repelim next day with a still stronger force than had beenemployed in the first assault, to attempt forcing the passage. He evenjoined several armed paraws in this attack; but Naramuhin made a resolutedefence, in which he was bravely seconded by Laurenzo Moreno and severalother Portuguese, and effectually resisted every effort of the zamorinstroops, who were obliged to retreat with much loss. Several such assaultswere made on the ford, in all of which the zamorin lost many men, and wasconstantly repulsed, insomuch that he became fearful of a sinister end tohis unjust enterprise, and even repented of having begun the war. He sent, however, a fresh message to the rajah, requiring him to deliver up theChristians as a preliminary of peace. But the rajah replied, that as hehad refused to do so unjust an action when he had some reason to dreadthe superior power of the zamorin, it was absurd to expect any such thingnow, when the advantage in the war was evidently of his side. He thenadvised the zamorin to beware of continuing the war, as he would not nowsatisfy himself with defence, but even hoped to give him a signaloverthrow. And this certainly had been the case, if the subjects of therajah had not shamefully deserted him in this war and given assistance tothe enemy. The zamorin almost despaired of success, and would have givenover the enterprize, if he had not been advised by some of his chiefs toassail several other towns belonging to the dominions of Cochin, so as todistract the attention of Naramuhin, and to weaken his force by obliginghim to send detachments for their defence. But that brave prince providedagainst every emergency, and made so judicious a disposition of hisforces, that he repulsed every effort of the enemy, and slew many oftheir men. 

Foiled in every attempt with severe loss, by the bravery and excellentdispositions of Prince Naramuhin, the zamorin corrupted the paymaster ofthe troops of Cochin, who changed the usual order of payment which hadbeen daily made in the camp, and obliged the soldiers to come up toCochin for that purpose. Naramuhin was obliged to submit to thisarrangement, by giving leave to the naires to go for their wages, yetcharged them punctually to return to the camp before day. But thetreacherous paymaster kept them waiting till after day-light, by whichmeans the prince was left with very few troops to defend the ford. Takingadvantage of this concerted stratagem, the zamorin made an assault uponthe ford with his whole force by sea and land, and constrained Naramuhinto retire with his small band into a grove of palm trees, where he wassurrounded by the whole army of Calicut, yet fought the whole day againstsuch terrible odds with the utmost resolution, several times throwing hisenemies into disorder, of whom many were slain. But at length, overpowered by numbers, he and two of his cousins who fought along withhim were slain, together with most of his faithful followers. 

When this melancholy event was announced to the rajah of Cochin, hefainted from extreme grief, and was for some time thought to haveactually expired. At this time, the naires were much exasperated againstour men, to whom they attributed the overthrow and death of princeNaramuhin, and the desperate situation of their country, and seemed muchinclined to have put the Portuguese to death, or to have delivered themup to the zamorin. On the recovery of the rajah, and learning the designsof his people against our men, he called the Portuguese into his presence;he gave them assurance that even this reverse of his affairs should notalter his resolution of protecting them, both against the zamorin and hisown subjects. He then addressed his assembled naires, urging them not tostain his honour and their own by injuring the Portuguese, whom he andthey had sworn to protect. He exhorted them to persevere honourably andbravely in defending their country and preserving their honour inviolateto the Christians, and comforted them with the assurance that thePortuguese fleet would soon arrive with sufficient reinforcements todrive out the zamorin and to restore him to his dominions. In themeantime, he proposed that they should retire with what force remained, into the isle of Vaipi, which was of difficult access; and where theycould defend themselves till the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, moreespecially as the winter was at hand, which would stop the progress ofthe war for some time. The naires were astonished at the resolution oftheir sovereign, and promised faithfully to obey his commands in allthings. 

The zamorin made a new attempt to shake the resolution of the rajah inhis present adversity, by offering peace on condition of delivering upthe Portuguese and their goods; which the rajah rejected with disdain ashe had done all his former overtures. On this the zamorin gave orders todestroy the whole country with fire and sword, on which intelligence mostof the inhabitants of Cochin withdrew to other places. There were at thistime in Cochin two Milanese lapidaries belonging to the factory, namedJohn Maria and Pedro Antonio, who had been brought to India by Vasco deGama. These men deserted to the zamorin, to whom they conveyedintelligence of the consternation which reigned among the inhabitants ofCochin, and of the small number of men that remained with the rajah. These men also made offer to the zamorin to make ordnance for himresembling those of the Portuguese, which they afterwards did as willappear in the sequel of this history, and for which service they werehighly rewarded. The zamorin now moved forwards with his army to takepossession of Cochin, and was resisted for some time by the rajah, whowas himself slightly wounded. But finding it impossible any farther toresist against such prodigious odds, he withdrew to the strong island ofVaipi, carrying all our men along with him and every thing belonging toour factory. The zamorin, on taking possession of the deserted city ofCochin, ordered it to be set on fire. He then sent a part of his armyagainst the isle of Vaipi, which was valiantly defended by the rajah andhis men and in which defence the members of our factory contributed tothe best of their ability. But the winter coming on, and bad weathersetting in, the zamorin was obliged to desist for the present season, andwithdrew his army to Cranganor with a determination to renew the war inthe ensuing spring, leaving a strong detachment in the island of Cochin, which he ordered to throw up entrenchments for their defence. 

After his shameful desertion of Cochin, Vincente Sodre went with hisfleet towards the kingdom of Cambaya; meaning to capture the rich shipsof the Moors which trade to India from the Red Sea. He there took fiveships, in which in ready money only was found to the value of 200, 000_perdaos_. Most of the Moors were slain in the battle, and the shipsburnt. From Cambaya he sailed for Cape Guardafu; and as his ships werefoul, he proposed to lay them aground to be careened at the islands of_Curia Muria_[4]. Sodre arrived there with his squadron on the 20th April1503; and though these islands were well inhabited by Moors, he resolvedto venture on land, considering that these islanders were by no meanswarlike, and stood in fear of our men. The islanders accordingly behavedin a peaceable manner, and sold our people such provisions as they had tospare. Sodre laid one of his caravels aground for repair, on which he wasinformed by the Moors that their coast was subject to violent storms inthe month of May, during which no ships were able to keep the sea, butwere unavoidably driven on shore and wrecked. Wherefore they advised himstrenuously to remove to the other side of the island, which would thenbe a sure defence against the storm, after which had blown over he mightreturn to their part of the coast. Sodre made light of their advice, conceiving they meant him some harm; and told them that the ships of theMoors having only wooden anchors, might be easily driven ashore, whereashis anchors were of iron and would hold fast. Pedro Raphael, HernanRodriguez Badarsas, and Diego Perez were convinced of the council of theMoors being good, and therefore quitted these islands on the last day ofApril; but Sodre would not listen to their advice and remained with hisbrother at Curia Muria. According to the prediction of the Moors, aviolent storm came on early in May, by which the two remaining ships weredriven from their anchors and dashed to pieces. Vincente Sodre and hisbrother, with many others lost their lives, and nothing whatever wassaved out of these two ships. The loss of these two brothers wasconsidered as a punishment of Providence, for basely abandoning the rajahof Cochin and the factory in their imminent danger. 

Those who were saved returned towards Cochin to succour our people, andchose Pedro de Tayde[5] as their general. In their passage from CuriaMuria towards Cochin, they encountered several severe storms, and wereoften in great danger of perishing. Being unable to reach Cochin onaccount of the winds, they were forced to take refuge in the island ofAnchediva. A few days after their arrival, a ship came there fromPortugal, commanded by Antonio del Campo, who had left Lisbon alone sometime after Vasco de Gama, and had been much delayed on his voyage inconsequence of the death of his pilot. He had encountered severe weatheron the coast, and was forced after much trouble and danger to take refugein Anchediva. The united squadron wintered in this island, where theysuffered severe hardships from scarcity of provisions. 

[1] This army is said to have amounted to 50, 000 men. Panani is six leagues from Cochin. --Astl. I. 54. 

[2] This person is named Naubea Daring by Astley, and is said to have been nephew to the zamorin. --Astl. I. 56. 

[3] In Astley this prince is called the nephew of the rajah of Cochin. -- Astl. I. 55. 

[4] These are a cluster of islands, otherwise called Chartan and Martan, on the coast of Yemen, between the latitudes of 17° and 18° north. --E. 

[5] Of the four officers mentioned in the text, three are enumerated at the commencement of the former voyage of De Gama as commanders of separate vessels. The fourth, Badarsas, is not in that list of captains, and may have been appointed captain of Vincente Sodres flag- ship. --E. 

SECTION VII. 

_Voyage of Alonso and Francisco de Albuquerque to India in 1503; beingthe fifth of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies. _

Is the year 1503, supposing that the admiral Don Vasco de Gama had quietlysettled factories in Cochin and Cananor, the king of Portugal did notconsider it necessary to send any great fleet to India. He thereforedetermined to send only six ships in two separate squadrons, underseparate generals. Alonso de Albuquerque, who was afterwards governor-general or viceroy of India, commanded one of these squadrons, havingunder him as captains, Duarte Pacheco and Hernan Martinez Mascarennas, whois said to have died during the voyage. The other squadron, likewise ofthree ships, was under the command of Francisco de Albuquerque, cousin toAlonso, having as captains Nicholas Coello and Pedro Vas de la Vega, theformer of whom sailed under De Gama in the first discovery of India. Thislatter squadron sailed from Lisbon fifteen days after the other, yetarrived first in India. Both squadrons encountered severe storms duringthe voyage, in which the ship commanded by De la Vega was lost. Franciscode Albuquerque, and Nicholas Coello, arrived at Anchediva in the month ofAugust, where they found De Tayde and the other captains who had winteredthere, as related in the former section. They here received notice of thewar between the zamorin and the rajah of Cochin, and of the sinisterevents which had occurred at that place; for which reason Francisco stoodover with the whole fleet, now consisting of six sail, to Cananor, wherehe expected to receive more exact intelligence of the state of affairs inCochin. They were here received with great joy by the Portuguese factory;and even the rajah of Cananor came on board the generals ship in person, and gave him a distinct recital of what had happened at Cochin, and of thepresent situation of Triumpara. 

Alonso de Albuquerque lost no time in going to Cochin, where he arrived onthe night of Saturday the 2d of September 1503. Immediately on hisapproach, the troops of Calicut who guarded the entrenchments thrown up bythe zamorin, abandoned their posts in the island of Cochin and fled toCranganor, according to orders to that effect from the zamorin, who hadreceived notice of the arrival of our fleet at Cananor. On Sunday morningFrancisco came to anchor close to Cochin, when he was joyfully received bythe inhabitants, playing on various instruments of music, and was soonafterwards visited by the Portuguese factor, who brought him a messagefrom the rajah. On the Monday morning, leaving his ships in good order, Francisco took several boats well armed, and went to the island of Vaipito visit the rajah, ordering two caravels to follow for security, in caseof any of the Calicut paraws making their appearance. The rajah receivedour general with infinite satisfaction, greeting them with the exclamation, Portugal! Portugal! as soon as our boats were within hail; which wasanswered by our people shouting out, Cochin! Cochin! and down with thezamorin! On landing, the rajah embraced Francisco de Albuquerque withtears in his eyes, saying he only desired to live till restored to hisdominions, that his subjects might be satisfied of his just conduct insuffering so much for the service of the king of Portugal. In the name ofthat sovereign, Francisco gave hearty thanks to Triumpara for his fidelity, and promised him ample revenge on his enemies. And as his finances weremuch reduced, he made him a present of 10, 000 crowns from the chestbelonging to the expedition, to serve his present necessities, until hemight be again able to draw the rents of his own dominions. This gift wasexceedingly acceptable to the rajah, whose affairs were then at a very lowebb; and gave much satisfaction to the natives, who were by it greatlyreconciled to the protection which their rajah had given to our men. 

The rajah was immediately brought back in triumph to Cochin, amid thejoyful acclamations of his subjects, who henceforwards treated our menwith esteem and respect. The news of the rajahs return to Cochin, and ofthe money which had been given him by our general, was speedilycommunicated to the zamorin; who, in expectation of the renewal of the war, sent orders to his caymals or governors on the frontiers towards Cochin tomake every preparation for defence. On the very day on which the rajahreturned to Cochin, Francisco de Albuquerque resolved to commencehostilities by an attack on the island directly over against Cochin, wherehe found the inhabitants quite unprepared and off their guard, as they hadno idea of being so soon attacked: In this unprepared state, a greatnumber of the Calicut troops were slain, and several of the towns on theisland destroyed, after which the Portuguese returned to their shipswithout loss. Next day Francisco made a fresh assault on the same islandwith six hundred men, and was opposed by the caymal or governor for thezamorin, with a force of two thousand nayres, part of whom were spearmen, but the greater number armed with bows and arrows, and some with swordsand targets. After some resistance, but in which none of them were hurt, our people made good their landing, and galled the Indians so sore withtheir cross-bows, that they soon fled. The Portuguese pursued quite acrossthe island, and forced their enemies to continue their flight across thewater, leaving many of their men behind both killed and wounded. Havingnow no enemy to oppose them in the island, the Portuguese laid it entirelywaste, and burnt all the towns and villages it contained. 

Adjoining to this island there lay another, named _Charanaipin_[1], whichbelonged to a caymal who was subject to the rajah of Cochin, but hadrevolted to the zamorin at the commencement of the war. From some spiesemployed by the rajah of Cochin, it was understood that this caymal had aforce of three thousand nayres, seven hundred of whom were archers, andforty were, armed with matchlocks[2]; besides which all their towns werewell fortified with trenches. He had likewise several paraws provided withordnance, with which he was supplied by the zamorin, and these werestationed in one of the harbours of the island, to defend it against thePortuguese. Notwithstanding all these preparations, of which he was wellinformed, Francisco Albuquerque went against this island the day after hehad reduced the former, and commenced his attack against the harbour inwhich the paraws were stationed. The enemy were soon driven by ourordnance from their boats, yet many of them continued in the water up totheir girdles to resist the landing of our troops, annoying them as muchas possible with stones, spears, and arrows. They were at length drivenfrom the water by our ordnance, but rallied again on the shore, andbravely resisted our people in landing for a long time. They were atlength driven to take shelter in a grove of palm trees, in which theydefended themselves for a short space, and were at the last driven to seekfor safety in a disorderly flight, in which they were pursued by our men. In the pursuit, Pedro de Lares, who was constable to Francisco deAlbuquerque, being separated from the rest, was attacked by three nayresall at once. One of these let fly an arrow which hit Pedro on his breast-plate but without hurting him; on which Pedro levelled his piece and shothim dead. The second nayre he likewise slew by another shot. The thirdnayre wounded him in the leg with a weapon called a _gomya_, and thenendeavoured to run away, but Pedro killed him, with his sword. On theenemy being put to flight, Francisco divided his forces into three bodies, two of them Portuguese, and the third composed of nayres in the service ofthe rajah of Cochin, and marched all over the island plundering andburning the towns and villages without resistance. 

While thus employed, a considerable number of paraws arrived withreinforcements from Calicut, from which a powerful body of nayres landedin that part of the island where Duarte Pacheco happened to be posted witha very inferior force, and had assuredly destroyed him and his men, butthat Francisco de Albuquerque came very opportunely to his aid. Findinggreater resistance than he expected, and fearing lest the caymal mightattack him in the rear, while engaged in front with the nayres of Calicut, Francisco detached a part of his troops under Nicholas Coello, assisted byAntonio del Campo and Pedro de Tayde, to assault the residence of thecaymal, who was slain bravely fighting in its defence. At this place oneof our men was slain and eighteen wounded. In the mean time, Francisco deAlbuquerque and Duarte Pacheco defeated the reinforcements from Calicut, and forced them to take refuge on board their paraws, leaving many oftheir men slain and wounded on the shore. After this signal victory, bywhich the greater part of the three thousand nayres belonging to thecaymal and many of those from Calicut were slain, Francisco de Albuquerqueconferred the honour of knighthood on several of his officers who hadsignalized themselves on the occasion. He then wasted the whole islandwith fire and sword. 

Francisco determined in the next place, to attack the country of the lordof Repelim, for which purpose he departed with his troops by water fromCochin, and reached a town in that territory, four leagues from Cochin, about eight o'clock next morning. Near two thousand nayres, five hundredof whom were armed with bows and arrows, were stationed, on the beach ofthe isle of Repelim to repel this attack; but were soon forced by ourordnance to retire into a grove of palms, on which Francisco landed withhis troops, the van being led by Nicholas Coello. The enemy resisted forsome time under the shelter of the trees, and wounded some of our people;but were at length forced to take to flight, after losing a good many oftheir men, who were shot by our cross-bows and _calivers_[3]. Our troopsfollowed the nayres, who took refuge in the towns of the island, in whichmuch greater slaughter was made of the enemy than in the field, as theywere crowded together and more exposed to our shot. On taking possessionof the town, Francisco gave it up to be plundered by the nayres of Cochin, who assisted him on this expedition, that they might not consider theconduct of the Portuguese on this occasion proceeded from any inclinationfor plundering the country, but from a desire to revenge the injurieswhich had been done to their own rajah. 

On his return from this victory, Francisco was joyfully received by therajah of Cochin, who desired him to desist from any farther operationsagainst the enemy, as he considered himself sufficiently revenged. ButFrancisco requested his permission to continue the war, as he was stillunsatisfied till he had taken effectual vengeance on the zamorin, andaccounted it no trouble to fight in the service of the rajah. He seized, however, the present opportunity of the high favour in which he stood withthe rajah, to solicit permission for constructing a fort at Cochin, forthe protection of the Portuguese factory during the absence of the ships. This request was immediately complied with; the rajah even offered to beat the sole charge, and Francisco lost no time in proceeding to constructthe intended fort. As there were neither stones, lime, nor sand to beprocured, it was necessary to build the castle of timber; which the rajahordered to be immediately provided for the purpose, and brought to thespot appointed, which was close to the river side, as best adapted forresisting the assault of the Calicut fleet in any future attempt againstCochin. The rajah sent likewise a great number of his subjects to carry onthe work; saying that our people had already had enough to do in theoperations of the war: But Francisco commanded our people to work inconstructing the fortifications, the foundations of which were laid on the26th September 1503. The inhabitants of Cochin were astonished at thediligence with which our people laboured at this work, saying there wereno such men in the world, as they were equally good at all things. 

