BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY

THE PROSE WORKS OF JONATHAN SWIFT

VOL. X

[Illustration: _Jonathan Swift on the bust by Rouldiac in TrinityCollege Dublin]

THE PROSE WORKS

OF

JONATHAN SWIFT, D. D. 

EDITED BY

TEMPLE SCOTT

VOL. X

HISTORICAL WRITINGS

1902

INTRODUCTION

Of late years, that is to say, within the last thirty odd years, therehas existed a certain amount of doubt as to whether or no the work knownto us as "The History of the Four Last Years of the Queen, " was reallythe product of Swift's pen. That a work of this nature had occupiedSwift during his retirement at Windsor in 1713, is undoubted. That thework here reprinted from the edition given to the world in 1758, "by ananonymous editor from a copy surreptitiously taken by an anonymousfriend" (to use Mr. Churton Collins's summary), is the actual work uponwhich Swift was engaged at Windsor, is not so certain. Let us for amoment trace the history of what is known of what Swift did write, andthen we shall be in a better position to judge of the authenticity ofwhat we have before us. 

All that we know of this work is gathered from Swift's correspondence, as published by Sir Walter Scott in his edition of Swift's Works issuedin 1824. The first reference there made is in a note from Dr. WilliamKing to Mrs. Whiteway, from which we gather that Swift, towards the endof the year 1736, was meditating the publication of what he had writtenin 1713. "As to the History, " writes King, "the Dean may be assured Iwill take care to supply the dates that are wanting, and which caneasily be done in an hour or two. The tracts, if he pleases, may beprinted by way of appendix. This will be indeed less trouble than theinterweaving them in the body of the history, and will do the author asmuch honour, and answer the purpose full as well. "

This was written from Paris, under date November 9th, O. S. , 1736. It caneasily be gathered from this that the tracts referred to are the tractson the same period which Swift wrote at the time in defence of theOxford ministry. They are given in the fifth volume of this edition. 

On December 7th, 1736, King was in London, and he immediately writes toSwift himself on the matter of the History. "I arrived here yesterday, "he says, "and I am now ready to obey your commands. I hope you are cometo a positive resolution concerning the History. You need not hesitateabout the dates, or the references which are to be made to any publicpapers; for I can supply them without the least trouble. As well as Iremember, there is but one of those public pieces which you determinedshould be inserted at length; I mean Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation;this I have now by me. If you incline to publish the two tracts as anAppendix to the History, you will be pleased to see if the charactergiven of the Earl of Oxford in the pamphlet of 1715 agrees with thecharacter given of the same person in the History. [1] Perhaps on areview you may think proper to leave one of them quite out. You have (Ithink) barely mentioned the attempt of Guiscard, and the quarrel betweenRechteren and Mesnager. But as these are facts which are probably nowforgot or unknown, it would not be amiss if they were related at largein the notes; which may be done from the gazettes, or any othernewspapers of those times. This is all I have to offer to yourconsideration. .. . "

[Footnote 1: See note on page 95 of this volume. ]

There is thus no doubt left as to which were the tracts referred to byKing, and as to the desire of Swift to include Sir Thomas Hanmer'sRepresentation--two points that are important as evidence for theauthenticity of the edition issued by Lucas in 1758. 

Towards the middle of 1737, it must have become common knowledge amongSwift's friends in London, that he was preparing for publication his"History of the Four Last Years of Queen Anne's Reign. " Possibly Kingmay have dropped a hint of it; possibly Swift may have written to othersfor information and assistance. Be that as it may, on April 7th, 1737, the Earl of Oxford (son of Swift's old friend) wrote to Swift asfollows:

 ". .. One reason of my writing to you now is, (next to my asking your forgiveness) this: I am told that you have given leave and liberty to some one or more of your friends to print a history of the last four years of Queen Anne's reign, wrote by you. 

 "As I am most truly sensible of your constant regard and sincere friendship for my father, even to partiality, (if I may say so, ) I am very sensible of the share and part he must bear in such a history; and as I remember, when I read over that history of yours, I can recollect that there seemed to me a want of some papers to make it more complete, which was not in our power to obtain; besides there were some severe things said, which might have been very currently talked of; but now will want a proper evidence to support; for these reasons it is that I do entreat the favour of you, and make it my earnest request, that you will give your positive directions, that this history be not printed and published, until I have had an opportunity of seeing it; with a liberty of showing it to some family friends, whom I would consult upon this occasion. I beg pardon for this; I hope you will be so good as to grant my request: I do it with great deference to you. If I had the pleasure of seeing you, I would soon say something to you that would convince you I am not wrong: they are not proper for a letter as you will easily guess. .. . "

It is evident that Swift had gone so far as to consult with Faulkner onthe matter of the printing of the "History, " because he was present whenOxford's letter arrived, and he tells us that Swift answered the letterimmediately, and made him read the answer, the purport of which was:"That although he loved his lordship's father more than he ever did anyman; yet, as a human creature, he had his faults, and therefore, as animpartial writer, he could not conceal them. "

On the 4th of June, 1737, Swift wrote at length to Oxford a letter inwhich he details the circumstances and the reasons which moved him towrite the History. The letter is important, and runs as follows:

 "MY LORD, "I had the honour of a letter from your lordship, dated April the 7th, which I was not prepared to answer until this time. Your lordship must needs have known, that the History you mention, of the Four last Years of the Queen's Reign, was written at Windsor, just upon finishing the peace; at which time, your father and my Lord Bolingbroke had a misunderstanding with each other, that was attended with very bad consequences. When I came to Ireland to take this deanery (after the peace was made) I could not stay here above a fortnight, being recalled by a hundred letters to hasten back, and to use my endeavours in reconciling those ministers. I left them the history you mention, which I finished at Windsor, to the time of the peace. When I returned to England, I found their quarrels and coldness increased. I laboured to reconcile them as much as I was able: I contrived to bring them to my Lord Masham's, at St. James's. My Lord and Lady Masham left us together. I expostulated with them both, but could not find any good consequences. I was to go to Windsor next day with my lord-treasurer; I pretended business that prevented me, expecting they would come to some [agreement?]. But I followed them to Windsor; where my Lord Bolingbroke told me, that my scheme had come to nothing. Things went on at the same rate; they grew more estranged every day. My lord-treasurer found his credit daily declining. In May before the Queen died, I had my last meeting with them at my Lord Masham's. He left us together; and therefore I spoke very freely to them both; and told them, 'I would retire, for I found all was gone'. Lord Bolingbroke whispered me, 'I was in the right'. Your father said, 'All would do well'. I told him, 'That I would go to Oxford on Monday, since I found it was impossible to be of any use'. I took coach to Oxford on Monday, went to a friend in Berkshire, there stayed until the Queen's death, and then to my station here, where I stayed twelve years, and never saw my lord your father afterward. They could not agree about printing the History of the Four last Years and therefore I have kept it to this time, when I determine to publish it in London, to the confusion of all those rascals who have accused the queen and that ministry of making a bad peace, to which that party entirely owes the Protestant succession. I was then in the greatest trust and confidence with your father the lord-treasurer, as well as with my Lord Bolingbroke, and all others who had part in the administration I had all the letters from the secretary's office, during the treaty of peace out of those, and what I learned from the ministry, I formed that History, which I am now going to publish for the information of posterity, and to control the most impudent falsehoods which have been published since. I wanted no kind of materials. I knew your father better than you could at that time, and I do impartially think him the most virtuous minister, and the most able, that ever I remember to have read of. If your lordship has any particular circumstances that may fortify what I have said in the History, such as letters or materials, I am content they should be printed at the end, by way of appendix. I loved my lord your father better than any other man in the world, although I had no obligation to him on the score of preferment, having been driven to this wretched kingdom, to which I was almost a stranger, by his want of power to keep me in what I ought to call my own country, although I happened to be dropped here, and was a year old before I left it, and to my sorrow did not die before I came back to it again. As to the History, it is only of affairs which I know very well and had all the advantages possible to know, when you were in some sort but a lad. One great design of it is, to do justice to the ministry at that time, and to refute all the objections against them, as if they had a design of bringing in Popery and the Pretender: and farther to demonstrate, that the present settlement of the crown was chiefly owing to my lord your father. .. . "

The Earl of Oxford had failed to extract the manuscript from Swift forthe purpose he had expressed in his letter. But his friend and Swift'sold friend, Erasmus Lewis, who had been Under-Secretary of State duringLord Oxford's administration, came to the Earl's assistance. He had notwritten to Swift for many years, but on June 30th, 1737, he tookoccasion to renew the correspondence and referred to the proposal forpublishing the History in a manner which leaves no doubt as to whosuggested to him to write:

 " . .. Now I name him, I mean Lord Oxford, let me ask you if it be true, that you are going to print a History of the Four Last Years of the Queen? if it is, will not you let me see it before you send it to the press? Is it not possible that I may suggest some things that you may have omitted, and give you reasons for leaving out others? The scene is changed since that period of time: the conditions of the peace of Utrecht have been applauded by most part of mankind, even in the two Houses of Parliament: should not matters rest here, at least for some time? I presume your great end is to do justice to truth; the second point may perhaps be to make a compliment to the Oxford family: permit me to say as to the first, that though you know perhaps more than any one man, I may possibly contribute a mite; and, with the alteration of one word, viz. By inserting _parva_ instead of _magna_, apply to myself that passage of Virgil, _et quorum pars parva fui_. As to the second point, I do not conceive your compliment to Lord Oxford to be so perfect as it might be, unless you lay the manuscript before him, that it may be considered here. "

On the 4th of July, 1737, Oxford replied to Swift's letter of the 4th ofJune (referring to it as of the 14th of June), and emphasizes hisearnest wish to see the manuscript. He also asks that it may bepermitted him to show it to some friends:

 "GOOD MR. DEAN, "Your letter of June 14th, in answer to mine of the 7th of April, is come to my hands; and it is with no small concern that I have read it, and to find that you seem to have formed a resolution to put the History of the Four last Years of the Queen to the press; a resolution taken without giving your friends, and those that are greatly concerned, some notice, or suffering them to have time and opportunity to read the papers over, and to consider them. I hope it is not too late yet, and that you will be so good as to let some friends see them, before they are put to the press; and, as you propose to have the work printed here, it will be easy to give directions to whom you will please to give the liberty of seeing them; I beg I may be one: this request I again repeat to you, and I hope you will grant it. I do not doubt that there are many who will persuade you to publish it; but they are not proper judges: their reasons may be of different kinds, and their motives to press on this work may be quite different, and perhaps concealed from you. 

 "I am extremely sensible of the firm love and regard you had for my father, and have for his memory; and upon that account it is that I now renew my request, that you would at least defer this printing until you have had the advice of friends. You have forgot that you lent me the History to read when you were in England, since my father died; I do remember it well. I would ask your pardon for giving you this trouble; but upon this affair I am so nearly concerned, that, if I did not my utmost to prevent it, I should never forgive myself. "

While this correspondence was in progress, Swift had given themanuscript to Lord Orrery to hand over to Dr. King. On June 24th, 1737, King wrote to Swift stating that he had received a letter from Mrs. Whiteway in which he was told to expect the manuscript from the hands ofLord Orrery. To Mrs. Whiteway he replied, on the same day, that he wouldwait on Lord Orrery to receive the papers. On July 23rd, 1737, LordOrrery wrote to Swift informing him that "Dr. King has his cargo. "

With the knowledge that the manuscript was on its way to King, Swiftwrote the following reply to Lewis's letter:

 July 23, 1737. 

 "DEAR FRIEND, "While any of those who used to write to me were alive, I always inquired after you. But, since your secretaryship in the queen's time, I believed you were so glutted with the office, that you had not patience to venture on a letter to an absent useless acquaintance; and I find I owe yours to my Lord Oxford. The History you mention was written above a year before the queen's death. I left it with the treasurer and Lord Bolingbroke, when I first came over to take this deanery. I returned in less than a month; but the ministry could not agree about printing it. It was to conclude with the peace. I staid in London above nine months; but not being able to reconcile the quarrels between those two, I went to a friend in Berkshire, and, on the queen's death, came hither for good and all. I am confident you read that History; as this Lord Oxford did, as he owns in his two letters, the last of which reached me not above ten days ago. You know, on the queen's death, how the peace and all proceedings were universally condemned. This I knew would be done; and the chief cause of my writing was, not to let such a queen and ministry lie under such a load of infamy, or posterity be so ill-informed, &c. Lord Oxford is in the wrong to be in pain about his father's character, or his proceedings in his ministry; which is so drawn, that his greatest admirers will rather censure me for partiality; neither can he tell me anything material out of his papers, which I was not then informed of; nor do I know anybody but yourself who could give me more light than what I then received; for I remember I often consulted with you, and took memorials of many important particulars which you told me, as I did of others, for four years together. I can find no way to have the original delivered to Lord Oxford, or to you; for the person who has it will not trust it out of his hands; but, I believe, would be contented to let it be read to either of you, if it could be done without letting it out of his hands, although, perhaps, that may be too late. "

Swift is evidently about to accede to the desires of his two friends, and Lewis, in his reply, takes it for granted that the manuscript willsoon be in his possession for perusal and examination:

 London, Aug. 4, 1737. 

 "I assure you, my dear Dean, 'twas matter of joy to me to receive a letter from you, and I hope 'tis an earnest of many more I may have hereafter, before you and I leave this world; though I must tell you, that if you and I revive our former Correspondence, you must indulge me the liberty of making use of another hand; for whether it be owing to age, or writing formerly whole nights by candle-light, or to both those causes, my sight is so far impaired, that I am not able, without much pain, to scratch out a letter. 

 "I do not remember ever to have read your History. I own my memory is much decayed; but still I think I could not have forgotten a matter of so much consequence, and which must have given me so great a pleasure. It is fresh in my mind, that Lord Oxford and the Auditor desired you to confer with me upon the subject matter of it; that we accordingly did so; and that the conclusion was, you would bury everything in oblivion. We reported this to those two, I mean to his lordship and his uncle, and they acquiesced in it. Now I find you have finished that piece. I ask nothing but what you grant in your letter of July 23d, viz. That your friend shall read it to me, and forbear sending it to the press, till you have considered the objections, if any should be made. 

 "In the meantime, I shall only observe to you in general, that three and twenty years, for so long it is since the death of Queen Anne, having made a great alteration in the world, and that what was sense and reason then, is not so now; besides, I am told you have treated some people's characters with a severity which the present times will not bear, and may possibly bring the author into much trouble, which would be matter of great uneasiness to his friends. I know very well it is your intention to do honour to the then treasurer. Lord Oxford knows it; all his family and friends know it; but it is to be done with great circumspection. It is now too late to publish a pamphlet, and too early to publish a History. 

 "It was always my opinion, that the best way of doing honour to the treasurer, was to write a History of the Peace of Utrecht, beginning with a short preamble concerning the calamitous state of our debt, and ending with the breaking our army, and restoring the civil power; that these great things were completed under the administration of the Earl of Oxford, and this should be his epitaph. Lord Bolingbroke is undoubtedly writing a History, but I believe will not live to finish it, because he takes it up too high, viz. From the Restoration. In all probability he'll cut and slash Lord Oxford. This is only my guess. I don't know it. .. . "

 King must have taken the manuscript to Lord Oxford and Lewis, and been present at its reading. When that reading actually took place is not ascertainable; but there is no doubt that before March 15th, 1738, King was aware of the criticisms made on it. On that day he writes to Mr. Deane Swift, explaining that he has been obliged to defer the publication until he has received Swift's answers to the objections made by the friends who read it. On April 25th, 1738, King wrote again to Mr. Deane Swift, regretting that he could not see him, "because I might have talked over with you all the affair of this History, about which I have been much condemned: and no wonder, since the Dean has continually expressed his dissatisfaction that I have so long delayed the publication of it. However, I have been in no fault: on the contrary, I have consulted the Dean's honour, and the safety of his person. In a word, the publication of this work, as excellent as it is, would involve the printer, publisher, author, and everyone concerned, in the greatest difficulties, if not in a certain ruin; and therefore it will be absolutely necessary to omit some of the characters. .. . "

From which we gather that Lewis and the friends had been able to showKing the extreme inadvisability of publishing the work. Swift knewnothing of this at the time, but Lewis did not long keep him in doubt, and the letter Lewis wrote Swift on April 8th, 1738, sets forth atlength the objections and criticisms which had so changed King'sattitude. 

 "London, April 8, 1738. 

 "I can now acquaint you, my dear Dean, that I have at last had the pleasure of reading your History, in the presence of Lord O------d, and two or three more, who think, in all political matters, just as you do, and are as zealous for your fame and safety as any persons in the world. That part of it which relates to the negotiations of peace, whether at London or at Utrecht, they admire exceedingly, and declare they never yet saw that, or any other transaction, drawn up with so much perspicuity, or in a style so entertaining and instructive to the reader, in every respect; but I should be wanting to the sincerity of a friend, if I did not tell you plainly, that it was the unanimous opinion of the company a great deal of the first part should be retrenched, and many things altered. 

 "1st, They conceive the first establishment of the South Sea Company is not rightly stated, for no part of the debt then unprovided for was paid: however the advantages arising to the public were very considerable; for, instead of paying for all provisions cent. Per cent. Dearer than the common market-price, as we did in Lord Godolphin's times, the credit of the public was immediately restored, and, by means of this scheme, put upon as good a footing as the best private security. 

 "2d, They think the transactions with Mr. Buys might have been represented in a more advantageous light, and more to the honour of that administration; and, undoubtedly they would have been so by your pen, had you been master of all the facts. 

 "3d, The D---- of M----'s courage not to be called in question. 

 "4th, The projected design of an assassination they believe true, but that a matter of so high a nature ought not to be asserted without exhibiting the proofs. 

 "5th, The present ministers, who are the rump of those whose characters you have painted, shew too plainly that they have not acted upon republican, or, indeed, any other principles, than those of interest and ambition. 

 "6th, Now I have mentioned characters, I must tell you they were clearly of opinion, that if those you have drawn should be published as they now stand, nothing could save the author's printer and publishers from some grievous punishment. As we have no traces of liberty now left but the freedom of the press, it is the most earnest desire of your friends that you would strike out all that you have said on that subject. 

 "Thus, my dear Dean, I have laid before you, in a plain manner the sentiments of those who were present when your History was read; if I have mistaken in anything, I ask pardon of you and them. 

 "I am not at liberty to name those who were present, excepting only the E---- of O----d, who has charged me to return you his thanks for what you have said of his father. 

 "What I have to say from myself is, that there were persons in the company to whose judgment I should pay entire deference. I had no opportunity of paying any on this occasion, for I concurred in the same opinion with them, from the bottom of my heart, and therefore conjure you as you value your own fame as an author, and the honour of those who were actors in the important affairs that make the subject of your History, and as you would preserve the liberty of your person, and enjoyment of your fortune, you will not suffer this work to go to the press without making some, or all the amendments proposed. I am, my dear Dean, most sincerely and affectionately yours, "E. L. 

 "I thank you for your kind mention of me in your letter to Lord Oxford. 

 "I had almost forgot to tell you, you have mistaken the case of the D---- of S----, which, in truth, was this, that his grace appearing at court, in the chamber next to the council-chamber, it was apprehended he would come into the cabinet-council; and therefore the intended meeting was put off: whereas one would judge, by your manner of stating it, that the council had met, and adjourned abruptly upon his taking his place there. 

 "I must add, that if you would so far yield to the opinions of your friends, as to publish what you have writ concerning the peace, and leave out everything that savours of acrimony and resentment, it would, even now, be of great service to this nation in general, and to them in particular, nothing having been yet published on the peace of Utrecht in such a beautiful and strong manner as you have done it. Once more, my dear Dean, adieu; let me hear from you. "

It is to be presumed that Swift was again persuaded to abandon thepublication of his History. Nothing further is heard of it, except aslight reference by Pope in a letter he wrote to Swift, under date May17th, 1739, in which Pope informed him that Bolingbroke (who is writinghis History of his own Time) has expressed his intention of differingfrom Swift's version, as he remembers it when he read the History in1727. The variation would relate in particular to the conduct of theEarl of Oxford. 

Slight as this reference is, there is yet enough in it to suggestanother reason why Swift should withhold the publication of his work. Itmight be that this expressed intention of Bolingbroke's to animadvert onhis dear friend's conduct, would just move Swift to a final rejection ofhis intention, and so, possibly, prevent Bolingbroke from publishing hisown statement. However, the manuscript must have been returned, fornothing more was heard of it during Swift's lifetime. 

Swift died in 1745, and thirteen years later appeared the anonymouslyedited "History of the Four Last Years. " Is this the work which Swiftwrote in 1713, which he permitted Pope and Bolingbroke to read in 1727, and which he prepared for publication in 1737?

In 1758 there was no doubt whatever raised, although there were at leasttwo persons alive then--Lord Orrery and Dr. William King--who couldeasily have proved any forgery, had there been one. 

The first suspicion cast on the work came from Dr. Johnson. Writing, inhis life of Swift, of the published version, he remarks, "that it seemedby no means to correspond with the notions that I had formed of it froma conversation that I once heard between the Earl of Orrery and old Mr. Lewis. " In what particulars this want of correspondence was made evidentJohnson does not say. In any case, his suspicion cannot be received withmuch consideration, since the conversation he heard must have takenplace at least twenty years before he wrote the poet's life, and hisrecollection of such a conversation must at least have been very hazy. Johnson's opinion is further deprived of weight when we read what hewrote of the History in the "Idler, " in 1759, the year after itspublication, that "the history had perished had not a stragglingtranscript fallen into busy hands. " If the straggling manuscript wereworth anything, it must have had some claims to authenticity; and if ithad, then Johnson's recollection of what he heard Orrery and Lewis say, twenty years or more after they had said it, goes for very little. 

Sir Walter Scott concludes, from the fact that Swift sent the manuscriptto Oxford and Lewis, that it was afterwards altered in accordance withLewis's suggestions. But a comparison of Lucas's text with Lewis'sletter shows that nothing of the kind was done. 

Lord Stanhope had "very great reason to doubt" the authenticity of theHistory, and considered it as "falsely ascribed to Swift. " What this"very great reason" was, his lordship nowhere stated. 

Macaulay, in a pencilled note in a copy of Orrery's "Remarks" (now inthe British Museum) describes the History as "Wretched stuff; and Ifirmly believe not Swift's. " But Macaulay could scarcely have had muchground for his note, since he took a description of Somers from theHistory, and embodied it in his own work as a specimen of what Somers'senemies said of him. If the History were a forgery, what object wasgained in quoting from it, and who were the enemies who wrote it?

When, in 1873, Lord Beaconsfield, then Mr. Disraeli, made a speech atGlasgow, in which he quoted from the History and spoke of the words asby Swift, a correspondent in the "Times" criticised him for hisignorance in so doing. But the discussion which followed in the columnsof that periodical left the matter just where it was, and, indeed, justified Beaconsfield. The matter was taken up by Mr. Edward Solly in"Notes and Queries;" but that writer threw no new light whatever on thesubject. 

But the positive evidence in favour of the authenticity is so strong, that one wonders how there could have been any doubt as to whether Swiftdid or did not write the History. 

In the first place we know that Swift was largely indebted for his factsto Bolingbroke, when that statesman was the War Secretary of Queen Anne. A comparison of those portions of Swift's History which contain thefacts with the Bolingbroke Correspondence, in which the same facts areembodied, will amply prove that Swift obtained them from this source, and as Swift was the one man of the time to whom such a favour wasgiven, the argument in favour of Swift's authorship obtains an addedemphasis. 

In the second place, a careful reading of the correspondence betweenSwift and his friends on the subject of the publication of the Historyenables us to identify the references to the History itself. The"characters" are there; Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation is alsothere, and all the points raised by Erasmus Lewis may be told off, oneby one. 

In the third place, Dr. Birch, the careful collector, had, in 1742, access to what he considered to be the genuine manuscript. This wasthree years before Swift's death. He made an abstract of this manuscriptat the time, and this abstract is now preserved in the British Museum. Comparing the abstract with the edition published in 1758, there is nodoubt that the learned doctor had copied from a manuscript which, if itwere not genuine, was certainly the text of the work published in 1758as "The History of the Four Last Years. " But Dr. Birch's languagesuggests that he believed the manuscript he examined to be in Swift'sown handwriting. If that be so, there is no doubt whatever of theauthenticity. Birch was a very careful person, and had he had any doubtshe could easily have settled them by applying to the many friends of theDean, if not to the Dean himself. Moreover, it is absurd to believe thata forged manuscript of Swift's would be shown about during Swift'slifetime without it being known as a forgery. Mrs. Whiteway alone wouldhave put a stop to its circulation had she suspected of the existence ofsuch a manuscript. 

Finally, it must be remembered that when the History was published in1758, Lord Orrery was still living. If the work were a forgery, why didnot Lord Orrery expose it? Nothing would have pleased him more. He hadread the manuscript referred to in the Correspondence. He had carried itto Oxford and given it to King, at Swift's request. He knew all aboutit, and he said nothing. 

These considerations, both negative and positive, lead us to the finalconclusion that the History published in 1758 is practically the Historyreferred to in Swift's Correspondence, and therefore the authentic workof Swift himself. We say practically, because there are somedifferences between it and the text published here. The differences havebeen recorded from a comparison between Lucas's version and thetranscript of a manuscript discovered in Dublin in 1857, and made by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald. Mr. Fitzgerald found that this manuscript containedmany corrections in Swift's own handwriting. At the time he came acrossit the manuscript was in the possession of two old ladies named Greene, grand-daughters of Mrs. Whiteway, and grand-nieces of Swift himself. Onthe title-page there was the following note:

"This is the originall manuscript of the History, corrected by me, andgiven into the custody of Mrs. Martha Whiteway by me Jonathan Swift, June 15, 1737. Seven. 

"I send a fair copy of this History by the Earl of Orrery to be printedin England. 

"JONATH. SWIFT. "

Mr. Fitzgerald was permitted to make a collation of this manuscript, andhis collation he sent to the late John Forster. It is now in theVictoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. [2]

[Footnote 2: I regret that I have been unable to trace the existence ofthis manuscript of Swift's "History. " Mr. Fitzgerald himself has norecollection of having made the collation. "Forty-five years ago, " hewrites, "is a long time to look back to, " and he cannot recall thefact. ]

If this manuscript be what, on the face of it, it claims to be, then thequestion of authenticity is for ever settled. As we have no doubt onthis point, the corrections and variations between this manuscript, ascollated by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald and the Lucas version, have been notedin the present edition. 

In 1752 Lord Orrery issued his "Remarks" on the life and character ofSwift. The work obtained for him a certain notoriety, and brought downupon him some severe censure from the friends of Swift who were stillalive. But, whatever may have been Orrery's private opinion of Swift, that should not invalidate any information as to fact of which he hadthe knowledge to speak. Writing in that book of the History, he says:"Dr. Swift left behind him few manuscripts. Not one of any consequence, except an account of the peace of Utrecht, which he called 'An Historyof the four last Years of Queen Anne. ' The title of an history is toopompous for such a performance. In the historical style, it wantsdignity and candour: but as a pamphlet it will appear the best defenceof Lord Oxford's administration, and the clearest account of the Treatyof Utrecht, that has hitherto been written. "[3]

[Footnote 3: Second edition, pp. 206-207. ]

The most ardent and devoted of Swift's admirers could hardly find ajuster criticism of the work. It should satisfy any unprejudiced readerof the printed History as we now have it, and to that extent emphasizethe authenticity. 

An interesting sidelight on Swift's History is thrown by Chesterfield ina letter he wrote to Dr. Chenevix, Bishop of Waterford, on May 23rd, 1758. We must believe that the noble lord wrote in good faith andcertainly in the full belief that the work he was criticising was thework of Swift. Chesterfield's criticism points directly to Swift as theauthor, since his justification for Bolingbroke's story is to be foundin the work as Lucas printed it in 1758. Speaking of the History, Chesterfield calls it "a party pamphlet, founded on the lie of the day, which, as lord Bolingbroke who had read it often assured me, was coinedand delivered out to him, to write Examiners, and other political papersupon. That spirit remarkably runs through it. Macarteney, for instance, murdered duke Hamilton;[4] nothing is falser, for though Macarteney wasvery capable of the vilest actions, he was guiltless of that, as Imyself can testify, who was at his trial on the king's bench, when hecame over voluntarily to take it, in the late king's time. There did notappear even the least ground for a suspicion of it; nor did Hamilton, who appeared in court, pretend to tax him with it, which would have beenin truth accusing himself of the utmost baseness, in letting themurderer of his friend go off from the field of battle, without eitherresentment, pursuit, or even accusation, till three days afterwards. This _lie_ was invented to inflame the Scotch nation against the Whigs;as the other, that prince Eugene intended to murder lord Oxford, byemploying a set of people called Mohocks, which society, by the way, never existed, was calculated to inflame the mob of London. Swift tookthose hints _de la meilleure foi du monde_, and thought them materialsfor history. So far he is blameless. "[5]

[Footnote 4: See page 178 of this volume. ]

[Footnote 5: "Chesterfield's Works, " pp. 498-499. ]

Ignoring Chesterfield's indignation, we must believe that the referencesmade by him to Macartney and Eugene, must have been in the manuscriptBolingbroke read; else how could Bolingbroke tell Chesterfield of theirmeaning? If this be so, we have a still further warrant for a strongpresumption in favour of authenticity. There can really be very littledoubt on the matter. 