On the 30th September, four days after the commencement of the fort, Alonso de Albuquerque arrived with his ships at Cochin, having beendelayed on his voyage by severe storms and contrary winds, yet brought allhis men with him in excellent health. Francisco was much pleased at hisarrival; and a portion of the fort being allotted to those newly arrived, it was soon finished. Though built of timber, this castle was as strongand handsome, as if it had been constructed of stone and lime. It was of asquare form, each face being eighteen yards, with bulwarks or bastions ateach corner mounted with ordnance. The walls were made of two rows of palmtrees and other strong timber, firmly set in the ground, and boundtogether with iron hoops and large nails, the space between the two rowsof timber being rammed full of earth and sand, and the whole surrounded bya ditch always full of water[4]. The day after this fort was finished, which was named Manuel in honour of the king of Portugal, the captain-general with all his people made a solemn procession, in which the vicarof the fort bore the crucifix under a canopy carried by the captains ofthe fleet, preceded by trumpets and other instruments of music. The fortwas solemnly blessed, and consecrated by the celebration of mass; afterwhich friar Gaston preached a sermon, in which he exhorted his hearers tobe thankful to God, who had permitted the inhabitants of the small westernkingdom of Portugal to construct a fortress in this distant region, amongso many enemies of the Catholic faith. He expressed a hope that this mightbe the forerunner of many other establishments of a similar nature, to theadvancement of the true religion among the heathen, and the glory ofPortugal. He likewise desired his hearers to keep always in mind the highobligations they owed to the rajah for the good service he had rendered tothe king of Portugal on this occasion. A faithful report was carried tothe rajah of this part of the discourse, who was much gratified, and gavethanks for the same to the two generals. 

After completing the fort, the Portuguese renewed the war, and made anattack on two towns belonging to the lord of Repelim on the coast, aboutfive leagues from Cochin, having learned from spies that they were butslightly garrisoned. On this expedition the generals took a body of sevenhundred men, and departing from Cochin about two hours before day, theyarrived at their destination about nine o'clock next morning. These townshad a population of six thousand people, besides children, and were onlydefended by three hundred nayres, all bowmen. Alonso de Albuquerque withpart of the forces landed at the nearest town, and Francisco with theremainder of the forces at the other, which was only about a cannon-shotdistant from the former. In the first town the enemy was completelysurprised and run away, and the place was set on fire without resistance. On seeing the people run away, our men pursued and slew many of thefugitives, and when wearied of the pursuit they plundered and destroyedthe country. In the mean time the alarm was spread over the neighbourhood, and about 6000 nayres assembled, who made an attack upon our men as theywere embarking, so that they were in great danger: In particular, DuartePacheco, not being able to find his boat in the place where he had left it, was closely pursued; and though he and his company defended themselvesvaliantly, and killed many of the enemy, eight of his men were woundedwith arrows. So superior was the number of the enemy on this occasion, that Pacheco and his men had assuredly been all slain, if the rest of thetroops had not again landed to his rescue; on which the enemy lost heartand run away, leaving the field of battle strewed over with their slain. After the defeat of the nayres, our men set fire to fifteen paraws, whichwere drawn up on the beach, and carried away seven which were afloat. 

The lord of Repelim was much grieved at the destruction of his towns; andbeing afraid of our people making an attack on another about a leaguefarther up the river, he sent a strong detachment of his nayres for itssecurity. The generals, however, resolved to follow up their victory, andto do all the evil in their power to the territories of this lord. Forthis purpose, after allowing their men some time for rest, they departedabout midnight, while it was still so dark that they could not see eachother in the boats, expecting to come upon their enemies by surprise bydawn of next morning. The boats in which Alonso de Albuquerque and hisparty were embarked got considerably a-head of the rest, and arrived atthe town which it was intended to attack a good while before day. Weary ofwaiting for the rest, he landed his men, and gave orders to set the townon fire. At first they were successful in this rash enterprise, as theordinary inhabitants were a cowardly unarmed people. But the garrison ofabove two thousand nayres, having assembled on the alarm, attacked Alonsoand his men with great fury and forced them to retreat to their boats, after killing one man and wounding several others of the party, which onlyconsisted originally of forty men. Alonso and his soldiers would not havebeen able to make good their retreat, if the sailors who remained incharge of the boats had not fired off a falcon[5], or small piece ofordnance, on which the nayres gave over the pursuit. By this time daybroke, and Francisco de Albuquerque approached with the rest of the boats;and seeing the perilous situation of Alonso, he commanded the ordnance inthe boats to be played off against the enemy, on which they fled from theshore. At this time Pacheco, who was somewhat astern of the rest, observeda great number of armed nayres marching along a narrow passage toreinforce the others at the town; and brought his boat so near the pass, that he completely stopt their passage that way. The whole of our men werenow landed, and soon constrained the enemy to take flight withconsiderable loss; after which they set the town on fire, but did notthink it prudent to pursue the runaways, as they were not acquainted withthe country. 

After this exploit, Duarte Pacheco and Pedro de Tayde went with theirdivisions to destroy another town at some distance, in their way towardswhich they fought and defeated eighteen paraws belonging to the zamorin, and then set the town on fire. From thence they stood over to the islandof _Cambalan_, the caymal of which was an enemy of the Cochin rajah, wherethey destroyed a large town. From that place, Pacheco went with five armedparaws of Cochin to burn another town, where he met with considerableresistance, and slew a great number of the enemy, seven of his own peoplebeing wounded. After setting the town on fire, he retired towards Cochin, and was forced to fight with thirteen armed paraws of Calicut, which hedefeated with the assistance of Pedro de Tayde and Antonio del Campo, whofortunately joined him in this emergency. On their defeat, the Calientparaws retired into a creek, where one of them ran aground and was takenby Pacheco; but our men being worn out with hard rowing, were unable topursue the rest, and returned to Cochin. On receiving an account of thesetransactions, the rajah was much satisfied with the revenge which had beentaken of his enemies, and requested of our generals to discontinue the war, to which, however, they were by no means inclined. 

On account of the war, no pepper was brought from the country to sell atthe factory in Cochin, neither dared the merchants to go out in search ofthat commodity, insomuch that the factory had only been able to procure300 _bahars_[6], and the factor requested the generals to go in quest ofsome which was to be procured at a place about nine leagues from Cochin. For this purpose the two generals and all their captains set out fromCochin under night, that their intentions might not be discovered by theenemy. On the way Pacheco destroyed a whole island, in which he foughtagainst six thousand of the enemy with his own company only, and the twogenerals put thirty-four paraws to flight. After this Pacheco and delCampo destroyed a town on the continent, where they defeated two thousandnayres, many of whom were slain, without any loss on their side. Afterthis, the generals sent on the _tony_[7] for the pepper, which carriedsuch merchandize as was meant to be given in exchange; and for itsprotection Pacheco and three other captains accompanied it with twohundred men, and five hundred Cochin paraws[8]. In passing a narrow straitor river, our people were assailed from the banks by a vast number of thenatives armed with bows and arrows, but were defended by their targets, which were fixed on the gunwales of their boats. Leaving one of hiscaptains with fifty Portuguese t protect the tony, Pacheco with the othertwo captains and the troops belonging to the rajah, made towards the shore, firing off his falcons against the enemy, whom he forced to quit theshore with much loss; after which he landed with his troops, most of whomwere armed with hand-guns. The enemy, who were full two thousand strong, resisted for a quarter of an hour, but at length took to flight afterhaving many slain. Pacheco pursued them to a village, where the fugitivesrallied and were joined by many nayres, insomuch that they now amounted tosix thousand men, and our people were in great jeopardy, as the enemyendeavoured to surround them, and to intercept their return to the boats. But our men defended themselves manfully, and fought their way back to theshore, where the natives divided on each hand, being afraid of the shot ofthe falcons, which slew great numbers of them, and our men re-embarkedwithout having a single man killed or wounded. 

The zamorin was much displeased at the successes of our people against hisconfederates, and by the loss of many of his paraws in these severalactions, and was even afraid lest the Portuguese might eventuallydispossess him of his dominions. He used every exertion therefore toprevent us from procuring pepper, being in hopes, if our ships wereconstrained to return to Portugal without loading, that they would come nomore back to India. He used his influence therefore even with themerchants of Cochin to refuse supplying pepper to our ships, which theydid so effectually, under pretence of the war, that, in spite of theinfluence of the rajah, and notwithstanding high offers of reward fromFrancisco de Albuquerque, the factory had only been able to procure 1200quintals or 4000 bahars[9] of pepper; and even that was got with hardfighting, some hurt to our own men, and infinite loss of lives to theenemy. Unable to procure any more pepper in Cochin, Alonso de Albuquerquewent to Coulan in search of that commodity, accompanied by Pedro de Taydeand Antonio del Campo, knowing that the government of that state wasdesirous of having one of our factories established in their city, and hadsolicited both Pedro Alvares Cabral and the lord admiral De Gama to thateffect; and Alonso was determined to go to war with the people of Coulanunless they gave him loading for his ships. 

Coulan is twelve leagues from Cochin, and twenty-four from Cape Comorin. Before the building of Calicut, Coulan was the principal city of Malabar, and the port of greatest trade on that coast. Its buildings, moreespecially the temples and shrines of their idols, are larger and moresplendid than those of Cochin. The haven is excellent, the country is wellstored with provisions, and the condition of the people resembles in allthings what has been formerly said of the inhabitants of Calicut. Theinhabitants are idolatrous Malabars, having among them many rich Moorishmerchants, more especially since the war broke out between us and thezamorin, as many of these merchants had left Calicut to reside at Coulan. They trade with Coromandel, Ceylon, the Maldive islands, Bengal, Pegu, Camatia, and Malava. The rajah or king of this state rules over anextensive kingdom, in which there are many rich cities and several goodharbours; by which means he has a large revenue, and is able to maintain agreat military force, but the men are mostly of a low stature: Heentertains in his palace a guard of three hundred women, armed with bowsand arrows, who are very expert archers, and they bind up their breastsvery tight with bandages of silk and linen, that they may not stand in theway of using their bows. This rajah usually resides in a city named Calle, and is generally at war with the king of Narsinga[10]. 

In the city of Coulan, which is governed by certain officers or aldermen, there is a church which was built by the apostle St Thomas, who came hereto preach the Catholic faith, and made many converts both among theidolaters and others, who have handed down the Christian belief fromgeneration to generation, so that there are at least twelve thousandfamilies of Christians scattered abroad in the country, in which they havechurches in many places. The king who then ruled in Coulan, being muchdispleased at the numbers of his subjects who were converted toChristianity, banished St Thomas from his dominions, who then went to acity called Malapur or Meliapour, on the coast of the dominions ofNarsinga, and was followed by the Christians of Coulan, and even by manyof the idolaters. He is said to have retired into a solitude in themountains, where he died, and whence his body was removed for interment ina vault of the church he had built at Coulan. This church is now desertedand entirely overgrown with trees and bushes, and is kept by a poorMoorish zealot, who subsists on alms which he receives from Christianpilgrims, and even some of the idolaters give alms at this tomb. 

On the arrival of Alonso de Albuquerque at the harbour of Coulan, thegovernors of the city came on board to visit him, and settled a treatywith him, in which it was stipulated that we were to have a factory in thecity, and that they should provide a loading with all possible dispatchfor the three ship he had along with him. While one of his ships wastaking in a lading in the harbour, the other two always kept out at seawatching all ships that passed, and obliging every one they could descryto come and give an account of themselves to Albuquerque as captain-general under the king of Portugal. He offered no injury to any of these, unless to such as belonged to the Moors of the Red Sea, all of which thatfell in his way were first plundered and then burnt, in revenge for theinjuries they had done to the Portuguese. When the house for the factorywas finished, and the ships laden, Alonso left there Antonio de Sola asfactor, with two clerks, Rodrigo Aranso and Lopo Rabelo, an interpreternamed Medera, and two friars to serve as chaplains, together with otherassistants, being twenty in all; after which he returned to Cochin. 

About this time Francisco de Albuquerque received a message from_Cosebequin_, a friendly Moor of Calicut who has been formerly mentioned, giving him notice that the zamorin was determined to make another attackon Cochin so soon as the Portuguese fleet had departed for Europe, and tofortify it in such a manner as should prevent them from having any fartherintercourse with that country. With this view the zamorin had entered intotreaties with all the rajahs and leading nayres or nobles of Malabar, andit was even rumoured that those of Cananor and Coulan had secretly enteredinto terms with him against the Portuguese and the rajah of Cochin[11]. Hesaid farther that the Moorish merchants had promised large assistance forcarrying on the war, as they were exceedingly desirous to exclude theChristians from trading to India. About the same time a letter came fromRodrigo Reynel to the same effect, saying that the zamorin was levyingtroops, and had caused a great number of cannon to be prepared for the war:Reynel likewise said that the Moors of Cochin were decidedly in theinterest of the zamorin, and were therefore to be looked to with muchjealousy. The rajah likewise informed Albuquerque, that from certainbramins who had come from Calicut he was informed of the intentions andpreparations of the zamorin for reducing Cochin; and as he had littlereliance on his own subjects, he requested some Portuguese troops might beleft for his defence. Francisco gave the rajah assurance of protection, and even that the Portuguese would add to his dominions at a future period, in reward for his fidelity and friendship to their nation, and as acompensation for the injuries he had suffered in their cause. 

The rajah was much pleased with this assurance; and as Francisco found hecould have no more pepper at Cochin, he determined upon returning toPortugal, when he had appointed a fit person to remain as captain-generalin India. He found this matter difficult, as none of his captains werewilling to remain with the small force which he was able to leave behind. At length Duarte Pacheco willingly accepted the charge, and the rajah wasmuch pleased with his appointment, having already sufficient proof of hisvalour. Pacheco was accordingly left at Cochin with his own ship and twocaravels commanded by Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez, and a pinnace, withninety men in health besides others who were sick. [12] As much ordnanceand ammunition was likewise given him as could possibly be spared from thehomeward bound ships. All these things being settled, Francisco deAlbuquerque sailed for Cananor, where he proposed to endeavour to procurethe liberty of Rodrigo Reynel and the others who were at Calicut. But thezamorin sent him word that there was no necessity to take this person away, who was desirous of remaining in India; and if the captain-general wouldremain he should have the pepper which was promised. [13] At this timeAlonso de Albuquerque returned from Coulan, and joined Francisco atCananor; and a letter was brought from Rodrigo Reynel, giving informationthat the zamorin was certainly resolved to attempt the conquest of Cochin, as soon as the Portuguese ships should leave the coast; and that his onlyintention in making an offer of pepper was with a view to prevent themfrom burning the ships which were then in the harbour of Calicut. 

All matters being arranged, the Portuguese fleet sailed from Cananor onthe 31st of January 1504. Alonso de Albuquerque and Antonio del Campo cameto Lisbon on the 23d of August, and presented to the king 400 weight ofseed pearls, which are called _Alhofer or Ragges_, 144 pound weight ofgreat pearls, and eight of the oysters from which the pearls are procured. [14] He gave likewise to the king a diamond as big as a large bean, andmany other jewels; and two Persian horses of wonderful swiftness. Francisco de Albuquerque and Nicholas Coello, who left Cananor some timeafter Alonso, were cast away on the voyage and never more heard of. Pedrode Tayde was driven to Quiloa, where his ship was lost on the bar and mostof his men drowned. From Quiloa he went to Mozambique in a _zambucco_, where he afterwards died; but left a letter in which he gave a particularaccount of the state of affairs in India, which he ordered to be, delivered to the first captain who might put in there from Portugal[15]. 

 * * * * *

Antonio de Saldanna, the last of the three commanders who were sent tocruise in the north of the Red Sea, having lost Diego Fernandez Peteira, came to anchor at a place called St Thomas, on the east side of the Capeof Good Hope, which was made famous by the name of _Aquada del Saldanna_, or Saldannas watering-place, on account of his having lost several of hismen there in endeavouring to land. At this time Ruy Lorenzo was partedfrom him in a storm which drove him to Mozambique, whence he held on hiscourse for Quiloa, where he took some small prizes. Being ambitious todistinguish himself, he went to the island of Zanzibar, twenty leaguesshort of Mombasa, where he took twenty small vessels. After this heappeared before the town of Mombasa, the king of which place sent out anumber of armed almadias or paraws to take his ship: But Lorenzo armed hislong boat with a crew of thirty men, which took four of the almadias andkilled a great many of the Moors. The king sent an army of 4000 men to theshore under the command of his son, who was killed with some others at thefirst volley; on which one of the Moors ran out from the ranks with a flagof the Portuguese arms, craving a parley. Peace was soon concluded, bywhich the king agreed to pay 100 _meticals_ of gold yearly as a tribute tothe king of Portugal[16]. 

From Mombasa, Lorenzo sailed for Melinda, the king of which place was muchoppressed by him of Mombasa, on account of his connection with thePortuguese. On his way he took two ships and three small vessels called_zambuccos_, in which were twelve magistrates of Brava, who submittedtheir city to the king of Portugal, and engaged to give 500 meticals ofyearly tribute. On his arrival at Melinda, he found that a battle had beenfought between the kings of Melinda and Mombasa, in which neither couldclaim the victory. Antonio de Saldanna likewise arrived at Melinda aboutthis time, and by his mediation peace was restored between these princes. Saldanna and Lorenzo went thence to the mouth of the Red Sea, where theydefeated some Moors at the islands of _Kanakani_[17] beyond Cape Guardafu. On the upper coast of Arabia, they burnt one ship belonging to the Moorswhich was laden with frankincense, and they drove another on shore whichcarried a number of pilgrims for Mecca. 

[1] This seems to be the island named Chirapipil on a former occasion. --E. 

[2] Thus I understand the expression in Lichefilds translation of Castaneda, "Forty were armed with, shot. "--E. 

[3] Caliver is the old name of the matchlock or carabine, the precursor of the modern firelock or musket. --E. 

[4] A very ordinary precaution in India, to guard the passage of the wet ditch in fortified places, both against desertion and surprise, is by keeping numbers of crocodiles in the water. --E. 

[5] A falcon or faulcon is described as a small cannon of two pound shot. The following enumeration of the ancient English ordnance, from Sir William Monsons Naval Tracts, in the reigns of Elizabeth and James the First, is given in Churchills Collection, Vol. III. P. 803. I suspect the weight of the basilisk, marked 400 pounds in this list, may be a typographical error for 4000. --E. 

 Names. Bore. Weight. Shot. Powder. Random inches. Libs. Libs. Libs. Paces. Cannon-royal 8-1/2 8000 66 30 1930 Cannon 8 6000 60 27 2000 Cannon-serpentine 7 5500 53-1/2 25 2000 Bastard cannon 7 4500 41 20 1800 Demi-cannon 6-3/4 4000 30-1/2 18 1700 Cannon-petro 6 3000 24-1/2 14 1600 Culverin 5-1/2 4500 17-1/2 12 2500 Basilisk 5 400* 15 10 3000 Demi-culverin 4 3400 9-1/2 8 2500 Bastard culverin 4 3000 5 5-3/4 1700 Sacar 3-1/2 1400 5-1/2 5-1/2 1700 Minion 3-1/2 1000 4 4 1500 Faulcon 2-1/2 660 2 3-1/2 1500 Falconet 2 500 1-1/2 3 1500 Serpentine 1-1/2 400 3/4 1-1/2 1400 Rabanet 1 300 1/2 1/3 1000

[6] Two weights of that name are described as used in India for the sale of pepper and other commodities, the small and the large bahar; the former consisting of three, and the latter of four and a half peculs. The pecul is said to weigh 5 1/2 pounds avoirdupois: Consequently the smaller bahar is equal to 16 1/2, and the larger to 24 3/4 English pounds. A little farther on in the present work of Castaneda, 4000 bahars are said to equal 1200 quintals; which would make the bahar of Cochin equal to thirty Portuguese pounds. --E. 

[7] This is a species of bark of some burthen, then used on the Malabar coast. --E. 

[8] Such is the expression of Lichefild; which I suspect ought to have been 500 nayres of Cochin in paraws. --E. 

[9] The quantity in the text is probably exaggerated considerably, as only a few pages before, the factory at Cochin is said to have only been able to procure 300 quintals. --E. 

[10] In Astleys Collection, I. P. 55. Coulan or Koulan is said to have been governed at this time by a _queen_ or rana. By Narsinga Bisnagar is to be understood, which was one of the sovereignties into which the Decan or southern peninsula of India was then divided--E. 

[11] The western coast of India below the Gauts, is divided into three portions, the Concan in the north, after this the coast of Canara, and in the south, the country of Malabar, reaching from Mount Deli to Cape Comorin. At the present period, Malabar was divided into seven kingdoms or provinces: Cananor, Calicut, Cranganor, Cochin, Porka, Coulan, and Travancore; which last was subject to the kingdom of Narsinga or Bisnagar. Cananor, Calicut, and Coulan only were considered as independent rajahs, the others being less or more subjected to the authority of these three. --E. 

[12] According to Astley, his whole force consisted of 110 men. Vol. I. P. 65. 

[13] This story of Reynel and the pepper promised by the zamorin, is so confusedly told in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, as to be altogether unintelligible. --E. 

[14] In Astley the weight of the large pearls is reduced to 40 pounds. Even with that correction, the immense quantity of pearls in the text is quite incredible. There must be some error in the denomination, but which we are unable to correct. --E. 

[15] The remainder of this section is taken from Astley, I. 56, being there appended to the abridgement of the voyage of the Albuquerques. It is an isolated incident, having no apparent connection with the history in the text, yet seemed proper to be preserved in this place. --E. 

[16] Mombasa belonged to the Portuguese for near 200 years. In 1698 it was very easily taken by the Muskat Arabs, who put twenty Portuguese to the sword. --Astl. I. 56. A. 

[17] No islands of that name are to be found on our maps. The islands of Socotora, Abdul Kuria, and los dos Hermanas, are to the eastwards of Cape Guardafu: Chartan Martan, or the islands of Kuria Muria, are a considerable distance N. N. E. On the outer or oceanic coast of Yemen. --E. 

SECTION VIII. 

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India under Duarte Pacheco, from thedeparture of Alonso and Francisco de Albuquerque in January 1504, tillthe arrival of Lope Suarez de Menesis with succours in September of thatyear. _

After the departure of the Albuquerques from Cananor, Duarte Pacheco, whowas left with the command in India, remained there for some time to takein provisions, having along with him the caravel commanded by PedroRaphael, while the other ship of his small squadron, under the command ofDiego Perez, was repairing at Cochin. Pacheco anchored with his own shipoff the harbour of Cananor, and dispatched Raphael along the coast tooblige all ships which passed that way to come to Cananor inacknowledgment of Pacheco as captain-general in the Indies. Several werebrought in by Raphael, and were constrained to give a full account fromwhence they came, whither bound, and what they were laden with. In caseof their containing any pepper, more especially if bound for Calicut, heused to take that commodity from them; and carried his command with sohigh a hand, that he became the terror of these seas. One night whilethus at anchor, a fleet of twenty-five ships came suddenly to theanchoring-ground where he lay, which he suspected to have been sent fromCalicut on purpose to attack him. Considering himself in imminent danger, he immediately slipped his cables, not having time to weigh anchor, andmade sail to gain the windward of this fleet, upon which he directlycommenced firing. They were mostly small ships laden with rice, and madeoff with all the haste in their power, though some of them ran aground. One of the vessels of this fleet was a large ship belonging to the Moorsof Cananor, having nearly 400 men on board, who resisted for some time, shooting off their arrows, and even endeavoured to take our ship. Whenday was near at hand, and after having nine men slain in the action, theMoorish captain at length submitted, and told Pacheco that he belonged toCananor. 

After some time spent in this manner, Pacheco made sail for Cochin, andin the passage fell in with several ships belonging to the Moors, takingsome, and burning or sinking others. On landing at the fort of Cochin, helearnt from the factor that the reports of the zamorin makingpreparations for the renewal of the war, were perfectly true, and eventhat the Moorish inhabitants of Cochin were adverse to the rajah forhaving taken part with the Portuguese against the zamorin. Being informedlikewise that the Cochin rajah was in great fear of this new war, he wentnext day to visit him, carrying all his boats well manned, and fencedwith raised sides of boards to defend his men from the missile weapons ofthe enemy. They were likewise furnished with ordnance, and all decoratedwith flags and streamers in a gallant manner, hoping thereby to inspireconfidence in Trimumpara, who was much dejected at the small force whichhad been left for his defence. In a conference between them, the rajahsaid to Pacheco, that the Moors asserted he was left in the Indies forthe sole purpose of removing the merchandize belonging to the Portuguesein the factory at Cochin to Cananor and Coulan, and not to defend himagainst the power of the zamorin; which he was even disposed to thinkwere true, in consideration of the smallness of the fleet under hiscommand. Pacheco felt indignant at the suspicion which the rajahentertained, and endeavoured to convince him that he had been imposedupon by the Moors out of enmity to the Portuguese, assuring him that hewould faithfully exert himself in his defence. He pointed out to him thestrength of the natural defences of Cochin, which were all narrow, anddefensible therefore by a few valiant men against any number ofassailants. The rajah was greatly relieved by these assurances, andPacheco went to visit the different places by which the island of Cochinmight be assailed, all of which he diligently fortified, more especiallythe ford, which he strengthened with a row of stakes, both to prevent theenemy from wading across, and to hinder any of their vessels from passing. 

In the mean time he was informed by letter from Rodrigo Reynel, that aprincipal Moor in Cochin, in concert with several others, were contrivingto quit that city; and had been twice secretly at Calicut to confer withthe zamorin on this subject. Pacheco was a good deal concerned at thisintelligence, and proposed to the rajah to have this Moor executed forhis treasonable intercourse with the zamorin. But Trimumpara would by nomeans consent to this measure; saying that it would occasion a mutinyamong the Moors, by whom the city was furnished with provisions inexchange for goods, and be thought it were better to dissemble with themall. Pacheco then said that he would have a conference with the Moors, meaning to use policy with them, since the rajah did not approve ofviolent measures; and to this the rajah consented, giving orders to hisnaires to obey the orders of Pacheco. In pursuance of this plan, Pachecowent to the dwelling of this chief Moor, named _Belinamacar_, close bythe river, taking with him a guard of his own men well armed, andrequested that person to send for some other leading men among the Moors, whom he named, saying that he wished to consult with them on a subject ofgreat importance to them all. When they were all assembled, he made thema speech to the following effect. 

"I sent for you, honest merchants, that I might inform you for whatpurpose I remain in the Indies. It is reported by some, that I mean onlyto remove the factory and the goods belonging to the Portuguese to Coulanand Cananor: But my sole purpose is to defend Cochin against the zamorin, and even if necessary I will die in your defence. I am resolved to meethim in Cambalan, by which way it is said he means to invade you; and, ifhe has the boldness to meet me, I hope to make him prisoner and to carryhim with me into Portugal. I am informed that you intend to go away fromCochin, and to induce the rest of the inhabitants among whom you are thechiefs, to do the same; but I am astonished men of your wisdom shouldleave the country in which you were born, and where you have dwelt somany years, from fear of vain reports. Such conduct were even disgracefulfor women, and is therefore much more so for you who are men of wisdomand experience. If you should be disposed to remove from hence when youshall actually be in danger, I should hardly blame you: But to do sobefore that danger is apparent, and even before a single battle has beenfought, must proceed either from cowardice or treachery. You all wellknow, that only a very short while ago, a very small number of ourPortuguese defeated thousands of those same enemies who now threaten toinvade us. You may allege that we were then more in number than now, which was assuredly the case. But we then fought in the open field, wherenumbers were necessary; and we now propose only to fight in narrow passes, in which a small number will suffice as well as a multitude. You alreadyknow that I can fight, as it is I who have done the greatest injury tothe enemy in the late war, which the rajah can well vouch. As for me Ishall never yield, and I have more to lose, being overcome, than any ofyou. Put your trust therefore in me and my troops, and remain where youare till you see the event of our defence. Your sovereign remains in hisport, and wherefore should you go away? I and the Portuguese who are withme, remain in this far distant country to defend your king, and you whoare his natural born subjects: Should you then desert him and yourcountry, you would disgrace yourselves and dishonour me, by refusing torepose confidence in my promise to defend you against the zamorin and allhis power, were it even greater than it is. Wherefore, I strictly enjointhat none of you shall remove from Cochin, and I swear by all that isholy in our faith, that whoever is detected in the attempt shall beinstantly hanged. It is my determined purpose to remain here, and to havethe port strictly watched day and night that none of you may escape. Letevery one of you, therefore, look well to his conduct, and be assured, ifyou do as I require, you shall have me for your friend; but if otherwise, I shall be your mortal enemy, and shall use you worse even than thezamorin. "

The Moors endeavoured to clear themselves from what had been allegedagainst them, but Pacheco would not listen to their excuses, and departedfrom them in anger, and immediately brought his ship and one of thecaravels with two boats, which he anchored directly opposite the city ofCochin, with strict charges to let no one leave the city by water. Helikewise appointed a number of paraws to guard all the creeks and riversaround the city; and ordered every boat that could transport men or goodsto be brought every night under the guns of his ships, and returned totheir owners in the morning. In consequence of all these precautions, thepeople of Cochin were so much afraid of him, that not one of the Moors orMalabars dared to leave the city without his permission, andhenceforwards continued quiet. Notwithstanding all these cares, Pachecoused to make nightly invasions into the island of Repelim, where he burntthe towns, slew the inhabitants, and carried away much cattle and manyparaws; on which account the Moors of Cochin, astonished that he couldendure so much fatigue, gave out that he was the devil. 

Mean time the zamorin collected his forces in the island of Repelim, where he was joined by the lords of Tanor, Bespur, Kotugan, Korin, andmany other Malabar chiefs, making altogether an army of 50, 000 men. Fourthousand of these were appointed to serve by water, in 280 vessels, called _paraws_, _katurs_, and _tonys_; with 382 pieces of cannonintended to batter the Portuguese fort at Cochin; and the rest of thetroops were appointed to force a passage across the ford of the river, under the command of Naubea Daring, nephew and heir to the zamorin, andElankol, the lord of Repelim[1]. 

Intelligence of all this was conveyed to Cochin, and that the zamorinproposed to invade that city by the straits of Cambalan. Rodrigo Reynel, who sent this intelligence by letter, lay then very sick and died soonafter, on which the zamorin caused all his goods to be seized. On theapproach of the zamorin, the Moors of Cochin would very willingly haveinduced the inhabitants to run away, but durst not venture to do so fromthe fear they were in of Pacheco. He, on the contrary, that all mightknow how little he esteemed the zamorin and all his power, made a descentone night on one of the towns of Repelim, to which he set fire. But onthe coming up of a great number of armed naires, he was forced to retreatin great danger to his boats, having five of his men wounded, afterkilling and wounding a great number of the enemy. On their return toCochin, the targets of our men were all stuck full of arrows, so greatwas the multitude of the enemies who had assailed them. The rajah came tovisit Pacheco at the castle on his return from this enterprize, andexpressed his satisfaction at his success, which he considered as amighty affair, especially as the zamorin and so great an army was in theisland. Pacheco made light of the zamorin and all his force, saying thathe anxiously wished he would come and give battle, as he was not at allafraid of the consequences, trusting to the superior valour of his ownmen. 

As the people of Cochin remained quiet, Pacheco now prepared fordefending the pass of Cambalan. Leaving therefore a sufficient force toguard the castle, and twenty-five men in the caravel under the command ofDiego Pereira to protect the city and watch the conduct of the Moors, taking with himself seventy-three men in one of the caravels and severalarmed boats, he departed for Cambalan on Friday the 16th of April 1504[2]. On passing the city, Pacheco landed to speak with the rajah, whom hefound in evident anxiety; but making as if he did not observe hisheaviness, Pacheco addressed him with a cheerful countenance, saying thathe was just setting out to defend him against the zamorin, of whom he hadno fear of giving a good account. After some conference, the rajahordered 500 of his naires, out of 3000 who were in his service, to joinPacheco, under the command of _Gandagora_ and _Frangera_ the overseers ofhis household, and the caymal of _Palurta_, whom he directed to obeyPacheco in all things as if he were himself present. On taking leave ofPacheco, while he exhorted him to use his utmost efforts for defendingCochin against the zamorin, he desired him to be careful of his ownsafety, on which so much depended. 

Pacheco arrived at the passage of Cambalan two hours before day, andseeing no appearance of the zamorins approach, he made an attack on atown on the coast of the island about the dawn, which was defended by 300naires, all archers, and a small number armed with calivers, ormatch-locks, all of whom were embarked in certain paraws, and endeavouredto defend the entrance of the harbour. They were soon constrained by thecannon of the Portuguese to push for the shore and quit their paraws, butresisted all attempts of the Portuguese to land for near an hour, whenthey were completely defeated after losing a great many of their number, killed or wounded, and our men set the town on fire. Having taken aconsiderable number of cattle at this place, which he carried off with him, Pacheco returned to defend the pass of Cambalan. At this time the zamorinsent a message to Pacheco, offering him a handsome present, and proposinga treaty for a peace between them: but Pacheco refused accepting thepresent, and declared he would never make peace with him while hecontinued at enmity with the rajah of Cochin. Next day, the zamorin sent asecond message, proudly challenging him for daring to obstruct his passageinto the island of Cochin, and offering him battle, declaring hisresolution to make him a prisoner, if he were not slain in the battle. Tothis Pacheco made answer, that he hoped to do the same thing with thezamorin, in honour of the day which was a solemn festival among theChristians, and that the zamorin was much deceived by his sorcerers whenthey promised him the victory on such a day. Then one of the naires whoaccompanied the messenger, said smiling as if in contempt, that he had fewmen to perform so great an exploit; whereas the forces of the zamorincovered both the land and the water, and could not possibly be overcome bysuch a handful. Pacheco ordered this man to be well bastinadoed for hisinsolence, and bid him desire the zamorin to revenge his quarrel if hecould. 

That same evening, the rajah of Cochin sent a farther reinforcement toPacheco of 500 naires, of whom he made no account, neither of these whowere with him before, believing they would all run away; his solereliance, under God, was on his own men, who feasted themselves thatnight, that the zamorin might learn how much they despised all histhreats, and how eager they were for battle. Early next morning, Pachecomade a short speech to his men, exhorting them, to behave valiantly forthe glory of the Christian name and the honour of their country, andpromising them an assured victory with the assistance of God; by whichtheir fame would be so established among the natives that they would befeared and respected ever after. He likewise set before them the rewardsthey might assuredly expect from their own sovereign, if they behavedgallantly on the present occasion. His men immediately answered him thatthey hoped in the ensuing battle to evince how well they remembered hisexhortations. They all then knelt down and sung the _salve regina_, andafterwards an _Ave Maria_, with a loud voice. Just at this time, LaurençoMoreno joined Pacheco with four of his men armed with calivers, who wereall anxious to be present in the battle, and of whose arrival the generalwas extremely glad, as he knew them to be valiant soldiers. 

In the course of the night, by the advice of the Italian lapidaries whohad deserted to the enemy, the zamorin caused a sconce or battery to beerected directly over against the place where Pacheco was stationed, onwhich five pieces of ordnance were placed, from which great service wasexpected in the ensuing battle, owing to the narrowness of the pass. Onthe morning of Palm Sunday, the zamorin marched forwards with 47, 000 men, partly naires and part Moors, and accompanied by all the rajahs andcaymals who had joined him in this war. Of these, the rajah of _Tanor_had 4000 naires; the rajahs of _Bybur_ and _Curran_, whose countries laynear the mountains of Narsinga, had 12, 000 naires; the rajah of_Cotogataco_, which is between Cochin and Cananor close beside themountains, had 18, 000 naires; the rajah of _Curia_, which is betweenPaniani and Cranganor, had 3000 naires. Naubea Daring, the prince ofCalicut, and his brother Namboa, who were particularly attached to thatpart of the army composed of the zamorins immediate subjects, had a largebody of men whose numbers I do not particularize. Their warlikeinstruments were many and of divers sorts, and made a noise as if heavenand earth were coming together. 