What we may doubt, however, is not the authenticity, but the value ofthe History as an historical document. Without question, Swift wrote ingood faith; but he also wrote as a partisan, and a partisan with anaffectionate leaning for the principal character in the drama he wasdescribing. Orrery was right when he called it "a pamphlet, " and "thebest defence of Lord Oxford's administration. " As a pamphlet and as adefence it has some claim on our attention. As a contribution to thehistory of the treaty of Utrecht it is of little account. Swift couldnot, had he even known everything, write the true story of thenegotiations for publication at the time. In the first place, he wouldnever have attempted it--the facts would have been demoralizing; and inthe second place, had he accomplished it, its publication would havebeen a matter for much more serious consideration than was given even tothe story he did write. For Swift's purpose, it was much better that hedid not know the full extent of the ministry's perfidy. His affectionfor Oxford and his admiration for Bolingbroke would have received agreat shock. He knew their weaknesses of character, though not theirinfidelity to honour. There can be no defence of the Oxfordadministration, for the manner in which it separated England from itsallies and treated with a monarch who was well known to it as apolitical chicaner. The result brought a treaty by which Louis XIV. Gained and the allies lost, and this in spite of the offers previouslymade by the bankrupt monarch at Gertruydenberg. 

The further contents of this volume deal with what might better becalled Swiftiana. They include a collection of very interestingannotations made by Swift in his copies of Macky's "Characters, "Clarendon's "History of the Rebellion, " Burnet's "History of his OwnTime, " and Addison's "Freeholder. " The notes to Clarendon and Burnethave always found an important place in the many editions of thesewell-known works which have been issued from time to time. As herereprinted, however, they have in all cases been compared with theoriginals themselves. It will be found that very many additions havebeen made, the result of careful comparison and collation with theoriginals in Swift's handwriting. 

My obligations are again due to Mr. W. Spencer Jackson for very valuableassistance in the collation of texts; to Mr. George Ravenscroft Dennisfor several important suggestions; to Mr. Percy Fitzgerald for the use Ihave made of his transcriptions; and to Mr. Strickland of the NationalGallery of Ireland for his help in the matter of Swift portraits. 

I am greatly indebted to Mr. C. Litton Falkiner of Killiney, co. Wicklow, for his untiring assistance to me during my stay in Dublin; tothe Very Rev. The Dean of St. Patrick's Cathedral for permission toconsult the Marsh collection; and to the Rev. Newport J. D. White, thecourteous librarian of the Marsh Library, for enthusiastic aid in myresearches. I also owe very hearty thanks to Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole forintroductions to the librarians of Trinity College and the Royal IrishAcademy. 

The portrait prefixed to this volume is a reproduction of the bust byRoubiliac in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. 

TEMPLE SCOTT. 

DUBLIN, _August 14th_, 1902. 

CONTENTS

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST YEARS OF THE QUEEN

AN ABSTRACT OF THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND: From the invasion of it by Julius Caesar to the Reign of Henry the Second

REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE

REMARKS ON LORD CLARENDON'S "HISTORY OF THE REBELLION"

REMARKS ON BISHOP BURNET'S "HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIME"

NOTES ON THE "FREEHOLDER"

INDEX

THE HISTORY OF

THE FOUR LAST YEARS

OF THE QUEEN. 

By the late

JONATHAN SWIFT, D. D. D. S. P. D. 

Published from the

Last MANUSCRIPT Copy, Corrected and

Enlarged by the Author's OWN HAND. 

LONDON:

Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand:

MDCCLVIII. 

_ADVERTISEMENT_

_PREFIXED TO THE EDITION OF_ 1758. [1]

[Footnote 1: This advertisement was written by the editor, Dr. CharlesLucas of Dublin. This Lucas was the patriot who created such a stir inIrish politics between the years 1743 and 1750. Lord Townshend, in aletter to the Marquis of Granby, called him "the Wilkes of Ireland. " Asan author he seems to have been very prolific, though of no polish inhis writings. Lucas's disclaimers of sympathy with the opinionscontained in the work he edited are somewhat over-stated, and hiscriticisms are petty. A full account of this hot-headed physician may befound in the Dictionary of National Biography. It was Dr. Johnson, inhis life of Swift, who first published the information that Lucas editedthis "History. " [T. S. ]]

_Thus, the long wished for_ History of the Four Last Years of theQueen's Reign _is at length brought to light, in spite of all attemptsto suppress it_!

As this publication is not made under the sanction of the name, ornames, which the author and the world had a right to expect; it is fitsome account of the works appearing in this manner should be here given. 

Long before the Dean's apparent decline, some of his intimate friends, with concern, foresaw the impending fate of his fortune and his works. To this it is owing, that these sheets, which the world now despaired ofever seeing, are rescued from obscurity, perhaps from destruction. 

For this, the public is indebted to a gentleman, now in Ireland, of thegreatest probity and worth, with whom the Dean long lived in perfectintimacy. To this gentleman's hands the Dean entrusted a copy of hisHistory, desiring him to peruse and give his judgment of it, with thelast corrections and amendments the author had given it, in his ownhand. 

His friend read, admired, and approved. And from a dread of so valuableand so interesting a work's being by any_ _accident lost or effaced, aswas probable by its not being intended to be published in the author'slifetime; he resolved to keep this copy, till the author should presshim for it; but with a determined purpose, it should never see thelight, while there was any hopes of the author's own copy beingpublished, or even preserved. 

This resolution he inviolably kept, till he and the world had fullassurance, that the Dean's executors, or those into whose hands theoriginal copy fell, were so far from intending to publish it, that itwas actually suppressed, perhaps destroyed. 

Then, he thought himself not only at liberty, but judged it his duty tohis departed friend, and to the public, to let this copy, which he hadnow kept many years most secretly, see the light. 

Thus it has at length fallen into the hands of a person, who publishesit for the satisfaction of the public, abstracted from all privateregards; which are never to be permitted to come in competition with thecommon good. 

Every judicious eye will see, that the author of these sheets wrote withstrong passions, but with stronger prepossessions and prejudices infavour of a party. These, it may be imagined, the editor, in somemeasure, may have adopted, and published this work as a kind of supportof that party, or some surviving remnant thereof. 

It is but just to undeceive the reader, and inform him from what kind ofhand he has received this work. A man may regard a good piece ofpainting, while he despises the subject; if the subject be ever sodespicable, the masterly strokes of the painter may demand ouradmiration, while he, in other respects, is entitled to no portion ofour regard. 

In poetry, we carry our admiration still farther; and like the poet, while we actually contemn the man. Historians share the like fate; hencesome, who have no regard to propriety or truth, are yet admired fordiction, style, manner, and the like. 

The editor considers this work in another light. He long knew theauthor, and was no stranger to his politics, connections, tendencies, passions, and the whole economy of his life. He has long been hardilysingular in condemning this great man's conduct amid the admiringmultitude, nor ever could have thought of making an interest in a man, _whose principles and manners he could by no rule of reason or honourapprove, however he might have admired his parts and wit_. 

_Such was judged the disposition of the man, whose history of the mostinteresting period of time in the annals of Britain are now, herein, offered to the reader. He may well ask from what motives? The answer iseasily, simply given_. 

_The causes assigned for delaying the publication of this history wereprincipally these:_[2] _That the manuscript fell into the hands of men, who, whatever they might have been by the generality deemed, were by theDean believed to be of his party, though they did not, after his death, judge it prudent to avow his principles, more than to deny them in hislifetime. These men, having got their beavers, tobacco-boxes, and othertrifling remembrances of former friendship, by the Dean's will, did notchoose publicly to avow principles, that had marred their friend'spromotion, and might probably put a stop to theirs. Therefore, they gavethe inquisitive world to understand, that there was something too strongagainst many great men, as well as the succeeding system of publicaffairs in general, in the Dean's_ History of the Four Last Years of theQueen's Reign, _to admit of a publication, in our times; and, with thispoor insinuation, excused themselves, and satisfied the weaklywell-affected, in suppressing the manifestation of displeasing truths, of however great importance to society_. 

[Footnote 2: The causes for the delay in the publication of the"History" are given at length by the present editor in the Introduction. [T. S. ]]

_This manuscript has now fallen into the hands of a man, who never couldassociate with, or even approve, any of the parties or factions, thathave differently distracted, it might be said disgraced, these kingdoms;because he has as yet known none, whose motives or rules of action weretruth and the public good alone; of one, who judges, that perjuredmagistrates of all denominations, and their most exalted minions, may beexposed, deprived, or cut off, by the fundamental laws of his country;and who, upon these principles, from his heart approves and glories inthe virtues of his predecessors, who revived the true spirit of theBritish polity, in laying aside a priest-ridden, an hen-pecked, tyrannical tool, who had overturned the political constitution of hiscountry, and in reinstituting the dissolved body politic, by arevolution supported by the laws of nature and the realm, as the onlymeans of preserving the natural and legal, the civil and religiousliberties of the members of the commonwealth_. 

_Truth, in this man's estimation, can hurt no good cause. And falsehoodand fraud, in religion and politics, are ever to be detected, to beexploded_. 

_Insinuations, that this History contained something injurious to thepresent establishment, and therefore necessary to be suppressed, servebetter the purposes of mistaken or insidious malcontents than the realpublication can. And, if any thing were by this, or any other, Historyto be shown essentially erroneous in our politics, who, that callshimself a Briton, can be deemed such an impious slave, as to conceal thedestructive evil? The editor of this work disdains and abhors theservile thought, and wishes to live no longer than he dares to think, speak, write, and, in all things, to act worthy of a Briton_. 

_From this regard to truth and to his country, the editor of thisHistory was glad of an opportunity of rescuing such a writing from thosewho meant to suppress it. The common cause, in his estimation, requiredand demanded it should be done; and the sooner it is published, hejudged, the better: for, if the conduct of the Queen and her ministersdoes not deserve the obloquy that has been long industriously cast uponit, what is more just than to vindicate it? What more reasonable thanthat this should be done, while living witnesses may yet be called, toprove or disprove the several allegations and assertions; since, in afew years more, such witnesses may be as much wanting as to prevent acanonization, which is therefore prudently procrastinated for above anage? Let us then coolly hear what is to be said on this side thequestion, and judge like Britons. _

_The editor would not be thought to justify the author of this History, in all points, or even to attempt to acquit him of unbecoming prejudicesand partiality. Without being deeply versed in history or politics, hecan see his author, in many instances, blinded with passions thatdisgrace the historian; and blending, with phrases worthy of a Caesar ora Cicero, expressions not to be justified by truth, reason, or commonsense, yet think him a most powerful orator, and a great historian. _

_No unprejudiced person will blame the Dean for doing all that isconsistent with truth and decency to vindicate the government of theQueen, and to exculpate the conduct of her ministers and her lastgeneral; all good men would rejoice at such a vindication. But, if hemeant no more than this, his work would ill deserve the title of anHistory. That he generally tells truths, and founds his most materialassertions upon fact, will, I think be found very evident. But there isroom to suspect, that, while he tells no more than the truth, he doesnot tell the whole truth. However, he makes it very clear, that theQueen's allies, especially our worthy friends the Dutch, were much toblame for the now generally condemned conduct of the Queen, with regardto the prosecution of the war and the bringing about the peace_. 

_The authors drawings of characters are confessedly partial: for hetells us openly, he means not to give characters entire, but such partsof each man's particular passions, acquirements, and habits, as he wasmost likely to transfer into his political schemes. What writing, whatsentence, what character, can stand this torture?--What extremeperversion may not, let me say, does not, this produce? Yet thus does hechoose to treat all men, that were not favourers of the latest measuresof the Queen, when the best that has been said for her, shows no morethan that she was blindfolded and held in leading-strings by herministers_. 

_He does not spare a man, confessed by all the world to have dischargedthe duties of his function like a soldier, like an hero. But chargesPrince Eugene with raising and keeping up a most horrible mob, withintent to assassinate Harley. For all which odious charges he offers notone individual point of proof_. 

_He is not content with laying open again the many faults alreadypublicly proved upon the late Duke of Marlborough, but insinuates a newcrime, by seeming to attempt to acquit him of aspiring at the throne. But this is done in a manner peculiar to this author_. 

_On the other hand, he extols the ministers, and minions of the Queen, in the highest terms; and while he robs their antagonists of every goodquality, generally gives those wisdom and every virtue that can adornhuman nature_. 

_He is not ashamed to attempt to justify, what all thinking good menmust condemn, the Queen's making twelve peers at once, to serve aparticular turn_. 

_All these may be ascribed to the strength of his passions, and to theprejudices, early imbibed, in favour of his indulgent royal mistress andher favourites and servants. [3] The judicious will look through theelegant clothing, and dispassionately consider these as mere humanerrors, to which no well-informed mind can assent. The editor thinkshimself bound to protest against them_. 

[Footnote 3: That Swift should have a strong partiality to Harley andSt. John, by whom he was respected and trusted to a most uncommondegree, is natural and obvious; but upon what ground Queen Anne, whodisliked his person, and obstructed his preferment, is here termed his_indulgent_ mistress, the author of this preface ought to havecondescended to explain. [S. ]]

_He makes a few lapses on the other side, without being as clear as animpartial historian would choose to appear. He more than hints at theQueen's displeasure at its being moved in Parliament, that the PrinceElector should be invited to reside in England, to whose crown he was bylaw declared presumptive heir, but is always open upon the Queen'sinsisting on the Pretender's being sent out of France. --It is easy tosee how incompatible these things appear. Nothing could tend more tosecure the Hanover succession, and to enlarge its benefits to Britain, than the bringing over the successor, who should, in every country, bewell instructed in the language, customs, manners, religion, and laws ofhis future subjects, before he comes to hold the reins of government. And our author does not take the proper care to inform us how far theFrench thought fit to comply with banishing the Pretender theirdominions, since many still live in doubt, that if he was sent out ofFrance, he was sent into England_. 

_But there is one expression of our author too perverse, too grosslyabused, to admit of any apology, of any palliation. It is not to besupposed, that he was ignorant of any word in the English language. Andleast of all can he be supposed ignorant of the meaning of a word, which, had it been ever so doubtful before, had a certain meaningimpressed upon it by the authority of Parliament, of which no sensiblesubject can be ignorant_. 

_Notwithstanding this, where our author speaks of the late King James, he calls him the_ abdicated King, _and gives the same epithet even tohis family. Though this weak, ill-advised, and ill-fated prince, inevery sense of the word, with Romans and English, and to all intents andpurposes_, abdicated, _yet can he, in no sense, be called_ abdicated;_unless the people's asserting their rights, and defending themselvesagainst a king, who broke his compact with his subjects, and overturnedtheir government, can be called_ abdication _in them; which no man inhis senses can be hardy enough to support upon any principle of reasonor the laws of England. Let the reader judge which this is most likelyto be, error or design_. 

_These exceptions the editor thought himself bound to make to some partsof this work, to keep clear of the disagreeable imputations of being ofa party, of whatsoever denomination, in opposition to truth and therights and liberties of the subject. _

_These laid aside, the work will be found to have many beauties, manyexcellencies. Some have of late affected to depreciate this History, from an insinuation, made only since the author's death, to wit, that hewas never admitted into the secrets of the administration, but made tobelieve he was a confident, only to engage him in the list of theministerial writers of that reign_. 

_The falsehood of this will readily appear upon perusal of the work. This shows he knew the most secret springs of every movement in thewhole complicated machine. That he states facts, too well known to becontested, in elegant simplicity, and reasons upon them with the talentsof the greatest historian. And thus makes an History, composed rather ofnegotiations than actions, most entertaining, affecting, andinteresting, instead of being, as might be expected, heavy, dull, anddisagreeable_. 

_It is now fit to apologize for some errors, which the judicious mustdiscover upon a perusal of this work. It is for this, among otherreasons, much to be lamented, that this History was not published underthe author's own inspection. It is next to impossible to copy or printany work without faults, and most so where the author's eye is wanting_. 

_It is not to be imagined, that even our author, however accurate, however great, was yet strictly and perfectly correct in his writings. Yet, where some seeming inaccuracies in style or expression have beendiscovered, the deference due to the author made any alteration toopresumptuous a task for the editor. These are, therefore, left to theamending hand of every sensible and polite reader; while the editorhopes it will suffice, that he should point out some of those errors, which are to be ascribed either to transcribers or the press, and whichmay be rectified in the manner following, in reading the work. _[4]

[Footnote 4: Here follows list of _errata_. (These errors have beencorrected in the present edition. )]

_And thus; with these and perhaps some few such like corrections, it ishoped this work will be found completely correct. _

THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. [1]

[Footnote 1: The time when it was written does not appear; but it wasprobably many years after the Queen's death. [N. ] First published in1765. [W. S. J. ]]

Having written the following History at Windsor, in the happy reign ofHer Majesty Queen Anne, of ever glorious, blessed, and immortal memory;I resolved to publish it, for the satisfaction of my fellow-subjects, inthe year 1713; but, being under a necessity of going to Ireland, to takepossession of the deanery of St. Patrick's, Dublin, I left the originalwith the ministers; and having stayed in that kingdom not above afortnight, I found, at my return, that my Lord Treasurer Oxford, and thesecretary my Lord Bolingbroke, who were then unhappily upon very illterms with each other, could not agree upon publishing it, without somealterations which I would not submit to. Whereupon I kept it by me untilHer Majesty's death, which happened about a year after. 

I have ever since preserved the original very safely; too well knowingwhat a turn the world would take upon the German family's succeeding tothe crown; which indeed was their undoubted right, having beenestablished solemnly by the act of an undisputed Parliament, broughtinto the House of Commons by Mr. Harley, who was then Speaker. 

But, as I have said in another discourse, [2] it was very wellunderstood, some years before Her Majesty's death, how the new Kingwould act, immediately upon his entrance, in the choice of those (andthose alone) whom he resolved to trust; and consequently what reportswould industriously be raised, as well as spread, to expose theproceedings of Her Majesty herself, as well as of her servants; who havebeen ever since blasted as enemies to the present establishment, by themost ignorant and malicious among mankind. 

[Footnote 2: "Memoirs relating to the Change in the Queen's Ministry. "See vol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

Therefore, as it was my lot to have been daily conversant with thepersons then in power; never absent in times of business orconversation, until a few weeks before Her Majesty's death; and awitness of almost every step they made in the course of theiradministration; I must have been very unfortunate not to be betterinformed than those miserable pamphleteers, or their patrons, couldpretend to. At the same time, I freely confess, it appeared necessary, as well as natural, upon such a mighty change as the death of asovereign, that those who were to be in power upon the succession, andresolved to act in every part by a direct contrary system of politics, should load their predecessors with as much infamy as the mostinveterate malice and envy could suggest, or the most stupid ignoranceand credulity in their underlings could swallow. 

Therefore, as I pretend to write with the utmost impartiality, thefollowing History of the Four Last Years of her Majesty's Reign, inorder to undeceive prejudiced persons at present, as well as posterity;I am persuaded in my own mind, as likewise by the advice of my oldestand wisest friends, that I am doing my duty to God and man, byendeavouring to set future ages right in their judgment of that happyreign; and, as a faithful historian, I cannot suffer falsehoods to runon any longer, not only against all appearance of truth as well asprobability, but even against those happy events, which owe theirsuccess to the very measures then fixed in the general peace. 

The materials for this History, besides what I have already mentioned, Imean the confidence reposed in me for those four years, by the chiefpersons in power, were extracted out of many hundred letters written byour ambassadors abroad, and from the answers as well as instructionssent them by our secretaries of state, or by the first minister the Earlof Oxford. The former were all originals, and the latter copies enteredinto books in the secretaries' office, out of both which I collected allthat I thought convenient; not to mention several Memorials given me bythe ministers at home. Further, I was a constant witness and observer ofall that passed; and entered every particular of any consequence uponpaper. 

I was so far from having any obligation to the crown, that, on thecontrary, Her Majesty issued a proclamation, offering three hundredpounds to any person who would discover the author of a certain shorttreatise, [3] which the Queen well knew to have been written by me. Inever received one shilling from the minister, or any other present, except that of a few books; nor did I want their assistance to supportme. I very often dined indeed with the treasurer and secretary; but, inthose days, that was not reckoned a bribe, whatever it may have been atany time since. I absolutely refused to be chaplain to the LordTreasurer; because I thought it would ill become me to be in a state ofdependence. 

[Footnote 3: "The Public Spirit of the Whigs. " [D. S. ]]

I say this, to shew that I had no other bias than my own opinion ofpersons and affairs. I preserved several of the opposite party in theiremployments, who were persons of wit and learning, particularly Mr. Addison and Mr. Congreve, neither of whom were ever in any danger fromthe treasurer, who much esteemed them both; and, by his lordship'scommands, I brought the latter to dine with him. Mr. Steele might havebeen safe enough, if his continually repeated indiscretions, and a zealmingled with scurrilities, had not forfeited all title to lenity. [4]

[Footnote 4: A full account of the severance of the friendly relationsbetween Swift and Steele is given in the fifth volume of the presentedition (see pp. 276-282). [T. S. ]]

I know very well the numberless prejudices of weak and deceived people, as well as the malice of those, who, to serve their own interest orambition, have cast off all religion, morality, justice, and commondecency. However, although perhaps I may not be believed in the presentage, yet I hope to be so in the next, by all who will bear any regardfor the honour and liberty of England, if either of these shall thensubsist or not. 

I have no interest or inclination to palliate the mistakes, oromissions, or want of steadiness, or unhappy misunderstandings, among afew of those who then presided in affairs. 

Nothing is more common than the virulence of superficial and illinformed writers, against the conduct of those who are now called primeministers: And, since factions appear at present to be at a greaterheight than in any former times, although perhaps not so equally poised;it may probably concern those who are now in their height, if they haveany regard for their own memories in future ages, to be less warmagainst others, who humbly differ from them in some state opinions. Oldpersons remember, at least by tradition, the horrible prejudices thatprevailed against the first Earl of Clarendon, whose character, as itnow stands, might be a pattern for all ministers; although even BishopBurnet of Sarum, whose principles, veracity, and manner of writing, areso little esteemed upon many accounts, hath been at the pains tovindicate him. 

Upon that irreparable breach between the treasurer and secretaryBolingbroke, after my utmost endeavours, for above two years, toreconcile them, I retired to a friend in Berkshire, where I stayed untilHer Majesty's death;[5] and then immediately returned to my station inDublin, where I continued about twelve years without once seeingEngland. I there often reviewed the following Memoirs; neither changingnor adding, further than by correcting the style: And, if I have beenguilty of any mistakes, they must be of small moment; for it was hardlypossible I could be wrong informed, with all the advantages I havealready mentioned. 

[Footnote 5: See vol. V. Of the present edition--the notes on pp. 390, 393-394, 420, 421, and 426. [T. S. ]]

I shall not be very uneasy under the obloquy that may, perhaps, be castupon me by the violent leaders and followers of the present prevailingparty. And yet I cannot find the least inconsistence with conscience orhonour, upon the death of so excellent a princess as her late Majesty, for a wise and good man to submit, with a true and loyal heart, to herlawful Protestant successor; whose hereditary title was confirmed by theQueen and both Houses of Parliament, with the greatest unanimity, afterit had been made an article in the treaty, that every prince in ouralliance should be a guarantee of that succession. Nay, I will ventureto go one step farther; that, if the negotiators of that peace had beenchosen out of the most professed zealots for the interests of theHanover family, they could not have bound up the French king, or theHollanders, more strictly than the Queen's plenipotentiaries did, inconfirming the present succession; which was in them so much a greatermark of virtue and loyalty, because they perfectly well knew, that theyshould never receive the least mark of favour, when the succession hadtaken place. 

 THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST YEARS OF THE QUEEN. 

BOOK I. 

I propose give the public an account of the most important affairs athome, during the last session of Parliament, as well as of ournegotiations of peace abroad, not only during that period, but some timebefore and since. I shall relate the chief matters transacted by bothHouses in that session, and discover the designs carried on by the headsof a discontented party, [1] not only against the ministry, but, in somemanner, against the crown itself. I likewise shall state the debts ofthe nation, show by what mismanagement, and to serve what purposes, theywere at first contracted, by what negligence or corruption they have soprodigiously grown, and what methods have since been taken to providenot only for their payment, but to prevent the like mischief for thetime to come. Although, in an age like ours, I can expect very fewimpartial readers, yet I shall strictly follow truth, or what reasonablyappeared to me to be such, after the most impartial inquiries I couldmake, and the best opportunities of being informed, by those who werethe principal actors or advisers. [2]

[Footnote 1: P. Fitzgerald says "faction. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 2: Swift's informants were, of course, Harley and Bolingbroke, though the latter stated that Swift was given only such information asserved the ministry's purpose in the work they had given him for "TheExaminer" and the party pamphlets written in their defence. It is, however, quite interesting in this connection, to see how closelySwift's narrative follows the published political correspondence ofBolingbroke. [T. S. ]]

Neither shall I mingle panegyric or satire with an history intended toinform posterity, as well as to instruct those of the present age, whomay be ignorant or misled; since facts, truly related, are the bestapplauses, or most lasting reproaches. 

Discourses upon subjects relating to the public usually seem to becalculated for London only, and some few miles about it; while theauthors suppose their readers to be informed of several particulars, towhich those that live remote are, for the generality, utter strangers. Most people, who frequent this town, acquire a sort of smattering (suchas it is), which qualifies them for reading a pamphlet, and finding outwhat is meant by innuendoes, or hints at facts or persons, and initialletters of names, wherein gentlemen at a distance, although perhaps ofmuch better understandings, are wholly in the dark. Wherefore, thatthese Memoirs may be rendered more generally intelligible and useful, itwill be convenient to give the reader a short view of the state anddisposition of affairs, when the last session of Parliament began. Andbecause the party-leaders, who had lost their power and places, were, upon that juncture, employing all their engines, in an attempt tore-establish themselves, I shall venture one step further, and representso much of their characters as may be supposed to have influenced theirpolitics. 

On the seventh day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, began the second session of Parliament. It was now above a year sincethe Queen had thought fit to put the great offices of state, and of herown household, into other hands; however, three of the discontentedlords were still in possession of their places, for the Duke ofMarlborough continued general, the Duke of Somerset master of the horse, and the Earl of Cholmondeley treasurer of Her Majesty's household;[3]likewise great numbers of the same party[4] still kept employments ofvalue and importance, which had not been usual of late years upon anychanges of ministry. The Queen, who judged the temper of her people bythis House of Commons, which a landed interest had freely chosen, foundthem very desirous of a secure and honourable peace, and disposed[5] toleave the management of it to her own wisdom, and that of her owncouncil. She had, therefore, several months before the session began, sent to inform the States General of some overtures which had been madeher by the enemy; and, during that summer, Her Majesty took severalfarther steps in that great affair, until at length, after manydifficulties, a congress at Utrecht, for a general peace, was agreedupon, the whole proceedings of which previous negotiations, between ourcourt and that of France, I shall, in its proper place, veryparticularly relate. 

[Footnote 3: See note on p. 385 of vol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: P. Fitzgerald says "the ejected party. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 5: P. Fitzgerald adds "(as it was their duty). " [W. S. J. ]]

The nation was already upon a better foot, with respect to its debts;for the Earl of Oxford, lord treasurer, had, in the preceeding session, proposed and effected ways and means, in the House of Commons (where hewas then a member), for providing a parliamentary fund, to clear theheavy arrear of ten millions (whereof the greatest part lay upon thenavy), without any new burthen (at least after a very few years) to thekingdom; and, at the same time, he took care to prevent fartherincumbrances upon that article, by finding ready money for navalprovisions, which has saved the public somewhat more than _cent. Percent_. In that mighty branch of our expenses. 

The clergy were altogether in the interests and the measures of thepresent ministry, which had appeared so boldly in their defence, duringa prosecution against one of their members, [6] where the whole sacredorder was understood to be concerned. The zeal shown for that mostreligious bill, to settle a fund for building fifty new churches in andabout the city of London, [7] was a fresh obligation; and they werefarther highly gratified, by Her Majesty's choosing one of their body tobe a great officer of state. [8]

[Footnote 6: Dr. Sacheverell. [N. ]]

[Footnote 7: A suggestion originally made by Swift himself. See vol. Iii. , p. 45, of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: Dr. Robinson, Lord Bishop of Bristol, to be Lord PrivySeal. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ] Dr. Robinson, who was appointed Bishop of Londonin 1713, died in 1723. [W. S. J. ]]

By this time likewise, all disputes about these principles, which usedoriginally to divide Whig and Tory, were wholly dropped; and thosefantastical words ought in justice to have been so too, provided wecould have found out more convenient names, whereby to distinguishlovers of peace from lovers of war;[9] or those who would leave HerMajesty some degree of freedom in the choice of her ministers, fromothers, who could not be satisfied with her choosing any, except such asshe was most averse from. But, where a nation is once divided, interestand animosity will keep open the breach, without being supported by anyother principles; or, at worst, a body of discontented people canchange, and take up what principles they please. 

[Footnote 9: Swift had already, in his "Some Free Thoughts upon thePresent State of Affairs, " attempted to re-define the distinctions ofWhig and Tory. The latter, he urged, was of that party which pronouncedfor the principles of loyalty to the Church and the preservation of theProtestant succession in the House of Hanover. Swift felt that themajority of the people at large were strong for these principles, andthe party that would openly accept them as its "platform" would, heargued, be the party that would obtain the people's support. HadBollngbroke not delayed the publication of this tract, it might have hadgreat influence in keeping the Tories in power. See vol. V. Of presentedition, pp. 380, 393. [T. S. ]]

As to the disposition of the opposite party, we all remember, that theremoval of the last ministry was brought about by several degrees;through which means it happened, that they and their friends were hardlyrecovered out of one astonishment, before they fell into another. Thisscene lasted for some months, and was followed by a period of rage anddespair, natural to those who reflect that they have lost a secure game, by their own rashness, folly, and want of common management, when, atthe same time, they knew by experience, that a watchful and dexterousadversary lay ready to take the advantage. However, some time before thesession, the heads of that party began to recollect themselves, andrally their forces, like an enemy who hath been beaten out of the field, but finds he is not pursued; for although the chiefs of this factionwere thought to have but little esteem or friendship for each other, yetthey perfectly agreed in one general end, of distressing, by allpossible methods, the new administration, wherein if they could succeedso far as to put the Queen under any great necessity, another Parliamentmust be called, and perhaps the power[10] devolve again into their ownhands. 

[Footnote 10: P. Fitzgerald says "and the power naturally. " [W. S. J. ]]

The issue and event of that grand confederacy appearing in both Houses, although under a different form, upon the very first day the Parliamentmet, I cannot better begin the relation of affairs, commencing from thatperiod, than by a thorough detection of the whole intrigue, carried onwith the greatest privacy and application, which must be acknowledged tohave for several days disconcerted some of the ministry, as well asdispirited their friends; and the consequences thereof, which have inreality been so very pernicious to the kingdom. 

But because the principal leaders in this design are the same persons towhom, since the loss of their power, all the opposition has been owingwhich the court received, either in treaties abroad, or theadministration at home; it may not be improper to describe thosequalities in each of them, which few of their admirers will deny, andwhich appear chiefly to have influenced them in acting their severalparts upon the public stage. For I do not intend to draw theircharacters entire, which would be tedious, and little to the purpose, but shall only single out those passions, acquirements, and habits, which the owners were most likely to transfer into their politicalschemes, and which were most subservient to the designs they seemed tohave in view. 

The Lord Somers[11] may very deservedly be reputed the head and oracleof that party; he hath raised himself, by the concurrence of manycircumstances, to the greatest employments of the state, without theleast support from birth or fortune; he hath constantly, and with greatsteadiness, cultivated those principles under which he grew. Thataccident which first produced him into the world, of pleading for thebishops whom King James had sent to the Tower, might have proved a pieceof merit, as honourable as it was fortunate, but the old republicanspirit, which the Revolution had restored, began to teach otherlessons--That since we had accepted a new King, from a Calvinisticalcommonwealth, we must also admit new maxims in religion and government. But, since the nobility and gentry would probably adhere to theestablished Church, and to the rights of monarchy, as delivered downfrom their ancestors, it was the practice of those politicians tointroduce such men as were perfectly indifferent to any or no religion, and who were not likely to inherit much loyalty from those to whom theyowed their birth. Of this number was the person I am now describing. Ihave hardly known any man, with talents more proper to acquire andpreserve the favour of a prince; never offending in word or gesture; inthe highest degree courteous and complaisant; wherein he set anexcellent example to his colleagues, which they did not think fit tofollow. But this extreme civility is universal and undistinguished, andin private conversation, where he observeth it as inviolably as if hewere in the greatest assembly, it is sometimes censured as formal. Tworeasons are assigned for this behaviour: first, from the consciousnessof his humble original, [12] he keepeth all familiarity at the utmostdistance, which otherwise might be apt to intrude; the second, thatbeing sensible how subject he is to violent passions, he avoideth allincitements to them, by teaching those he converses with, from his ownexample, to keep a great way within the bounds of decency and respect. And it is indeed true, that no man is more apt to take fire, upon theleast appearance of provocation; which temper he strives to subdue, withthe utmost violence upon himself: so that his breast has been seen toheave, and his eyes to sparkle with rage, in those very moments when hiswords, and the cadence of his voice, were in the humblest and softestmanner: perhaps that force upon his nature may cause that insatiablelove of revenge, which his detractors lay to his charge, whoconsequently reckon dissimulation among his chief perfections. Avaricehe hath none; and his ambition is gratified, by being the uncontestedhead of his party. With an excellent understanding, adorned by all thepolite parts of learning, he hath very little taste for conversation, towhich he prefers the pleasure of reading and thinking; and in theintervals of his time amuseth himself with an illiterate chaplain, anhumble companion, or a favourite servant. 

[Footnote 11: See note on p. 29 of vol. I. Of present edition. Swift's"Dedication" of "A Tale of a Tub" to Somers strikes a somewhat differentnote from that of this "character. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: His father, John Somers, was an attorney at law in thetown of Worcester. [S. ]]

These are some few distinguishing marks in the character of that person, who now presideth over the discontented party, although he be notanswerable for all their mistakes; and if his precepts had been morestrictly followed, perhaps their power would not have been so easilyshaken. I have been assured, and heard him profess, that he was againstengaging in that foolish prosecution of Dr. Sacheverell, as what heforesaw was likely to end in their ruin; that he blamed the roughdemeanour of some persons to the Queen, as a great failure in prudence;and that, when it appeared Her Majesty was firmly resolved upon a treatyof peace, he advised his friends not to oppose it in its progress, butfind fault with it after it was made; which would be a copy of the likeusage themselves had met with, after the treaty of Ryswick;[13] and thesafest, as well as the most probable, way of disgracing the promotersand advisers. I have been the larger in representing to the reader someidea of this extraordinary genius, because, whatever attempt hathhitherto been made, with any appearance of conduct, or probability ofsuccess, to restore the dominion of that party, [14] was infalliblycontrived by him; and I prophesy the same for the future, as long as hisage and infirmities will leave him capable of business. 

[Footnote 13: See note in vol. V. , p. 67, of present edition, [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: P. Fitzgerald says "faction. " [W. S. J. ]]

The Duke of Marlborough's character[15] hath been so variously drawn, and is indeed of so mixed a nature in itself, that it is hard topronounce on either side, without the suspicion of flattery ordetraction. I shall say nothing of his military accomplishments, whichthe opposite reports, of his friends and enemies among the soldiers, have rendered[26] problematical: but if he be among those who delight inwar, it is agreed to be not for the reasons common with other generals. Those maligners who deny him personal valour, seem not to consider thatthis accusation is charged at a venture; since the person of a wisegeneral is too seldom exposed, to form any judgment in the matter: andthat fear, which is said to have sometimes[17] disconcerted him beforean action, might probably be more for his army than for himself. [18] Hewas bred in the height of what is called the Tory principle; andcontinued with a strong bias that way, till the other party had bidhigher for him than his friends could afford to give. His want ofliterature is in some sort supplied by a good understanding, a degree ofnatural elocution, and that knowledge of the world which is learned inarmies and courts. We are not to take the height of his ambition fromhis soliciting to be general for life:[19] I am persuaded his chiefmotive was the pay and perquisites, by continuing the war; and that hehad _then_ no intentions of settling the crown in his family, his onlyson having been dead some years before. [20] He is noted to be master ofgreat temper, able to govern or very well to disguise his passions, which are all melted down, or extinguished, in his love of wealth. Thatliberality which nature has denied him, with respect of money, he makesup by a great profusion of promises: but this perfection, so necessaryin courts, is not very successful in camps among soldiers, who are notrefined enough to understand or to relish it. [21]

[Footnote 15: For further remarks on Marlborough, see Swift's "Conductof the Allies, " "The Learned Comment on Dr. Hare's Sermon, " and "TheExaminer. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: P. Fitzgerald adds "altogether. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 17: P. Fitzgerald says "usually. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 18: This reflection on Marlborough's personal courage was oneof the points noted by Erasmus Lewis in his letter to Swift of April8th, 1738. The friends who had met to read and pass opinion on this"History" decided that in any printed form of this work it would beadvisable not to call in question the courage of Marlborough. See Sir W. Scott's edition, vol. Xix. , pp. 133-136. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 19: See "Memoirs Relating to that Change, " etc. , in vol. V. , pp. 372-373 of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 20: See "The Conduct of the Allies, " vol. V. , p. 103, and also"A Learned Comment, " etc. , p. 179 of same volume of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 21: See the Letter to Marcus Crassus in "The Examiner, " No. 28in vol. Ix. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

His wife, the Duchess, may justly challenge her place in this list. Itis to her the Duke is chiefly indebted for his greatness and his fall;for above twenty years she possessed, without a rival, the favours ofthe most indulgent mistress in the world, nor ever missed one singleopportunity that fell in her way of improving it to her ownadvantage. [22] She hath preserved a tolerable court reputation, withrespect to love and gallantry;[23] but three Furies reigned in herbreast, the most mortal enemies of all softer passions, which weresordid Avarice, disdainful Pride, and ungovernable Rage; by the last ofthese often breaking out in sallies of the most unpardonable sort, shehad long alienated her sovereign's mind, before it appeared to theworld. [24] This lady is not without some degree of wit, and hath in hertime affected the character of it, by the usual method of arguingagainst religion, and proving the doctrines of Christianity to beimpossible and absurd. Imagine what such a spirit, irritated by the lossof power, favour, and employment, is capable of acting or attempting;and then I have said enough. 

[Footnote 22: See the "Account of the Conduct of the Duchess ofMarlborough, in a Letter from Herself, to Lord ----, " 8vo, 1742, _passim_. [N. ] See also "Memoirs Relating to that Change, " etc. , in vol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 23: P. Fitzgerald adds "(to which, however, she hath beenthought not entirely a stranger). " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 24: See note in vol. V. , p. 368, of present edition. [T. S. ]]

The next in order to be mentioned is the Earl of Godolphin. [25] It issaid, he was originally intended for a trade, before his friendspreferred him to be a page at court; which some have very unjustlyobjected as a reproach. He hath risen gradually in four reigns, and wasmuch more constant to his second master King James than some others, whohad received much greater obligations; for he attended the abdicatedKing to the sea-side, and kept constant correspondence with him till theday of his death. He always professed a sort of passion for the Queen atSt. Germain's; and his letters were to her in the style of what theFrench call _double entendre_. In a mixture of love and respect, he usedfrequently to send her from hence little presents of those things whichare agreeable to ladies, for which he always asked King William's leave, as if without her privity; because, if she had known that circumstance, it was to be supposed she would not accept them. Physiognomists wouldhardly discover, by consulting the aspect of this lord, that hispredominant passions were love and play; that he could sometimes scratchout a song in praise of his mistress, with a pencil and card; or that hehath tears at command, like a woman, to be used either in an intrigue ofgallantry or politics. His alliance with the Marlborough family, and hispassion for the Duchess, were the cords which dragged him into a party, whose principles he naturally disliked, and whose leaders he personallyhated, as they did him. He became a thorough convert by a perfecttrifle; taking fire at a nickname[26] delivered by Dr. Sacheverell, withgreat indiscretion, from the pulpit, which he applied to himself: andthis is one among many instances given by his enemies, that magnanimityis none of his virtues. 

[Footnote 25: See note in vol. V. , p. 68, of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 26: Volpone. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ]]

The Earl of Sunderland[27] is another of that alliance. It seems to havebeen this gentleman's fortune, to have learned his divinity from hisuncle, [28] and his politics from his tutor. [29] It may be thought ablemish in his character, that he hath much fallen from the height ofthose republican[30] principles with which he began; for in his father'slifetime, while he was a Member of the House of Commons, he would often, among his familiar friends, refuse the title of Lord (as he hath done tomyself), swear he would never be called otherwise than Charles Spencer, and hoped to see the day when there should not be a peer in England. Hisunderstanding, at the best, is of the middling size; neither hath hemuch improved it, either in reality, or, which is very unfortunate, evenin the opinion of the world, by an overgrown library. [31] It is hard todecide, whether he learned that rough way of treating his sovereign fromthe lady he is allied to, [32] or whether it be the result of his ownnature. The sense of the injuries he hath done, renders him (as it isvery natural) implacable towards those to whom he hath given greatestcause to complain; for which reason he will never forgive either theQueen or the present treasurer. 

[Footnote 27: See note in vol. V. , pp. 377-378 of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 28: John Digby, third earl of Bristol. [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 29: Dr. Trimnel, since Bishop of Winton. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ] Hewas Bishop of Norwich, 1708-1721, and of Winchester from 1721 till hisdeath in 1723. [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 30: P. Fitzgerald says "Whiggish. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 31: The library that made such a sensation in thebibliographical world when it was sold at auction in the latter part ofthe last century. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 32: His lordship married the Duchess of Marlborough's seconddaughter. "Account, etc. , " p. 286. [N. ]]

The Earl of Wharton[33] hath filled the province allotted him by hiscolleagues, with sufficiency equal to the ablest of them all. He hathimbibed his father's[34] principles in government; but dropped hisreligion, and took up no other in its stead: excepting thatcircumstance, he is a firm Presbyterian. He is perfectly skilled in allthe arts of managing at elections, as well as in large baits of pleasurefor making converts of young men of quality, upon their firstappearance; in which public service he contracted such large debts, thathis brethren were forced, out of mere justice, to leave Ireland at hismercy, where he had only time to set himself right. Although the graverheads of his party think him too profligate and abandoned, yet they darenot be ashamed of him; for, beside his talents above mentioned, he isvery useful in Parliament, being a ready speaker, and content to employhis gift upon such occasions, where those who conceive they have anyremainder of reputation or modesty are ashamed to appear. In short, heis an uncontestable instance to discover the true nature of faction;since, being overrun with every quality which produceth contempt andhatred, in all other commerce of the world, he hath, notwithstanding, been able to make so considerable a figure. 

[Footnote 33: See also "A Short Character, " etc. In vol. V. And "TheExaminer, " Nos. 18 and 23, in vol. Ix. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 34: The Earl, his father, was a rigid Presbyterian. [ORIGINALNOTE. ]]

The Lord Cowper, [35] although his merits are later than the rest, deserveth a rank in this great council. He was considerable in thestation of a practising lawyer; but, as he was raised to be achancellor, and a peer, without passing through any of the intermediatesteps, which in late times hath been the constant practice, and littleskilled[36] in the nature of government, or the true interests ofprinces, further than the municipal or common law of England; hisabilities, as to foreign affairs, did not equally appear in the council. Some former passages of his life were thought to disqualify him for thatoffice, by which he was to be the guardian of the Queen'sconscience;[37] but these difficulties were easily overruled by theauthors of his promotion, who wanted a person that would be subservientto all their designs; wherein they were not disappointed. As to hisother accomplishments, he was what we usually call a piece of a scholar, and a good logical reasoner; if this were not too often allayed, by afallacious way of managing an argument, which made him apt to deceivethe unwary, and sometimes to deceive himself. 

[Footnote 35: See vol. V. , p. 372 of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 36: P. Fitzgerald says "altogether unskilled. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 37: See "The Examiner, " Nos. 18 and 23, in vol. Ix. Of thisedition. [W. S. J. ]]

The last to be spoken of in this list is the Earl of Nottingham, [38] aconvert and acquisition to that party since their fall, to which hecontributed his assistance; I mean his words, and probably his wishes;for he had always lived under the constant visible profession ofprinciples, directly opposite to those of his new friends. His vehementand frequent speeches against admitting the Prince of Orange to thethrone are yet to be seen; and although a numerous family gave aspecious pretence to his love of power and money, for taking anemployment under that monarch, yet he was allowed to have always kept areserve of allegiance to his exiled master; of which his friends produceseveral instances, and some while he was secretary of state to KingWilliam. His outward regularity of life, his appearance of religion, andseeming zeal for the Church, as they are an effect, so they are theexcuse for that stiffness and formality with which his nature[39] isfraught. His adust complexion disposeth him to rigour[40] and severity, which his admirers palliate with the name of zeal. No man had ever asincerer countenance, or more truly representing his mind and manners. He hath some knowledge in the law, very amply sufficient to defend hisproperty at least. [41] A facility of utterance, descended to him fromhis father, [42] and improved by a few sprinklings of literature, hathbrought himself, and some few admirers, into an opinion of hiseloquence. He is every way inferior to his brother Guernsey, [43] butchiefly in those talents which he most values and pretends to; overwhom, nevertheless, he preserveth an ascendant. [44] His great ambitionwas to be the head of those who were called the Church party; and, indeed, his grave solemn deportment and countenance, seconded byabundance of professions for their service, had given many of them anopinion of his veracity, [45] which he interpreted as their sense of hisjudgment and wisdom;[46] and this mistake lasted till the time of hisdefection, of which it was partly the cause; but then it plainlyappeared, that he had not credit to bring over one single proselyte, tokeep himself in countenance. 

[Footnote 38: See notes in vol. V. , pp. 246-248 of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 39: P. Fitzgerald says "that stiffness, pride, and formalitywith which his intractable nature. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 40: P. Fitzgerald says "to cruelty. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote: 41 P. Fitzgerald says "some smattering in the law, whichmakes it not very safe or easy to deal with him, where property isconcerned. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 42: P. Fitzgerald adds "grafted upon a wrong understanding. "[W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 43: Heneage Finch was created Lord Guernsey in 1703, and Earlof Aylesford in 1714. He died in 1719. [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 44: P. Fitzgerald adds "I suppose by the right ofprimogeniture. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 45: P. Fitzgerald says "of his honesty. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 46: He acquired, from his solemnity of deportment, thenickname of _Diego_ and from his gravity, that of _Dismal_. [S. ]]

These lineaments, however imperfectly drawn, may help the reader'simagination to conceive what sort of persons those were, who had theboldness to encounter the Queen and ministry, at the head of a greatmajority of the landed interest; and this upon a point where the quietof Her Majesty's reign, the security, or at least the freedom, of herperson, the lives of her most faithful friends, and the settling of thenation by a peace, were, in the consequences, deeply concerned. [47]

[Footnote 47: It was these "lineaments, imperfectly drawn, " that ErasmusLewis specially emphasized for omission, in his letter to Swift alreadyreferred to. "Now I have mentioned characters, " wrote Lewis, "I musttell you that they [the friends who had met to read the 'History' inmanuscript] were clearly of opinion, that if those you have drawn shouldbe published as they now stand, nothing could save the author's printerand publishers from some grievous punishment. As we have no traces ofliberty now left but the freedom of the press, it is the most earnestdesire of your friends that you would strike out all that you have saidon that subject" (Sir W. Scott's edit. , vol. Xix. , pp. 133-136). [T. S. ]]

During the dominion of the late men in power, addresses had beenprocured from both Houses to the Queen, representing their opinion, thatno peace could be secure for Britain, while Spain or the West Indiesremained in the possession of the Bourbon family. But Her Majestyhaving, for reasons which have been often told to the world, and whichwill not soon be forgotten, called a new Parliament, and chose a new setof servants, began to view things and persons in another light. Sheconsidered the necessities of her people, the distant prospect of apeace upon such an improbable condition, which was never mentioned orunderstood in the grand alliance; the unequal burthen she bore in thewar, by the practices of the allies upon the corruption of some whom shemost trusted, or perhaps by the practices of these upon the allies; and, lastly, by the changes which death had brought about in the Austrian andBourbon families. Upon all which motives she was prevailed upon toreceive some overtures from France, in behalf of herself and the wholeconfederacy. The several steps of this negotiation, from its first riseto the time I am now writing, shall be related in another part of thisHistory. Let it suffice for the present to say, that such proposals werereceived from France as were thought sufficient by our court whereuponto appoint time and place for a general treaty; and soon after theopening of the session, the Bishop[48] of Bristol, lord privy seal, wasdispatched to Utrecht, where he and the Earl of Strafford were appointedplenipotentiaries for the Queen of Great Britain. 

[Footnote 48: Dr. Robinson, afterwards Bishop of London. [ORIGINALNOTE. ]]

The managers of the discontented party, who, during the whole summer, had observed the motions of the court running fast towards a peace, began to gather up all their forces, in order to oppose Her Majesty'sdesigns, when the Parliament should meet. Their only strength was in theHouse of Lords, where the Queen had a very crazy majority, made up bythose whose hearts were in the other interest; but whose fears, expectations, or immediate dependence, had hitherto kept them withinbounds. There were two lords upon whose abilities and influence, of avery different nature, the managers built their strongest hopes. Thefirst was the Duke of Somerset, master of the horse. This duke, as wellas his duchess, was in a good degree of favour with the Queen, upon thescore of some civilities and respects Her Majesty had received fromthem, while she was princess. [49] For some years after the Revolution, he never appeared at court, but was looked upon as a favourer of theabdicated family; and it was the late Earl of Rochester who firstpresented him to King William. However, since the time he came intoemployment, which was towards the close of the last reign, he hath beena constant zealous member of the other party; but never failed in eitherattendance or respect towards the Queen's person, or, at most, onlythreatened sometimes, that he would serve no longer, while such or suchmen were employed; which, as things went then, was not reckoned anyoffence at all against duty or good behaviour. He had been much caressedand flattered by the Lords of the Junto, [50] who sometimes went so faras to give him hopes of the crown, in reversion to his family, uponfailure of the house of Hanover. All this worked so far upon hisimagination, that he affected to appear the head of their party, towhich his talents were no way proportioned; for they soon grew weary ofhis indigested schemes, and his imperious manner of obtruding them: theybegan to drop him at their meetings, or contradicted him, with littleceremony, when he happened to be there, which his haughty nature[51] wasnot able to brook. Thus a mortal quarrel was kindled between him and thewhole assembly of party leaders; so that, upon the Queen's firstintentions of changing her ministry, soon after the trial of Dr. Sacheverell, he appointed several meetings with Mr. Harley alone, in themost private manner, in places and at times least liable to suspicion. He employed all his credit with the Queen to drive on the removal of myLord Godolphin, and the rest; and, in the council, treated the smallremainder, who continued some time longer in their places, with allpossible marks of hatred or disdain. But when the question came fordissolving the Parliament, he stopped short: he had already satiated hisresentments, which were not against things, but persons: he furiouslyopposed that counsel, and promised to undertake for the Parliamenthimself. When the Queen had declared her pleasure for the dissolution, he flew off in greater rage than ever; opposed the court in allelections, where he had influence or power; and made very humble[52]advances to reconcile himself with the discarded lords, especially theEarl of Godolphin, who is reported to have treated him at Newmarket in amost contemptuous manner. But the sincerity of his repentance, whichappeared manifestly in the first session of the new Parliament, and theuse he might be of by his own remaining credit, or rather that of hisduchess, with the Queen, at length begat a reconcilement. He still kepthis employment, and place in the cabinet council; but had never appearedthere, from an avowed dislike of all persons and proceedings. Ithappened about the end of summer, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, at Windsor, when the cabinet council was summoned, this duke, whether bydirections from his teachers, or the instability of his nature, took afancy to resume his place, and a chair was brought accordingly; uponwhich Mr. Secretary St. John refused to assist, and gave his reasons, that he would never sit in council with a man who had so often betrayedthem, and was openly engaged with a faction which endeavoured toobstruct all Her Majesty's measures. Thus the council was put off tonext day, and the duke made no farther attempts to be there. [53] But, upon this incident, he declared open war against the ministry; and, fromthat time to the session, employed himself in spiriting up severaldepending lords to adhere to their friends, when an occasion shouldoffer. The arguments he made use of, were, that those in power designedto make an ignominious and insecure peace, without consulting theallies; that this could be no otherwise prevented than by an addressfrom the Lords, to signify their opinion, that no peace could behonourable or secure, while Spain or the West Indies remained in any ofthe Bourbon family:[54] upon which several farther resolutions andinquiries would naturally follow; that the differences between the twoHouses, upon this point, must either be made up by the Commons agreeingwith the Lords, or must end in a dissolution, which would be followed bya return of the old ministry, who, by the force of money and management, could easily get another Parliament to their wishes. He farther assuredthem boldly, that the Queen herself was at the bottom of this design, and had empowered him to desire their votes against the peace, as apoint that would be for her service; and therefore they need not be inpain upon account of their pensions, or any farther marks of favour theyexpected. Thus, by reviving the old art of using Her Majesty's authorityagainst her person, he prevailed over some, who were not otherwise in astation of life to oppose the crown; and his proselytes may pretend tosome share of pity, since he offered for an argument his own example, who kept his place and favour, after all he had done to deserve the lossof both. 

[Footnote 49: In 1692, on a difference which the princess had with KingWilliam and his Queen, occasioned by her warm attachment to the Duchessof Marlborough, she quitted The Cockpit, and accepted the Duke ofSomerset's offer of Sion House for a temporary residence. [N. ]]

[Footnote 50: A cant name given to five lords of that party. [ORIGINALNOTE. ]]

[Footnote 51: P. Fitzgerald says "the pride of his nature. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 52: P. Fitzgerald says "the meanest. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 53: "I had almost forgot to tell you, " writes Lewis to Swiftin the same letter, "you have mistaken the case of the D---- of S----, which, in truth, was this, that his grace appearing at court, in thechamber next to the council chamber, it was apprehended he would comeinto the cabinet council, and therefore the intended meeting was putoff; whereas one would judge, by your manner of stating it, that thecouncil had met, and adjourned abruptly upon his taking his placethere. " Sir W. Scott's edit. Vol. Xix. , pp. 133-136. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 54: It was Nottingham who moved this argument in the form ofan amendment to the address on 7th December, 1711. See _infra_, and alsovol. V. , p. 444 of present edition. [T. S. ]]

The other lord, in whom the discontented managers placed much of theirhopes, was the Earl of Nottingham, already mentioned; than whom no manever appeared to hate them more, or to be more pleased at their fall, partly from his avowed principles, but chiefly from the hopes he had ofsharing in their spoils. But it fell out, that he was no way acceptableto the Queen or her new servants: these apprehended no little troubleand impediment to the public business, from his restless, talkative, overweening manner, if once he was suffered to have any part in affairs;and he stood very ill with the court, having made a motion in the Houseof Lords, and in Her Majesty's presence, that the Electoral Prince ofHanover might be invited to reside in England, although he had beforedeclared to the Queen how much he was against that proposal, when it wasfirst offered by the other party. However, some very considerableemployments had been given to his nearest relations, and he had one ortwo offers for himself, which he thought fit to refuse, as not equal tohis merits and character. Upon the Earl of Rochester's decease, heconceived that the crown would hardly overlook him for president of thecouncil, and deeply resented that disappointment. But the Duke ofNewcastle, lord privy seal, dying some time after, he found that officewas first designed for the Earl of Jersey, and, upon this lord's suddendeath, was actually disposed of to the Bishop of Bristol by which heplainly saw, that the Queen was determined against giving him anyopportunity of directing in affairs, or displaying his eloquence in thecabinet council. He had now shaken off all remains of patience ortemper, and, from the contemplation of his own disappointments, fell, asit is natural, to find fault with the public management, and to assurehis neighbours in the country, that the nation was in imminent danger ofbeing ruined. The discontented[55] lords were soon apprised of thisgreat change, and the Duke of Roxburgh, [56] the earl's son-in-law, wasdispatched to Burleigh on the Hill, to cultivate his presentdispositions, and offer him whatever terms he pleased to insist on. TheEarl immediately agreed to fall in with any measures for distressing ordestroying the ministry but, in order to preserve his reputation withthe Church party, and perhaps bring them over to his interests, heproposed, that a bill should be brought into the House of Lords forpreventing occasional conformity, and be unanimously agreed to by allthe peers of the low-church[57] principle, which would convince theworld of their good intentions to the established religion, [58] and thattheir oppositions to the court wholly proceeded from their care of thenation, and concern for its honour and safety. [59]

[Footnote 55: P. Fitzgerald says "factious. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 56: John Ker, Earl of Roxburgh, was created Earl of Kelso, Marquess of Cessford and Beaumont, and Duke of Roxburgh in 1707. [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 57: P. Fitzgerald says "Whig. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 58: P. Fitzgerald says "established Church. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 59: Nottingham succeeded in carrying the bill againstOccasional Conformity on December 15th, 1711. See Swift's "Letter to aWhig Lord, " in vol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

These preparations were public enough, and the ministers had sufficienttime to arm themselves; but they seem to have acted, in this juncture, like men who trusted to the goodness of their cause, and the generalinclinations of the kingdom, rather than to those arts which ourcorruptions have too often made necessary. Calculations were indeedtaken, by which it was computed, that there would be a majority of tenupon the side of the court. I remember to have told my Lord Harcourt andMr. Prior, that a majority of ten was only a majority of five, becauseif their adversaries could bring off five, the number would be equal:and so it happened to prove; for the mistake lay in counting upon thebare promises of those who were wholly in the interest of the oldministry, and were only kept in awe by the fear of offending the crown, and losing their subsistence, wherein the Duke of Somerset had giventhem full satisfaction. 

With these dispositions of both parties, and fears and hopes of theevent, the Parliament met upon the seventh of December, one thousandseven hundred and eleven. The Queen's speech (excepting what related tosupplies) was chiefly taken up in telling both Houses what progress shehad made towards a general peace, and her hopes of bringing it to aspeedy conclusion. As soon as Her Majesty was withdrawn, the House ofLords, in a committee, resolved upon an address of thanks; to which theEarl of Nottingham proposed an addition of the following clause. 