Before day, the van of this prodigious army arrived at the sconce of theItalians, and began immediately to play off their ordnance against thecaravel, which was so near that it was an absolute miracle that not asingle shot did any harm. But our cannon were better served, and everyshot did execution among the enemy: and so well did they ply their guns, that before sunrise above thirty discharges were made from our caravel. At day-break, the whole of the enemies fleet, consisting of 169 barks, came out of the rivers of the island of Repelim to attack our small force. Sixty-six of these were paraws, having their sides defended with bags ofcotton by advice of the Italians, to ward off our shot; and each of thesehad twenty-five men and two pieces of ordnance, five of the men in eachparaw being armed with calivers or matchlocks. Twenty of the foysts orlarge barks were chained together, as a floating battery to assault thecaravel; besides which, there were fifty-three _catures_ and thirty largebarks, each of which carried sixteen men and one piece of ordnance, besides other weapons. Besides all these armed vessels, there were agreat many more filled with soldiers, so that the whole river seemedentirely covered over. Of this numerous fleet, which contained near 10, 000 men, Naubea Daring was admiral or commander in chief, and the lord ofRepelim vice-admiral. All these advanced against the Portuguese, settingup terrible shouts, which was answered alternately by sounding all theirmilitary instruments of music. The whole of these people were almostnaked, having targets of various colours, and made a very gallantappearance. On the approach of this prodigious fleet, our caravel andboats were hardly discernible, so completely did the enemy cover the faceof the water. Terrified by so prodigious a multitude, the naires ofCochin all ran away, only Grandagora and Frangora remaining, who were onboard the caravel, or they would have done like the rest. Indeed theirpresence was of no importance, except to serve as witnesses of the valourof our men. 

Our people plied their ordnance and small arms so incessantly that theair was quite darkened with smoke, and as the boats of the enemy werevery numerous and without order, they hindered each other, and our firedid prodigious execution among them, several of their paraws being tornto pieces and great numbers of their men killed and wounded, without anyhurt on our side. The twenty-five paraws[3] which were chained togetherwere now brought forwards, and gave much annoyance to our men, who werenow likewise much fatigued, as the battle had continued a long time. Thecaptain-general gave orders to fire off a _saker_, [4] which had not been, hitherto used during the battle. By the time this had been twice fired, it did such terrible execution among the thick of the enemy as to sinkfour of their paraws, and all the others made the best of their way outof the battle, eighteen of the paraws being sunk in all, and vast numbersof the enemy slain and wounded. On the defeat of this squadron, which wascommanded by Prince Naubea Daring, Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who wasvice-admiral, came forward with a fresh squadron, and gave a proud onset, commanding his paraws to lay the caravel on board; but the Malabars hadnot resolution to put this order into execution, and held off at somedistance. The zamorin also approached with the land army, doing hisutmost to force the passage of the ford; but all their efforts were invain, although this second battle was more fiercely urged than the first. Though the battle continued from daybreak to almost sunset, the enemywere able to make no impression, and were known to have lost 350 menslain outright, besides others, which were above 1000. [5] Some of our menwere wounded, but none slain; for the balls of the enemy, though of castiron, had no more effect than as many stones thrown by hand. Yet ourbarricades of defence were all torn to pieces, and one of our boats wasvery much damaged, which was entirely repaired during the night. 

The rajahs and other chiefs who were allied with the zamorin, lost allhope of ever being able to get the victory over the Portuguese, and weresorry for having joined in the war so greatly to their own dishonour. Being afraid the captain-general might burn and destroy their towns andhouses, which were all situated on the banks of rivers, they were anxiousto leave the army of the zamorin, and to give over making war on thePortuguese. Some among them withdrew privately from the camp of thezamorin to the island of Vaipi with all their men, and reconciledthemselves with the rajah of Cochin: These were _Maraguta, Muta_ Caymal, his brother and cousins. The zamorin was exceedingly mortified by thediscomfiture of his people, and severely reprimanded his chiefs for theirpusillanimous conduct, in allowing themselves to be defeated by such ahandful of men. The two Italian deserters, while they acknowledged thevalour of the Portuguese in the late action, represented that it would beimpossible for them to continue to bear up long against such vast oddswithout reinforcements, and recommended the frequent reiteration ofassaults, under which they must necessarily be at last overthrown. Allthose rajahs and chiefs who were for continuing the war, joined inopinion with the Italians. The zamorin made a speech, in which herecapitulated the defeats they had sustained and the defection of some ofhis allies, who had entered into treaty with the rajah of Cochin. Hestated how short a period of the summer now remained for continuing theoperations of the war, which must soon be laid aside during the stormsand rain of the winter season, when it was impossible to keep the field;and that, on the conclusion of winter, a new fleet would come fromPortugal with powerful reinforcements to the enemy, who would then beable to carry the war as formerly into his dominions, to their utter lossand destruction. He concluded by giving his opinion that it was necessaryfor him to make peace with the Christians. Naubea Daring, the prince ofCalicut, made a long speech, in which he defended the Portuguese againstthe imputation thrown upon them by the Moors of their being thieves andpirates. He recapitulated all their conduct since their first arrival inIndia, showing that they had always conducted themselves with good faith, whereas they had been forced into war against Calicut by treachery andoppression. He concluded by strongly recommending to negotiate peace withthe Christians, as otherwise the city and trade of Calicut would beutterly destroyed, to the irreparable injury of the zamorins revenue, which was of more importance to him than the friendship of the Moors, whose only object was their own profit. The zamorin was greatly moved bythis discourse, and recommended to the other chiefs that they shouldconcur with the prince, in procuring the establishment of peace. Thisopinion was by no means relished by Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who hadconfederated with the Moors to urge a continuance of the war, andendeavoured to impress upon the zamorin that his reputation would bedestroyed by proposing peace at this time, which would be imputed to himas an act of cowardice. The principal Moors, likewise, who were presentin the council used all their art and influence to induce the zamorin topersevere; and it was at length determined to continue the war. 

One _Cogeal_, a Moor of Repelim who had been a great traveller, and hadseen many warlike devices, proposed a new invention for attacking thecaravels at the ford, which was considered to be perfectly irresistible. Cogeal directed a floating castle to be built of timber on two boats orlighters, which were firmly secured by two beams at their heads andsterns. Over this the castle or square tower was strongly built of beamsjoined together by bars of iron and large nails, carried up to the heightof a lance or spear, and so large that it was able to contain forty menwith several pieces of ordnance. It was proposed that this castle shouldbe brought Up to grapple with the caravels, by which the Portuguese mightbe attacked on equal terms. On seeing this machine, the zamorin liberallyrewarded Cogeal for his ingenuity, and gave orders to have other sevenconstructed of the same kind. By means of his spies, Pacheco got noticeof the construction of these floating castles, and likewise that theenemy were preparing certain fireworks to set the caravels on fire[6]. Tokeep off the fireships and floating castles, he constructed a species ofrafts, made of masts or spars eight fathoms long, and bound together withiron bolts and hoops. Several of these, which were likewise eight fathomsbroad, were moored with anchors and cables, at the distance of a stonesthrow from the caravels. Likewise, to prevent the caravels from beingoverlooked by the floating castles, one Peter Raphael built certainturrets on the decks of the caravels of spars set upright, in each ofwhich seven or eight men had room to handle their arms. At this time therajah of Cochin visited Pacheco, whom he earnestly exhorted to providewell for defence against the zamorin; as he was well assured his ownsubjects would desert him, if Pacheco were defeated. Pacheco upbraidedTrimumpara for his tears, desiring him to call in mind the victorieswhich the Portuguese had already gained over the enemy; and requested ofhim to return to his capital showing himself confident among his people, and to rest assured that he and the Portuguese would keep the passagainst every force the zamorin might bring against it. 

In expectation of an immediate attack, Lorenco Moreno returned to thecaravels with as many of his people as could be spared from the factory. Pacheco made all his people take rest early in the night, that they mightbe able for the expected fatigues of the ensuing day, on which he hadintelligence that the grand attack was to be made. About midnight, hissmall force was summoned under arms; when, after confession andabsolution, he made a speech to his men, exhorting them to behavethemselves manfully in the approaching conflict. They all answered, thatthey were resolved to conquer or die. About two in the morning, some ofthe most advanced vessels belonging to the Calicut fleet began to fireoff their ordnance, as they approached towards the pass. The zamorin washimself along with the land army, which exceeded 30, 000 men, accompaniedwith many field pieces. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who commanded thevanguard, advanced to the point of _Arraul_, which in some measurecommanded the ford, at which place he began to throw up some ramparts ordefences of earth. Pacheco landed secretly at the point with a detachmentof his troops, on purpose to prevent the enemy from throwing upentrenchments, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which many of the enemywere slain. On the appearance of day, Pacheco retired to his boats, though with no small difficulty, owing to the vast numbers of the enemywho thronged around; yet got off with all his people unhurt, havingeffectually hindered the proposed intrenchments. 

The land army of the enemy now brought their ordnance to the point, wherethey began a furious cannonade upon; the caravels, yet without doing usany harm, as our people were all effectually secured by means of highwooden defences on the gunwales of their vessels; whereas every shot ofours made prodigious havoc among the enemy, who were quite unsheltered. The zamorin sent orders to his fleet to come on with all expedition, todeliver him and his men from this imminent danger. The Calicut fleet nowapproached in most formidable order, having several fire rafts in front, intended for setting our caravels on fire. After them came 110 paraws, full of men, and every one of them having ordnance, many of these beingfastened together by means of chains. After these came 100 _catures_ andeighty _tonys_, each of which had a piece of ordnance and thirty men. Inthe rear of all came the eight castles, which kept close by the point of_Arraul_, as the _ebb was not yet altogether entered_. [7] The enemy cameon with loud shouts and the sound of many instruments, as if to anassured victory, and immediately began a furious cannonade. Their firerafts advanced burning in a most alarming manner, but were stopped by the_canizos_, or rafts of defence, formerly mentioned. By these likewise, the paraws and other vessels of the enemy were prevented from closingwith our caravels and boats, which they seem to have intended. In thispart of the battle many of the paraws and other vessels of the enemy weretorn to pieces and sunk, and a great number of their men were killed andwounded. On the turn of the tide, the floating castles put off from thepoint, and were towed by boats towards the caravels. In the largest ofthese castles there were forty men, in others thirty-five, and thesmallest had thirty, all armed with bows or matchlocks, besides ordnance;and they seemed quite an irresistible force in comparison of ours, whichconsisted only of two caravels and two armed boats. 

When the largest castle came up to our floating defence, it immediatelycommenced a tremendous fire of all its ordnance upon our caravels; and atthis time Pacheco ordered a _saker_ to be shot off, which seemed to dovery little harm even at a second discharge. The remainder of the castlesnow came into their stations, and the battle raged with the utmost fury. What with incessant flights of arrows, and the smoke of so many guns, ourpeople could seldom see the vessels of the enemy. In this extremity, thesaker was discharged a third time against the largest castle, which hadbeen somewhat shaken by the two former discharges. By this shot its ironwork was broken, some of its beams were forced from their places, andseveral of the men on board were slain. By two other discharges of thesaker this castle was all torn in pieces, and was forced to retire out ofthe battle. Still however the rest of the castles, and the numerous fleetof small craft kept up the fight. Towards evening all the castles weremuch injured, many of the paraws were sunk and torn in pieces, and greatnumbers of the enemy slain; so that at length they were constrained toretire. On our side not one man was even wounded: One only ball wentthrough the caravel in which Pacheco commanded, and passed among many ofhis men without doing any hurt. On the enemy retiring, Pacheco gave chasein the two boats and some paraws; and the caravels kept up a constantfire upon point _Arraul_, whence they forced the zamorin and the landarmy to retire, after having 330 of his men slain. After this greatvictory, the inhabitants of Cochin became quite reassured, and were nolonger in dread of the power of the zamorin. Trimumpara came to visitPacheco, whom he embraced, and congratulated on his great prowess: Manyof the principal naires of Cochin went to compliment him; and evennumbers of the Moorish merchants brought him rich presents, hoping tosecure his favour. 

The zamorin was greatly disheartened by the overthrow of all his mightypreparations, and losing all hope of victory wished seriously to end thewar. In a council of his allies and great men, they represented the greatlosses they had already endured in the war with the Portuguese, andproposed to treat with them for peace. His brother Naubea Daring, who hadalways been averse to the war, seemed to believe that Pacheco wouldrefuse any treaty, and advised rather to defer making an offer of peacetill the arrival of the next captain-general from Portugal. This princewas likewise of opinion that the Calicut army should still keep the fieldtill the coming on of the rainy season made it advisable to retire; as itwould look like flight to retreat at this time. Yet he recommended thatno more attacks should be made on the pass, in which attempts they hadalready met with so much loss. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, urged thecontinuance of the war, and to make reiterated assaults on the Christians, which must be at last successful; by which means all the Portuguese thatwere in Cochin, Cananor, and Coulan would be destroyed. He advisedlikewise, to send false intelligence to these places, saying that theyhad taken our caravels and slain all our men; on which news the people ofCananor and Coulan would put the people in our factories to death. Thiswas accordingly done; but as the inhabitants of these places had alreadyreceived notice of the real state of affairs, they gave no credit to thisfalse story. Yet, owing to the malice of the Moors who dwelt in theseplaces, our men were in great danger and durst not come out of theirfactories, and one of our men was slain in Coulan. 

By the persuasion of Elankol and the Moors, the zamorin reluctantlyconsented to try the event of another battle: And, the castles beingrepaired, a fresh assault was made both by land and water, with many moremen and vessels than before. This battle continued longer than the other, and the enemy was overthrown with far greater loss than they had everreceived before. In consequence of this new victory, the inhabitants ofCochin became quite confident in their security from the power of theirenemies; and the rajah, who had hitherto been in much dread of the event, became quite elated. He now came to visit Pacheco in a chair of state, with far more splendour than he had ever assumed since the commencementof the war. When this was told in the enemies camp, the chiefs urged thezamorin to a fresh attack, lest the rajah of Cochin might hold him incontempt. He desired them to cease their evil counsels, from which he hadalready sustained great loss, and which would still lead him into greaterdanger; but to leave him to consider what was best to be done for revengeagainst his enemies. 

The zamorin gave orders to some of his naires in whom he reposed greatconfidence, that they should go to Cochin on some false pretence, andendeavour to assassinate the general of the Portuguese and such of hismen as they could meet with. But the naires are an inconsiderate peopleunable to keep any of their affairs secret, so that this shameful devicebecame immediately known to Pacheco, who appointed two companies of theCochin naires to keep strict watch for these _spies_; one company at theford, and the other along the river, waiting by turns day and night. Bythis means these _spies_ were detected and made prisoners. The chief_spy_ was a naire of Cochin, of the family or stock of the _Lecros_ whohad certain other naires attending upon him, who were strangers. On beingbrought before him, he ordered them to be all cruelly whipt and then tobe hanged. The Cochin naires remonstrated against this punishment, because they were naires whose customs did not allow of this mode ofexecution; but he would not listen to their arguments, saying that theirtreachery richly merited to be so punished. The Portuguese officersrepresented to him the great troubles which the _rajah_ of Cochin hadendured for giving protection to their nation, and how much this actionmight displease him, when he was informed of naires having been put todeath in his dominions without his authority. Besides, that this mightgive occasion to some of those about the rajah, who were known to bealready unfriendly to the Portuguese, to insinuate that the captain-general had usurped the authority from the rajah, and might in that waywean his affections from them. Pacheco was convinced by these argumentsthat he had acted wrong, and immediately sent to countermand theexecution. Two of them were already _half-dead_; but _those who werestill living_, he sent to the rajah, informing him that they had deserveddeath, but that from respect to him he had spared their lives. The rajahwas singularly gratified by this mark of respect, and the more so becausethere happened to be then present several of his principal nobles andsome chiefs from other places, besides sundry of the chief of the Moorsof Cochin, who had endeavoured to impress on his mind that the Portuguesewere willing to assume the command in his dominions[8]. HenceforwardsPacheco had such good intelligence, that all the subtle devices of thezamorin were counteracted. 

The month of June was now ended and the rainy season, or winter, began tocome on, from which Pacheco naturally concluded that the zomorin wouldsoon break up his encampment, on which occasion he was fully resolved togive them an assault, having sufficient experience of the pusillanimityof the enemy. But the zamorin, being afraid that Pacheco might attack himat his departure, gave out that he intended to make another assault onthe ford with a greater fleet than ever, and even directed the floatingcastles to be repaired. He even gave out that he meant to assail thepassage of _Palurte_ and the ford both at once; that Pacheco might occupyhimself in preparing to defend both places, and he might have the betteropportunity to steal away unperceived. Accordingly, on the evening ofSaturday, which was the eve of St John[9], the whole army of the enemyappeared as usual, and Pacheco fully expected to have been attacked thatnight. Next morning, however, he learnt from two bramins that the zamorinhad withdrawn with all his army into the island of Repelim. Pacheco wasmuch disappointed at this news, yet he made a descent that very day intoRepelim, where he fought with many of the enemy, killing and wounding agreat number of them, and then returned to the ford, where he remainedseveral days, because the rajah was still afraid lest the zamorin mightreturn and get across the ford into the island of Cochin. 