"And we do beg leave to represent it to Your Majesty, as the humbleopinion and advice of this House, that no peace can be safe orhonourable to Great Britain and Europe, if Spain and the West Indies areto be allotted to any branch of the house of Bourbon. "

He was seconded by the Earl of Scarborough; and, after a debate ofseveral hours, the question for the clause was carried, as I remember, by not above two voices. [60] The next day the House agreed with thecommittee. The depending lords, having taken fresh courage from theirprincipals, and some who professed themselves very humble servants tothe present ministry, and enemies to the former, went along with thestream, pretending not to see the consequences that must visibly follow. The address was presented on the eleventh, to which Her Majesty's answerwas short and dry. She distinguished their thanks from the rest of thepiece; and, in return to Lord Nottingham's clause, said, She should besorry that any body could think she would not do her utmost to recoverSpain and the West Indies from the house of Bourbon. 

[Footnote 60: The previous question in favour of the Earl ofNottingham's amendment was carried by a single vote, the main questionby a majority of no less than eight! [S. ] But Bishop Burnet says "bythree voices" ("Hist. Own Time, " ii. 584), and Coxe says "by a majorityof 64 to 52. " [W. S. J. ]]

Upon the fifteenth of December the Earl of Nottingham likewise broughtin the bill to prevent occasional conformity (although under a disguisedtitle), which met with no opposition; but was swallowed by those verylords, who always appeared with the utmost violence against the leastadvantage to the established Church. 

But in the House of Commons there appeared a very different spirit; forwhen one Mr. Robert Walpole offered a clause of the same nature withthat of the Earl of Nottingham, it was rejected with contempt by a verygreat majority. Their address was in the most dutiful manner, approvingof what Her Majesty had done towards a peace, and trusting entirely toher wisdom in the future management of it. This address was presented tothe Queen a day before that of the Lords, and received an answerdistinguishedly gracious. But the other party[61] was no waysdiscouraged by either answer, which they looked upon as only matter ofcourse, and the sense of the ministry, contrary to that of the Queen. 

[Footnote 61: P. Fitzgerald says "faction. " [W. S. J. ]]

The Parliament sat as long as the approaching festival would allow; andupon the twenty-second, the land-tax and occasional bills havingreceived the royal assent, the House of Commons adjourned to thefourteenth of January following: but the adjournment of the Lords wasonly to the second, the prevailing party there being in haste to pursuethe consequences of the Earl of Nottingham's clause, which they hopedwould end in the ruin of the treasurer, and overthrow the ministry; andtherefore took the advantage of this interval, that they might not bedisturbed by the Commons. 

When this address against any peace without Spain, &c. Was carried inthe House of Lords, it is not easy to describe the effects it had uponmost men's passions. The partisans of the old ministry triumphed loudly, and without any reserve, as if the game were their own. The Earl ofWharton was observed in the House to smile, and put his hands to hisneck when any of the ministry was speaking, by which he would have itunderstood that some heads were in danger. Parker, the chief justice, began already with great zeal and officiousness to prosecute authors andprinters of weekly and other papers, writ in defence of theadministration: in short, joy and vengeance sat visible in everycountenance of that party. [62]

[Footnote 62: See "Journal to Stella, " December 13th (vol. Ii. , p. 299of present edition). [W. S. J. ]]

On the other side, all well-wishers to the Queen, the Church, or thepeace, were equally dejected; and the treasurer stood the foremost markboth of his enemies' fury, and the censure of his friends: among thelatter, some imputed this fatal miscarriage to his procrastinatingnature; others, to his unmeasurable public thrift: both parties agreed, that a first minister, with very moderate skill in affairs, might easilyhave governed the event: and some began to doubt, whether the great fameof his abilities, acquired in other stations, were what he justlydeserved: all this he knew well enough, and heard it with great phlegm;neither did it make any alteration in his countenance or humour. He toldMonsieur Buys, the Dutch envoy, two days before the Parliament sat, thathe was sorry for what was like to pass, because the States would be thefirst sufferers, which he desired the envoy to remember: and to hisnearest friends, who appeared in pain about the public or themselves, heonly said that all would be well, and desired them not to befrighted. [63]

[Footnote 63: See Swift's account of an interview with the lordtreasurer in his "Journal to Stella, " December 8th (_ibid. , _ p. 296). [W. S. J. ]]

It was, I conceive, upon these motives, that the treasurer advised HerMajesty to create twelve new lords, [64] and thereby disable the sting offaction for the rest of her lifetime: this promotion was so ordered, that a third part were of those on whom, or their posterity, the peeragewould naturally devolve; and the rest were such, whose merit, birth, andfortune, could admit of no exception. 

[Footnote 64: See note, vol. Ii. , p. 308, and note, vol. V. , p. 446. [W. S. J. ]]

The adverse party, being thus driven down by open force, had nothingleft but to complain, which they loudly did; that it was apernicious[65] example set for ill princes to follow, who, by the samerule, might make at any time an hundred as well as twelve, and by thesemeans become masters of the House of Lords whenever they pleased, whichwould be dangerous to our liberties. To this it was answered, that illprinces seldom trouble themselves to look for precedents; that men ofgreat estates will not be less fond of preserving their liberties whenthey are created peers; that in such a government as this, where thePrince holds the balance between two great powers, the nobility andpeople, it is the very nature of his office to remove from one scaleinto the other, or sometimes put his own weight in the lightest, so asto bring both to an equilibrium; and lastly, that the other party hadbeen above twenty years corrupting the nobility with republicanprinciples, which nothing but the royal prerogative could hinder fromoverspreading us. 

[Footnote 65: P. Fitzgerald says "dangerous. " [W. S. J. ]]

The conformity bill above mentioned was prepared by the Earl ofNottingham before the Parliament met, and brought in at the same timewith the clause against peace, according to the bargain made between himand his new friends: this he hoped would not only save his credit withthe Church party, but bring them over to his politics, since they mustneeds be convinced, that instead of changing his own principles, he hadprevailed on the greatest enemies to the established religion to be thefirst movers in a law for the perpetual settlement of it. Here it wasworth observing, with what resignation the Junto Lords (as they werethen called) were submitted to by their adherents and followers; for itis well known, that the chief among the dissenting teachers in town wereconsulted upon this affair, and such arguments used, as had power toconvince them, that nothing could be of greater advantage to their causethan the passing this bill. I did, indeed, see a letter at that timefrom one of them to a great[66] man, complaining, that they werebetrayed and undone by their pretended friends; but they were in generalvery well satisfied upon promises that this law should soon be repealed, and others more in their favour enacted, as soon as their friends shouldbe re-established. 

[Footnote 66: It was to the Treasurer himself. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ] Scottsays that it was written by Mr. Shower on December 20th, and that thewriter complained that the Dissenters had "been shamefully abandoned, sold, and sacrificed, by their professed friends. " [W. S. J. ]]

But nothing seemed more extraordinary than the event of this refinedmanagement, by which the Earl of Nottingham was so far from bringingover proselytes (wherein his abilities fell very short even of the Dukeof Somerset's); or preserving the reputation of a firm churchman, thatvery few people did so much as imagine he had any such design; only whenhe brought in the bill, they conceived it was some wonderful deep reachof politics, which they could not comprehend: however, they liked thething, and without troubling themselves about the persons or motivesfrom whence it rose, it had a very speedy passage through both Houses. It must be confessed, that some attempt of this nature was much morenecessary to the leaders of that party, than is generally thought. Thedesire of power and revenge was common to them all; but several amongthem were also conscious that they stood in need of protection, whosesafety was therefore concerned in the design of ruining the ministry, aswell as their ambition. The Duke of Marlborough foresaw thoseexaminations, which were afterwards made into some parts of hismanagement, and was apprehensive of a great deal more; that theParliament would perhaps enquire into the particulars of the negotiationat The Hague in one thousand seven hundred and nine; for what ends, andby whose advice the propositions of peace from France were rejected:besides, he dreaded lest that mysterious policy might be laid open tothe world, of desiring the Queen to constitute him general for life, which was a very tender point, and would admit of much proof. It istrue, indeed, that whilst the Duke's affair was under the considerationof the House of Commons, one of his creatures[67] (whether by directionor otherwise) assured the Speaker, with a very serious countenance, thatthe world was mistaken in censuring his lord upon this article; for itwas the Queen who pressed the Duke to accept that commission; and uponhis humble refusal conceived her first displeasure against him. How sucha defence would have passed, if it had been offered in form, is easierto be conceived, than how any person in his wits could have theconfidence to affirm it; which last it would indeed be hard to believe, if there were any room left for doubt. 

[Footnote 67: Craggs, father to the secretary. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ]]

The Earl of Godolphin wanted protection, notwithstanding the act ofgeneral pardon, which had been procured by his credit, and wasprincipally calculated for his own security. He knew that his longneglect of compelling the accomptants to pass their accompts, might bepunished as a breach of trust. He had run the kingdom into immensedebts, by taking up stores for the navy upon a vast discount, withoutparliamentary security; for which he could be able to plead neither lawnor necessity: and he had given way, at least, to some proceedings, notvery justifiable, in relation to remittances of money, whereby thepublic had suffered considerable losses. The Barrier Treaty sat heavyupon the Lord Townshend's spirits, because if it should be laid beforethe House of Commons, whoever negotiated that affair, might be subjectto the most severe animadversions: and the Earl of Wharton'sadministration in Ireland was looked upon as a sufficient ground toimpeach him, at least, for high crimes and misdemeanours. 

The managers in Holland were sufficiently apprised of all this; andMonsieur Buys, their minister here, took care to cultivate that goodcorrespondence between his masters and their English friends, whichbecame two confederates, pursuing the same end. 

This man[68] had been formerly employed in England from that republic, and understood a little of our language. His proficiency in learning hasbeen such, as to furnish now and then a Latin quotation, of which he isas liberal as his stock will admit. His knowledge in government reachesno farther than that of his own country, by which he forms andcultivates matters of state for the rest of the world. His reasoningsupon politics are with great profusion at all meetings; and he leavesthe company with entire satisfaction that he hath fully convinced them. He is well provided with that inferior sort of cunning, which is thegrowth of his country, of a standard with the genius of the people, andcapable of being transferred into every condition of life among them, from the boor to the burgomaster. He came into England withinstructions, authorizing him to accommodate all differences between HerMajesty and the States; but having first advised with the confederatelords, he assured the ministry he had powers to hear their proposals, but none to conclude: and having represented to his masters what hadbeen told him by the adverse party, he prevailed with them to revoke hispowers. He found the interest of those who withstood the court, wouldexactly fall in with the designs of the States, which were to carry onthe war as they could, at our expense, and to see themselves at the headof a treaty of peace, whenever they were disposed to apply to France, orto receive overtures from thence. [69]

[Footnote 68: P. Fitzgerald says "gentleman. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 69: Erasmus Lewis, in the letter already cited, refers toBuys, and gives the opinion of the gentlemen who had read the "History, "on this matter, as follows: "They think the transactions with Mr. Buysmight have been represented in a more advantageous light, and more tothe honour of that administration; and, undoubtedly they would have beenso by your pen, had you been master of all the facts. " And yet the factsas related by Swift in this and the last book of this "History" aresubstantially the facts as disclosed in Bolingbroke's PoliticalCorrespondence. [T. S. ]]

The Emperor, upon many powerful reasons, was utterly averse from allcounsels which aimed at putting an end to the war, without deliveringhim the whole dominion of Spain; nay, the Elector of Hanover himself, although presumptive heir to the crown of England, and obliged by allsorts of ties to cultivate Her Majesty's friendship, was so far deceivedby misrepresentations from hence, that he seemed to suffer MonsieurBothmar, his envoy here, to print and publish a Memorial in English, directly disapproving all Her Majesty's proceedings; which Memorial, asappeareth by the style and manner of it, was all drawn up, or at leastdigested, by some party pen on this side of the water. [70]

[Footnote 70: See Swift's "Some Free Thoughts upon the Present State ofAffairs, " and the note on p. 410 of vol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

Cautious writers, in order to avoid offence or danger, and to preservethe respect even[71] due to foreign princes, do usually charge the wrongsteps in a court altogether upon the persons employed; but I should havetaken a securer method, and have been wholly silent in this point, if Ihad not then conceived some hope, that his Electoral Highness mightpossibly have been a stranger[72] to the Memorial of his resident: for, first, the manner of delivering it to the secretary of state was out ofall form, and almost as extraordinary as the thing itself. MonsieurBothmar having obtained an hour of Mr. Secretary St. John, talked muchto him upon the subject of which that Memorial consists; and upon goingaway, desired he might leave a paper with the secretary, which he saidcontained the substance of what he had been discoursing. This paper Mr. St. John laid aside, among others of little consequence; and a fewdays[73] saw a Memorial in print, [74] which he found upon comparing tobe the same with what Bothmar had left. 

[Footnote 71: Edition of 1775 has "ever due. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 72: P. Fitzgerald says "If I had not very good reason tobelieve that his Electoral Highness was altogether a stranger. "[W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 73: Edition of 1775 has "a few days after. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 74: This was published as a broadside, with the title: "TheElector of Hanover's Memorial to the Queen of Great-Britain, relating tothe Peace with France. " It was dated 28th of Nov/9th of Dec. , 1711. [W. S. J. ]]

During this short recess of Parliament, and upon the fifth day ofJanuary, Prince Eugene, of Savoy, landed in England. Before he left hisship he asked a person who came to meet him, whether the new lords weremade, and what was their number? He was attended through the streetswith a mighty rabble of people to St. James's, where Mr. Secretary St. John introduced him to the Queen, who received him with great civility. His arrival had been long expected, and the project of his journey hadas long been formed here by the party leaders, in concert with MonsieurBuys, and Monsieur Bothmar, the Dutch and Hanover envoys. This princebrought over credentials from the Emperor, with offers to continue thewar upon a new foot, very advantageous to Britain; part of which, by HerMajesty's commands, Mr. St. John soon after produced to the House ofCommons; where they were rejected, not without some indignation, by agreat majority. The Emperor's proposals, as far as they related toSpain, were communicated to the House in the words following. 

"His Imperial Majesty judges, that forty thousand men will be sufficientfor this service, and that the whole expense of the war in Spain, mayamount to four millions of crowns, towards which His Imperial Majestyoffers to make up the troops, which he has in that country, to thirtythousand men, and to take one million of crowns upon himself". 

On the other side the House of Commons voted a third part of those fourmillions as a sufficient quota for Her Majesty toward that service, forit was supposed the Emperor ought to bear the greatest proportion in apoint that so nearly concerned him, or at least, that Britaincontributing one third, the other two might be paid by his ImperialMajesty and the States, as they could settle it between them. 

The design of Prince Eugene's journey, was to raise a spirit in theParliament and people for continuing the war, for nothing was thoughtimpossible to a prince of such high reputation in arms, in great favourwith the Emperor, and empowered to make such proposals from his master, as the ministry durst not reject. It appeared by an intercepted letterfrom Count Gallas, (formerly the Emperor's envoy here) that the princewas wholly left to his liberty of making what offers he pleased in theEmperor's name, for if the Parliament could once be brought to raisefunds, and the war go on, the ministry here must be under a necessity ofapplying and expending those funds, and the Emperor could afterwardsfind twenty reasons and excuses, as he had hitherto done, for notfurnishing his quota; therefore Prince Eugene, for some time, kepthimself within generals, until being pressed to explain himself uponthat particular of the war in Spain, which the house of Austriapretended to have most at heart, he made the offer above mentioned, as amost extraordinary effort, and so it was, considering how little theyhad ever done before, towards recovering that monarchy to themselves;but shameful as these proposals were, few believed the Emperor wouldobserve them, or, indeed, that he ever intended to spare so many men, aswould make up an army of thirty thousand men, to be employed in Spain. 

Prince Eugene's visit to his friends in England continued longer thanwas expected; he was every day entertained magnificently by persons ofquality of both parties; he went frequently to the treasurer, andsometimes affected to do it in private; he visited the other ministersand great officers of the court, but on all occasions publicly owned thecharacter and appellation of a Whig; and in secret, held continualmeetings with the Duke of Marlborough, and the other discontented lords, where M. Bothmar usually assisted. It is the great ambition of thisprince to be perpetually engaged in war, without considering the causeor consequence; and to see himself at the head of an army, where only hecan make any considerable figure. He is not without a natural tinctureof that cruelty, sometimes charged upon the Italians; and being nursedin arms, hath so far extinguished pity and remorse, that he will at anytime sacrifice a thousand men's lives, to a caprice of glory or revenge. He had conceived an incurable hatred for the treasurer, as the personwho principally opposed this insatiable passion for war; said he hadhopes of others, but that the treasurer was _un méchant diable_, not tobe moved; therefore, since it was impossible for him or his friends tocompass their designs, while that minister continued at the head ofaffairs, he proposed an expedient, often practised by those of hiscountry, that the treasurer (to use his own expression) should be takenoff, _à la négligence_; that this might easily be done, and pass for aneffect of chance, if it were preceded by encouraging some proper peopleto commit small riots in the night: and in several parts of the town, acrew of obscure ruffians were accordingly employed about that time, whoprobably exceeded their commission; and mixing themselves with thosedisorderly people that often infest the streets at midnight, actedinhuman outrages on many persons, whom they cut and mangled in the faceand arms, and other parts of the body, without any provocation; but aneffectual stop was soon put to these enormities, which probablyprevented the execution of the main design. [75]

[Footnote 75: Erasmus Lewis, Lord Oxford, and the others who read theMS. , advised the elimination of this insinuation against Prince Eugene. They thought there was truth in it, but "a matter of so high a nature, "as Lewis expressed it to Swift, "ought not to be asserted withoutexhibiting the proofs. " The paragraph following the one in the text, containing the imputation, seems as if it had been written after Swifthad received Lewis's strictures. [T. S. ]]

I am very sensible, that such an imputation ought not to be charged uponany person whatsoever, upon slight grounds or doubtful surmises; andthat those who think I am able to produce no better, will judge thispassage to be fitter for a libel than a history; but as the account wasgiven by more than one person who was at the meeting, so it wasconfirmed past all contradiction by several intercepted letters andpapers: and it is most certain, that the rage of the defeated party, upon their frequent disappointments, was so far inflamed, as to makethem capable of some counsels yet more violent and desperate than this, which, however, by the vigilance of those near the person of HerMajesty, were happily prevented. 

On the thirtieth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, the Duke of Marlborough was removed from all his employments: the Dukeof Ormonde succeeding him as general, both here and in Flanders. Thisproceeding of the court (as far as it related to the Duke ofMarlborough) was much censured both at home and abroad, and by some whodid not wish ill to the present situation of affairs. There were fewexamples of a commander being disgraced, after an uninterrupted courseof success for many years against a formidable enemy, and this before aperiod was put to the war: those who had least esteem for his valour andconduct, thought it not prudent to remove a general, whose troops wereperpetually victorious, while he was at their head; because this hadinfused into his soldiers an opinion that they should always conquer, and into the enemy that they should always be beaten; than which, nothing is to be held of greater moment, either in the progress of awar, or upon the day of battle; and I have good grounds to affirm, thatthese reasons had sufficient weight with the Queen and ministry to havekept the Duke of Marlborough in his post, if a way could have been foundout to have done it with any assurance of safety to the nation. It isthe misfortune of princes, that the effects of their displeasure makeusually much more noise than the causes: thus, the sound of the Duke'sfall was heard farther than many of the reasons which made it necessary;whereof, though some were visible enough, yet others lay more in thedark. Upon the Duke's last return from Flanders, he had fixed hisarrival to town (whether by accident or otherwise) upon the seventeenthof November, called Queen Elizabeth's day, when great numbers of hiscreatures and admirers had thought fit to revive an old ceremony amongthe rabble, of burning the Pope in effigy; for the performance of which, with more solemnity, they had made extraordinary preparations. [76] Fromthe several circumstances of the expense of this intended pageantry, andof the persons who promoted it, the court, apprehensive of a design toinflame the common people, thought fit to order, that the severalfigures should be seized as popish trinkets; and guards were ordered topatrol, for preventing any tumultuous assemblies. Whether this frolicwere only intended for an affront to the court, or whether it had adeeper meaning, I must leave undetermined. The Duke, in his own nature, is not much turned to be popular; and in his flourishing times, wheneverhe came back to England upon the close of a campaign, he rather affectedto avoid any concourse of the _mobile_, if they had been disposed toattend him; therefore, so very contrary a proceeding at this juncture, made it suspected as if he had a design to have placed himself at theirhead. "France, " "Popery, " "The Pretender, " "Peace without Spain, " werethe words to be given about at this mock parade; and if what wasconfidently asserted be true, that a report was to have been spread atthe same time of the Queen's death, no man can tell what might have beenthe event. 

[Footnote 76: See Swift's "Journal to Stella, " Letter xxxv. (vol. Ii. , pp. 283-84), and "A True Relation of the Intended Riot, " printed inScott's edition, vol. V. , pp. 399-413. [W. S. J. ]

"The burning of a Pope in effigy, " notes Scott--in his reprint of whatSwift called "the Grub Street account of the tumult"--"upon the 17thNovember, the anniversary of Queen Elizabeth's coronation, was afavourite pastime with the mob of London, and often employed by theirsuperiors as a means of working upon their passions and prejudices. " Afull account of this ceremony is given in his edition of Dryden's Works, 1808, vol. Vi. , p. 222. An account of the attempt "to revive an oldceremony, " referred to by Swift, was published also in "The Post Boy"for November 20th, 1711. [T. S. ]]

But this attempt, to whatever purposes intended, proving wholly abortiveby the vigilance of those in power, the Duke's arrival was without anynoise or consequence; and upon consulting with his friends, he soon fellin with their new scheme for preventing the peace. It was believed bymany persons, that the ministers might, with little difficulty, havebrought him over, if they had pleased to make a trial; for as he wouldprobably have accepted any terms to continue in a station of suchprodigious[77] profit, so there was sufficient room to work upon hisfears, of which he is seldom unprovided[78] (I mean only in hispolitical capacity) and his infirmity very much increased by hisunmeasurable possessions, which have rendered him, _ipsique[79] oneriquetimentem;_ but reason, as well as the event, proved this to be amistake: for the ministers being determined to bring the war to asspeedy an issue as the honour and safety of their country would permit, could not possibly recompense the Duke for the mighty incomes he held bythe continuance of it. Then the other party had calculated theirnumbers; and by the accession of the Earl of Nottingham, whose examplethey hoped would have many followers, and the successful solicitationsof the Duke of Somerset, found they were sure of a majority in the Houseof Lords: so that in this view of circumstances, the Duke of Marlboroughthought he acted with security, as well as advantage: he thereforeboldly fell, with his whole weight, into the design of ruining theministry, at the expense of his duty to his sovereign, and the welfareof his country, after the mighty obligations he had received from both. WHIG and TORY were now no longer the dispute, but THE QUEEN or THE DUKEOF MARLBOROUGH: He was at the head of all the cabals and consults withBothmar, Buys, and the discontented lords. He forgot that government ofhis passion, for which his admirers used to celebrate him, fell into allthe impotencies of anger and violence upon every party debate: so thatthe Queen found herself under a necessity, either on the one side tosacrifice those friends, who had ventured their lives in rescuing herout of the power of some, whose former treatment she had little reasonto be fond of, to put an end[80] to the progress she had made towards apeace, and dissolve her Parliament; or, on the other side, by removingone person from so great a trust, to get clear of all her difficultiesat once: Her Majesty therefore determined upon the latter, as theshorter and safer course; and during the recess at Christmas, sent theDuke a letter, to tell him she had no farther occasion for hisservice. [81]

[Footnote 77: P. Fitzgerald says "immense. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 78: P. Fitzgerald adds "being in his nature the most timorousperson alive. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 79: P. Fitzgerald says "sibique. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 80: P. Fitzgerald says "to complete. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 81: See the Duchess of Marlborough's narrative of thistransaction in the "Account of her Conduct, " etc. , pp. 264-269, wherehis Grace's letter to the Queen, on his dismission from her service, isprinted. [N. ]]

There hath not perhaps in the present age been a clearer instance toshew the instability of greatness which is not founded upon virtue; andit may be an instruction to princes, who are well in the hearts of theirpeople, that the overgrown power of any particular person, althoughsupported by exorbitant wealth, can by a little resolution be reduced ina moment, without any dangerous consequences. This lord, who was, beyondall comparison, the greatest subject in Christendom, found his power, credit, and influence, crumble away on a sudden; and, except a fewfriends or followers, by inclination, the rest dropped off in course. From directing in some manner the affairs of Europe, he descended to bea member of a faction, and with little distinction even there: thatvirtue of subduing his resentments, for which he was so famed when hehad little or no occasion to exert it, having now wholly forsaken himwhen he stood most in need of its assistance; and upon trial was foundunable to bear a reverse of fortune, giving way to rage, impatience, envy, and discontent. 

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN. 

BOOK II. 

The House of Lords met upon the second day of January, according totheir adjournment; but before they could proceed to business, the twelvenew-created peers were, in the usual form, admitted to their seats inthat assembly, who, by their numbers, turned the balance on the side ofthe court, and voted an adjournment to the same day with the Commons. Upon the fourteenth of January the two Houses met; but the Queen, whointended to be there in person, sent a message to inform them, that shewas prevented by a sudden return of the gout, and to desire they wouldadjourn for three days longer, when Her Majesty hoped she should be ableto speak to them. However, her indisposition still continuing, Mr. Secretary St. John brought another message to the House of Commons fromthe Queen, containing the substance of what she intended to have spoken;"That she could now tell them, her plenipotentiaries were arrived atUtrecht; had begun, in pursuance of her instructions, to concert themost proper ways of procuring a just satisfaction to all powers inalliance with her, according to their several treaties, and particularlywith relation to Spain and the West Indies; that she promised tocommunicate to them the conditions of peace, before the same should beconcluded; that the world would now see how groundless those reportswere, and without the least colour, that a separate peace had beentreated; that her ministers were directed to propose, that a day mightbe fixed for the finishing, as was done for the commencement of thistreaty; and that, in the mean time, all preparations were hastening foran early campaign, " etc. 

Her Majesty's endeavours towards this great work having been in such aforwardness at the time that her message was sent, I shall here, as inthe most proper place, relate the several steps by which the intercoursebetween the courts of France and Britain was begun and carried on. 

The Marquis de Torcy, [1] sent by the Most Christian King to The Hague, had there, in the year one thousand seven hundred and nine, made veryadvantageous offers to the allies, in his master's name; which ourministers, as well as those of the States, thought fit to refuse, andadvanced other proposals in their stead, but of such a nature as noprince could digest, who did not lie at the immediate mercy of hisenemies. It was demanded, among other things, "That the French Kingshould employ his own troops, in conjunction with those of the allies, to drive his grandson out of Spain. " The proposers knew very well, thatthe enemy would never consent to this; and if it were possible theycould at first have any such hopes, Mons. De Torcy assured them to thecontrary, in a manner which might well be believed; for then the Britishand Dutch plenipotentiaries were drawing up their demands. They desiredthat minister to assist them in the style and expression; which he veryreadily did, and made use of the strongest words he could find to pleasethem. He then insisted to know their last resolution, whether these werethe lowest terms the allies would accept; and having received adeterminate answer in the affirmative, he spoke to this effect:

[Footnote 1: Jean Baptiste Colbert (1665-1746), Marquis de Torcy, wasnephew of the celebrated Colbert. [W. S. J. ]]

"That he thanked them heartily for giving him the happiest day he hadever seen in his life: that, in perfect obedience to his master, he hadmade concessions, in his own opinion, highly derogatory to the King'shonour and interest: that he had not concealed the difficulties of hiscourt, or the discontents of his country, by a long and unsuccessfulwar, which could only justify the large offers he had been empowered tomake: that the conditions of peace, now delivered into his hands by theallies, would raise a new spirit in the nation, and remove the greatestdifficulty the court lay under, putting it in his master's power toconvince all his subjects how earnestly His Majesty desired to ease themfrom the burthen of the war; but that his enemies would not accept ofany terms, which could consist either with their safety or his honour. "Mons. Torcy assured the pensionary, in the strongest manner, and bid himcount upon it, that the King his master would never sign those articles. 

It soon appeared, that the Marquis de Torcy's predictions were true; forupon delivering to his master the last resolutions of the allies, thatPrince took care to publish them all over his kingdom, as an appeal tohis subjects against the unreasonableness and injustice of his enemies:which proceeding effectually answered the utmost he intended by it; forthe French nation, extremely jealous of their monarch's glory, madeuniversal offers of their lives and fortunes, rather than submit to suchignominious terms; and the clergy, in particular, promised to give theKing their consecrated plate, towards continuing the war. Thus thatmighty kingdom, generally thought to be wholly exhausted of its wealth, yet, when driven to a necessity by the imprudence of the allies, or bythe corruption of particular men, who influenced their councils, recovered strength enough to support itself for three followingcampaigns: and in the last, by the fatal blindness or obstinacy of theDutch (venturing to act without the assistance of Britain, which theyhad shamefully abandoned), was an overmatch for the whole confederatearmy. [2]

[Footnote 2: Alluding to the defeat at Denain (July 24th, 1712). [S. ]]

Those who, in order to defend the proceedings of the allies, have givenan account of this negotiation, do wholly omit the circumstance I havenow related, and express the zeal of the British and Dutch ministers fora peace, by informing us how frequently they sent after Mons. De Torcy, and Mons. Rouille, for a farther conference. But in the mean time, Mr. Horatio Walpole, secretary to the Queen's plenipotentiaries, wasdispatched over hither, to have those abortive articles signed andratified by Her Majesty at a venture, which was accordingly done. Apiece of management altogether absurd, and without example; contrivedonly to deceive our people into a belief that a peace was intended, andto shew what great things the ministry designed to do. 