The zamorin was so crest-fallen by the great and repeated losses he hadsustained in this war from a mere handful of men, that he resolved toretire into religions seclusion, that he might conciliate the favour ofhis gods, and dismissed his allies and chiefs to act as they thought best. His princes and nobles endeavoured to dissuade him from this resolution, but he continued firm to his purpose, and went into the _torcul_ orreligious state of seclusion, accompanied by some of his chief bramins orchaplains. Soon afterwards, his mother sent him word that great changeshad taken place in Calicut since his seclusion. That many of themerchants had already deserted the place, and others were preparing tofollow. That the city was becoming ill provided with victuals, as thosewho used to import them were afraid of the Christians. Yet she advisedhim never to return to Calicut, unless he could do so with honour; andthat he should therefore continue in seclusion for a time, and afterwardsendeavour to recover his credit and reputation by victory, or lose all inthe attempt. On this message which greatly increased his discontent, thezamorin sent for his brother, to whom he confided the government of hisdominions till such time as he should have completed his religiousausterities in seclusion. 

On this strange resolution of the zamorin, the rajahs and nobles who hadjoined him in the war departed to their own countries, most of which layon the coast. And being under great apprehensions that Pacheco mightreduce their dominions, they endeavoured to enter into treaties with himfor peace and concord; for which purpose they sent messages to Trimumpara, requesting that he would act as mediator between them and Pacheco. Therajah of Cochin was a prince of a mild and forgiving disposition; andforgetting all the past injuries they had done him in these wars, heundertook the office of mediation, and sent them safe conducts to come toCochin to make their peace. On their arrival, he accompanied them to waitupon Pacheco, and even became their advocate with him to accept of theirproferred friendship, which he readily consented to at the desire of therajah. Some of these princes were unable to come personally, but senttheir ambassadors to solicit peace, which was accorded to all who askedit. Several even of the great Moorish merchants of Calicut, that theymight quietly enjoy their trade, forsook that place and came to dwell inCochin, having previously secured the consent of Pacheco. Others of themwent to Cananor and Coulan, by which means the great trade which used tobe carried on at Calicut suddenly fell off. 

Owing to the great resort of Moors to Cochin, in whom Pacheco could notrepose much confidence, and because, by the orders of Naubea Daring, theparaws of Calicut frequently made excursions into the rivers, the captain-general continued for a long while to defend the passage of the ford, where he often fought with and did much injury to his enemies. He madefrequent incursions, likewise, into the island of Repelim, whence hecarried off cattle and other provisions, and often fought with hisenemies, always defeating them with much slaughter[10]. At length Elankol, the lord of that island, wishing to put an end to the miseries of hiscountry, waited on Pacheco and entered into a treaty of friendship withhim, making him a present of a great quantity of pepper, which wasabundant in his country[11]. 

[1] This paragraph, enumerating the forces of the zamorin, is added to the text of Castaneda from Astley, Vol. I. P. 56. 

[2] The particular distribution of the force under Pacheco at this time is thus enumerated in Astleys Collection: In the fort thirty-nine men; in the ship left to defend Cochin twenty-five; in the caravel which accompanied him in the expedition to Cambalan twenty-six; into one boat twenty-three; and in the boat along with himself twenty-two; making his whole effective force 135 men; seventy-one only of which went along with him to defend the pass. --Astl. I. 56. 

[3] A very short space before these are only stated as twenty; but the numbers and names in the text seem much corrupted. --E. 

[4] In a former note we have given a list of the names and circumstances of the English ordnance near this period. In that list the saker is described as a light cannon of only 5-1/2 pound ball, now looked upon as one of very small importance; we may therefore conclude that the other cannon used on the present occasion could hardly exceed _falcouns_, or two-pounders. --E. 

[5] Such is the unintelligible expression in Lichefilds translation. In the account of this war compiled by the editor of Astleys Collection from the Portuguese historians, the enemy are said to have lost in the former part of this battle, twenty paraws sunk, 180 persons of note, and above 1000 common men; while in the second attack, nineteen paraws were sunk, sixty-two fled, and 360 men were slain. In this account, a third naval engagement is mentioned, in which sixty-two paraws were sunk, and sixty fled; after which 15, 000 men were defeated by land, and four towns were burnt by Pacheco. --Astl. I. 56. 

[6] Castaneda tells a long ridiculous story at this place, of a ceremonial defiance of the zamorin, not worth inserting. In Astley, I. 56. We are told that the Moors of Cochin were detected about this time communicating intelligence to the enemy, and that Trimumpara allowed Pacheco to punish them. On which he put five of their chief men into strict confinement, giving out that they were hanged; which gave much offence to the rajah and his people. --E. 

[7] Such are the words of Lichefild; which, perhaps may have been intended to imply that there was not yet sufficient depth of water to allow of their approach to the caravels; or it may mean that they waited for the tide of ebb, to carry them towards the Portuguese caravels, being too cumbrous for management by means of oars. --E. 

[8] This seems the same story which has been already mentioned in a former note, from Astleys Collection; but which is there related as having taken place with _Moors_. --E. 

[9] The nativity of St John the Baptist is the 24th June; the eve therefore is the 23d, yet Castaneda has already said that June was ended. --E. 

[10] About this time, in consequence of a message from the Portuguese factor at Coulan, stating that the Moors obstructed the market for pepper, Pacheco went to that place, where he made five Moorish ships submit, and settled the pepper market on fair terms, yet without doing them any harm. --Astl. I. 57. 

[11] According to Astley, the zamorin lost 18, 000 men in this war in five months, and desired peace, which was granted by the rajah of Cochin. -- Astl. I. 57. Yet this could hardly be the case, as the first operation of the new commander-in-chief in India was to cannonade Calicut. --E. 

SECTION IX. 

_The Voyage of Lope Suarez de Menesis to India, in 1504; being the sixthof the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies. _

Learning the necessity of sending powerful succours to protect thePortuguese trade from the hostilities of the zamorin, the king ofPortugal fitted out a fleet of twelve[1] large ships in 1504, of whichthe command was given to Lope Suarez de Menesis, who had been captain ofthe _Mina_ on the coast of Guinea in the reign of John II. The captainsof these ships were, Pedro de Mendoza, Lionel Cotinho, Tristan de laSilva, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, Lope de Abreu, Philip de Castro, Alonso Lopez de Castro, Alonzo Lopez de la Cocta, Pero Alonzo de Aguilar, Vasco de la Silvero, Vasco Carvallo, and Pedro Dynez de Sutunell: All ofwhom were gentlemen by birth or service. Having embarked many valiantsoldiers, the whole fleet left Lisbon on the 22d of April and arrived onthe 2d of May near Cape Verd. Having observed during this part of thevoyage, that several of the ships were very irregularly navigated, notkeeping in their proper course, by which they had run foul of each other;some pushing before, while others lagged behind, and others stood athwartthe order of the fleet; Suarez convened an assemblage of all the captains, masters, and pilots of the fleet, to whom he communicated the followingwritten instructions: 1. As soon as it is night, every ship shall keep inregular order a-stern of the admiral; and no vessel to carry any lightexcept in the binnacle and in the cabin. 2. The masters and pilots tokeep regular watch, taking special care not to run foul of each other. 3. All to answer the signals of the admiral. 4. As soon as day appears, every ship shall come to salute the admiral, and all are carefully toavoid getting before him during the night. The penalty for breach of anyof these articles was a fine of ten crowns, besides which the offenderwas to be put under arrest without being entitled to wages, and so toremain to the end of the voyage. As some of the masters and pilots hadbeen very negligent, allowing some of the ships to fall aboard of others, he removed these to other ships. By this attention to discipline, thefleet was kept afterwards in good sailing order. 

In the month of June, at which time they reckoned themselves off the Capeof Good Hope, the fleet was surprised by a heavy storm, and had to drivefor two days and nights under bare poles in imminent danger of being castaway, the weather during all this time being wonderfully dark, so thatthe ships were in great hazard of running aboard of each other. To guardagainst this danger, the admiral caused guns to be fired at intervalsfrom all the ships, to give notice of their situations, and the better tokeep company. On the subsidence of the storm, the ship commanded by LopeMendez was missing, and the admiral caused the fleet to lie to for somedays in hopes of her reappearance. While in this situation, two of theships ran foul of each other, by which a large hole was broken in the bowof one of the ships, through which she took in so much water as to be ingreat danger of sulking. The admiral immediately bore up to herassistance, and encouraged the crew to stop the leak, and even sent hisboats on board to give every aid. By great exertions they got the leakeffectually stopped, by nailing hides over the hole, and covering thewhole with pitch. On St Jameses day, 25th July, the fleet arrived atMozambique, where they were well received by the governor, who suppliedthem abundantly with fresh provisions, and sent off the letter whichPedro de Tayde had written respecting the state of affairs in India ashort time before his death, as formerly mentioned. The admiral expeditedthe refitting of the ships which had been so much injured, as quickly aspossible, and departed from Mozambique on the 1st of August. The king ofMelinda sent off one of his principal Moors to visit the admiral, to whomlikewise he sent sixteen of our men who had deserted from Pedro de Tayde. 

Having stopt only two days at Melinda for refreshment, the fleet sailedacross for India, and came to Anchediva, where they found two Portugueseships commanded by Antonio de Saldanna and Ruy Lorenzo, who were muchafraid of our fleet, suspecting it to have belonged to the Rumes[2]. Saldanna informed Suarez, that he had been sent out the year before fromPortugal along with Lorenzo, as vice-admiral, with orders to explore theRed Sea and adjacent countries. That they were separated in a storm offthe Cape of Good Hope. That Lorenzo proceeding alone in the voyage, hadtaken a ship belonging to the Moors near Sofala, out of which he hadtaken a large quantity of gold, and had left the hull at Melinda. ThatSaldanna prosecuted his voyage to Cape Guardafui, where he had taken manyrich prizes, without having entered the Red Sea; after which he hadsailed to India, and the winter coming on, had taken shelter in Anchediva, where he was afterwards joined by Lorenzo. At this place, Lope Mendez deVasconcelles, who had been separated in the storm off the Cape of GoodHope, rejoined the fleet. The admiral used every expedition to get thefleet ready to proceed for Cananor, where he arrived on the 1st ofSeptember, and was informed by the factor of the events in the war withCalicut; and how he and his companions in the factory had been often ingreat hazard of their lives. 

The day after his arrival, the admiral went on shore in great state tovisit the rajah of Cananor, attended by all the captains of the fleet intheir boats, decorated with flags and streamers, and armed with ordnance, all the boats crews being dressed in their best apparel. The admiralsbarge had a rich awning, and was dressed out with carpets, on which stooda chair of state covered with unshorn crimson velvet and two cushions ofthe same for his feet. His doublet and hose were of satin of diverscolours, wrought diamond fashion; his shoes of black velvet, studded withgold; his cap covered over with gold buttons. Over all he wore a looserobe or gown of black velvet, in the French fashion, trimmed all roundwith gold lace. From his neck hung a triple chain of gold enamelled, fromwhich depended a golden whistle. His rapier and dagger, which were borneby a page, had handles of pure gold. Two lackeys preceded him insplendid attire and six trumpeters with silk flags. He was alsoaccompanied by a band of wind instruments, in a small boat In anotherboat were the presents which he carried for the rajah from the king ofPortugal. There were, six beds of fine Holland, with their pillows of thesame, all wrought with gold embroidery. Two coverlets or carpets ofunshorn crimson velvet, quilted all over, having three guards of cloth ofgold, that in the middle a span in width, and the others two fingersbroad. The bedstead was gilded all over, having curtains of crimson satin, fringed with cold thread. On putting off from his ship, all the fleetsaluted him with their cannon; then the trumpets and drums sounded for along time; after which the organs never ceased to play till the boatsreached the shore, where vast numbers of Moors and Gentiles waited toreceive the admiral. 

On his landing, the admiral Was conducted into a _sarame_ or houseappointed for his reception and audience of the rajah, in which heordered the bed and all its rich furniture to be set up, close to whichwas placed a chair for the admiral to sit upon. Soon afterwards, therajah was brought to the house, carried in a rich chair of state, preceded by three armed elephants, three thousand nayres, armed withswords, spears, and targets, and two thousand armed with bows and arrows. The admiral, apprized of the rajah's approach by the fleet saluting himwith all their guns, went to the door to receive him, where they embraced. Then going together into the apartment, the admiral presented him withthe bed already described, on which the rajah immediately lay down, andthe admiral sat down beside him in the place appointed. They hereconferred together for two hours, when they were interrupted by thebarking of a greyhound belonging to the admiral, which wanted to attackone of the elephants. 

Soon afterwards a Moor from Calicut waited upon the admiral, having alongwith him a Portuguese boy, who brought a letter from some of our men whowere captives at Calicut ever since the time of Cabral being there. Thisboy informed the admiral, that the zamorin was so humbled by the defeatshe had sustained from Pacheco, that he had gone into religious seclusion. That many of the Moorish merchants had gone from Calicut to other places, as they could carry on no trade there owing to the war, and that evenprovisions had become extremely scarce. That the zamorin and the princeof Calicut, and the magistrates of that place, were exceedingly desirousof peace with the Portuguese, for which reason they had sent him to theadmiral, and had allowed the Portuguese prisoners there to write him tothat effect, which they had done accordingly, but chiefly in hopes thathe would free them from captivity. After reading the letter, the admiralwould have sent a written answer, meaning to have sent it by the Moor. But the boy told him, they had no permission to carry any letter, andthat he must return along with the Moor, as the people of Calicut hadthreatened to put all their Portuguese prisoners to death in case he didnot return. On this account, the admiral gave the boy a verbal messagefor the prisoners; saying that he would very soon come to Calicut, wherehe would anchor as near as possible to the shore; and as the captiveswere allowed to go about the city without irons, they might find anopportunity to come off to the fleet either in boats or by swimming. 

Suarez went accordingly with the fleet to Calicut, where he came toanchor on Saturday the 7th September; and presently afterwards the boywho had been to visit him at Cananor came on board, accompanied by aservant of Cosebequin, who brought the admiral a present from the rulersof Cochin, and a message requiring a safe conduct for Cosebequin, that hemight come on board to treat for peace. The admiral refused to accept ofany present until such time as peace were restored; but sent word thatCosebequin might repair on board without fear, as a servant of the kingof Portugal; he sent a private message at the same time to the Portugueseprisoners, advising them to use their best endeavours to escape. Onreceiving this message, Cosebequin was sent on board by the governors ofCalicut, to treat of peace, carrying with him two of the Portuguesecaptives. They requested he would wait three or four days, by which timethey believed the zamorin would come out from his seclusion, and thatthey were convinced he would agree to all that should be required. Theadmiral answered, that unless they would deliver up the two Italiandeserters he would agree to no terms; but he sent no message for theliberation of our captives, as he thought they might easily escape. Assoon as the Italians learnt that the admiral had demanded them, theysuspected the captives would run away of which circumstance they gavenotice to the governors, requiring them to secure the Portuguese captives, as they were men of consideration, and that a peace might be procured inexchange for them almost on any terms the zamorin pleased to prescribe. On this advice, the governors took care to prevent the captives fromescaping, and became less urgent in their desire of peace. Owing to this, they remained in captivity till Don Francisco de Almeida became viceroyof India, though some made their escape in the interim, and others ofthem fell victims to the diseases of the climate. 

After waiting some days, and finding no friendly steps taken by thegovernors of Calicut towards a peace; and being likewise without hope ofrecovering the captives, Suarez resolved to take revenge by cannonadingthe city of Calicut, which he did for a whole day and a night, duringwhich time he did prodigious damage, destroying the palace of the zamorin, several of their pagodas or idol temples, and many of the houses, andslew a great number of the inhabitants. For this service, he broughtseven of his smallest ships as near the shore as possible, and advancedall the boats of the fleet, likewise carrying ordnance, close almost tothe beach. After this he departed for Cochin, where he arrived onSaturday the 13th of September. He landed next day near the Portuguesecastle, in as great state as he had done before at Cananor, and wasreceived with many marks of satisfaction by Trimumpara. After embracing, they went hand in hand into the hall, in which a chair of state wasplaced for the admiral. As the rajah sat on the cushions on the floor, according to the custom of the country, and was therefore much lower thanthe admiral, he commanded his chair to be removed somewhat farther fromthe rajah, by which he greatly offended the native chiefs who werepresent at the interview. He now delivered to Trimumpara a letter fromthe king of Portugal, in which great compliments and many thanks weregiven, for the favour and protection the rajah had vouchsafed to thePortuguese. To this the rajah answered, that he had been amply repaid, bythe good service which Duarte Pacheco had rendered him in the war withthe zamorin. Next day, the admiral sent a large sum of money toTrimumpara, as a present from the king of Portugal, who knew that hisfinances had been greatly injured ill consequence of the war with Calicut. 

Soon after, Suarez sent Pedro de Mendoza and Vasco Carvallo with theirships to guard the coast of Calicut, with orders to capture all shipsbelonging to the Moors that were laden with spices. He likewisedispatched De la Cocta, Aguilar, Cotinho, and Abreu, to go to Coulan totake in their loading, being informed that spices were to be had there inabundance. He likewise sent Tristan de la Silva with four armed boats upthe rivers towards Cranganor, against some armed paraws of Calicut whichwere stationed in that quarter. In this expedition, Silva had a skirmishwith these paraws and some nayres on the shores of the rivers; butfalling in with a Moorish ship laden with pepper, he captured her andbrought her to Cochin, where he and the other captains loaded their ships, as spices were now procured in great abundance. 

Duarte Pacheco happened to be off Coulan when he learnt the arrival ofSuarez; and knowing that his own command was ended so soon as the newcaptain-general should arrive at Cochin, determined to attempt someexploits while he remained master of his own conduct. With this view, heput to sea on the 22d of October, and soon after got sight of a ship at agreat distance, to which he gave chase all that day and part of the night. The chase was driven into Coulan, when Pacheco learnt that she _belongedto the confederates[3]_, and was bound from Coromandel. He immediatelyafterwards descried three ships of Calicut, to which he gave chase, keeping as near the coast a possible to take the advantage of a landbreeze. In the morning he put off to sea in chase of the vessel, which hewas unable to get up with till towards evening close to the land; after abrave defence, as the ship had many men, she at length yielded; and notchusing to encumber himself with so many prisoners, he landed a part ofher company, and made the rest prisoners in irons in his own ship. Learning that this was one of the three ships belonging to Calicut ofwhich he was in search, he put two of his men on board the prize, withorders to keep him company. Being arrived directly abreast of CapeComorin, he met with a sudden whirlwind, by which he was nearly cast away, and when this subsided, he came to anchor within a league of the shore, where he remained all night. While at anchor thirty of his Moorishprisoners made their escape, twelve of whom were retaken by means of hisboat. Pacheco remained for some time off the Cape in expectation of theother ships of the Moors coming round from Coromandel, but none makingtheir appearance, he went to Coulan with the ship he had captured, whichhe delivered to the factor at that city with all its rich merchandize. Hethen went to Cochin, where he put himself under the command of Suarez. 