But this hope expiring, upon the news that France had refused to signthose articles, all was solved by recourse to the old topic of theFrench perfidiousness. We loaded them plentifully with ignominiousappellations; "they were a nation never to be trusted. " The Parliamentcheerfully continued their supplies, and the war went on. The winterfollowing began the second and last session of the preceding Parliament, noted for the trial of Dr. Sacheverell, and the occasions thereby givento the people to discover and exert their dispositions, very opposite tothe designs of those who were then in power. In the summer of onethousand seven hundred and ten, ensued a gradual change of the ministry;and in the beginning of that winter the present Parliament was called. 

The King of France, whose real interests made him sincerely desirous ofany tolerable peace, found it impossible to treat upon equal conditionswith either of the two maritime powers engaged against him, because ofthe prevalency of factions in both, who acted in concert to their mutualprivate advantage, although directly against the general dispositions ofthe people in either, as well as against their several maxims ofgovernment. But upon the great turn of affairs and councils here inEngland, the new Parliament and ministers acting from other motives, andupon other principles, that Prince hoped an opportunity might arise ofresuming his endeavours towards a peace. 

There was at this time in England a French ecclesiastic, called the AbbéGaultier, [3] who had resided several years in London, under theprotection of some foreign ministers, in whose families he used, uponoccasion, to exercise his function of a priest. After the battle ofBlenheim, this gentleman went down to Nottingham, where several Frenchprisoners of quality were kept, to whom he rendered those offices ofcivility suitable to persons in their condition, which, upon theirreturn to France, they reported to his advantage. Among the rest, theChevalier de Croissy told his brother, the Marquis de Torcy, thatwhenever the French court would have a mind to make overtures of peacewith England, Mons. Gaultier might be very usefully employed in handingthem to the ministers here. This was no farther thought on at present. In the mean time the war went on, and the conferences at The Hague andGertruydenberg miscarried, by the allies insisting upon such demands asthey neither expected, nor perhaps desired, should be granted. 

[Footnote 3: See note prefixed to "A New Journey to Paris" in vol. V. Ofpresent edition. Gaultier, although a priest, was nothing more than asuperior spy in the pay of the French Court. He had been chaplain toTallard and the disgraced Count Gallas, and was a sort of _protégé_ ofthe Earl of Jersey; but his character does not bear very close scrutiny. The Duke of Berwick could not have had any high opinion either of theman or his abilities, since in the "Mémoires de Berwick" (vol. Ii. , p. 122, edit. 1780) he is thus referred to: "Sa naissance étoit toute desplus ordinaires, et ses facultés à l'avenant, c'est à dire, trèspauvre. " St. John called Gaultier his "Mercury, " and De Torcy styled him"the Angel of Peace" (Torcy's "Memoires, " vol. Ii. , p. 148, edition of1828). [T. S. ]]

Some time in July, one thousand seven hundred and ten, Mons. Gaultierreceived a letter from the Marquis de Torcy, signifying, that a reportbeing spread of Her Majesty's intentions to change her ministry, to takeMr. Harley into her councils, and to dissolve her Parliament, the MostChristian King thought it might be now a favourable conjuncture to offernew proposals of a treaty: Mons. Gaultier was therefore directed toapply himself, in the Marquis's name, either to the Duke of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Jersey, or Mr. Harley, and inform the French court how sucha proposition would be relished. Gaultier chose to deliver his messageto the second of those, who had been ambassador from the late king toFrance; but the Earl excused himself from entering into particulars witha stranger, and a private person, who had no authority for what he said, more than a letter from Mons. De Torcy. Gaultier offered to procureanother from that minister to the Earl himself; and did so, in a monthafter: but obtained no answer till December following, when the Queenhad made all necessary changes, and summoned a free Parliament to herwishes. About the beginning of January, the abbé (after having procuredhis dismission from Count Gallas, the emperor's envoy, at that time hisprotector) was sent to Paris, to inform Mons. Torcy, that Her Majestywould be willing his master should resume the treaty with Holland, provided the demands of England might be previously granted. Gaultiercame back, after a short stay, with a return to his message, that theDutch had used the Most Christian King and his ministers in such amanner, both at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, as made that Princeresolve not to expose himself any more to the like treatment; that hetherefore chose to address himself to England, and was ready to makewhatever offers Her Majesty could reasonably expect, for the advantageof her own kingdoms, and the satisfaction of her allies. 

After this message had been duly considered by the Queen and herministers, Mons. Gaultier was dispatched a second time to France, aboutthe beginning of March, one thousand seven hundred and ten-eleven, withan answer to the following purpose: "That since France had theirparticular reasons for not beginning again to treat with Holland, England was willing to remove that difficulty, and proposed it should bedone in this manner: That France should send over hither thepropositions for a treaty, which should be transmitted by England toHolland, to be jointly treated on that side of the water; but it was tobe understood, that the same proposition formerly offered to Holland, was to be made to England, or one not less advantageous to the allies;for although England would enter most sincerely into such a treaty, andshew, in the course of it, the clearness of their intentions; yet theycould not, with honour, entertain a less beneficial proposal than whatwas offered to the States. "

That Prince, as well as his minister, Mons. De Torcy, either felt, oraffected, so much resentment of the usage the latter had met at TheHague and Gertruydenberg, that they appeared fully determined againstmaking any application to the States, where the same persons continuedstill in power, of whose treatment they so heavily complained. [4]

[Footnote 4: There can be little doubt that De Torcy's resentmentagainst the Dutch, as expressed in the first of the propositions abovecited, was an affected one, since it is well known that the Dutch were, at the very time these propositions were sent to England, and even forsome time previously, engaged in separate overtures with the FrenchCourt. Indeed, according to Prior ("History of his Own Time"), they hadbeen so engaged ever since the breaking up of the GertruydenbergConference; and when Prior arrived in France in August, 1711, he wasshown three letters written as from the Pensionary, but probably byPetecum, promising Louis every advantage if the Conference so unhappilybroken off at Gertruydenberg were renewed. "The negotiations must besecret and separate, " reported Prior, "His Most Christian Majesty needonly name his own terms. " Swift knew of the existence of at least one ofthese letters, because he was very anxious to obtain it "to get someparticulars for my History, " as he notes in his "Journal, " "one letterof Petecum's showing the roguery of the Dutch. " See also "PortlandManuscripts, " vol. V. , p. 34 _et seq_. [T. S. ]]

They seemed altogether to distrust the inclination of that republictowards a peace; but at the same time shewed a mighty complaisance tothe English nation, and a desire to have Her Majesty at the head of atreaty. This appears by the first overture in form sent from thatkingdom, and signed by Mons. De Torcy, on the twenty-second of April, N. S. One thousand seven hundred and eleven, to the following effect:

"That as it could not be doubted but the King was in a condition ofcontinuing the war with honour, so it could not be looked on as a markof weakness in His Majesty to break the silence he had kept since theconferences at Gertruydenberg; and that, before the opening of thecampaign, he now gives farther proof of the desire he always had toprocure the repose of Europe. But after what he hath found, byexperience, of the sentiments of those persons who now govern therepublic of Holland, and of their industry in rendering all negotiationswithout effect, His Majesty will, for the public good, offer to theEnglish nation those propositions, which he thinks fit to make forterminating the war, and for settling the tranquillity of Europe upon asolid foundation. It is with this view that he offers to enter into atreaty of peace, founded on the following conditions. 

"First, The English nation shall have real securities for carrying ontheir trade in Spain, the Indies, and ports of the Mediterranean. 

"Secondly, The King will consent to form a sufficient barrier in the LowCountries, for the security of the republic of Holland; and this barriershall be such as England shall agree upon and approve; His Majestypromising, at the same time, an entire liberty and security to the tradeof the Dutch. 

"Thirdly, All reasonable methods shall be thought on, with sincerity andtruth, for giving satisfaction to the allies of England and Holland. 

"Fourthly, Whereas the affairs of the King of Spain are in so good acondition as to furnish new expedients for putting an end to thedisputes about that monarchy, and for settling it to the satisfaction ofthe several parties concerned, all sincere endeavours shall be used forsurmounting the difficulties arisen upon this occasion; and the tradeand interest of all parties engaged in the present war shall be secured. 

"Fifthly, The conferences, in order to treat of a peace upon theseconditions, shall be immediately opened; and the plenipotentiaries, whomthe King shall name to assist thereat, shall treat with those of Englandand Holland, either alone, or in conjunction with those of their allies, as England shall choose. 

"Sixthly, His Majesty proposes the towns of Aix la Chapelle or Liège, for the place where the plenipotentiaries shall assemble, leaving thechoice likewise to England of either of the said towns, wherein to treata general peace. "

These overtures, although expressing much confidence in the ministryhere, great deference to the Queen, and displeasure against the Dutch, were immediately transmitted by Her Majesty's command to her ambassadorin Holland, with orders, that they should be communicated to thepensionary. The Abbé Gaultier was desired to signify this proceeding tothe Marquis de Torcy; at the same time to let that minister understand, that some of the above articles ought to be explained. The Lord Raby, now Earl of Stafford, was directed to tell the Pensionary, that HerMajesty being resolved, in making peace as in making war, to act inperfect concert with the States, would not lose a moment in transmittingto him a paper of this importance: that the Queen earnestly desired, that the secret might be kept among as few as possible; and that shehoped the Pensionary would advise upon this occasion with no personwhatsoever, except such, as by the constitution of that government, areunavoidably necessary: that the terms of the several propositions wereindeed too general; but, however, they contained an offer to treat: andthat, although there appeared an air of complaisance to England throughthe whole paper, and the contrary to Holland, yet this could have no illconsequences, as long as the Queen and the States took care tounderstand each other, and to act with as little reserve as became twopowers, so nearly allied in interest; which rule, on the part ofBritain, should be inviolably observed. It was signified likewise to thePensionary, that the Duke of Marlborough had no communication of thisaffair from England, and that it was supposed he would have none fromThe Hague. 

After these proposals had been considered in Holland, the ambassador wasdirected to send back the opinion of the Dutch ministers upon them. Thecourt here was, indeed, apprehensive, that the Pensionary would bealarmed at the whole frame of Monsieur de Torcy's paper, andparticularly at these expressions, "That the English shall have realsecurities for their trade, &c. " and "that the barrier for theStates-General shall be such as England shall agree upon and approve. "It was natural to think, that the fear which the Dutch would conceive ofour obtaining advantageous terms for Britain, might put them upon tryingunderhand for themselves, and endeavouring to overreach us in themanagement of the peace, as they had hitherto done in that of the war:the ambassador was therefore cautioned to be very watchful indiscovering any workings, which might tend that way. 

When the Lord Raby was first sent to The Hague, the Duke of Marlborough, and Lord Townshend, had, for very obvious reasons, used their utmostendeavours to involve him in as many difficulties as they could; uponwhich, and other accounts, needless to mention, it was thought proper, that his Grace, then in Flanders, should not be let into the secret ofthis affair. 

The proposal of Aix or Liège for a place of treaty, was only a farthermark of their old discontent against Holland, to shew they would notname any town which belonged to the States. 

The Pensionary having consulted those who had been formerly employed inthe negotiations of peace, and enjoined them the utmost secrecy, toavoid the jealousy of the foreign ministers there, desired theambassador to return Her Majesty thanks, for the obliging manner ofcommunicating the French overtures, for the confidence she placed in theStates, and for her promise of making no step towards a peace, but inconcert with them, assuring her of the like on their part: that althoughthe States endeavoured to hide it from the enemy, they were as weary ofthe war as we, and very heartily desirous of a good and lasting peace, as well as ready to join in any method, by which Her Majesty shouldthink proper to obtain it: that the States looked upon thesepropositions as very dark and general; and they observed how the enemywould create jealousies between the Queen, their republic, and the otherallies; but they were satisfied it would have no effect, and reliedentirely on the justness and prudence of Her Majesty, who they doubtednot, would make the French explain themselves more particularly in theseveral points of their proposals, and send a plan of the particularconditions whereupon they would make a peace: after which, the Stateswould be ready, either to join with Her Majesty, or to make theirobjections, and were prepared to bring with them all the facilityimaginable, towards promoting so good a work. 

This is the sum of the verbal answer made by the Pensionary, uponcommunicating to him the French proposals; and I have chosen to set itdown, rather than transcribe the other given to the ambassador some daysafter, which was more in form, and to the same purpose, but shorter, andin my opinion not so well discovering the true disposition of the Dutchministers. 

For after the Queen had transmitted the French overtures to Holland, andthe States found Her Majesty was bent in earnest upon the thoughts of apeace, they began to cast about how to get the negotiation into theirown hands. They knew that whatever power received the first proposals, would be wise enough to stipulate something for themselves, as they haddone in their own case, both at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, where theycarved as they pleased, without any regard to the interests of theirnearest allies. For this reason, while they endeavoured to amuse theBritish court with expostulations upon the several preliminaries sentfrom France, Monsieur Petecum, a forward meddling agent of Holstein, whohad resided some years in Holland, negotiated with Heinsius, the GrandPensionary, as well as with Vanderdussen and Buys, about restoring theconferences between France and that republic, broke off inGertruydenberg. Pursuant to which, about the end of May, N. S. Onethousand seven hundred and eleven, Petecum wrote to the Marquis deTorcy, with the privity of the Pensionary, and probably of the othertwo. The substance of his letter was to inform the Marquis, that thingsmight easily be disposed, so as to settle a correspondence between thatcrown and the republic, in order to renew the treaty of peace. That thiscould be done with the greater secrecy, because Monsieur Heinsius, byvirtue of his oath as Pensionary, might keep any affair private as longas he thought necessary, and was not obliged to communicate it, until hebelieved things were ripe; and as long as he concealed it from hismasters, he was not bound to discover it, either to the ministers of theEmperor, or those of her British Majesty. That since England thought itproper for King Charles to continue the whole campaign in Catalonia, (though he should be chosen emperor) in order to support the war inSpain, it was necessary for France to treat in the most secret mannerwith the States, who were not now so violently, as formerly, againsthaving Philip on the Spanish throne, upon certain conditions forsecuring their trade, but were jealous of England's design to fortifysome trading towns in Spain for themselves. That Heinsius, extremelydesired to get out of the war for some reasons, which he (Petecum) wasnot permitted to tell; and that Vanderdussen and Buys were impatient tohave the negotiations with France once more set on foot, which, ifMonsieur Torcy thought fit to consent to, Petecum engaged that theStates would determine to settle the preliminaries, in the midwaybetween Paris and The Hague, with whatever ministers the Most ChristianKing should please to employ. But Monsieur Torcy refused this overture, and in his answer to Monsieur Petecum, assigned for the reason thetreatment his master's former proposals had met with at The Hague andGertruydenberg, from the ministers of Holland. Britain and Hollandseemed pretty well agreed, that those proposals were too loose andimperfect to be a foundation for entering upon a general treaty; andMonsieur Gaultier was desired to signify to the French court, that itwas expected they should explain themselves more particularly on theseveral articles. 

But in the mean time the Queen was firmly resolved, that the interestsof her own kingdoms should not be neglected at this juncture, as theyhad formerly twice been, while the Dutch were principal managers of anegotiation with France. Her Majesty had given frequent and early noticeto the States, of the general disposition of her people towards a peace, of her own inability to continue the war upon the old foot, under thedisadvantage of unequal quotas, and the universal backwardness of herallies. She had likewise informed them of several advances made to heron the side of France, which she had refused to hearken to, till she hadconsulted with those, her good friends and confederates, and heard theiropinion on that subject: but the Dutch, who apprehended nothing morethan to see Britain at the head of a treaty, were backward and sullen, disliked all proposals by the Queen's intervention, and said it was apiece of artifice of France to divide the allies; besides, they knew theministry was young, and the opposite faction had given them assurances, that the people of England would never endure a peace without Spain, northe men in power dare to attempt it, after the resolutions of one Houseof Parliament to the contrary. But, in the midst of this unwillingnessto receive any overtures from France by the Queen's hands, the Dutchministers were actually engaged in a correspondence with that court, where they urged our inability to begin a treaty, by reason of thosefactions which themselves had inflamed, and were ready to commence anegotiation upon much easier terms than what they supposed we demanded. For not to mention the Duke of Lorraine's interposition in behalf ofHolland, which France absolutely refused to accept; the letters sentfrom the Dutch to that court, were shewn some months after to a Britishminister there, [5] which gave much weight to Monsieur de Torcy'sinsinuations; that he knew where to meet with more compliance, if thenecessity of affairs should force him to it, by our refusal. And theviolence of the States against our entertaining of that correspondence, was only because they knew theirs would never be accepted, at least tillours were thrown off. 

[Footnote 5: Matthew Prior. See note, _ante_, p. 55. [T. S. ]] The Queen, sensible of all this, resolved to provide for her own kingdoms; andhaving therefore prepared such demands for her principal allies, asmight be a ground for proceeding to a general treaty, without pretendingto adjust their several interests, she resolved to stipulate in aparticular manner the advantage of Britain: the following preliminarydemands were accordingly drawn up, in order to be transmitted to France. 

"Great Britain will not enter into any negotiation of peace, otherwisethan upon these conditions, obtained beforehand. 

"That the union of the two crowns of France and Spain shall beprevented: that satisfaction shall be given to all the allies, and tradesettled and maintained. 

"If France be disposed to treat upon this view, it is not to be doubtedthat the following propositions will be found reasonable. 

"A barrier shall be formed in the Low Countries for the States-General;and their trade shall be secured. 

"A barrier likewise shall be formed for the Empire. 

"The pretensions of all the allies, founded upon former treaties, shallbe regulated and determined to their general satisfaction. 

"In order to make a more equal balance of power in Italy, the dominionsand territories, which in the beginning of the present war belonged tothe Duke of Savoy, and are now in the possession of France, shall berestored to his Royal Highness; and such other places in Italy shall beyielded to him, as will be found necessary and agreeable to the sense offormer treaties made with this prince. 

"As to Great Britain in particular, the succession to the crown of thekingdoms, according to the present establishment, shall be acknowledged. 

"A new treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France shall bemade, after the most just and reasonable manner. 

"Dunkirk shall be demolished. 

"Gibraltar and Port-Mahon shall remain in the hands of the presentpossessors. 

"The English shall have the Assiento in the same manner the French nowenjoy it; and such places in the Spanish West Indies shall be assignedto those concerned in this traffic, for the refreshment and sale oftheir negroes, as shall be found necessary and convenient. 

"All advantages, rights, and privileges already granted, and which mayhereafter be granted by Spain to the subjects of France, or to any othernation whatsoever, shall be equally granted to the subjects of GreatBritain. 

"And for better securing the British trade in the Spanish West Indies, certain places to be named in the treaty of peace, shall be put intopossession of the English. 

"Newfoundland, with the Bay and Straits of Hudson, shall be entirelyrestored to the English; and Great Britain and France shall severallykeep and possess all those countries and territories in North America, which each of the said nations shall be in possession of at the timewhen the ratification of this treaty shall be published in those partsof the world. 

"These demands, and all other proceedings between Great Britain andFrance, shall be kept inviolably secret, until they are published by themutual consent of both parties. "

The last article was not only intended for avoiding, if possible, thejealousy of the Dutch, but to prevent the clamours of the abettors hereat home, who, under the pretended fears of our doing injustice to theDutch, by acting without the privity of that republic, in order to makea separate peace, would be ready to drive on the worst designs againstthe Queen and ministry, in order to recover the power they had lost. 

In June, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, Mr. Prior, a person ofgreat distinction, not only on account of his wit, but for his abilitiesin the management of affairs, and who had been formerly employed at theFrench court, was dispatched thither by Her Majesty with the foregoingdemands. This gentleman was received at Versailles with great civility. The King declared, that no proceeding, in order to a general treaty, would be so agreeable to him as by the intervention of England; and thatHis Majesty, being desirous to contribute with all his power towards therepose of Europe, did answer to the demands which had been made, "That he would consent freely and sincerely to all just and reasonablemethods, for hindering the crowns of France and Spain from being everunited under the same prince; His Majesty being persuaded, that such anexcess of power would be as contrary to the general good and repose ofEurope, as it was opposite to the will of the late Catholic King Charlesthe Second. He said his intention was, that all parties in the presentwar should find their reasonable satisfaction in the intended treaty ofpeace; and that trade should be settled and maintained for the future, to the advantage of those nations which formerly possessed it. 

"That as the King will exactly observe the conditions of peace, wheneverit shall be concluded, and as the object he proposeth to himself, is tosecure the frontiers of his own kingdom, without giving any sort ofdisturbance to his neighbours, he promiseth to agree, that by the futuretreaty of peace, the Dutch shall be put into possession of all suchfortified places as shall be specified in the said treaty to serve for abarrier to that republic, against all attempts on the side of France. Heengages likewise to give all necessary securities, for removing thejealousies raised among the German princes of His Majesty's designs. 

"That when the conferences, in order to a general treaty, shall beformed, all the pretensions of the several princes and states engaged inthe present war, shall be fairly and amicably discussed; nor shall anything be omitted, which may regulate and determine them to thesatisfaction of all parties. 

"That, pursuant to the demands made by England, His Majesty promiseth torestore to the Duke of Savoy these demesnes and territories, whichbelonged to that prince at the beginning of this war, and which HisMajesty is now in possession of; and the King consents further, thatsuch other places in Italy shall be yielded to the Duke of Savoy, asshall be found necessary, according to the sense of those treaties madebetween the said Duke and his allies. 

"That the King's sentiments of the present government of Great Britain, the open declaration he had made in Holland of his resolution to treatof peace, by applications to the English; the assurances he had given ofengaging the King of Spain to leave Gibraltar in their hands (all whichare convincing proofs of his perfect esteem for a nation still in warwith him); leave no room to doubt of His Majesty's inclination to giveEngland all securities and advantages for their trade, which they canreasonably demand. But as His Majesty cannot persuade himself, that agovernment, so clear-sighted as ours, will insist upon conditions whichmust absolutely destroy the trade of France and Spain, as well as thatof all other nations of Europe, he thinks the demands made by GreatBritain may require a more particular discussion. 

"That, upon this foundation, the King thought the best way of advancingand perfecting a negotiation, the beginning of which he had seen with somuch satisfaction, would be to send into England a person instructed inhis intention, and authorized by him to agree upon securities forsettling the trade of the subjects of England; and those particularadvantages to be stipulated in their favour, without destroying thetrade of the French and Spaniards, or of other nations in Christendom. 

"That therefore His Majesty had charged the person chosen for thiscommission, to answer the other articles of the memorial given him byMr. Prior, the secret of which should be exactly observed. "

Mons. De Torcy had, for some years past, used all his endeavours toincline his master towards a peace, pursuant to the maxim of his uncleColbert, "That a long war was not for the interest of France. " It wasfor this reason the King made choice of him in the conferences at TheHague; the bad success whereof, although it filled him with resentmentsagainst the Dutch, did not alter his opinion: but he was violentlyopposed by a party both in the court and kingdom, who pretended to fearhe would sacrifice the glory of the prince and country by too largeconcessions; or perhaps would rather wish that the first offers shouldhave been still made to the Dutch, as a people more likely to be lesssolicitous about the interest of Britain, than Her Majesty wouldcertainly be for theirs: and the particular design of Mr. Prior was tofind out, whether that minister had credit enough with his prince, and asupport from others in power, sufficient to overrule the faction againstpeace. 

Mr. Prior's journey[6] could not be kept a secret, as the court here atfirst seemed to intend it. He was discovered at his return by an officerof the port at Dover, where he landed, after six weeks absence; uponwhich the Dutch Gazettes and English newspapers were full ofspeculations. 

[Footnote 6: See Swift's "A New Journey to Paris" (vol. V. Of thisedition, pp. 187-205). [W. S. J. ]]

At the same time with Mr. Prior there arrived from France Mons. Mesnager, knight of the order of St. Michael, and one of the council oftrade to the Most Christian King. His commission was, in general, empowering him to treat with the minister of any prince engaged in thewar against his master. In his first conferences with the Queen'sministers, he pretended orders to insist, that Her Majesty should enterupon particular engagements in several articles, which did not dependupon her, but concerned only the interest of the allies reciprocallywith those of the Most Christian King; whereas the negotiation had begunupon this principle, that France should consent to adjust the interestsof Great Britain in the first place, whereby Her Majesty would beafterwards enabled, by her good offices on all sides, to facilitate thegeneral peace. The Queen resolved never to depart from this principle;but was absolutely determined to remit the particular interests of theallies to general conferences, where she would do the utmost in herpower to procure the repose of Europe, and the satisfaction of allparties. It was plain, France could run no hazard by this proceeding, because the preliminary articles would have no force before a generalpeace was signed: therefore it was not doubted but Mons. Mesnager wouldhave orders to waive this new pretension, and go on in treating uponthat foot which was at first proposed. In short, the ministers requireda positive and speedy answer to the articles in question, since theycontained only such advantages and securities as Her Majesty thought shehad a right to require from any prince whatsoever, to whom the dominionsof Spain should happen to fall. 

The particular demands of Britain were formed into eight articles; towhich Mons. Mesnager, having transmitted them to his court and receivednew powers from thence, had orders to give his master's consent, by wayof answers to the several points, to be obligatory only after a generalpeace. These demands, together with the answers of the French King, weredrawn up and signed by Mons. Mesnager, and Her Majesty's two principalsecretaries of state; whereof I shall here present an extract to thereader. 

In the preamble the Most Christian King sets forth, "That beingparticularly informed by the last memorial which the British ministersdelivered to Mons. Mesnager, of the dispositions of this crown tofacilitate a general peace, to the satisfaction of the several partiesconcerned; and His Majesty finding, in effect, as the said memorialdeclares, that he runs no hazard by engaging himself in the manner thereexpressed, since the preliminary articles will be of no force, until thesigning of the general peace; and being sincerely desirous to advance, to the utmost of his power, the repose of Europe, especially by a way soagreeable as the interposition of a Princess, whom so many ties of bloodought to unite to him, and whose sentiments for the public tranquillitycannot be doubted; His Majesty, moved by these considerations, hathordered Mons. Mesnager, knight, &c. To give the following answers, inwriting, to the articles contained in the memorial transmitted to him, intituled, 'Preliminary Demands for Great Britain in particular. '"

The articles were these that follow. 

"First, The succession to the crown to be acknowledged, according to thepresent establishment. 

"Secondly, A new treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France tobe made, after the most just and reasonable manner. 

"Thirdly, Dunkirk to be demolished. 

"Fourthly, Gibraltar and Port-Mahon to continue in the hands of thosewho now possess them. 

"Fifthly, The Assiento (or liberty of selling negroes to the SpanishWest Indies) to be granted to the English, in as full a manner as theFrench possess it at present; and such places in the said West Indies tobe assigned to the persons concerned in this trade, for the refreshmentand sale of their negroes, as shall be found necessary and convenient. 

"Sixthly, Whatever advantages, privileges, and rights are already, ormay hereafter be, granted by Spain to the subjects of France, or anyother nation, shall be equally granted to the subjects of Great Britain. 

"Seventhly, For better protecting their trade in the Spanish WestIndies, the English shall be put into possession of such places as shallbe named in the treaty of peace. 

"Or, as an equivalent for this article, that the Assiento be granted toBritain for the term of thirty years. 

"That the isle of St. Christopher's be likewise secured to the English. 

"That the advantages and exemption from duties, promised by MonsieurMesnager, which he affirms will amount to fifteen _per cent_. Upon allgoods of the growth and manufacture of Great Britain, be effectuallyallowed. 

"That whereas, on the side of the river of Plate, the English are not inpossession of any colony, a certain extent of territory be allowed themon the said river, for refreshing and keeping their negroes, till theyare sold to the Spaniards; subject, nevertheless, to the inspection ofan officer appointed by Spain. 

"Eighthly, Newfoundland and the Bay and Straits of Hudson, shall beentirely restored to the English; and Great Britain and France shallrespectively keep whatever dominions in North America each of them shallbe in possession of, when the ratification of this treaty shall bepublished in those parts of the world. "

The six first articles were allowed without any difficulty, except thatabout Dunkirk, where France was to have an equivalent, to be settled ina general treaty. 

Difficulty arising upon the seventh article, the proposed equivalent wasallowed instead thereof. 

The last article was referred to the general treaty of peace, only theFrench insisted to have the power of fishing for cod, and drying them onthe island of Newfoundland. 

These articles were to be looked upon as conditions, which the MostChristian King consented to allow; and whenever a general peace shouldbe signed, they were to be digested into the usual form of a treaty, tothe satisfaction of both crowns. 