The zamorin had now resumed the government, having withdrawn from the_torcul_ or religious seclusion. He had dispatched one of his generalswith a fleet of eighty paraws and fifty ships[4] to defend the passagesof the rivers, and to obstruct the trade of Cochin with the interior; andhad likewise set on foot a considerable land army under the prince NaubeaDaring. It was the intention of the zamorin to stand on the defensiveonly while the Portuguese fleet remained in India, and to renew the waragainst Cochin after their departure. But the admiral Suarez, by theadvice of all his captains, resolved to make an attack on Cranganor, atown belonging to the zamorin, about four leagues from Cochin, whence theenemy had often done much injury to the dominions of Trimumpara duringthe late war. For this purpose, Suarez took fifteen armed boats withraised defences on their gunwales, and twenty-five paraws belonging toCochin, all armed with cannon, and accompanied by a caravel, the wholemanned with about 1000 Portuguese soldiers, and an equal number of nayresfrom Cochin. The armament arrived before day at _Palypuerto_, where ithad to wait for daylight, not daring to attempt the passage of certainshoals, as the boats were heavily laden. On arriving at Cranganor, thefleet of Calicut was found drawn up ready to repel the Portuguese attack. The Calicut commander was posted in the front, in two new ships chainedtogether, which were full of ordnance and well manned; chiefly by archers. In the rear of these ships, and on both flanks, the paraws of Calicutwere arranged, all full of armed men. 

On the arrival of the Portuguese flotilla, the battle immediatelycommenced by the discharge of ordnance on both sides. Five Portuguesecaptains who led the van, pushed on to attack the Calicut admiral in histwo chained ships, which they carried by boarding after a braveresistance, in which that officer and two of his sons with many others ofthe Malabars were slain. After the capture of these ships, the parawsmade little resistance, and soon took to flight. Suarez immediatelydisembarked his troops, which soon put Naubea Daring to flight, whocommanded the land army of Calicut. The Moors and Malabars in theirflight, plundered the houses of Cranganor, which was immediatelyafterwards set on fire by the Portuguese. Certain Christian inhabitantsof the place came to Suarez and prayed him not to burn their city, representing that it contained several churches dedicated to the Virginand the Apostles, besides many Christian houses which were interspersedamong these belonging to the Moors and Gentiles. For their sakes, Suarezordered the conflagration to be stopped; yet many of the houses weredestroyed before that could be effected, as they were all of wood. Afterthe fire was quenched, our men plundered the houses belonging to theMoors, many of whom had formerly dwelt in Cochin. The two ships, andseveral paraws which had been taken in the before mentioned engagement, were set on fire, and other three ships that were found drawn on shore. 

At this time Suarez was joined by the prince of Cochin, who informed himthat Naubea Daring remained with his army at no great distance, andintended to return to Cranganor after his departure. A considerable forcewas therefore sent against Naubea Daring; but immediately on seeing theirapproach, the troops of Calicut fled. On the return of the Portugueseflotilla towards Cochin, Suarez was disposed to have destroyed anothertown which lay near their passage; but the prince of Cochin representedthat half of it belonged to him, and prevailed on the admiral to spare it, as he could not destroy one part without the other. Suarez, therefore, returned to Cochin, where he knighted some of his officers for theirbravery during the last engagement. A few days after his return, therecame an ambassador from the rajah of _Tanor_, whose dominions are nextadjoining to those of Cochin. This ambassador represented, that hismaster had hitherto adhered to the zamorin, and had assisted him in allhis wars against Pacheco. But that the zamorin, since he had come outfrom his religious seclusion, had redoubled his arrogant ideas of hisirresistible power, and in reward of the services of the rajah of Tanor, now threatened him with war and conquest. He farther represented, that onthe late occasion, when the general of the Calicut forces was in fullmarch for the relief of Cranganor, the rajah of Tanor had placed 4000 ofhis nayres in ambush in a defile in their line of march, who had defeatedthe troops of Calicut, and hod slain 2000 of them. On this account therajah of Tanor was in great fear of the zamorin, and humbly requestedassistance from the admiral, promising in return to become subject to theking of Portugal. 

For this purpose, the admiral sent Pedro Raphael in a caravel to Tanor, with 100 soldiers, most of whom were crossbow men. It chanced that on thevery day of his arrival at Tanor, the zamorin arrived before that citywith his army and gave battle to the rajah; but, chiefly owing to thevalour of Raphael and his company, the army of the zamorin was defeatedwith great slaughter. In reward for this well-timed succour, the rajah ofTanor became subject to the king of Portugal. In consequence of thisdefeat, the zamorin was much humbled, and lost more credit with the Moorsthan by all the victories which Pacheco had obtained; as these had beenobtained by strangers, while the present victory had been gained by anative prince. In consequence of these reverses, seeing no likelihood ofever being able to recover their trade, all the Moors who dwelt inCalicut and Cranganor determined upon removing to their own country withtheir remaining wealth. For this purpose, they fitted up seventeen largeships at _Pandarane_, which they armed on purpose to defend themselvesagainst any attack from our men, and loaded them with all expedition forMecca. Besides these, they loaded a great number of paraws and tonys withsuch goods as the ships were unable to contain. 

The season now approached for the return of the fleet to Portugal, andSuarez appointed Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles[5] as captain-general ofthe Indies, with whom he left a ship and two caravels, of which lastPedro Raphael and Diego Perez were captains. The admiral presented theseofficers to the rajah of Cochin, who would much rather have procuredDuarte Pacheco to remain, having great confidence in his valour andattachment to his service, but dared not to request this of the admiral, as he was of a haughty disposition. In a conference between Pachecoand the rajah, the latter entreated him to remain in India if possible, as he did not think himself quite secure from the enmity of the zamorin;and even urged him to remember that he had promised not to leave him tillhe had made him king of Calicut. Pacheco answered, that he left him in agood situation, his country being restored to quiet, and the zamorin somuch humbled that he was no longer to be dreaded; as a proof of which theMoors were about to depart from Calicut, seeing their trade entirelyruined. And that he hoped to return from Portugal, and to serve himlonger and to greater purpose than he had done hitherto. The rajah wassomewhat satisfied with this answer, and craved pardon of Pacheco that hehad not rewarded his services as they deserved, because he was extremelypoor; yet requested he would take as much pepper as he pleased. Pachecorefused to accept of any thing; saying, he hoped to find the rajah richand prosperous on his return to Cochin, and then he would accept a reward. The rajah gave Pacheco a letter for the king of Portugal, in which he setforth all his gallant actions during the war, strongly recommending himto his majesties favour. 

The admiral Suarez departed from Cochin on the 27th December[6], takingwith him the whole of his fleet, even those captains who were to remainin India. His intention was to have come to anchor in the harbour ofPaniani, on purpose to visit the rajah of Tanor; but from foul weather, and bad pilots, the fleet could not make that port, and was driven toCalicut and Pandarane. Being off these ports and with a scanty wind, theadmiral detached Raphael and Perez with their caravels, to examine ifthere were any ships of the Moors at anchor. While on this service, tenparaws came off to attack them, and an engagement ensued. On the rest ofthe fleet hearing the sound of the ordnance, they bore up as close to thewind as possible, and came to anchor[7]. In a council of war, it wasresolved to attack the seventeen ships of the Moors, which lay allaground; and as the ships were unable to get near them, because they laywithin the bar, the attack was determined to be made by the boats of thefleet, with orders to set the Moorish ships on fire. This being resolvedupon, the admiral and all the captains of the fleet embarked in the boats, taking with them all the soldiers belonging to the expedition. 

The Moorish ships were all drawn on the beach in a close line, havingtheir sterns to the shore, and were well armed with ordnance, and hadmany soldiers on board armed with bows and arrows, a considerable numberof them being men of a fair complexion[8]. Besides all these, the Moorshad two pieces of ordnance on a small bulwark or redoubt which flankedthe passage of the bar. Our boats, seeing all these formidablepreparations, returned towards the fleet[9], whence they towed severalcaravels within the bar to assist the boats in the attack. After a severeconflict, in which the Portuguese had twenty-five men killed, and 127wounded, the whole seventeen ships of the Moors were boarded and taken, with the loss of 2000 men. But as the Moorish ships were all aground, thevictors were under the necessity to burn them, with all the richmerchandize they contained. Owing to this severe loss, the Moors desertedthe city of Calicut, which by the cessation of trade became muchdistressed for provisions, insomuch that most of its inhabitants withdrewto other places. The zamorin was so much humbled by this succession ofdisastrous events, that he remained quiet for a long time afterwards[10]. 

The particular incidents of this engagement are so confusedly related inLichefilds translation of Castaneda as to baffle every attempt to reducethem into intelligible order. Among these, the two following are moredistinctly told. Tristan de la Silva endeavoured to board a ship whichappeared to be the admiral, of which the captain and a numerous crew wereTurks. A little before De Silva got up to this ship, the crew had firedoff a piece of ordnance which lay on the upper deck, and which by itsrecoil broke a large hole in the side of the ship. The Turks were sointent on defending themselves against the Portuguese boats, that theyneglected to barricade this hole, of which the people in De Silvas boattook advantage to get on board; Alonzo Lopez the master, and Alvaro Lopezone of the kings servants, now town-clerk of Santarem, being the firstwho entered by the hole. A desperate conflict ensued on deck, in whichmany of the Turks were slain, others hid themselves below the hatches, and others leapt into the water, most of whom were drowned, as they werecovered with shirts of mail. 

The caravel commanded by Pedro Raphael, one of these brought within thebar to co-operate with the boats, was struck by a ball from the batteryon shore, which killed three men and dangerously wounded other ten. Inthe confusion occasioned by this accident, another shot killed the masterat the helm, and the caravel drove with the tide of flood right under thebows of a large Moorish ship full of men which had not yet been attackedby the boats. In this situation, a great number of the enemy boarded thecaravel, _and used our men very ill_. The caravel afterwards drifted oncertain rocks, where she remained till the end of the battle. Thesituation of the caravel was now perceived by the admiral, who orderedeffectual succour to be sent to Raphael. The succours boarded the caravel, which was quite full of Moors, whom they drove out with great slaughter;but all of our men belonging to that caravel were sore hurt. 

On the next day, being the first of January 1505, the admiral went withthe fleet to Cananor, to take in the rest of his lading. He was hereinformed by the factor of the humbled situation of the Moors, from whom, in his opinion, the Portuguese had no longer any thing to fear in India. Being ready to depart for Europe, the admiral made an oration to ManualTelez, and those who were to remain with him in India, giving theminstructions for their conduct after his departure; and as the enemy wasso greatly humbled, he considered that such a fleet as had formerly beenleft by Albuquerque was quite sufficient, in which he left an hundredsoldiers. Indeed the zamorin, as has been already said, was sick of thewar, and remained quiet after the departure of the admiral. 

Departing from Cananor, Suarez arrived off Melinda on the 1st of February;where, without landing himself, he sent Antonio de Saldanna to bring awaythe rich prizes he had formerly made at Cape Guardafui. From Melinda, thefleet went to Quiloa, on purpose to enforce the payment of the tributefrom the king of that place. Departing from thence on the 10th ofFebruary, he arrived safe at Lisbon on the 22d of June 1505[11], withoutany incident worth relating[12]; carrying with him two ships more thanhad accompanied him to India, all laden with rich commodities, and wasreceived by the King Don Manuel with great honour. 

When the king learnt the great service which Pacheco had performed inIndia, he expressed his high approbation of his conduct in a publicprocession. The king went, in all the splendour usually shewn on _CorpusChristi_ day, from the high church to that of St Domingo, accompanied byDuarte Pacheco. After solemn service, a sermon was preached by Don DiegoOrtis, bishop of Viseo; who, by the kings command, gave a rehearsal ofall that had been performed by Pacheco in the war against the zamorin. Onthe same day, a solemn festival was held in all the churches of Portugaland Algarve. The king sent letters on the occasion to the pope and allthe princes of Christendom, announcing all these notable acts andvictories which had been performed in the Indies. [13]

[1] These are said to have been the largest ships hitherto built in Portugal, and to have carried 1200 men; perhaps soldiers, besides their ordinary crews. --Astl. I. 57. 

[2] The Turkish empire, as succeeding that of the Romans or Greeks of Constantinople, is still called _Rumi_ in the east. It will be afterwards seen, that these _Rumes_, Romans, or Turks, made some powerful efforts to drive the Portuguese from India, as greatly injurious to the Indian trade with Europe through the Red Sea and Egypt. --E. 

[3] This expression is quite inexplicable, unless we may pick out very darkly that it belonged to the Calicut confederacy against the Portuguese. Yet Castaneda, or his imperfect translator Lichefild, does not inform us whether this vessel was made a prize. Lichefild seems almost always to have had a very imperfect knowledge of the language of the author, often to have mistaken his meaning or expressed it with great obscurity, and sometimes writes even a kind of jargon, by endeavouring to translate verbally without being able to catch an idea from the original. --E. 

[4] According to Astley, from De Fariz only _five_ ships; and indeed in the sequel, Castaneda only mentions _two_ ships as employed, on the present occasion and three others that were drawn up on shore. --E. 

[5] At the commencement of this section, Castaneda names this person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles; in Astley, I. 58, he is called Manuel Tellez Barreto. --E. 

[6] In Lichefilds translation of Castaneda, this date is made the 27th September, which is an obvious mistake. --E. 

[7] By some strange blunder, Lichefild says they came to _Cananor_; but from all the circumstances in the contexts, it is obvious that the fleet came to anchor on the outside of the bar at Pandarane. --E. 

[8] Arabs probably, whites in the estimation of the Portuguese as compared with the native blacks of Malabar. --E. 

[9] This part of the story is very confusedly translated by Lichefild. According to his relation, in one sense, the admiral alone returned in his boat for the caravels; while, by another part of his expressions, the whole boats returned for the admiral and the caravels. --E. 

[10] According to Astley, a peace was concluded between the Portuguese and the zamorin immediately after the victory obtained by the rajah of Tanore; but this does not agree with the circumstances just related respecting the destruction of the Moorish fleet in the harbour of Pandarane, which would hardly have been done during a time of peace--E. 

[11] By some strange typographical mistake, Lichefild makes this date 1525, both in the text and in a marginal note, thus adding no less than twenty years to the true chronology. In Astleys Collection, the conclusion of this voyage is dated 22d July 1506; but we have chosen to retain the regular series of dates as given by Castaneda. Owing to the mistake in Lichefilds translation not being detected till a part of this chapter was printed off, it has been repeated in our introduction to this article, which our readers are requested to correct. --E. 

[12] In Astley, the ship commanded by Pedro Mendoza, is said to have been stranded during the homeward voyage, fourteen leagues from the _Aguada_, or watering-place of St Blas, and never more heard of. --Astl. I. 58. 

[13] Astley concludes the account of the honours conferred on Pacheco in the following words: "But soon after imprisoned, and allowed him to die miserably. A terrible example of the uncertainty of royal favour, and the little regard that is had to true merit!"--Astl. I. 58. 

CHAPTER VII. 

LETTERS FROM LISBON IN THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, RESPECTINGTHE THEN RECENT DISCOVERY OF THE ROUTE BY SEA TO INDIA. [1]

INTRODUCTION. 

The following letters bear to have been written by some Italian publicagents and merchants, to their employers and friends, and contain acurious record of the first impressions made on the public mind by thewonderful discoveries which navigation was then opening up to theEuropean world. They are selected from the _Novus Orbis_, a work whichwas published by _Simon Grynæus_ early in the sixteenth century. According to M. De la Richarderie, [2] this collection was formed by HansHeteirs, canon of Strasburg, and was printed under the care of SimonGrynæus, by Isaac Hervag, in folio, at Basil in 1532. We learn likewisethat it passed rapidly through several editions, having been reprinted atBasil in 1535, 1537, and 1555; and at Paris in 1582. The edition used onthe present occasion is printed at Basil in 1555 by Jo. Hervag. Itsprincipal contents, besides those translated for the present chapter, arethe voyages of Cada Mosto, already given; the discovery of America byChristopher Columbus, which will form the first article in our subsequentvolume; the voyages of Vincent Alonzo Pinzon, and of Americus Vespucius, which will be attended to hereafter; and the travels of Marco Polo, whichhave been already given at full length from a better source. 

The language of the _Novus Orbis_ is perhaps the most barbarous Latinever composed for the press, and its punctuation is so enormouslyincorrect that it would have been easier understood without any pointswhatever. 

As already mentioned, the edition here used is dated in the year 1555, little more than fifty years after the discoveries they commemorate; andthe letters themselves are dated in 1501, 1502, and 1503, immediatelyafter the return of the earliest of the Portuguese voyages from India. Indeed the first letter seems to have been written only a day or twoafter the arrival of the first ship belonging to Cabrals fleet. 

This work is accompanied by a very curious map of the world, on oneplanisphere, much elongated to the east and west, which may be consideredas a complete picture of the knowledge then acquired of the cosmographyof our globe. The first meridian is placed at the island of Ferro, andthe degrees of longitude are counted from thence eastwards all round theworld, so that Ferro is in long. 0° and 360° E. In every part of theworld, the outlines are grossly incorrect, and it would serve no purposeto give an extended critical view of this map; yet a few noticesrespecting it may gratify curiosity. 