The Queen having thus provided for the security and advantage of herkingdoms, whenever a peace should be made, and upon terms no wayinterfering with the interest of her allies; the next thing in order, was to procure from France such preliminary articles, as might be aground upon which to commence a general treaty. These were adjusted, andsigned the same day with the former; and having been delivered to theseveral ministers residing here from the powers in alliance withEngland, were quickly made public. But the various constructions andcensures which passed upon them, have made it necessary to give thereader the following transcript:

"The King being willing to contribute all that is in his power, to there-establishing of the general peace. His Majesty declares, "I. That he will acknowledge the Queen of Great Britain in that quality, as also the succession of that crown, according to the settlement, "II. That he will freely, and _bonâ fide_, consent to the taking alljust and reasonable measures, for hindering that the crowns of Franceand Spain may ever be united on the head of the same prince; His Majestybeing persuaded, that this excess of power would be contrary to the goodand quiet of Europe. 

"III. The King's intention is, that all the parties engaged in thepresent war, without excepting any of them, may find their reasonablesatisfaction in the treaty of peace, which shall be made: That commercemay be re-established and maintained for the future, to the advantage ofGreat Britain, of Holland, and of the other nations, who have beenaccustomed to exercise commerce. 

"IV. As the King will likewise maintain exactly the observance of thepeace, when it shall be concluded, and the object, the King proposes tohimself, being to secure the frontiers of his kingdom, withoutdisturbing in any manner whatever the neighbouring states, he promisesto agree, by the treaty which shall be made, that the Dutch shall be putin possession of the fortified places, which shall be mentioned, in theNetherlands, to serve hereafter for a barrier; which may secure thequiet of the republic of Holland against any enterprise from the part ofFrance. 

"V. The King consents likewise, that a secure and convenient barriershould be formed for the empire, and for the house of Austria. 

"VI. Notwithstanding Dunkirk cost the King very great sums, as well topurchase it, as to fortify it; and that it is further necessary to be atvery considerable expense for razing the works. His Majesty is willinghowever to engage to cause them to be demolished, immediately after theconclusion of the peace, on condition, that, for the fortifications ofthat place, a proper equivalent, that may content him, be given him:And, as England cannot furnish that equivalent, the discussion of itshall be referred to the conferences to be held for the negotiation ofthe peace. 

"VII. When the conferences for the negotiation of the peace shall beformed, all the pretensions of the princes and states, engaged in thepresent war, shall be therein discussed _bonâ fide_, and amicably: Andnothing shall be omitted to regulate and terminate them, to thesatisfaction of all the parties. 

"MESNAGER. "

These overtures are founded upon the eighth article of the GrandAlliance, made in one thousand seven hundred and one; wherein arecontained the conditions, without which a peace is not to be made; andwhoever compares both, will find the preliminaries to reach every pointproposed in that article, which those who censured them at home, if theyspoke their thoughts, did not understand: for nothing can be plainer, than what the public hath often been told, that the recovery of Spainfrom the house of Bourbon was a thing never imagined, when the warbegan, but a just and reasonable satisfaction to the Emperor. Much lessought such a condition to be held necessary at present, not only becauseit is allowed on all hands to be impracticable, but likewise because, bythe changes in the Austrian and Bourbon families, it would not be safe:neither did those, who were loudest in blaming the French preliminaries, know any thing of the advantages privately stipulated for Britain, whoseinterests, they assured us, were all made a sacrifice to the corruptionor folly of the managers; and therefore, because the opposers of peacehave been better informed by what they have since heard and seen, theyhave changed their battery, and accused the ministers for betraying theDutch. 

The Lord Raby, Her Majesty's ambassador at The Hague, having made ashort journey to England, where he was created Earl of Strafford, wentback to Holland about the beginning of October, one thousand sevenhundred and eleven, with the above preliminaries, in order tocommunicate them to the Pensionary, and other ministers of the States. The Earl was instructed to let them know, "That the Queen had, accordingto their desire, returned an answer to the first propositions signed byMons. Torcy, signifying, that the French offers were thought, both byHer Majesty and the States, neither so particular nor so full as theyought to be; and insisting to have a distinct project formed, of such apeace as the Most Christian King would be willing to conclude: that thisaffair having been for some time transacted by papers, and therebysubject to delays, Mons. Mesnager was at length sent over by France, andhad signed those preliminaries now communicated to them: that theseveral articles did not, indeed, contain such particular concessions asFrance must and will make in the course of a treaty; but that, however, Her Majesty thought them a sufficient foundation whereon to open thegeneral conferences. 

"That Her Majesty was unwilling to be charged with determining theseveral interests of her allies, and therefore contented herself withsuch general offers as might include all the particular demands, properto be made during the treaty; where the confederates must resolve toadhere firmly together, in order to obtain from the enemy the utmostthat could be hoped for, in the present circumstances of affairs; whichrule, Her Majesty assured the States, she would, on her part, firmlyobserve. "

If the ministers of Holland should express any uneasiness, that HerMajesty may have settled the interests of her own kingdoms, in a futurepeace, by any private agreement, the ambassador was ordered to say, "That the Queen had hitherto refused to have the treaty carried on inher own kingdom, and would continue to do so, unless they (the Dutch)constrained her to take another measure: That by these means the States, and the rest of the allies, would have the opportunity of treating andadjusting their different pretensions; which Her Majesty would promotewith all the zeal she had shewn for the common good, and the particularadvantage of that republic (as they must do her the justice to confess), in the whole course of her reign: That the Queen had made no stipulationfor herself, which might clash with the interests of Holland; and thatthe articles to be inserted in a future treaty, for the benefit ofBritain, were, for the most part, such as contained advantages, whichmust either be continued to the enemy, or be obtained by Her Majesty;but, however, that no concession should tempt her to hearken to a peace, unless her good friends and allies the States General had all reasonablesatisfaction, as to their trade and barrier, as well as in all otherrespects. "

After these assurances given in the Queen's name, the Earl was toinsinuate, "That Her Majesty should have just reason to be offended, andto think the proceeding between her and the States very unequal, if theyshould pretend to have any further uneasiness upon this head: That beingdetermined to accept no advantages to herself, repugnant to theirinterests, nor any peace, without their reasonable satisfaction, thefigure she had made during the whole course of the war, and the part shehad acted, superior to any of the allies, who were more concerned indanger and interest, might justly entitle her to settle the concerns ofGreat Britain, before she would consent to a general negotiation. "

If the States should object the engagements the Queen was under, bytreaties, of making no peace but in concert with them, or the particularobligations of the Barrier Treaty, the ambassador was to answer, "That, as to the former, Her Majesty had not in any sort acted contrarythereto; That she was so far from making a peace without their consent, as to declare her firm resolution not to make it without theirsatisfaction; and that what had passed between France and her, amountedto no more than an introduction to a general treaty. " As to the latter, the Earl had orders to represent very earnestly, "How much it was evenfor the interest of Holland itself, rather to compound the advantage ofthe Barrier Treaty, than to insist upon the whole, which the house ofAustria, and several other allies, would never consent to: That nothingcould be more odious to the people of England than many parts of thistreaty; which would have raised universal indignation, if the utmostcare had not been taken to quiet the minds of those who were acquaintedwith the terms of that guaranty, and to conceal them from those who werenot: That it was absolutely necessary to maintain a good harmony betweenboth nations, without which it would be impossible at any time to form astrength for reducing an exorbitant power, or preserving the balance ofEurope: from whence it followed, that it could not be the true interestof either country to insist upon any conditions, which might give justapprehension to the other. 

"That France had proposed Utrecht, Nimeguen, Aix, or Liège, wherein tohold the general treaty; and Her Majesty was ready to send herplenipotentiaries, to whichever of those towns the States shouldapprove. "

If the imperial ministers, or those of the other allies, should objectagainst the preliminaries as no sufficient ground for opening theconferences, and insist that France should consent to such articles aswere signed on the part of the allies in the year one thousand sevenhundred and nine, the Earl of Strafford was in answer directed toinsinuate, "That the French might have probably been brought to explainthemselves more particularly, had they not perceived the uneasiness, impatience, and jealousy among the allies, during our transactions withthat court. " However, he should declare to them, in the Queen's name, "That if they were determined to accept of peace upon no terms inferiorto what was formerly demanded, Her Majesty was ready to concur withthem; but would no longer bear those disproportions of expense, yearlyincreased upon her, nor the deficiency of the confederates in every partof the war: That it was therefore incumbent upon them to furnish, forthe future, such quotas of ships and forces as they were now wanting in, and to increase their expense, while Her Majesty reduced hers to areasonable and just proportion. "

That if the ministers of Vienna and Holland should urge their inabilityupon this head, the Queen insisted, "They ought to comply with her inwar or in peace; Her Majesty desiring nothing, as to the first, but whatthey ought to perform, and what is absolutely necessary: and as to thelatter, that she had done, and would continue to do, the utmost in herpower towards obtaining such a peace as might be to the satisfaction ofall her allies. "

Some days after the Earl of Stafford's departure to Holland, Mons. Buys, pensionary of Amsterdam, arrived here from thence with instructions fromhis masters, to treat upon the subject of the French preliminaries, andthe methods for carrying on the war. In his first conference with acommittee of council, he objected against all the articles, as toogeneral and uncertain; and against some of them, as prejudicial. Hesaid, "The French promising that trade should be re-established andmaintained for the future, was meant in order to deprive the Dutch oftheir tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four; for theplenipotentiaries of that crown would certainly expound the word_rétablir_, to signify no more than restoring the trade of the States tothe condition it was in immediately before the commencement of thepresent war. " He said, "That in the article of Dunkirk, the destructionof the harbour was not mentioned; and that the fortifications were onlyto be razed upon condition of an equivalent, which might occasion adifference between Her Majesty and the States, since Holland would thinkit hard to have a town less in their barrier for the demolition ofDunkirk; and England would complain to have this thorn continue in theirside, for the sake of giving one town more to the Dutch. "

Lastly, he objected, "That where the French promised effectual methodsshould be taken to prevent the union of France and Spain under the sameking, they offered nothing at all for the cession of Spain, which wasthe most important point of the war. 

"For these reasons, Mons. Buys hoped Her Majesty would alter hermeasures, and demand specific articles, upon which the allies mightdebate whether they would consent to a negotiation or no. "

The Queen, who looked upon all these difficulties, raised about themethod of treating, as endeavours to wrest the negotiation out of herhands, commanded the lords of the committee to let Mons. Buys know, "That the experience she formerly had of proceeding by particularpreliminaries towards a general treaty, gave her no encouragement torepeat the same method any more: That such a preliminary treaty must benegotiated either by some particular allies, or by all. The first, HerMajesty could never suffer, since she would neither take upon her tosettle the interests of others, nor submit that others should settlethose of her own kingdoms. As to the second, it was liable to Mons. Buys's objection, because the ministers of France would have as fair anopportunity of sowing division among the allies, when they were allassembled upon a preliminary treaty, as when the conferences were openfor a negotiation of peace: That this method could therefore have noother effect than to delay the treaty, without any advantage: That HerMajesty was heartily disposed, both then and during the negotiation, toinsist on every thing necessary for securing the barrier and commerce ofthe States; and therefore hoped the conferences might be opened, withoutfarther difficulties. 

"That Her Majesty did not only consent, but desire to have a plansettled for carrying on the war, as soon as the negotiation of peaceshould begin; but expected to have the burthen more equally laid, andmore agreeable to treaties; and would join with the States in pressingthe allies to perform their parts, as she had endeavoured to animatethem by her example. "

Mons. Buys seemed to know little of his masters' mind, and pretended hehad no power to conclude upon any thing. [1] Her Majesty's ministerproposed to him an alliance between the two nations, to subsist after apeace. To this he hearkened very readily, and offered to take the matter_ad referendum_, having authority to do no more. His intention was, thathe might appear to negotiate, in order to gain time to pick out, ifpossible, the whole secret of the transactions between Britain andFrance; to disclose nothing himself, nor bind his masters to anyconditions; to seek delays till the Parliament met, and then observewhat turn it took, and what would be the issue of those frequent cabalsbetween himself and some other foreign ministers, in conjunction withthe chief leaders of the discontented faction. 

[Footnote 1: Buys's mission seemed to have been to act on behalf of theStates General for the purpose of preventing England obtaining anycommercial advantage which the States did not share, and for causingdelays. He certainly had no powers to treat definitely, and Swift'sremark is emphasized by the statement in the Bolingbroke Correspondence(vol. Ii. P. 25) about him, he could "only speak as Monsieur Buys. "[T. S. ]]

The Dutch hoped, that the clamours raised against the proceedings of theQueen's ministers towards a peace, would make the Parliament disapprovewhat had been done; whereby the States would be at the head of thenegotiation, which the Queen did not think fit to have any more in theirhands, where it had miscarried twice already; although Prince Eugenehimself owned, "that France was then disposed to conclude a peace uponsuch conditions, as it was not worth the life of a grenadier to refusethem. " As to insisting upon specific preliminaries, Her Majesty thoughther own method much better, for each ally, in the course of thenegotiation, to advance and manage his own pretensions, wherein shewould support and assist them, rather than for two ministers of one allyto treat solely with the enemy, and report what they pleased to therest, as was practised by the Dutch at Gertruydenberg. 

One part of Mons. Buys's instructions was to desire the Queen not to beso far amused by a treaty of peace, as to neglect her preparation forwar against the next campaign. Her Majesty, who was firmly resolvedagainst submitting any longer to that unequal burthen of expense she hadhitherto lain under, commanded Mr. Secretary St. John to debate thematter with that minister, who said he had no power to treat; onlyinsisted, that his masters had fully done their part, and that nothingbut exhortations could be used to prevail on the other allies to actwith greater vigour. 

On the other side, the Queen refused to concert any plan for theprosecution of the war, till the States would join with her in agreeingto open the conferences of peace; which therefore, by Mons. Buys'sapplication to them, was accordingly done, by a resolution taken inHolland upon the twenty first of November, one thousand seven hundredand eleven, NS. 

About this time the Count de Gallas[7] was forbid the court, by orderfrom the Queen, who sent him word, that she looked upon him no longer asa public minister. 

[Footnote 7: The Austrian ambassador [T. S. ]]

This gentleman thought fit to act a very dishonourable part here inEngland, altogether inconsistent with the character he bore of envoyfrom the late and present emperors, two princes under the strictest tiesof gratitude to the Queen, especially the latter, who had then the titleof King of Spain. Count Gallas, about the end of August, one thousandseven hundred and eleven, with the utmost privacy, dispatched anItalian, one of his clerks, to Frankfort, where the Earl of Peterboroughwas then expected. This man was instructed to pass for a Spaniard, andinsinuate himself into the Earl's service, which he accordingly did, andgave constant information to the last emperor's secretary at Frankfortof all he could gather up in his lordship's family, as well as copies ofseveral letters he had transcribed. It was likewise discovered thatGallas had, in his dispatches to the present emperor, then in Spain, represented the Queen and her ministers as not to be confided in, thatwhen Her Majesty had dismissed the Earl of Sunderland, she promised toproceed no farther in the change of her servants, yet soon after turnedthem all out, and thereby ruined the public credit, as well as abandonedSpain, that the present ministers wanted the abilities and gooddispositions of the former, were persons of ill designs, and enemies tothe common cause, and he (Gallas) could not trust them. In his lettersto Count Zinzendorf[8] he said, "That Mr. Secretary St John complainedof the house of Austria's backwardness, only to make the King of Spainodious to England, and the people here desirous of a peace, although itwere ever so bad one, " to prevent which, Count Gallas drew up a memorialwhich he intended to give the Queen, and transmitted a draught of it toZinzendorf for his advice and approbation. This memorial, among othergreat promises to encourage the continuance of the war, proposed thedetaching a good body of troops from Hungary to serve in Italy or Spain, as the Queen should think fit. 

[Footnote 8: The Austrian envoy at The Hague, characterized by Mr WalterSichel as "a martyr to etiquette, and devoured by zeal for the HolyRoman Empire" ("Bolingbroke and his Times, " p 392) [T. S. ]]

Zinzendorf thought this too bold a step, without consulting the Emperor:to which Gallas replied, that his design was only to engage the Queen togo on with the war; that Zinzendorf knew how earnestly the English andDutch had pressed to have these troops from Hungary, and therefore theyought to be promised, in order to quiet those two nations, after whichseveral ways might be found to elude that promise; and, in the meantime, the great point would be gained of bringing the English to declarefor continuing the war: that the Emperor might afterwards excusehimself, by the apprehension of a war in Hungary, or of that between theTurks and Muscovites: that if these excuses should be at an end, adetachment of one or two regiments might be sent, and the rest deferred, by pretending want of money; by which the Queen would probably bebrought to maintain some part of those troops, and perhaps the wholebody. He added, that this way of management was very common among theallies; and gave for an example, the forces which the Dutch had promisedfor the service of Spain, but were never sent; with several otherinstances of the same kind, which he said might be produced. 

Her Majesty, who had long suspected that Count Gallas was engaged inthese and the like practices, having at last received authentic proofsof this whole intrigue, from original letters, and the voluntaryconfession of those who were principally concerned in carrying it on, thought it necessary to show her resentment, by refusing the count anymore access to her person or her court. 

Although the Queen, as it hath been already observed, was resolved toopen the conferences upon the general preliminaries, yet she thought itwould very much forward the peace to know what were the utmostconcessions which France would make to the several allies, butespecially to the States General and the Duke of Savoy: therefore, whileHer Majesty was pressing the former to agree to a general treaty, theAbbé Gaultier was sent to France with a memorial, to desire that theMost Christian King would explain himself upon those preliminaries, particularly with relation to Savoy and Holland, whose satisfaction theQueen had most at heart, as well from her friendship to both thesepowers, as because, if she might engage to them that their justpretensions would be allowed, few difficulties would remain, of anymoment, to retard the general peace. 

The French answer to this memorial contained several schemes andproposals for the satisfaction of each ally, coming up very near to whatHer Majesty and her ministers thought reasonable. The greatestdifficulties seemed to be about the Elector of Bavaria, for whoseinterests France appeared to be as much concerned, as the Queen was forthose of the Duke of Savoy: however, those were judged not very hard tobe surmounted. 

The States having at length agreed to a general treaty, the followingparticulars were concerted between Her Majesty and that republic:

"That the congress should be held at Utrecht. 

"That the opening of the congress should be upon the twelfth of January, N. S. One thousand seven hundred and eleven-twelve. 

"That, for avoiding all inconveniences of ceremony, the ministers of theQueen and States, during the treaty, should only have the characters ofplenipotentiaries, and not take that of ambassadors, till the day onwhich the peace should be signed. 

"Lastly, The Queen and States insisted, that the ministers of the Dukeof Anjou, and the late Electors of Bavaria and Cologne, should notappear at the congress, until the points relating to their masters wereadjusted; and were firmly resolved not to send their passports for theministers of France, till the Most Christian King declared, that theabsence of the forementioned ministers should not delay the progress ofthe negotiation. "

Pursuant to the three former articles, Her Majesty wrote circularletters to all the allies engaged with her in the present war: andFrance had notice, that as soon as the King declared his compliance withthe last article, the blank passports should be filled up with the namesof the Maréchal d'Uxelles, [9] the Abbé de Polignac, and Mons. Mesnager, who were appointed plenipotentiaries for that crown. 

[Footnote 9: In his "Letter to Sir William Windham, " Bolingbroke thusrefers to M. D'Uxelles: "The minister who had the principal direction offoreign affairs I lived in friendship with, and I must own to hishonour, that he never encouraged a design which he knew that his courthad no intention of supporting" (p. 141). This was written of the timewhen Bolingbroke was in Paris, an adherent of the Pretender. [T. S. ]]

From what I have hitherto deduced, the reader sees the plan which theQueen thought the most effectual for advancing a peace. As theconferences were to begin upon the general preliminaries, the Queen wasto be empowered by France to offer separately to the allies what mightbe reasonable for each to accept; and her own interests being previouslysettled, she was to act as a general mediator: a figure that became herbest, from the part she had in the war, and more useful to the great endat which she aimed, of giving a safe and honourable peace to Europe. 

Besides, it was absolutely necessary, for the interests of Britain, thatthe Queen should be at the head of the negotiation, without which HerMajesty could find no expedient to redress the injuries her kingdomswere sure to suffer by the Barrier Treaty. In order to settle this pointwith the States, the ministers here had a conference with Mons. Buys, afew days before the Parliament met. He was told, how necessary it was, by previous concert between the Emperor, the Queen, and the States, toprevent any difference which might arise in the course of the treaty atUtrecht: That, under pretence of a barrier for the States General, astheir security against France, infinite prejudice might arise to thetrade of Britain in the Spanish Netherlands; for, by the fifteentharticle of the Barrier Treaty, in consequence of what was stipulated bythat of Minister, the Queen was brought to engage that commerce shallnot be rendered more easy, in point of duties, by the sea-ports ofFlanders, than it is by the river Scheldt, and by the canals on the sideof the Seven Provinces, which, as things now stood, was very unjust;for, while the towns in Flanders were in the hands of France or Spain, the Dutch and we traded to them upon equal foot; but now, since by theBarrier Treaty those towns were to be possessed by the States, thatrepublic might lay what duties they pleased upon British goods, afterpassing by Ostend, and make their own custom-free, which would utterlyruin our whole trade with Flanders. 

Upon this, the lords told Mons. Buys very frankly, "That if the Statesexpected the Queen should support their barrier, as well as theirdemands from France and the house of Austria upon that head, they oughtto agree, that the subjects of Britain should trade as freely to all thecountries and places, which, by virtue of any former or future treaty, were to become the barrier of the States, as they did in the time of thelate King Charles the Second of Spain; or as the subjects of the StatesGeneral themselves shall do: and that it was hoped, their HighMightinesses would never scruple to rectify a mistake so injurious tothat nation, without whose blood and treasure they would have had nobarrier at all. " Mons. Buys had nothing to answer against theseobjections, but said, he had already wrote to his masters for furtherinstructions. 

Greater difficulties occurred about settling what should be the barrierto the States after a peace: the envoy insisting to have all the townsthat were named in the Treaty of Barrier and Succession; and the Queen'sministers excepting those towns, which, if they continued in the handsof the Dutch, would render the trade of Britain to Flanders precarious. At length it was agreed in general, that the States ought to have whatis really essential to the security of their barrier against France; andthat some amicable expedient should be found, for removing the fearsboth of Britain and Holland upon this point. 

But at the same time Mons. Buys was told, "That although the Queen wouldcertainly insist to obtain all those points from France, in behalf ofher allies the States, yet she hoped his masters were too reasonable tobreak off the treaty, rather than not obtain the very utmost of theirdemands, which could not be settled here, unless he were fullyinstructed to speak and conclude upon that subject: That Her Majestythought the best way of securing the common interest, and preventing thedivision of the allies, by the artifices of France, in the course of along negotiation, would be to concert between the Queen's ministers andthose of the States, with a due regard to the other confederates, such aplan as might amount to a safe and honourable peace. " After which theAbbé Polignac, who of the French plenipotentiaries was most in thesecret of his court, might be told, "That it was in vain to amuse eachother any longer; that on such terms the peace would be immediatelyconcluded; and that the conferences must cease, if those conditions werenot, without delay, and with expedition, granted. "

A treaty between Her Majesty and the States, to subsist after a peace, was now signed, Mons. Buys having received full powers to that purpose. His masters were desirous to have a private article added, _sub sperati_, concerning those terms of peace; without the granting of which, we should stipulate not to agree with the enemy. But neither thecharacter of Buys, nor the manner in which he was empowered to treat, would allow the Queen to enter into such an engagement. The congresslikewise approaching, there was not time to settle a point of so greatimportance. Neither, lastly, would Her Majesty be tied down by Holland, without previous satisfaction upon several articles in the BarrierTreaty, so inconsistent with her engagements to other powers in thealliance, and so injurious to her own kingdoms. 

The lord privy seal, and the Earl of Stafford, having, about the timethe Parliament met, been appointed Her Majesty's plenipotentiaries fortreating a general peace, I shall here break off the account of anyfurther progress made in that great affair, until I resume it in thelast book of this History. 

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN. 

BOOK III. 

The House of Commons seemed resolved, from the beginning of the session, to inquire strictly not only into all abuses relating to the accounts ofthe army, but likewise into the several treaties between us and ourallies, upon what articles and conditions they were first agreed to, andhow these had been since observed. In the first week of their sitting, they sent an address to the Queen, to desire that the treaty, wherebyHer Majesty was obliged to furnish forty thousand men, to act inconjunction with the forces of her allies in the Low Countries, might belaid before the House. To which the secretary of state brought ananswer, "That search had been made, but no footsteps could be found ofany treaty or convention for that purpose. " It was this unaccountableneglect in the former ministry, which first gave a pretence to theallies for lessening their quotas, so much to the disadvantage of HerMajesty, her kingdoms, and the common cause, in the course of the war. It had been stipulated by the Grand Alliance, between the Emperor, Britain, and the States, that those three powers should assist eachother with their whole force, and that the several proportions should bespecified in a particular convention. But if any such convention weremade, it was never ratified; only the parties agreed, by common consent, to take each a certain share of the burthen upon themselves, which thelate King William communicated to the House of Commons by his secretaryof state; and which afterwards the other two powers, observing themighty zeal in our ministry for prolonging the war, eluded as theypleased. 

The commissioners for stating the public accounts of the kingdom, had, in executing their office the preceding summer, discovered severalpractices relating to the affairs of the army, which they drew up in areport, and delivered to the House. 

The Commons began their examination of the report with a member of theirown, Mr. Robert Walpole, already mentioned; who, during his beingsecretary at war, had received five hundred guineas, and taken a notefor five hundred pounds more, on account of two contracts for forage ofthe queen's troops quartered in Scotland. He endeavoured to excuse thefirst contract; but had nothing to say about the second. The firstappeared so plain and so scandalous to the Commons, that they voted theauthor of it guilty of a high breach of trust, and notorious corruption, committed him prisoner to the Tower, where he continued to the end ofthe session, and expelled him the House. [1] He was a person muchcaressed by the opposers of the Queen and ministry, having been firstdrawn into their party by his indifference to any principles, andafterwards kept steady by the loss of his place. His bold, forwardcountenance, altogether a stranger to that infirmity which makes menbashful, joined to a readiness of speaking in public, hath justlyentitled him, among those of his faction, to be a sort of leader of thesecond form. The reader must excuse me for being so particular aboutone, who is otherwise altogether obscure. [2]

[Footnote 1: See "Part Hist, " vi. 1071. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Walpole was not too obscure, however, to be then the objectof Bolingbroke's attack; and in 1726, when Bolingbroke had againattacked Walpole, this time in a letter, the latter replied: "Whatevercontradictions these gentlemen may have observed in my character; thereis one which I'll venture to assure you, you will never discover, whichis my ever being alarmed at an opposition from one in the impotence ofdisgrace, who could never terrify me in the zenith of his prosperity. ""An Answer to the Occasional Writer. " [T. S. ]]

Another part of the report concerned the Duke of Marlborough, who hadreceived large sums of money, by way of gratuity, from those who werethe undertakers for providing the army with bread. [3] This the Dukeexcused, in a letter to the commissioners, from the like practice ofother generals: but that excuse appeared to be of little weight, and themischievous consequences of such a corruption were visible enough; sincethe money given by these undertakers were but bribes for connivance attheir indirect dealings with the army. And as frauds, that begin at thetop, are apt to spread through all the subordinate ranks of those whohave any share in the management, and to increase as they circulate: so, in this case, for every thousand pounds given to the general, thesoldiers at least suffered fourfold. 

[Footnote 3: See "The Examiner, " Nos. 17 and 28, in vol. Ix. Of thisedition. [W. S. J. ]]

Another article of this report, relating to the Duke, was yet of moreimportance. The greatest part of Her Majesty's forces in Flanders weremercenary troops, hired from several princes of Europe. It was foundthat the Queen's general subtracted two and a half _per cent_, out ofthe pay of those troops, for his own use, which amounted to a greatannual sum. The Duke of Marlborough, in his letter already mentioned, endeavouring to extenuate the matter, told the commissioners, "That thisdeduction was a free gift from the foreign troops, which he hadnegotiated with them by the late King's orders, and had obtained theQueen's warrant for reserving and receiving it: That it was intended forsecret service, the ten thousand pounds a year given by Parliament notproving sufficient, and had all been laid out that way. " Thecommissioners observed, in answer, "That the warrant was kept dormantfor nine years, as indeed no entry of it appeared in the secretary ofstate's books, and the deduction of it concealed all that time from theknowledge of Parliament: That, if it had been a free gift from theforeign troops, it would not have been stipulated by agreement, as theDuke's letter confessed, and as his warrant declared, which latteraffirmed this stoppage to be intended for defraying extraordinarycontingent expenses of the troops, and therefore should not have beenapplied to secret services. " They submitted to the House, whether thewarrant itself were legal, or duly countersigned. The commissionersadded, "That no receipt was ever given for this deducted money, nor wasit mentioned in any receipts from the foreign troops, which were alwaystaken in full. And lastly, That the whole sum, on computation, amountedto near three hundred thousand pounds. "

The House, after a long debate, resolved, "That the taking several sumsfrom the contractors for bread by the Duke of Marlborough, wasunwarrantable and illegal; and that the two and a half _per cent_, deducted from the foreign troops, was public money, and ought to beaccounted for:" which resolutions were laid before the Queen by thewhole House, and Her Majesty promised to do her part in redressing whatwas complained of. The Duke and his friends had, about the beginning ofthe war, by their credit with the Queen, procured a warrant from HerMajesty for this perquisite of two and a half _per cent_. The warrantwas directed to the Duke of Marlborough, and countersigned by SirCharles Hedges, then secretary of state; by virtue of which thepaymaster-general of the army was to pay the said deducted money to thegeneral, and take a receipt in full from the foreign troops. 