Europe is singularly incorrect, especially in the north and east. America, called likewise _Terra Nova_, has an approximated delineation of itssouthern division, stretching far to the south, as if the cosmographerhad received some tolerable notices of Brazil, Cape Horn, and the coastsof Peru and Chili. But instead of the continent of North America, theisland of Cuba is delineated in a north and south direction, reachingbetween the latitudes of 10° and 50° north; leaving a small strait orpassage between its southern extremity and the Isthmus of Darien into theSouth Sea. About twelve degrees west from Cuba the island of Zipangri isplaced; and at least twenty degrees east from Cathay or China. At sixteendegrees east from the northern end of Cuba, a large island is placed inthe _Oceanus Magnus_ or Atlantic, called _Terra Cortesia_; which thecosmographer seems to have intended to represent the kingdom of Mexico, recently discovered by Cortez; though placed almost in lat. 50° N. Perhaps this may be an error for _Corterealis_, an early navigator, whois said to have made discoveries on the eastern coast of North America. 

In Africa there is an approximation towards its true shape; yet the_Caput Viride_, or Cape Verd, is placed to the north of the river Senegal, instead of between that river and the Gambia; and the sources of the Nileare brought down to lat. 15° S. At least twenty-two degrees too far tothe southwards. 

Asia, with India and China, are too much distorted for criticism. Calicutis placed in the peninsula of Cambaya or Guzerate. The _AureaChersonesus_ and _Regnum Malacha_, or Malacca, are separated by a greatgulf, while the latter is placed so low as 30° S. Latitude. This much maysuffice for an account of the incorrect yet curious specimen ofcosmographical knowledge which had been acquired by the learned in Europeabout 300 years ago. 

To these four letters we have added a short account of several curiouscircumstances relative to the trade of the Europeans with India at thecommencement of the sixteenth century, or three hundred years ago; which, though not very accurately expressed, contains some curious information. 

[1] Novus Orbis Grynæi, p. 94-102. 

[2] Bibl. Univ. Des Voy. I. 55, and V. 486. 

SECTION I. 

_Letter from the Venetian Envoy in Portugal to the Republic_[1]. 

Most serene prince, &c. Believing that your highness has been alreadyinformed by the most excellent legate, of all the memorable things whichhave occurred in this place, and particularly respecting the fleet solately dispatched for India by the king of Portugal, which, by theblessing of God, has now returned with the loss of seven ships; as itoriginally consisted of fourteen sail, seven of which only have come home, the other seven having been wrecked in the voyage. Their voyage was alongthe coasts of Mauritania and Getulia to Cape Verd, anciently called_Experias_; off which the islands called the _Hesperides_ are situated. From thence they explored lower _Ethiopia_ towards the east, beyond whichthe ancients never penetrated. They sailed along this _eastern_ coast ofEthiopia to a line corresponding with the meridian of Sicily, about fiveor six degrees _within_ the equinoctial, the gold mines belonging to theking of Portugal being about the middle of that coast. [2] Beyond thatcoast of the gold mines, and nine degrees to the south of the _wintertropic_, [3] they came to a great promontory called the Cape of Good Hope, which is almost 5000 miles distant from our country. From thence theycame to the cape anciently called _Prasum_, which was considered byPtolemy as the extremity of the southern regions, all beyond beingunknown to the ancients. After that they reached the country of the_Troglodites_, now called _Zaphala_, or Sofala, which our ancestorsaffirm to have abounded in gold, infinitely more than any other part ofthe earth. Stretching from Sofala across the _Barbaric Gulf_, [4] theycame into the Indian Ocean, and at length to the city of Calicut. Suchwas their voyage, which carefully calculated, as following the coasts ofthe ocean, extends to the prodigious length of 15, 000 miles; but which, if the lands and mountains would allow in a direct line, were greatlyshorter. 

Before passing the Cape of Good Hope, in consequence of being forced outof their course by a S. W. Wind, they discovered a new country to whichthey gave the name of the _Land of Parrots_, because they found, there anincredible number of these birds, of many beautiful colours, some of thema cubit and a half in length and more. We have seen two of these birds, and can vouch for the truth of the description. On exploring thisextensive coast, the navigators believed that it must necessarily belongto a continent, as they sailed along it for the space of 2000 mileswithout having seen either extremity. Its coasts are inhabited by peopleof a tolerably handsome appearance, who go quite naked. [5]

In this voyage they lost four ships. Two others were sent to the goldmines, which are not yet returned; and seven only reached Calicut, wherethey were honourably received, and had a house allotted them by theprince, and there they brought their ships to anchor. Soon afterwardsthere assembled many boats of the Moors and other neighbouring people, and some frigates belonging to the great sultan, all the people belongingto which conspired together against the Christians, being exceedinglyadverse to the coming of the Christians into these parts, lest theyshould diminish their profits. They insisted therefore to have theirships first loaded, to the great dissatisfaction of the Christians, whoimmediately complained to the king of the insolence of the Moors, butsoon discovered that he favoured them. The king of Calicut was a personof very doubtful faith, and made the following answer: That it did notseem equitable for the Moors to be permitted to finish their trafficbefore the Christians; and gave orders accordingly, that the Christiansmight carry on their trade. The Moors trangressed this decree, and tookaway the goods of the Christians at pleasure; upon which disputes arosebetween the Christians and the Moors, in which the whole inhabitants ofthe city took part with the Moors. Whereupon a great slaughter was madeof the Christians, above forty of them being slain; among whom was theirprincipal factor, when endeavouring to escape by swimming. In revenge forthis cruelty, the Christians made severe reprisals; as they burnt tenships belonging to the prefect of Syria, that is the sultan; anddestroyed a considerable portion of the city by means of their_catapults_ and _bombards_[6], many houses being burnt to the ground, asthey are covered with thatch like cottages, and exceedingly combustible. 

After this, the fleet left Calicut, and went to another kingdom namedCochin, about forty miles distant, being conducted thither by a Jew whoassumed the Christian faith. The king of Cochin hated the king of Calicutexceedingly, and on that account received the Christians with muchkindness. Spices are in greater abundance at Cochin than at Calicut, andthe Christians carried off such riches from Cochin as I dare scarcelyventure to report; for they allege to have purchased a _cantarus_ ofcinnamon, which is a considerable measure, for one gold ducat. The kingof Cochin gave two hostages to the Portuguese, in assurance of theirsafety, and sent even ambassadors to the king of Portugal. In the meantime, the king of Calicut fitted out an immense fleet against theChristians, in revenge for having burnt the ships in his harbour. Thisfleet exceeded 150 ships, and carried 15, 000 men, yet on account of anorth wind which they were unable to contend with, they dared not toattack the Portuguese ships, and withdrew from Cochin. As their greatnumbers were considerably formidable, the Portuguese ships went to acertain island in which the body of St Thomas is interred, the lord ofwhich received them kindly, and gave them some relics of that holy personin token of friendship: He even offered them greater quantities of spicesthan they had ever seen before, without money, trusting that they wouldpay for them on their return from Europe: But, being already laden, thePortuguese declined this friendly offer. 

The Portuguese fleet employed fourteen months in this voyage, andreturned to Lisbon in spring; but they say that it may be made muchsooner, now that the course is well known, and may even be accomplishedin ten months. All the ships that reached Calicut returned, except onewhich was lost on certain rocks, but the crew saved, which ship was ofsix hundred tons burden. As yet only one caravel has come into port, butthe rest are said to be not far off. This lately arrived ship came intoport on St Johns day, 6th May, at which time I happened to be with theking, who addressed me in these words. "_Hah!_ congratulate me, good sir, as my fleet is already in the river, loaded with all kinds of spices. " Ireceived the news joyfully, as became me, and made my compliments ofcongratulation to the king. The tidings were welcomed with exceeding joyand all kind of festivity, with the sound of trumpets, cymbals, andflutes, and the continual firing of cannon. On the day following therewas a solemn thanksgiving, at which all the people assisted. When I againwaited on the king, he desired me to apprize your serenity of his goodfortune, saying that you may send your ships hither in safety to purchasehis spices; adding, that he should take such measures as to prevent theprefect of Syria, that is the sultan[7]; from procuring spices in India. He founds this hope assuredly on the success which his fleet had latelyin contending with the numerous vessels of the Moors, and has no doubt ofbeing able to reduce India under his own authority. The ship alreadyarrived is commanded by a Tuscan named Bartholomew, a native of Florence. Her cargo consists of 300 _cantari_ or quintals of pepper, 120 cantari ofcinnamon, 60 cantari of lac, and 15 cantari of castor and other perfumesof that kind[8]. They have no cloves or ginger, having been prevented bythe Moors, as these could only be procured at Calicut; neither have theyany of the lesser spices. They had purchased many pearls of differentsorts, which were all lost in the disturbances at Calicut, in which manyof their men and much riches were destroyed. 

I must not omit to mention, that there have lately arrived messengersfrom _Ubenus_[9] king of Ethiopia to the king of Portugal, bringing giftsof ivory and many other things. These are soon to return in two ships, which are to go to India after stopping at the new gold mines. While thisship which has first arrived was on its voyage home, it met two shipssteering their course from the _new gold mines_[10] for India. These;thinking themselves lost, or that they would be plundered by theChristians, offered to pay them a ransom of 15, 000 ducats for leave tocontinue their voyage: But the Christians, though tempted by so much gold, gave these people many gifts and permitted them to continue their course, that they might hereafter be allowed a free trade with their country. 

[1] This letter is dated on the 20th of June 1501, and obviously refers to the voyage of Cabral, who had returned from India not long before. The writer is described as a native of Crete, and envoy from the lords of Venice to the king of Portugal. --E. 

[2] The strange geographical language here used is inexplicable, probably because the ideas of the writer were confused. He seems to mean the _Mina_ in Guinea, which is _five or six_ degrees _within_ the equator, or to the north; but is at least 18º west from the meridian of Sicily. --E. 

[3] Meaning the tropic of Capricorn, on which the sun is during our winter solstice--E. 

[4] The recession of the coast inwards from Cape Delgado to Melinda, which may be called the Bay of Zanzibar. --E. 

[5] In the map of Grynaeus already mentioned, this _Terra Psittacorum_ or Land of Parrots, is placed on the _south-west_ coast of Africa, between the Cape of Good Hope and Congo. Yet there can be no doubt that the recent discovery of Brazil on the _eastern_ coast of South America is here alluded to: Consequently, instead of the _lebeccio vento_, or S. W. Wind of the text, it would naturally have required a S. E. Wind to force the Portuguese fleet so far to the westward of its intended course. --E. 

[6] The author assuredly uses these words to denominate two kinds of ordnance or cannon then used in the Portuguese ships of war. --E. 

[7] By the sultan or prefect of Syria, twice so designed in this dispatch, is evidently meant the Mameluk sultan of Egypt; but who was soon afterwards defeated and slain by the Turkish emperor. The ineffectual exertions of the Mameluks and Turks, instigated by Venice, to obstruct the Portuguese trade in India, will be afterwards mentioned. --E. 

[8] It is difficult to say what is meant by a _cantarus_ in the text; perhaps a quintal or 100 pounds. The castor of the text, and other perfumes, may mean musk, civet, and ambergris. --E. 

[9] Perhaps the king of Congo, or some other prince of the west coast of Africa is here alluded to; or perhaps the xeque or prince of the Moors at Sofala. --E. 

[10] By the new gold mines Sofala seems indicated, as contradistinguished from the _old_ gold mines of Guinea. The story of the two ships on their voyage to India from Sofala, obviously alludes to the Guzerate vessels, more particularly mentioned already in the voyage of Cabral --E. 

SECTION II. 

_Letter from certain Merchants and Bankers of Spain, [1] to theircorrespondents in the cities of Florence and Venice, respecting a treatyof peace and league between the kings of Portugal and Calicut. _

We have been informed by those who were on board of the fleet whichsailed from Lisbon to India in May 1502, and returned on the 15thDecember 1503, that the king of Calicut has concluded a peace with oursovereign on the following conditions. As a compensation for theslaughter of our men, he is to pay 4000 _bahars_ of pepper, equal to 12, 000 quintals. That the Moors shall not be allowed to trade there from anyplace whatever, excepting only those who are natives of Calicut; and thatthese even shall not be permitted to trade with Mecca. That our king, ifso inclined, may build a fort at Calicut, and shall be supplied with asufficient quantity of stones, lime, and timber for that purpose by thezamorin, paying for these on delivery. That the king of Calicut shall aidand favour the Portuguese in all things, and that it shall be competentfor our king to appoint one of his own subjects to administer justiceamong the Portuguese resident in that city, even with the power of lifeand death, and without appeal to the zamorin. That when any of our peopleshall revolt from or be disobedient to our commercial agent, they shallimmediately be delivered up to be judged by the aforesaid Portugueseconsul. If any captive Moors are detained, they shall all be delivered upto our agent. That the two Milanese lapidaries, who had gone from Rome toIndia, and who there acted as military engineers and shipbuilders in theEuropean fashion, to the disgrace of the Christian profession, and thevast injury of the Christians, should be delivered up in chains to theadmiral of our fleet. That the kings or rajahs of Cochin and Cananoreshall be included in this treaty as co-allies, mutually sharing alldanger and advantages with the other contracting parties: So that if anyone shall take arms against any of the parties to this treaty, he shallbe declared an enemy to all the parties hereby confederated. If any ofthe parties to this league shall act contrary to its stipulations, thepower of all the rest shall act against him, as a perfidious person, atraitor, and an enemy to good faith; all the contracting parties usingtheir utmost to preserve the present peace and alliance inviolate. Whilethe Portuguese fleet might remain in the harbour of Calicut, all otherships whatever were to be refused access, at least until after ours wereladen: But when there were sufficient goods for all who wanted them, thenall ships Were to be at liberty to load; provided always that theaccustomed prices should not be augmented, and expressly that the profitto the venders should never exceed 8 per cent which was usual in thatport. 

These are the conditions of peace and alliance which have been stipulated, to the great honour and renown of our sovereign, as must be evident toevery one; as henceforwards he may not only be accounted sovereign ofIndia, but has imposed laws on Turkey and the prefect of Syria[2], sinceby this treaty all access to the city of Calicut is debarred to theirtraders. We do not even doubt that, in four years from hence, through thevigorous measures of our king, our sailors may safely navigate toConstantinople and Alexandria, the present most celebrated marts ofeastern commerce, and shall take signal vengeance on the Moors by whomthey have been infamously and frequently abused. For this purpose a fleetof twelve sail was fitted out this year, which found the rajah of Cochinexpelled from his dominions, having fled for refuge from the hostilitiesof the king of Calicut to a strong place in a certain island. The onlyreason he could assign for the hostilities of the zamorin was, that, faithful to his engagements, he refused to deliver our people to the kingof Calicut, and chose rather to live in exile than to betray his trust. In this extremity, our fleet brought opportune aid to the friendly rajah, and having landed troops for his assistance, they marched boldly againstthe perfidious zamorin, routed his forces with great slaughter, andtriumphantly restored the rajah of Cochin to his dominions. 

This kingdom is not far distant from the straits of the Red Sea, wherethey have erected a very strong fortress[3], and are building another inthe mouth of the bay of Cochin, provided with all kinds of warlikeartillery, by which to repel the enemy, and to provide a safe station, for our fleet; nor shall we recede from thence, however adverse thenatives may be to our remaining; and when the same shall be done in thebay of Calicut, it will not then be difficult to defend these stationsand the adjoining coasts against all aggressors. Our ships which remainedin these seas last year made no small booty, as they took one morningfive ships bound from the kingdom of Cambaya for Mecca, the shrine ofMahomet, in which they found 1000 _cantari_ or quintals of clean cloves, besides a large quantity of the same spice not freed from the husk as isusual with us. These ships had likewise castor and other perfumes of thatkind[4], sanders wood, amber, purified lac, and excessively fine linen, and a large sum in gold and silver coin; insomuch that the value of thisprize exceeded 200, 000 ducats. 

Having thus informed you of the wealth of that country, which abounds inalmost every thing, we now proceed to relate that two of our ships abovementioned have been cast away in a storm near the mouth of the Red Sea, their commander Vincentius and above six hundred men having perished, butthe other two were saved[5]. Another vessel, which escaped that dreadfultempest, was soon afterwards dashed to pieces against a rock; so that thesea was covered with dead bodies and with rich merchandize of all kinds:Thus, as the proverb says, wealth ill acquired is ill lost. Of all theseships one small caravel only rode out the storm, and brought intelligenceof the destruction of the others. 

We have now to inform you, that our king has given permission to all whochoose to proceed to India and to carry on trade, providing that he ispaid a quarter part[6] of all returns, and that they purchase from himfor the purpose such ships as he thinks proper, and the price of theseships must be paid before setting out on the voyage; because, consideringthe loss of ships which he has already sustained, he is desirous thatothers should now bear the risk: It will therefore require large funds toembark in this trade, so that we hardly believe the king will find any toengage on these conditions; but of this we shall inform you from time totime as it may occur. It must not, however, be concealed that thecircumstances of this trade are by no means established on certainprinciples, which can only be determined by future events. 

A Portuguese of the former fleet touched at a certain port in the kingdomof Sofala, and visited a gold mine of which he relates wonderful things. He assured us that a ship of the Christians had been there, and speaks ofincredible quantities of gold to be found there. On this account, ourking is resolved to erect a strong fort at that place, to keep thebarbarians under subjection, and to keep away the Indians and theinhabitants of Cambaya, lest they should make themselves masters of themine. He will therefore immediately seize upon this mine for his own use, which we certainly believe to have been the mine whence Solomon derivedsuch vast riches, and where the queen of Sheba dwelt, who went to visitSolomon, as related in holy writ. These things are of such importancethat they ought not to be concealed from you; and our king is to bedeemed happy and fortunate; because he hath made the discovery of suchvast riches. 