It was observed, as very commendable and becoming the dignity of such anassembly, that this debate was managed with great temper, and with fewpersonal reflections upon the Duke of Marlborough. They seemed onlydesirous to come at the truth, without which they could not answer thetrust reposed in them by those whom they represented, and left the restto Her Majesty's prudence. The attorney-general was ordered to commencean action against the Duke for the subtracted money, which would haveamounted to a great sum, enough to ruin any private person, excepthimself. This process is still depending, although very moderatelypursued, either by the Queen's indulgence to one whom she had formerlyso much trusted, or perhaps to be revived or slackened, according to thefuture demeanour of the defendant. [4]

[Footnote 4: Marlborough's defence of himself may be found in the"Parliamentary History, " vol. Vi. , 1079. Writing to the Earl ofStrafford, under date January 27, 1711, Bolingbroke speaking of thisdebate on Marlborough says: "What passed on Thursday in the House ofCommons, will, I hope, show people abroad, as well as at home, that nomerit, no grandeur, no riches can excuse, or save any one, who setshimself up in opposition to the Queen;" and, he might have added, toMrs. Masham. It is to be questioned if Marlborough would have had toundergo the ordeal of this debate had it not been for the animosityagainst him on the part of this lady and her royal mistress, so deftlyaroused by Harley. [T. S. ]]

Some time after, Mr. Cardonnell, [5] a Member of Parliament, andsecretary to the general in Flanders, was expelled the House, for theoffence of receiving yearly bribes from those who had contracted tofurnish bread for the army; and met with no further punishment for apractice, voted to be unwarrantable and corrupt. 

These were all the censures of any moment which the Commons, under sogreat a weight of business, thought fit to make, upon the reports oftheir commissioners for inspecting the public accounts. But havingpromised, in the beginning of this History, to examine the state of thenation, with respect to its debts; by what negligence or corruption theyfirst began, and in process of time made such a prodigious increase;and, lastly, what courses have been taken, under the presentadministration, to find out funds for answering so many unprovidedincumbrances, as well as put a stop to new ones; I shall endeavour tosatisfy the reader upon this important article. 

By all I have yet read of the history of our own country, it appears tome, that the national debts, secured upon parliamentary funds ofinterest, were things unknown in England before the last Revolutionunder the Prince of Orange. It is true, that in the grand rebellion theking's enemies borrowed money of particular persons, upon what theycalled the public faith; but this was only for short periods, and thesums no more than what they could pay at once, as they constantly did. Some of our kings have been very profuse in peace and war, and areblamed in history for their oppressions of the people by severe taxes, and for borrowing money which they never paid:[6] but national debts wasa style, which, I doubt, would hardly then be understood. When thePrince of Orange was raised to the throne, and a general war began inthese parts of Europe, the King and his counsellors thought it would beill policy to commence his reign with heavy taxes upon the people, whohad lived long in ease and plenty, and might be apt to think theirdeliverance too dearly bought: wherefore one of the first actions of thenew government was to take off the tax upon chimneys, as a burthen veryungrateful to the commonalty. But money being wanted to support the war(which even the convention-parliament, that put the crown upon his head, were very unwilling he should engage in), the present Bishop ofSalisbury[7] is said to have found out that expedient (which he hadlearned in Holland) of raising money upon the security of taxes, thatwere only sufficient to pay a large interest. The motives whichprevailed on people to fall in with this project were many, andplausible; for supposing, as the ministers industriously gave out, thatthe war could not last above one or two campaigns at most, it might becarried on with very moderate taxes; and the debts accruing would, inprocess of time, be easily cleared after a peace. Then the bait of largeinterest would draw in a great number of those whose money, by thedangers and difficulties of trade, lay dead upon their hands; andwhoever were lenders to the government, would, by surest principle, beobliged to support it. Besides, the men of estates could not bepersuaded, without time and difficulty, to have those taxes laid ontheir lands, which custom hath since made so familiar; and it was thebusiness of such as were then in power to cultivate a moneyed interest;because the gentry of the kingdom did not very much relish those newnotions in government, to which the King, who had imbibed his politicsin his own country, was thought to give too much way. Neither perhapsdid that Prince think national incumbrances to be any evil at all, sincethe flourishing republic, where he was born, is thought to owe more thanever it will be able or willing to pay. And I remember, when I mentionedto Mons. Buys the many millions we owed, he would advance it as a maxim, that it was for the interest of the public to be in debt: which perhapsmay be true in a commonwealth so crazily instituted, where the governorscannot have too many pledges of their subjects' fidelity, and where agreat majority must inevitably be undone by any revolution, howeverbrought about: but to prescribe the same rules to a monarchy, whosewealth ariseth from the rents and improvements of lands, as well astrade and manufactures, is the mark of a confined and crampedunderstanding. 

[Footnote 5: Adam Cardonnell, Esq. , secretary to the Duke ofMarlborough, shared in his disgrace. See "The Examiner, " No. 28. [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 6: P. Fitzgerald says "which they have not been able orwilling to pay. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 7: Dr. Gilbert Burnet. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ]]

I was moved to speak thus, because I am very well satisfied, that thepernicious counsels of borrowing money upon public funds of interest, aswell as some other state lessons, were taken indigested from the likepractices among the Dutch, without allowing in the least for anydifference in government, religion, law, custom, extent of country, ormanners and dispositions of the people. 

But when this expedient of anticipations and mortgages was first put inpractice, artful men, in office and credit, began to consider what usesit might be applied to; and soon found it was likely to prove the mostfruitful seminary, not only to establish a faction they intended to setup for their own support, but likewise to raise vast wealth forthemselves in particular, who were to be the managers and directors init. It was manifest, that nothing could promote these two designs somuch, as burthening the nation with debts, and giving encouragement tolenders: for, as to the first, it was not to be doubted, that moneyedmen would be always firm to the party of those who advised the borrowingupon such good security, and with such exorbitant premiums and interest;and every new sum that was lent, took away as much power from the landedmen, as it added to theirs: so that the deeper the kingdom was engaged, it was still the better for them. Thus a new estate and property sprungup in the hands of mortgagees, to whom every house and foot of land inEngland paid a rent-charge, free of all taxes and defalcations, andpurchased at less than half value. So that the gentlemen of estateswere, in effect, but tenants to these new landlords; many of whom wereable, in time, to force the election of boroughs out of the hands ofthose who had been the old proprietors and inhabitants. This was arrivedat such a height, that a very few years more of war and funds would haveclearly cast the balance on the moneyed side. 

As to the second, this project of borrowing upon funds, was of mightyadvantage to those who were in the management of it, as well as to theirfriends and dependants; for, funds proving often deficient, thegovernment was obliged to strike tallies for making up the rest, whichtallies were sometimes (to speak in the merchants' phrase) at aboveforty _per cent_, discount. At this price those who were in the secretbought them up, and then took care to have that deficiency supplied inthe next session of Parliament, by which they doubled their principal ina few months; and, for the encouragement of lenders, every new projectof lotteries or annuities proposed some farther advantage, either as tointerest or premium. 

In the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-seven, a generalmortgage was made of certain revenues and taxes already settled, whichamounted to near a million a year. This mortgage was to continue tillone thousand seven hundred and six, to be a fund for the payment ofabout five millions one hundred thousand pounds. In the first Parliamentof the Queen, the said mortgage was continued till one thousand sevenhundred and ten, to supply a deficiency of two millions three hundredthousand pounds, and interest of above a million; and in theintermediate years a great part of that fund was branched out intoannuities for ninety-nine years; so that the late ministry raised alltheir money to one thousand seven hundred and ten, only by continuingfunds which were already granted to their hands. This deceived thepeople in general, who were satisfied to continue the payments they hadbeen accustomed to, and made the administration seem easy, since the warwent on without any new taxes raised, except the very last year theywere in power; not considering what a mighty fund was exhausted, andmust be perpetuated, although extremely injurious to trade, and to thetrue interest of the nation. 

This great fund of the general mortgage was not only loaded, year afteryear, by mighty sums borrowed upon it, but with the interests due uponthose sums; for which the treasury was forced to strike tallies, payableout of that fund, after all the money already borrowed upon it, therebeing no other provision of interest for three or four years: till atlast the fund was so overloaded, that it could neither pay principal norinterest, and tallies were struck for both, which occasioned their greatdiscount. 

But to avoid mistakes upon a subject, where I am not very well versedeither in the style or matter, I will transcribe an account sent me by aperson[8] who is thoroughly instructed in these affairs. 

[Footnote 8: Sir John Blunt. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ] He was one of the firstprojectors of the South Sea Company, and died in January, 1733. [W. S. J. ]]

"In the year one thousand seven hundred and seven, the sum of eighthundred twenty-two thousand three hundred and eighty one pounds, fifteenshillings and sixpence, was raised, by continuing part of the generalmortgage from one thousand seven hundred and ten to one thousand sevenhundred and twelve; but with no provision of interest till August thefirst, one thousand seven hundred and ten, otherwise than by strikingtallies for it on that fund, payable after all the other money borrowed. 

"In one thousand seven hundred and eight, the same funds were continuedfrom one thousand seven hundred and twelve to one thousand seven hundredand fourteen, to raise seven hundred twenty-nine thousand sixty-sevenpounds fifteen shillings and sixpence; but no provision for interesttill August the first, one thousand seven hundred and twelve, otherwisethan as before, by striking tallies for it on the same fund, payableafter all the rest of the money borrowed. And the discount of talliesthen beginning to rise, great part of that money remains still unraised;and there is nothing to pay interest for the money lent, till August thefirst, one thousand seven hundred and twelve. But the late lordtreasurer struck tallies for the full sum directed by the act to beborrowed, great part of which have been delivered in payment to the navyand victualling offices, and some are still in the hands of thegovernment. 

"In one thousand seven hundred and nine, part of the same fund wascontinued from August the first, one thousand seven hundred andfourteen, to August the first, one thousand seven hundred and sixteen, to raise six hundred and forty-five thousand pounds; and no provisionfor interest till August the first, one thousand seven hundred andfourteen (which was about five years), but by borrowing money on thesame fund, payable after the sums before lent; so that little of thatmoney was lent But the tallies were struck for what was unlent, some ofwhich were given out for the payment of the navy and victualling, andsome still remain in the hands of the government. 

"In one thousand seven hundred and ten, the sums which were before givenfrom one thousand seven hundred and fourteen, to one thousand sevenhundred and sixteen, were continued from thence to one thousand sevenhundred and twenty, to raise one million two hundred and ninety-sixthousand five hundred and fifty-two pounds nine shillings andelevenpence three farthings; and no immediate provision for interesttill August the first, one thousand seven hundred and sixteen; only, after the duty of one shilling _per_ bushel on salt should be clearedfrom the money it was then charged with, and which was not so clearedtill Midsummer one thousand seven hundred and twelve last, then thatfund was to be applied to pay the interest till August the first, onethousand seven hundred and sixteen, which interest amounted to aboutseventy-seven thousand seven hundred and ninety-three pounds _perannum_: and the said salt fund produceth but about fifty-five thousandpounds _per annum_; so that no money was borrowed upon the generalmortgage in one thousand seven hundred and ten, except one hundred andfifty thousand pounds lent by the Swiss cantons; but tallies were struckfor the whole sum. These all remained in the late treasurer's hands atthe time of his removal, yet the money was expended, which occasionedthose great demands upon the commissioners of the treasury who succeededhim, and were forced to pawn those tallies to the bank, or to remitters, rather than sell them at twenty or twenty-five _per cent_. Discount, asthe price then was. About two hundred thousand pounds of them they paidto clothiers of the army, and others; and all the rest, being aboveninety thousand pounds, have been subscribed into the South Sea Companyfor the use of the public. "

When the Earl of Godolphin was removed from his employment, he left adebt upon the navy of ---- millions, [9] all contracted under hisadministration, [10] which had no Parliament-security, and was dailyincreased. Neither could I ever learn, whether that lord had thesmallest prospect of clearing this incumbrance, or whether there werepolicy, negligence, or despair at the bottom of this unaccountablemanagement. But the consequences were visible and ruinous; for by thismeans navy-bills grew to be forty _per cent_. Discount, and upwards; andalmost every kind of stores, bought by the navy and victualling offices, cost the government double rates, and sometimes more: so that the publichath directly lost several millions upon this one article, without anysort of necessity, that I could ever hear assigned by the ablestvindicators of that party. 

[Footnote 9: "Of millions" in original. "Of ---- millions" in 1775. [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 10: See "The Examiner, " No. 45, and note in vol. Ix. Of thisedition, p. 295. [W. S. J. ]]

In this oppressed and entangled state was the kingdom, with relation toits debts, when the Queen removed the Earl of Godolphin from his office, and put it into commission, of which the present treasurer was one. Thisperson had been chosen speaker successively to three Parliaments, wasafterwards secretary of state, and always in great esteem with the Queenfor his wisdom and fidelity. The late ministry, about two years beforetheir fall, had prevailed with Her Majesty, much against herinclination, to dismiss him from her service; for which they cannot bejustly blamed, since he had endeavoured the same thing against them, andvery narrowly failed; which makes it the more extraordinary that heshould succeed in a second attempt against those very adversaries, whohad such fair warning by the first. He is firm and steady in hisresolutions, not easily diverted from them after he hath once possessedhimself of an opinion that they are right, nor very communicative wherehe can act by himself, being taught by experience, that a secret isseldom safe in more than one breast. That which occurs to other menafter mature deliberation, offers to him as his first thoughts; so thathe decides immediately what is best to be done, and therefore is seldomat a loss upon sudden exigencies. He thinks it a more easy and safe rulein politics to watch incidents as they come, and then turn them to theadvantage of what he pursues, than pretend to foresee them at a greatdistance. Fear, cruelty, avarice, and pride, are wholly strangers to hisnature; but he is not without ambition. There is one thing peculiar inhis temper, which I altogether disapprove, and do not remember to haveheard or met with in any other man's character: I mean, an easiness andindifference under any imputation, although he be never so innocent, andalthough the strongest probabilities and appearance are against him; sothat I have known him often suspected by his nearest friends, for somemonths, in points of the highest importance, to a degree, that they wereready to break with him, and only undeceived by time and accident. Hisdetractors, who charge him with cunning, are but ill acquainted with hischaracter; for, in the sense they take the word, and as it is usuallyunderstood, I know no man to whom that mean talent could be with lessjustice applied, as the conduct of affairs, while he hath been at thehelm, doth clearly demonstrate, very contrary to the nature andprinciples of cunning, which is always employed in serving little turns, proposing little ends, and supplying daily exigencies by little shiftsand expedients. But to rescue a prince out of the hands of insolentsubjects, bent upon such designs as must probably end in the ruin of thegovernment; to find out means for paying such exorbitant debts as thisnation hath been involved in, and reduce it to a better management; tomake a potent enemy offer advantageous terms of peace, and deliver upthe most important fortress of his kingdom, as a security;[11] and thisagainst all the opposition, mutually raised and inflamed by parties andallies; such performances can only be called cunning by those whose wantof understanding, or of candour, puts them upon finding ill names forgreat qualities of the mind, which themselves do neither possess, norcan form any just conception of. However, it must be allowed, that anobstinate love of secrecy in this minister seems, at distance, to havesome resemblance of cunning; for he is not only very retentive ofsecrets, but appears to be so too, which I number amongst his defects. He hath been blamed by his friends for refusing to discover hisintentions, even in those points where the wisest man may have need ofadvice and assistance, and some have censured him, upon that account, asif he were jealous of power but he hath been heard to answer, "That heseldom did otherwise, without cause to repent"

[Footnote 11: This is surely a piece of Swift's partiality for Oxford;since it practically deprives Bolingbroke of whatever credit was his forthe Peace of Utrecht, and that was not a little; certainly more than maybe given to Oxford. [T. S. ]]

However, so undistinguished a caution cannot, in my opinion, bejustified, by which the owner loseth many advantages, and whereof allmen, who deserved to be confided in, may with some reason complain. Hislove of procrastination (wherein doubtless nature hath her share) mayprobably be increased by the same means, but this is an imputation laidupon many other great ministers, who, like men under too heavy a load, let fall that which is of the least consequence, and go back to fetch itwhen their shoulders are free, for time is often gained, as well aslost, by delay, which at worst is a fault on the securer side. [12]Neither probably is this minister answerable for half the clamour raisedagainst him upon that article: his endeavours are wholly turned upon thegeneral welfare of his country, but perhaps with too little regard tothat of particular persons, which renders him less amiable, than hewould otherwise have been from the goodness of his humour, and agreeableconversation in a private capacity, and with few dependers. Yet someallowance may perhaps be given to this failing, which is one of thegreatest he hath, since he cannot be more careless of other men'sfortunes than he is of his own. He is master of a very great andfaithful memory, which is of mighty use in the management of publicaffairs; and I believe there are few examples to be produced in any age, of a person who hath passed through so many employments in the state, endowed with a great share, both of divine and human learning. 

[Footnote 12: Unfortunately, procrastination too often ended for Harleyin very unpleasant results, and it is not too much to say, this failingwas the indirect cause of his downfall. Swift's character of Oxford, asgiven in this "History, " should be compared with that given of him in"An Enquiry into the Behaviour of the Queen's Last Ministry" (vol v, pp431-434, of present edition). Dr William King, to whom Swift had writtenin 1736, for certain dates and official extracts to be included in this"History, " wrote to Swift (December 7th, 1736), referring to this verymatter of Oxford's character. As the letter applies to some otherportions of this "History, " it will be better if it be given here. 

"London, December 7th, 1736

SIR, I arrived here yesterday [King had been on a visit to Paris], and I amnow ready to obey your commands. I hope you are come to a positiveresolution concerning the History. You need not hesitate about thedates, or the references which are to be made to any public papers, forI can supply them without the least trouble. As well as I remember, there is but one of those public pieces which you determined should beinserted at length; I mean Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation; this Ihave now by me. If you incline to publish the two tracts as an Appendixto the History, you will be pleased to see if the character given of theEarl of Oxford in the pamphlet of 1715 agrees with the character givenof the same person in the History. Perhaps on a review, you may thinkproper to leave one of them quite out. You have (I think) barelymentioned the attempt of Guiscard, and the quarrel between Rechteren andMesnager. But as these are facts which are probably now forgot orunknown, it would not be amiss if they were related at large in thenotes, which may be done from the Gazettes, or any other newspapers ofthose times, " etc. See Sir W. Scott's edit, vol xix, pp 20-21 [T. S. ]]

I am persuaded that foreigners, as well as those at home, who live tooremote from the scene of business to be rightly informed, will not bedispleased with this account of a person, who in the space of two years, hath been so highly instrumental in changing the face of affairs inEurope, and hath deserved so well of his own Prince and country. [13]

[Footnote 13: See also Swift's "Enquiry" (vol. V. , pp. 425-476). [W. S. J. ]]

In that perplexed condition of the public debts, which I have alreadydescribed, this minister was brought into the treasury and exchequer, and had the chief direction of affairs. His first regulation was that ofexchequer bills, which, to the great discouragement of public credit, and scandal to the crown, were three _per cent. _ less in value than thesums specified in them. The present treasurer, being then chancellor ofthe exchequer, procured an Act of Parliament, by which the Bank ofEngland should be obliged, in consideration of forty-five thousandpounds, to accept and circulate those bills without any discount. Hethen proceeded to stop the depredations of those who dealt inremittances of money to the army, who, by unheard of exactions in thatkind of traffic, had amassed prodigious wealth at the public cost, towhich the Earl of Godolphin had given too much way, [14] _possibly byneglect; for I think he cannot be accused of corruption_. 

[Footnote 14: Added in the author's own handwriting. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ] P. Fitzgerald gives the addition as "either through ignorance, connivance, or neglect. " [W. S. J. ]]

But the new treasurer's chief concern was to restore the credit of thenation, by finding some settlement for unprovided debts, amounting inthe whole to ten millions, which hung on the public as a load equallyheavy and disgraceful, without any prospect of being removed, and whichformer ministers never had the care or courage to inspect. He resolvedto go at once to the bottom of this evil; and having computed and summedup the debt of the navy, and victualling, ordnance, and transport of thearmy, and transport debentures made out for the service of the last war, of the general mortgage tallies for the year one thousand seven hundredand ten, and some other deficiencies, he then found out a fund ofinterest sufficient to answer all this, which, being applied to otheruses, could not raise present money for the war, but in a very few yearswould clear the debt it was engaged for. The intermediate accruinginterest was to be paid by the treasurer of the navy; and, as a fartheradvantage to the creditors, they should be erected into a company fortrading to the South Seas, and for encouragement of fishery. When allthis was fully prepared and digested, he made a motion in the House ofCommons (who deferred extremely to his judgment and abilities) forpaying the debts of the navy, and other unprovided deficiencies, withoutentering into particulars, which was immediately voted. But a suddenstop was put to this affair by an unforeseen accident. The chancellor ofthe exchequer (which was then his title) being stabbed with a penknife, the following day, at the Cockpit, in the midst of a dozen lords of thecouncil, by the Sieur de Guiscard, a French papist; the circumstances ofwhich fact being not within the compass of this History, I shall onlyobserve, that after two months' confinement, and frequent danger of hislife, he returned to his seat in Parliament. [15]

[Footnote 15: See the particular account in "The Examiner. " [ORIGINALNOTE. ] The reference is to Nos. 33, 41, and 42 of that paper (see vol. Ix, of this edition). [W. S. J. ]]

The overtures made by this minister, of paying so vast a debt, under thepressures of a long war, and the difficulty of finding supplies forcontinuing it, was, during the time of his illness, ridiculed by hisenemies as an impracticable and visionary project: and when, upon hisreturn to the House, he had explained his proposal, the very proprietorsof the debt were, many of them, prevailed on to oppose it; although theobtaining this trade, either through Old Spain, or directly to theSpanish West Indies, had been one principal end we aimed at by this war. However, the bill passed; and, as an immediate consequence, the navalbills rose to about twenty _per cent_. , nor ever fell within ten oftheir discount. Another good effect of this work appeared by theparliamentary lotteries, which have been since erected. The last of thatkind, under the former ministry, was eleven weeks in filling; whereasthe first, under the present, was filled in a very few hours, althoughit cost the government less; and the others, which followed, were fullbefore the Acts concerning them could pass. And to prevent incumbrancesof this kind from growing for the future, he took care, by the utmostparsimony, or by suspending payments, where they seemed less to press, that all stores for the navy should be bought with ready money; by which_cent. Per cent. _ hath been saved in that mighty article of our expense, as will appear from an account taken at the victualling office on the9th of August, one thousand seven hundred and twelve. And the payment ofthe interest was less a burthen upon the navy, by the stores beingbought at so cheap a rate. 

It might look invidious to enter into farther particulars upon thishead, but of smaller moment. What I have above related, may serve toshew in how ill a condition the kingdom stood, with relation to itsdebts, by the corruption as well as negligence of former management; andwhat prudent, effectual measures have since been taken to provide forold incumbrances, and hinder the running into new. This may besufficient for the information of the reader, perhaps already tired witha subject so little entertaining as that of accounts: I shall thereforenow return to relate some of the principal matters that passed inParliament, during this session. 

Upon the eighteenth of January the House of Lords sent down a bill tothe Commons, for fixing the precedence of the Hanover family, whichprobably had been forgot in the Acts for settling the succession of thecrown. That of Henry VIII. Which gives the rank to princes of the blood, carries it no farther than to nephews, nieces, and grandchildren of thecrown, by virtue of which the Princess Sophia is a princess of theblood, as niece to King Charles I of England, and precedes accordingly, but this privilege doth not descend to her son the Elector, or theelectoral prince. To supply which defect, and pay a compliment to thepresumptive heirs of the crown, this bill, as appeareth by the preamble, was recommended by Her Majesty to the House of Lords, which the Commons, to shew their zeal for every thing that might be thought to concern theinterest or honour of that illustrious family, ordered to be read thrice, passed _nemine contradicente_ and returned to the Lords, without anyamendment, on the very day it was sent down. 

But the House seemed to have nothing more at heart than a strict inquiryinto the state of the nation, with respect to foreign alliances. Somediscourses had been published in print, about the beginning of thesession, boldly complaining of certain articles in the Barrier Treaty, concluded about three years since by the Lord Viscount Townshend, between Great Britain and the States General, and shewing, in manyparticulars, the unequal conduct of these powers in our alliance, infurnishing their quotas and supplies. It was asserted by the samewriters, "That these hardships, put upon England, had been countenancedand encouraged by a party here at home, in order to preserve theirpower, which could be no otherwise maintained than by continuing thewar, as well as by Her Majesty's general abroad, upon account of his ownpeculiar interest and grandeur. " These loud accusations spreadingthemselves throughout the kingdom, delivered in facts directly charged, and thought, whether true or not, to be but weakly confuted, hadsufficiently prepared the minds of the people, and, by putting argumentsinto every body's mouth, had filled the town and country withcontroversies, both in writing and discourse. The point appeared to beof great consequence, whether the war continued or not for, in theformer case, it was necessary that the allies should be brought to amore equal regulation, and that the States in particular, for whom HerMajesty had done such great things, should explain and correct thosearticles in the Barrier Treaty which were prejudicial to Britain, and, in either case, it was fit the people should have at least thesatisfaction of knowing by whose counsels, and for what designs, theyhad been so hardly treated. 

In order to this great inquiry, the Barrier Treaty, with all othertreaties and agreements entered into between Her Majesty and her allies, during the present war, for the raising and augmenting the proportionsfor the service thereof, were, by the Queen's directions, laid beforethe House. 

Several resolutions were drawn up, and reported at different times, uponthe deficiencies of the allies in furnishing their quotas, upon certainarticles in the Barrier Treaty, and upon the state of the war; by allwhich it appeared, that whatever had been charged by public discoursesin print against the late ministry, and the conduct of the allies, wasmuch less than the truth. Upon these resolutions (by one of which theLord Viscount Townshend, who negotiated and signed the Barrier Treaty, was declared an enemy to the Queen and kingdom), and upon some fartherdirections to the committee, a Representation was formed; and soon afterthe Commons in a body presented it to the Queen, the endeavours of theadverse party not prevailing to have it re-committed. 

This Representation (supposed to be the work of Sir Thomas Hanmer's[16]pen) is written with much energy and spirit, and will be a very usefulauthentic record, for the assistance of those who at any time shallundertake to write the history of the present times. 

[Footnote 16: But to which the Dean himself contributed a large share. [S. ] Swift writes in his "Journal, " under date February 21st: "I leftthem at 7, being engaged to go to Sir Tho. Hanmer, who desired I wouldsee him at that hour. His business was, that I would help him to draw upthe representation, which I consented to do" (vol. Ii. , p. 340). [W. S. J. ]]

I did intend, for brevity sake, to have given the reader only anabstract of it; but, upon trial, found myself unequal to such a task, without injuring so excellent a piece. And although I think historicalrelations are but ill patched up with long transcripts already printed, which, upon that account, I have hitherto avoided; yet this being thesum of all debates and resolutions of the House of Commons in that greataffair of the war, I conceived it could not well be omitted. [1]

[Footnote 17: This "Representation" was printed by S. Keble by order ofthe Speaker, and is also to be found in the "Journals of the House ofCommons, " vol. Xvii. , pp. 119-123. [W. S. J. ]]

"MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, "We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of GreatBritain in Parliament assembled, having nothing so much at heart, as toenable your Majesty to bring this long and expensive war to anhonourable and happy conclusion, have taken it into our most seriousconsideration, how the necessary supplies to be provided by us may bebest applied, and the common cause may in the most effectual manner becarried on, by the united force of the whole confederacy; we havethought ourselves obliged, in duty to your Majesty, and in discharge ofthe trust reposed in us, to inquire into the true state of the war, inall its parts; we have examined what stipulations have been entered intobetween your Majesty and your allies; and how far such engagements haveon each side been made good. We have considered the different interestswhich the confederates have in the success of this war, and thedifferent shares they have contributed to its support: we have with ourutmost care and diligence endeavoured to discover the nature, extent, and charge of it, to the end, that by comparing the weight thereof withour own strength, we might adapt the one to the other in such measure, as neither to continue your Majesty's subjects under a heavier burden, than in reason and justice they ought to bear; nor deceive your Majesty, your allies, and ourselves, by undertaking more than the nation in itspresent circumstances is able to perform. 

"Your Majesty has been graciously pleased, upon our humble applications, to order such materials to be laid before us, as have furnished us withthe necessary information upon the particulars we have inquired into;and when we shall have laid before your Majesty our observations, andhumble advice upon this subject, we promise to ourselves this happyfruit from it, that if your Majesty's generous and good purposes, forthe procuring a safe and lasting peace, should, through the obstinacy ofthe enemy, or by any other means, be unhappily defeated, a trueknowledge and understanding of the past conduct of the war will be thebest foundation for a more frugal and equal management of it for thetime to come. 