It is believed by many that they will soon obtain permission from theking to go to India, paying him at the rate of 25 per cent. And takinghis ships as before mentioned. It appears to be his wish that themerchants should send out their own factors or supercargoes with the careof their goods, but without any authority, as he wishes to rule in allthings, and that every thing may be directed by his officers, even theexpences of the merchants. The trade in spiceries is to remainexclusively in the viceroy, and is not to be permitted to the merchants;for which reason it is not believed that this Indian trade will be veryprofitable: But we shall give you due information of all these things asthey occur. We have formerly written you that Cairo failed in itscommercial prosperity from the very same cause; and if this great easterntrade shall be appropriated by the king, it will certainly occasion aBabylonian confusion in the state, and very deservedly: For at Cairo theMoors were in use to maltreat the Christians exceedingly, and they arenow perhaps suffering for that error, as they will not any longer beallowed to carry away any kind of spices, or jewels of all kinds, orpearls and other valuable commodities; as by means of the Portugueseforts, they will in future be debarred from trading to Calicut and Sofala;for all which you will be thankful to God. 

Concerning the gold mine of Sofala, which we mentioned before, and ofwhich such wonderful things are told, it is said our king will be thesole proprietor in two years, which must prove of vast importance; asfrom that place, which is now possessed by the idolaters, all India andPersia used to procure the whole of their gold; although the mouth of thebay is under the dominion of a king of the Chaldeans[7], at which placethe trade is carried on with the idolaters by the Moors, who bring yearlytheir ships from Cambaya laden with low-priced articles, which theybarter for gold. These goods are coarse cotton cloths, silks of variousfashions and many colours, but chiefly of the Turkish fabric. The king ofQuiloa, an island about sixty leagues from Sofala, it is said, will haveto quit that place from fear of the idolaters. At Quiloa all ships goingto Sofala have to stop and pay tribute, before going to the mine ofSofala. When they get to Sofala, they have to remain there six or eightmonths before completing their affairs; carrying from thence gold, ivory, and wax, all of the best kind. After this they have again to touch atQuiloa, and to pay a tax for their gold. Thence they go to Cambaya orMecca. In our ships there are twelve or fifteen agents of the king ofQuiloa, who pays a tribute yearly to our king of 1500 _metigals_, each ofwhich metigals is worth 150 ducats, or in all 225, 000 ducats. That kingdepends so entirely on the king of Portugal, that our king may dethronehim whenever be pleases to send there a force of 1000 men, which wouldoblige the king of Quiloa to run away; and it is believed this will bedone shortly, the thing being so easy, and by this means an yearlyrevenue of 500, 000 ducats would be secured. 

If you have properly considered what those ships may bring which aredaily expected, you will find that they will at least import about 222quintals of all kinds of spice: And we shall ship for you of all these, using our endeavours that you may never be in want of them. Even afterthe before mentioned treaty with the king of Calicut, no small risk stillremains to those who navigate to the Indies, on account of a certainarchipelago, containing about 14, 000 islands[8], and owing to thenarrowness of a certain strait which is scarcely navigable. We shallpersist notwithstanding, as by custom and experience these dangers willbecome of no consequence. At length we expect to have the glory of havingdiscovered almost the whole of the world, and those parts of itespecially to which the ancients never penetrated. It only remains for usto go to the island of Taprobana, or Ceylon, which according to Pliny isexceedingly rich in gold, gems, and ivory. Thus by our anxious endeavours, we shall lay open the whole of India to our trade. By letters from thence, it appears that our merchandize is not much valued in these parts, andthat _crusadoes_ ought to be sent out, if we wish to have our affairsspeedily conducted, as other goods remain long in hand: For the Indianspurposely procrastinate, that they may beat down the value of ourcommodities. The Indians give a high price for brass and alum; but thislast must be white not red, and in large pieces, as they despise thesmall. They do not care for coral, unless large and finely wrought, whichotherwise bears no value. Lead is valued, if in large bars. Quicksilverand amber are in no request. Wrought brass bears a low price, as it isalways manufactured over again in their own fashion, so that the cost ofmanufacturing in Europe would be thrown away. All other goods besidesthese mentioned are in no demand, and will therefore bring small profit. 

[1] This letter has no date, but must have been very early in the sixteenth century, probably in 1504, from the circumstance to which it alludes at its commencement. Although said to be from _Spain_, there is every reason to suppose it was written from Lisbon, as we find Portugal frequently considered as _in_ Spain, which it actually is in the most extensive geographical sense. --E. 

[2] This, as formerly observed, alludes to the Mameluk sultan of Egypt, through whose dominions the trade between India and Europe was entirely carried on before this era. This treaty of peace and alliance between Portugal and Calicut, may possibly have been proposed at this period, but certainly was not then agreed to; as there were long wars with the zamorin before his power was reduced under the influence and dominion of the Portuguese. --E. 

[3] This is rather an anachronism, as at this period the Portuguese had no fortress on the Red Sea. 

[4] The _Castor_ of the text was probably musk, and its _amber_ ambergris. --E. 

[5] This alludes to the misfortune of Vincente Sodre and his squadron, already more distinctly related in the preceding chapter. --E. 

[6] The expression of the original, _ex centenario lucro quadrugenarium_, is not easily understood: It is here translated a quarter part of the return cargo, conformably with the regulations of Don Henry for the trade of Guinea, as already stated in Vol. I. P. 204, from which the present were probably copied. --E. 

[7] It is difficult to guess what bay, and who may be the king of the Chaldeans here alluded to. Perhaps the town of Sofala, the emporium of the gold trade of Eastern Africa, which was ruled by an Arabian prince or sheik. By the idolaters in the text, are apparently meant the Negroes of the interior, where the gold came from by way of Sofala. --E. 

[8] This alludes to the Maldives and Lakedives. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_Letter from Peter Pasquali, orator of the Venetian republic at the courtof the king of Portugal, to his brothers dwelling in Lisbon_[1]. 

Beloved brothers! I formerly wrote you by Peter Verzo the carrier, informing you of all the news of this place; and now write again byBartholomew Marquesi, the uncle of Dominic Benedicto of Florence, thatyou may be informed of our affairs, and may be assured of our desire towrite whenever an opportunity offers. Know, therefore, that the vesselwhich was sent out last year towards the north by the king of Portugalunder the command of Caspar Corterato, has now returned. He reportshaving discovered a continent about 2000 miles from hence, in a directionbetween the north-west and the west, hitherto utterly unknown. He islikewise said to have sailed almost 800 miles along its coast, withoutfinding any end; on which account it is considered to be a continent, andnot an island: and its coast appears to join with another land, formerlydiscovered almost under the very north[2]. But the vessel was unable toproceed so far, on account of the sea being frozen, and from excessivefalls of snow. It is concluded, from the number of rivers which descendfrom the snowy mountains, that this land must be a continent, as noisland could possibly supply so many rivers. The land is said to be wellcultivated. The houses of the inhabitants are constructed of wood, covered with hides or the skins of fish. The vessel now arrived hasbrought over seven of the natives of both sexes, and the other ship, which is hourly expected, is said to have fifty. In stature, colour, appearance, and dress, these people are very like the _Cingani_. They areclothed in the skins of fish and otters, and other hairy skins like thoseof wolves; wearing the fur side inwards in winter, as we do, and outwardsin summer; but these are not fashioned or sewed together, being used intheir natural forms. These are principally worn on their arms andshoulders, and their loins are girded with many cords made of sinews. They appear a savage people, yet not impudent, and are well made in alltheir limbs. Their faces are punctured with many marks, like the Indians, having six or eight punctured lines, more or less according to theirfancies, in which they seem to take great delight. They have a language, which is not understood by any one, although interpreters of almost everytongue have been tried. Their country is destitute of iron, yet they haveswords edged with sharp stones; and their arrows are pointed by the samemeans, and are sharper even than ours. Our people brought from thencepart of a broken sword with gilded ornaments, which seemed of Italianmanufacture. 

A certain boy is said to have been seen in that country, having twosilver balls banging from his ears, which certainly appeared to beengraved after our manner. On the whole, it may be concluded that thiscountry is a continent, not an island, and that is a new discovery; forif any ships had ever been here before, we should assuredly have heardsomething respecting it. The coast abounds in fish, particularly salmon, herrings, and many others of that kind. There are forests, which aboundin all kinds of trees; so that _they build_[3] ships, with masts, yards, benches, and all things conformable. On this account the king of Portugalhas resolved to convert this discovery to profit, both on account of theabundance of wood which is fit for many purposes, and because the natives, being accustomed to labour, may become very useful, and indeed I havenever seen better slaves. I have deemed it consistent with our friendshipto acquaint you with these things; and when the other vessel arrives, which is daily expected, I shall communicate other particulars. 

The fleet has sailed for Calicut, and the king has ordered that it shallseize the fleet of Mecca, that the soldan of Syria may neither haveaccess there in future nor may export any more spices. The king ofPortugal is satisfied that every thing shall go according to his wishesin this respect, and the court and all the nation are of the same opinion. Should this purpose succeed, it is incredible how abundant this kingdommust soon become in all kinds of riches and merchandize; and from hencethe ships of Venice in particular will have to bring their accustomedarticles of trade. To us truly, who formerly sustained this branch ofcommerce entirely by our own resources, this decree will be injurious, unless he shew us favour. 

[1] This letter is dated 9th October 1501. It is probable that Pasquali would hardly write this _from_ the court of Portugal to his brothers in _Lisbon_; it being more likely that they resided in Venice. --E. 

[2] The discovery here referred to, seems to have been the coast of Labradore; and the other country under the north may possibly be Greenland. This voyage was probably in quest of a north-west passage to India. --E. 

[3] In this passage we surely ought to read _ships may be built_. --E. 

SECTION IV. 

_Letter from Francis Sagitta of Cremona, from Lisbon, directed to theVenetian orator Peter Pasquali, residing at the Court of Castile_[1]. 

Most excellent orator! In two former letters, I have promised to omit noopportunity of informing your excellency what kind of merchandize mightbe brought in four vessels which were expected daily from India. They arenow arrived, and I shall truly state all the merchandize which they havebrought, which is as follows: One thousand quintals of pepper; 450quintals of cinnamon; about fifty quintals of ginger; fifty quintals oflac: and as much cotton as may be bought for 400 ducats. The reasonassigned for having brought so small a quantity of spice is, that theyagreed among themselves, after sailing from hence, that two of the shipsshould steer for the gold mine, and the other two for Calicut. On thisaccount, each took only such goods as it was thought would be valued inthe ports to which they were bound. But when these ships came to Calicutthey were not allowed to trade, and were obliged to go to other places. On going to Cananore, they there learnt what had been done by PeterAliaris, the factor at Cochin for the king. The king or rajah of Cananorereceived our people honourably, and offered to supply our commandersgratuitously with all kinds of spices; but, thanking him gratefully forthis kindness, he declined the offer, saying that he must go in the firstplace to the kings factor at Cochin, and would then return and accept hisspices on credit. Setting out therefore for Cochin, he transactedbusiness with the royal agent, Peter Aliaris; but as the ships did notbring money for their purchases, and as the goods they brought were insmall request, and they could not therefore succeed in making purchases, the commander resolved to return to Cananore, where the rajah hadexpressed so much good will for the Portuguese, and where he bartered hismerchandize for spices at a good profit. He here left three persons, withthe ships factor and a clerk, because the rajah had advanced money oncredit for the spices, that they might not appear to have cheated therajah. Yet after all, the ships had to come away only half loaded, because they had not taken out money for their purchases, and their goodswere in no request. The conclusion from this is evident, that the Indianshave no demand for our goods, and that money alone is especially desiredby them, and of which they are in great need. 

It has been reported since, that these kings of the Indies gave as muchmerchandize to our admiral without price as would load four ships, out offear of the Christians; especially the king of Calicut, who has been toldby his soothsayers to beware of the ensuing year, as the stars threatenhim with a great slaughter of his men by the Christians, and that hiskingdom even would be deserted, owing to dread of that people. We havethis intelligence from three men who escaped from the battle at_Araschorea_ with the barbarians. The same thing is reported by a nativeof Bergamo, who had dwelt twenty-five years at Calicut, which is likewiseconfirmed by a native of Valentia, who had sojourned there six years. Inthe meantime the king of Calicut fitted out a large fleet to attack ourships at Cananore; but they immediately sought for safety by setting sail. On this account the king of Portugal has ordered eight or ten ships ofburthen to be fitted out by next January, of which seven are alreadybuilt. Two ships have been sent out this summer, one of which is of 700tons burthen, and the other of 500. There is a third in the port ofLisbon of 450 tons; two others at Madeira, one of 350, and the other of230 tons; another is fitting out at Setubal carrying above 160 tons. Besides these six, a caravel is to be added which lately came from theisland of Chio, all of which are entirely at the royal charges; and twoare to be fitted out by the king for certain merchants, one of 450 tonsand the other of 350. It is agreed between these merchants and the king, that the king shall be at the sole expence of the voyage and payment ofthe sailors, as in his service. That the merchants shall carry out asmuch money as may suffice for all their purchases; and on the return ofthe ships half of the goods shall belong to the king, and the merchantsshall be at liberty to sell the other half for their own behoof. Itappears evident to us that this mode of conducting business will begreatly more to the benefit of the merchants than going entirely at theirown risk, as has been done hitherto; so that the king will probably findabundance of people willing to trade to India on these conditions. Wehave accordingly a share in these two ships; but of the event, God alonecan judge. 

[1] This letter is dated 16th September 1502; and by it P. Pascquali appears to have gone from Portugal into Spain:--E. 

SECTION V. 

_Of the Weights and Money of Calicut, and of the places whence theyprocure their Spices_[1]. 

Having already treated concerning the articles of commerce of all kindsin the Indies, it is proper to give some account of the prices andweights of these. In the city of Calicut a _bahar_ of nutmegs is sold for450 _favi_. A bahar consists of four quintals, of 100 pounds each, andtwenty _favis_ are equal to a ducat. A bahar of cinnamon costs 390 favi. A _faracula_, or the twentieth part of a bahar of dried ginger, is sixfavi. A faracula of candied ginger is twenty-eight favi. A bahar oftamarinds thirty favi. A bahar of the best pepper 400 favi. A bahar of_zerombeci_ forty favi. A bahar of myrabolans 560 favi. A bahar ofzedoary thirty favi. A bahar of red sanders eighty favi. A bahar of lac260 favi. A bahar of _sanasius_ 160. A bahar of mastic 430 favi. A_faracula_ of camphor 160. A bahar of pepper 360. A faracula offrankincense five favi. A faracula of benzoin six favi. A faracula ofaloes wood 400 favi. A faracula of cassia eleven favi. A faracula ofrhubarb 400 favi. A bahar of cloves 600 fevi. A faracula of opium 400favi. A bahar of white sanders 700 favi. A mitrical of ambergris, or sixounces and a quarter. A bahar contains twenty faraculas. A faraculafourteen aratollae and a third; as twenty-three Venetian aratollae areequal to twenty-two Portuguese pounds. A golden ducat is equal to twentyfavi. 

As to those things which are carried from Europe for sale at Calicut, afaracula of brass sells for forty-five favi. A faracula of white coralfor 1000. A faracula of silver for twenty favi. A faracula of spuriouscoral for 300. A faracula of alum twenty. An almenum of saffron sells foreighty favi: the almenum exceeds the Portuguese pound two aratollae and ahalf, and is therefore equal to about three Venetian pounds. 

It appears proper to mention the regions from whence the various spicesare brought to Calicut. Pepper is brought from a certain tower near thecoast, about fifty leagues beyond Calicut. Cinnamon comes from a countrycalled _Zolon_, Ceylon, 260 leagues beyond Calicut, and from no otherplace. Cloves come from the district of _Meluza_, which is twelvePortuguese leagues from Calicut, and is in the country of Cananore. Nutmegs and mastic come from _Meluza_, which is 740 leagues fromCalicut[2]. Castor, which is musk, comes from a certain region called Pegu, 500 leagues from Calicut. Fine pearls come from the coast of _Armuzi_[3], 700 leagues from Calicut. Spikenard and myrabolans from the province of_Columbaia_[4], 600 leagues from Calicut. Cassia _in twigs_[5] is procuredin the territory of Calicut. Frankincense is brought from _Saboea_[6], 800leagues distant. Aloes-wood, rhubarb, camphor, and calinga, is sent fromthe country of Chiva[7], 4000 leagues from Calicut. Myrrh from theprovince of _Fastica_[8], 700 leagues distant. Calicut produces_zeromba_[9]; and Cananore sends cardamoms, being only twelve leaguesdistant. Long pepper is found in _Same_[10]. Benzoin from _Zan_, 700 milesfrom Calicut. Zedoary is produced in the territory of Calicut. Lac comesfrom the city of _Samoterra[11], 500 leagues distant. Brasil wood from theregion of _Tannazar_, 500 leagues. Opium from the coast of _Adde_, 700leagues. 

[1] This Section is taken from the _Novus Orbus_ of Grynaeus, p 63. In which it forms part of the navigations from Lisbon to Calicut, attributed to the pen of Aloysius Cadamosto. The information it contains respecting the principal commodities then brought from India to Europe, and their prices, is curious: Yet there is some reason to suspect that the author, or editor rather, has sometimes interchanged the bahar and the faracula, or its twentieth part, in the weights of the commodities. Several of the names of things and places are unintelligible, probably from corrupt transcription. --E. 

[2] Meluza may possibly be the city of Malacca, then a great emporium of Indian trade; but it is impossible to reconcile or explain Meluza in Cananore twelve leagues from Calicut, and Meluza 740 leagues from thence. --E. 

[3] This may possibly refer to the island of Ramisseram in the straits of Manaar, between Ceylon and the Coromandel coast, near which the famous pearl fishery is still carried on. --E. 

[4] Evidently Cambaya or Guzerat. --E. 

[5] Probably Cassia lignea, or in rolled up bark like twigs, to distinguish it from the drug called Cassia fistula. --E. 

[6] Perhaps the coast of Habesh on the Red Sea. --E. 

[7] Probably a typographical error for China. --E. 

[8] Alluding to some part of the coast of Arabia. --E. 

[9] Perhaps Zedoary, repeated afterwards under its right name. --E. 

[10] Same and Zan probably are meant to indicate some of the Indian islands. Same may be Sumatra. Zan may be some port in Zangibar, on the eastern coast of Africa. --E. 

[11] Samoterra probably alludes to some port in the Bay of Bengal. Tannazar, almost certainly Tanaserim in Siam. Adde, probably is Adel or Aden in Arabia. --E.