"In order to take the more perfect view of what we proposed, and that wemight be able to set the whole before your Majesty in a true light, wehave thought it necessary to go back to the beginning of the war, andbeg leave to observe the motives and reasons, upon which his lateMajesty King William engaged first in it. The treaty of the GrandAlliance, explains those reasons to be for the supporting thepretensions of his Imperial Majesty, then actually engaged in a war withthe French King, who had usurped the entire Spanish monarchy for hisgrandson the Duke of Anjou; and for the assisting the States General, who, by the loss of their barrier against France, were then in the same, or a more dangerous condition, than if they were actually invaded. Asthese were the just and necessary motives for undertaking this war, sothe ends proposed to be obtained by it, were equally wise andhonourable; for as they are set forth in the eighth article of the sametreaty, they appear to have been _the procuring an equitable andreasonable satisfaction to his Imperial Majesty, and sufficientsecurities for the dominions, provinces, navigation, and commerce of theKing of Great Britain, and the States General, and the making effectualprovision, that the two kingdoms of France and Spain should never beunited under the same government;_ and particularly, that the Frenchshould never get into the possession of the Spanish West Indies, or bepermitted to sail thither, upon the account of traffic, under anypretence whatsoever; and lastly, the securing to the subjects of theKing of Great Britain, and the States General, all the same privileges, and rights of commerce, throughout the whole dominions of Spain, as theyenjoyed before the death of Charles the Second King of Spain, by virtueof any treaty, agreement, or custom, or any other way whatsoever. Forthe obtaining these ends, the three confederated powers engaged toassist one another with their whole force, according to such proportionsas should be specified in a particular convention, afterwards to be madefor that purpose: we do not find that any such convention was everratified; but it appears, that there was an agreement concluded, which, by common consent, was understood to be binding upon each partyrespectively, and according to which the proportions of Great Britainwere from the beginning regulated and founded. The terms of thatagreement were, That for the service at land, his Imperial Majestyshould furnish ninety thousand men, the King of Great Britain fortythousand, and the States General one hundred and two thousand, of whichthere were forty-two thousand intended to supply their garrisons, andsixty thousand to act against the common enemy in the field; and withregard to the operations of the war at sea, they were agreed to beperformed jointly by Great Britain and the States General, the quota ofships to be furnished for that service being five-eighths on the part ofGreat Britain, and three-eighths on the part of the States General. 

"Upon this foot, the war began in the year one thousand seven hundredand two, at which time the whole yearly expense of it to Englandamounted to three millions, seven hundred and six thousand four hundredninety-four pounds; a very great charge, as it was then thought by yourMajesty's subjects, after the short interval of ease they had enjoyedfrom the burden of the former war, but yet a very moderate proportion, in comparison with the load which hath since been laid upon them: for itappears, by estimates given in to your Commons, that the sums necessaryto carry on the service for this present year, in the same manner as itwas performed the last year, amount to more than six millions ninehundred and sixty thousand pounds, besides interest for the publicdebts, and the deficiencies accruing the last year, which two articlesrequire one million one hundred and forty-three thousand pounds more: sothat the whole demands upon your Commons are arisen to more than eightmillions for the present annual supply. We know your Majesty's tenderregard for the welfare of your people, will make it uneasy to you tohear of so great a pressure as this upon them; and as we are assured, itwill fully convince your Majesty of the necessity of our presentinquiry; so we beg leave to represent to you, from what causes, and bywhat steps, this immense charge appears to have grown upon us. 

"The service at sea, as it has been very large and extensive in itself, so it has been carried on, through the whole course of the war, in amanner highly disadvantageous to your Majesty and your kingdom: for thenecessity of affairs requiring that great fleets should be fitted outevery year, as well for the maintaining a superiority in theMediterranean, as for opposing any force which the enemy might prepare, either at Dunkirk, or in the ports of West France, your Majesty'sexample and readiness in fitting out your proportion of ships, for allparts of that service, have been so far from prevailing with the StatesGeneral to keep pace with you, that they have been deficient every yearto a great degree, in proportion to what your Majesty hath furnished;sometimes no less than two-thirds, and generally more than half of theirquota: from hence your Majesty has been obliged, for the preventingdisappointments in the most pressing services, to supply thosedeficiencies by additional reinforcements of your own ships; nor haththe single increase of such a charge been the only ill consequence thatattended it; for by this means the debt of the navy hath been enhanced, so that the discounts arising upon the credit of it have affected allother parts of the service. From the same cause, your Majesty's ships ofwar have been forced in greater numbers to continue in remote seas, andat unseasonable times of the year, to the great damage and decay of theBritish navy. This also hath been the occasion that your Majesty hathbeen straitened in your convoys for trade; your coasts have beenexposed, for want of a sufficient number of cruisers to guard them; andyou have been disabled from annoying the enemy, in their most beneficialcommerce with the West Indies, from whence they received those vastsupplies of treasure, without which they could not have supported theexpenses of this war. 

"That part of the war which hath been carried on in Flanders, was atfirst immediately necessary to the security of the States General, andhath since brought them great acquisitions, both of revenue anddominion; yet even there the original proportions have been departedfrom, and, during the course of the war, have been sinking by degrees onthe part of Holland; so that in this last year, we find the number inwhich they fell short of their three-fifths, to your Majesty'stwo-fifths, have been twenty thousand eight hundred and thirty-sevenmen: we are not unmindful, that in the year one thousand seven hundredand three, a treaty was made between the two nations, for a jointaugmentation of twenty thousand men, wherein the proportions werevaried, and England consented to take half upon itself. But it havingbeen annexed as an express condition to the grant of the saidaugmentation in Parliament, that the States General should prohibit alltrade and commerce with France, and that condition having not beenperformed by them, the Commons think it reasonable, that the first ruleof three to two ought to have taken place again, as well in that as inother subsequent augmentations, more especially when they consider, thatthe revenues of those rich provinces which have been conquered, would, if they were duly applied, maintain a great number of new additionalforces against the common enemy; notwithstanding which, the StatesGeneral have raised none upon that account, but make use of those freshsupplies of money, only to ease themselves in the charge of their firstestablished quota. 

"As in the progress of the war in Flanders, a disproportion was sooncreated to the prejudice of England; so the very beginning of the war inPortugal, brought an unequal share of burden upon us; for although theEmperor and the States General were equally parties with your Majesty inthe treaty with the King of Portugal, yet the Emperor neither furnishinghis third part of the troops and subsidies stipulated for, nor the Dutchconsenting to take an equal share of his Imperial Majesty's defect uponthemselves, your Majesty hath been obliged to furnish two-thirds of theentire expense created by that service. Nor has the inequality stoppedthere; for ever since the year one thousand seven hundred and six, whenthe English and Dutch forces marched out of Portugal into Castile, theStates General have entirely abandoned the war in Portugal, and leftyour Majesty to prosecute it singly at your own charge, which you haveaccordingly done, by replacing a greater number of troops there, thaneven at first you took upon you to provide. At the same time yourMajesty's generous endeavours for the support and defence of the King ofPortugal, have been but ill seconded by that Prince himself; fornotwithstanding that by his treaty he had obliged himself to furnishtwelve thousand foot, and three thousand horse, upon his own account, besides eleven thousand foot, and two thousand horse more, inconsideration of a subsidy paid him; yet, according to the bestinformation your Commons can procure, it appears, that he hath scarce atany time furnished thirteen thousand men in the whole. 

"In Spain the war hath been yet more unequal, and burdensome to yourMajesty, than in any other branch of it; for being commenced without anytreaty whatsoever, the allies have almost wholly declined taking anypart of it upon themselves. A small body of English and Dutch troopswere sent thither in the year one thousand seven hundred and five, notas being thought sufficient to support a regular war, or to make theconquest of so large a country; but with a view only of assisting theSpaniards to set King Charles upon the throne; occasioned by the greatassurances which were given of their inclinations to the House ofAustria: but this expectation failing, England was insensibly drawn intoan established war, under all the disadvantages of the distance of theplace, and the feeble efforts of the other allies. The account we haveto lay before your Majesty, upon this head, is, that although theundertaking was entered upon at the particular and earnest request ofthe imperial court, and for a cause of no less importance and concern tothem, than the reducing the Spanish monarchy to the House of Austria;yet neither the late emperors, nor his present Imperial Majesty, haveever had any forces there on their own account, till the last year; andthen, only one regiment of foot, consisting of two thousand men. Thoughthe States General have contributed something more to this service, yettheir share also hath been inconsiderable; for in the space of fouryears, from one thousand seven hundred and five, to one thousand sevenhundred and eight, both inclusive, all the forces they have sent intothat country have not exceeded twelve thousand two hundred men; and fromthe year one thousand seven hundred and eight to this time, they havenot sent any forces or recruits whatsoever. To your Majesty's care andcharge the recovery of that kingdom hath been in a manner wholly left, as if none else were interested or concerned in it. And the forces whichyour Majesty hath sent into Spain, in the space of seven years, from onethousand seven hundred and five to one thousand seven hundred andeleven, both inclusive, have amounted to no less than fifty-seventhousand nine hundred seventy-three men; besides thirteen battalions andeighteen squadrons, for which your Majesty hath paid a subsidy to theEmperor. 

"How great the established expense of such a number of men hath been, your Majesty very well knows, and your Commons very sensibly feel; butthe weight will be found much greater, when it is considered how manyheavy articles of unusual and extraordinary charge have attended thisremote and difficult service, all which have been entirely defrayed byyour Majesty, except that one of transporting the few forces, which weresent by the States General, and the victualling of them during theirtransportation only. The accounts delivered to your Commons shew, thatthe charge of your Majesty's ships and vessels, employed in the serviceof the war in Spain and Portugal, reckoned after the rate of four poundsa man _per_ month, from the time they sailed from hence, till theyreturned, were lost, or put upon other services, hath amounted to sixmillions five hundred and forty thousand nine hundred and sixty-sixpounds fourteen shillings: the charge of transports on the part of GreatBritain, for carrying on the war in Spain and Portugal, from thebeginning of it till this time, hath amounted to one million threehundred thirty-six thousand seven hundred and nineteen pounds, nineteenshillings, and elevenpence; that of victualling land forces for the sameservice, to five hundred eighty-three thousand seven hundred and seventypounds, eight shillings, and sixpence; and that of contingencies, andother extraordinaries for the same service, to one million eight hundredand forty thousand three hundred and fifty-three pounds. 

"We should take notice to your Majesty of several sums paid upon accountof contingencies, and extraordinaries in Flanders, making together thesum of one million one hundred and seven thousand and ninety-six pounds:but we are not able to make any comparison of them, with what the StatesGeneral have expended upon the same head, having no such state of theirextraordinary charge before us. There remains therefore but oneparticular more for your Majesty's observation, which arises from thesubsidies paid to foreign princes. These, at the beginning of the war, were borne in equal proportion by your Majesty, and the States General;but in this instance also, the balance hath been cast in prejudice ofyour Majesty: for it appears, that your Majesty hath since advanced morethan your equal proportion, three millions one hundred and fifty-fivethousand crowns[18], besides extraordinaries paid in Italy, and notincluded in any of the foregoing articles, which arise to five hundredthirty-nine thousand five hundred and fifty-three pounds. 

[Footnote 18: In the "Journals of the House of Commons, " vol. Xvii. , p. 48, is an exact state of all the subsidies and extra expenses, from 1702to 1711. [N. ]]

"We have laid these several particulars before your Majesty in theshortest manner we have been able; and by an estimate grounded on thepreceding facts, it does appear, that over and above the quotas on thepart of Great Britain, answering to those contributed by your allies, more than nineteen millions have been expended by your Majesty, duringthe course of this war, by way of surplusage, or exceeding in balance, of which none of the confederates have furnished any thing whatsoever. 

"It is with very great concern, that we find so much occasion given us, to represent how ill an use hath been made of your Majesty's and yoursubjects' zeal for the common cause; that the interest of that causehath not been proportionably promoted by it, but others only have beeneased at your Majesty's and your subjects' costs, and have been connivedat, in laying their part of the burden upon this kingdom, although theyhave upon all accounts been equally, and in most respects, much morenearly concerned than Britain in the issue of the war. We are persuadedyour Majesty will think it pardonable in us, with some resentment tocomplain of the little regard, which some of those, whom your Majesty oflate years intrusted, have shewn to the interests of their country, ingiving way, at least, to such unreasonable impositions upon it, if notin some measure contriving them. The course of which impositions hathbeen so singular and extraordinary, that the more the wealth of thisnation hath been exhausted, and the more your Majesty's arms have beenattended with success, the heavier hath been the burden laid upon us;whilst on the other hand, the more vigorous your Majesty's efforts havebeen, and the greater the advantages which have redounded thence to yourallies, the more those allies have abated in their share of the expense. 

"At the first entrance into this war, the Commons were induced to exertthemselves in the extraordinary manner they did, and to grant such largesupplies, as had been unknown to former ages, in hopes thereby toprevent the mischiefs of a lingering war, and to bring that, in whichthey were necessarily engaged, to a speedy conclusion; but they havebeen very unhappy in the event, whilst they have so much reason tosuspect, that what was intended to shorten the war, hath proved the verycause of its long continuance; for those, to whom the profits of it haveaccrued, have been disposed not easily to forgo them. And your Majestywill from thence discern _the true reason, why so many have delighted ina war, which brought in so rich an harvest yearly from Great Britain_. 

"We are as far from desiring, as we know your Majesty will be fromconcluding any peace, but upon safe and honourable terms; and we are farfrom intending to excuse ourselves from raising all necessary andpossible supplies, for an effectual prosecution of the war, till such apeace can be obtained: all that your faithful Commons aim at, all thatthey wish, is an equal concurrence from the other powers, engaged inalliance with your Majesty; and a just application of what hath beenalready gained from the enemy, towards promoting the common cause. Several large countries and territories have been restored to the houseof Austria, such as the kingdom of Naples, the duchy of Milan, and otherplaces in Italy; others have been conquered, and added to theirdominions, as the two electorates of Bavaria and Cologne, the duchy ofMantua, and the bishopric of Liège; these having been reduced in greatmeasure by our blood and treasure, may, we humbly conceive, with greatreason, be claimed to come in aid towards carrying on the war in Spain. And therefore we make it our earnest request to your Majesty, that youwill give instructions to your ministers, to insist with the Emperor, that the revenues of those several places, excepting only such a portionthereof as is necessary for their defence, be actually so applied: andas to the other parts of the war, to which your Majesty hath obligedyourself by particular treaties to contribute, we humbly beseech yourMajesty, that you will be pleased to take effectual care, that yourallies do perform their parts stipulated by those treaties; and thatyour Majesty will, for the future, no otherwise furnish troops, or paysubsidies, than in proportion to what your allies shall actually furnishand pay. When this justice is done to your Majesty, and to your people, there is nothing which your Commons will not cheerfully grant, towardssupporting your Majesty in the cause in which you are engaged. Andwhatever farther shall appear to be necessary for carrying on the war, either at sea or land, we will effectually enable your Majesty to bearyour reasonable share of any such expense, and will spare no supplieswhich your subjects are able, with their utmost efforts to afford. 

"After having enquired into, and considered the state of the war, inwhich the part your Majesty has borne, appears to have been, not onlysuperior to that of any one ally, but even equal to that of the wholeconfederacy; your Commons naturally inclined to hope, that they shouldfind care had been taken of securing some particular advantages toBritain, in the terms of a future peace; such as might afford a prospectof making the nation amends, in time, for that immense treasure whichhas been expended, and those heavy debts which have been contracted, inthe course of so long and burdensome a war. This reasonable expectationcould no way have been better answered, than by some provision made forthe further security, and the greater improvement of the commerce ofGreat Britain; but we find ourselves so very far disappointed in thesehopes, that in a treaty not long since concluded between your Majestyand the States General, under colour of a mutual guarantee, given fortwo points of the greatest importance to both nations, the Succession, and the Barrier; it appears, the interest of Great Britain hath been notonly neglected, but sacrificed; and that several articles in the saidtreaty, are destructive to the trade and welfare of this kingdom, andtherefore highly dishonourable to your Majesty. 

"Your Commons observe, in the first place, that several towns and placesare, by virtue of this treaty, to be put into the hands of the StatesGeneral, particularly Nieuport, Dendermonde, and the castle of Ghent, which can in no sense be looked upon as part of a barrier againstFrance, but being the keys of the Netherlands towards Britain, must makethe trade of your Majesty's subjects in those parts precarious, andwhenever the States think fit, totally exclude them from it. Thepretended necessity of putting these places into the hands of the StatesGeneral, in order to secure to them a communication with their barrier, must appear vain and groundless; for the sovereignty of the LowCountries being not to remain to an enemy, but to a friend and an ally, that communication must be always secure and uninterrupted; besidesthat, in case of a rupture, or any attack, the States have full libertyallowed them to take possession of all the Spanish Netherlands, andtherefore needed no particular stipulation for the towns abovementioned. 

"Having taken notice of this concession made to the States General, forseizing upon the whole ten provinces; we cannot but observe to yourMajesty, that in the manner this article is framed, it is anotherdangerous circumstance which attends this treaty; for had such aprovision been confined to the case of an apparent attack from Franceonly, the avowed design of this treaty had been fulfilled, and yourMajesty's instructions to your ambassador had been pursued: but thisnecessary restriction hath been omitted, and the same liberty is grantedto the States, to take possession of all the Netherlands, whenever theyshall think themselves attacked by any other neighbouring nation, aswhen they shall be in danger from France; so that if it should at anytime happen (which your Commons are very unwilling to suppose) that theyshould quarrel, even with your Majesty, the riches, strength, andadvantageous situation of these countries, may be made use of againstyourself, without whose generous and powerful assistance they had neverbeen conquered. 

"To return to those ill consequences which relate to the trade of yourkingdoms, we beg leave to observe to your Majesty, that though thistreaty revives, and renders your Majesty a party to the fourteenth andfifteenth articles of the Treaty of Munster, [19] by virtue of which, theimpositions upon all goods and merchandises brought into the Spanish LowCountries by the sea, are to equal those laid on goods and merchandisesimported by the Scheldt, and the canals of Sass and Swyn, and othermouths of the sea adjoining; yet no care is taken to preserve thatequality upon the exportation of those goods out of the Spanishprovinces, into those countries and places, which, by virtue of thistreaty, are to be in the possession of the States; the consequence ofwhich must in time be, and your Commons are informed, that in someinstances it has already proved to be the case, that the impositionsupon goods carried into those countries and places, by the subjects ofthe States General, will be taken off, while those upon the goodsimported by your Majesty's subjects remain: by which means, GreatBritain will entirely lose this most beneficial branch of trade, whichit has in all ages been possessed of, even from the time when thosecountries were governed by the house of Burgundy, one of the mostancient, as well as the most useful allies to the crown of England. 

[Footnote 19: Concluded June 30th, 1643. See note in vol. V. , p. 150, ofpresent edition. [T. S. ]]

"With regard to the other dominions and territories of Spain, yourMajesty's subjects have always been distinguished in their commerce withthem, and both by ancient treaties, and an uninterrupted custom, haveenjoyed greater privileges and immunities of trade, than either theHollanders, or any other nation whatsoever. And that wise and excellenttreaty of the Grand Alliance, provides effectually for the security andcontinuance of these valuable privileges to Britain, in such a manner, as that each nation might be left, at the end of war, upon the same footas it stood at the commencement of it: but this treaty we now complainof, instead of confirming your subjects' rights, surrenders and destroysthem; for although by the sixteenth and seventeenth articles of theTreaty of Munster, made between his Catholic Majesty and the StatesGeneral, all advantages of trade are stipulated for, and granted to theHollanders, equal to what the English enjoyed; yet the crown of Englandnot being a party to that treaty, the subjects of England have neversubmitted to those articles of it, nor even the Spaniards themselvesever observed them; but this treaty revives those articles in prejudiceof Great Britain, and makes your Majesty a party to them, and even aguarantee to the States General, for privileges against your own people. 

"In how deliberate and extraordinary a manner your Majesty's ambassadorconsented to deprive your subjects of their ancient rights, and yourMajesty of the power of procuring to them any new advantage, mostevidently appears from his own letters, which, by your Majesty'sdirections, have been laid before your Commons:[20] for when matters ofadvantage to your Majesty, and to your kingdom, had been offered, asproper to be made parts of this treaty, they were refused to be admittedby the States General, upon this reason and principle, that nothingforeign to the guaranties of the Succession, and of the Barrier, shouldbe mingled with them; notwithstanding which, the States General had nosooner received notice of a treaty of commerce concluded between yourMajesty and the present Emperor, but they departed from the ruleproposed before, and insisted upon the article, of which your Commonsnow complain; which article your Majesty's ambassador allowed of, although equally foreign to the Succession, or the Barrier; and althoughhe had for that reason departed from other articles, which would havebeen for the service of his own country. 

[Footnote 20: Printed in the "Journals, " vol. Xvii. , pp. 87-89. [N. ]]

"We have forborne to trouble your Majesty with general observations uponthis treaty, as it relates to and affects the empire, and other parts ofEurope. The mischiefs which arise from it to Great Britain, are whatonly we have presumed humbly to represent to you, as they are veryevident, and very great: and as it appears, that the Lord ViscountTownshend had not any orders, or authority, for concluding several ofthose articles, which are most prejudicial to your Majesty's subjects;we have thought we could do no less than declare your said ambassador, who negotiated and signed, and all others who advised the ratifying ofthis treaty, enemies to your Majesty and to your kingdom. 

"Upon these faithful informations, and advices from your Commons, weassure ourselves your Majesty, in your great goodness to your people, will rescue them from those evils, which the private counsels ofill-designing men have exposed them to; and that in your great wisdomyou will find some means for the explaining, and amending, the severalarticles of this treaty, so as that they may consist with the interestof Great Britain, and with real and lasting friendship between yourMajesty and the States General. "[21]

[Footnote 21: This Representation was presented to Her Majesty March4th, 171-1/2 and answered March 5th. [N. ]]

Between the Representation and the first debates upon the subject of it, several weeks had passed; during which time the Parliament had othermatters likewise before them, that deserve to be mentioned. For on theninth of February was repealed the Act for Naturalizing ForeignProtestants, which had been passed under the last ministry, and, as manypeople thought, to very ill purposes. By this Act any foreigner, whowould take the oaths to the government, and profess himself aProtestant, of whatever denomination, was immediately naturalized, andhad all the privileges of an English born subject, at the expense of ashilling. [22] Most Protestants abroad differ from us in the points ofchurch government; so that all the acquisitions by this Act wouldincrease the number of Dissenters; and therefore the proposal, that suchforeigners should be obliged to conform to the established worship, wasrejected. But because several persons were fond of this project, as athing that would be of mighty advantage to the kingdom, I shall say afew words upon it. 

[Footnote 22: See "The Examiner, " Nos. 26 and 45, in vol. Ix. Of thisedition. [W. S. J. ]]

The maxim, "That people are the riches of a nation, " hath been crudelyunderstood by many writers and reasoners upon that subject. There areseveral ways by which people are brought into a country. Sometimes anation is invaded and subdued; and the conquerors seize the lands, andmake the natives their under-tenants or servants. Colonies have beenalways planted where the natives were driven out or destroyed, or theland uncultivated and waste. In those countries where the lord of thesoil is master of the labour and liberty of his tenants, or of slavesbought by his money, men's riches are reckoned by the number of theirvassals. And sometimes, in governments newly instituted, where there arenot people to till the ground, many laws have been made to encourage andallure numbers from the neighbouring countries. And, in all these cases, the new comers have either lands allotted them, or are slaves to theproprietors. But to invite helpless families, by thousands, into akingdom inhabited like ours, without lands to give them, and where thelaws will not allow that they should be part of the property asservants, is a wrong application of the maxim, and the same thing, ingreat, as infants dropped at the doors, which are only a burthen andcharge to the parish. The true way of multiplying mankind to publicadvantage, in such a country as England, is to invite from abroad onlyable handicraftsmen and artificers, or such who bring over a sufficientshare of property to secure them from want; to enact and enforcesumptuary laws against luxury, and all excesses in clothing, furniture, and the like; to encourage matrimony, and reward, as the Romans did, those who have a certain number of children. Whether bringing over thePalatines were a mere consequence of this law for a generalnaturalization; or whether, as many surmised, it had some other meaning, it appeared manifestly, by the issue, that the public was a loser byevery individual among them; and that a kingdom can no more be thericher by such an importation, than a man can be fatter by a wen, whichis unsightly and troublesome, at best, and intercepts that nourishment, which would otherwise diffuse itself through the whole body. 

About a fortnight after, the Commons sent up a bill for securing thefreedom of Parliaments, by limiting the number of Members in that Housewho should be allowed to possess employments under the crown. [23] Billsto the same effect, promoted by both parties, had, after making the likeprogress, been rejected in former Parliaments; the court and ministry, who will ever be against such a law, having usually a greater influencein the House of Lords, and so it happened now. Although that influencewere less, I am apt to think that such a law would be too thorough areformation in one point, while we have so many corruptions in the rest;and perhaps the regulations, already made on that article, aresufficient, by which several employments incapacitate a man from beingchosen a Member, and all of them bring it to a new election. [24]

[Footnote 23: This self-denying ordinance easily passed through theHouse of Commons, where probably men were ashamed of opposing it; and insuch a temper were the Peers, in whose House the ministry proposed tomake the stand, that it was very likely to have passed there also. Butan amendment was ingeniously thrown in, to suspend the operation of theproposed Act until after the Queen's death; so that it was evaded forthe present, and never again revived. [S. ] The Bill was rejectedFebruary 29th, 171-1/2. [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 24: P. Fitzgerald adds, "Neither do I believe any man whotruly understands and loves our constitution will imagine that theprerogative hath not been sufficiently humbled within twenty yearspast. " [W. S. J. ]]

For my own part, when I consider the temper of particular persons, andby what maxims they have acted (almost without exception) in theirprivate capacities, I cannot conceive how such a bill should obtain amajority, unless every man expected to be one of the fifty, which, Ithink, was the limitation intended. 

About the same time, likewise, the House of Commons advanced oneconsiderable step towards securing us against farther impositions fromour allies, resolving that the additional forces should be continued;but with a condition, that the Dutch should make good their proportionof three-fifths to two-fifths, which those confederates had so long, andin so great degree, neglected. The Duke of Marlborough's deduction oftwo and a half _per cent. _, from the pay of the foreign troops, was alsoapplied for carrying on the war. [25]

[Footnote 25: In the "Journals of the House of Commons, " vol. Xvii. , pp. 15-18, the Report of the Commissioners is printed, in which is includedthe Duke's justification of his conduct. See above, p. 85. [N. ]]

Lastly, within this period is to be included the Act passed to preventthe disturbing those of the Episcopal Communion in Scotland[26] in theexercise of their religious worship, and in the use of the liturgy ofthe Church of England. [27] It is known enough, that the mostconsiderable of the nobility and gentry there, as well as great numbersof the people, dread the tyrannical discipline of those synods andpresbyteries; and at the same time have the utmost contempt for theabilities and tenets of their teachers. It was besides thought aninequality, beyond all appearance of reason or justice, that Dissentersof every denomination here, who are the meanest and most illiterate partamongst us, should possess a toleration by law, under colour of whichthey might, upon occasion, be bold enough to insult the religionestablished, while those of the Episcopal Church in Scotland[28] groanedunder a real persecution. The only specious objection against this billwas, that it set the religion by law, in both parts of the island, upona different foot, directly contrary to the Union; because, by an Actpassed this very session against occasional conformity, our Dissenterswere shut out from all employments. A petition from Carstares, and otherScotch professors, against this bill, was offered to the House, but notaccepted; and a motion made by the other party, to receive a clause thatshould restrain all persons, who have any office in Scotland, [28] fromgoing to episcopal meetings, passed in the negative. It is manifest, that the promoters of this clause were not moved by any regard forScotland, [28] which is by no means their favourite at present; only theyhoped, that, if it were made part of a law, it might occasion such achoice of representatives in both Houses, from Scotland, [28] as would bea considerable strength to their faction here. But the proposition wasin itself extremely absurd, that so many lords, and other persons ofdistinction, who have great employments, pensions, posts in the army, and other places of profit, many of whom are in frequent or constantattendance at the court, and utterly dislike their national way ofworship, should be deprived of their liberty of conscience at home; notto mention those who are sent thither from hence to take care of therevenue, and other affairs, who would ill digest the changing of theirreligion for that of Scotland. [28]

With a farther view of favour towards the episcopal clergy ofScotland, [28] three Members of that country were directed to bring in abill for restoring the patrons to their ancient rights of presentingministers to the vacant churches there, which the kirk, during theheight of their power, had obtained for themselves[29] And, to concludethis subject at once, the Queen, at the close of the session, commandedMr Secretary St John to acquaint the House, "That, pursuant to theiraddress, the profits arising from the bishops' estates in Scotland, which remained in the crown, should be applied to the support of such ofthe episcopal clergy there, as would take the oaths to Her Majesty. "[30]

[Footnote 26: P. Fitzgerald says "North Britain. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 27: The "Act to prevent, " etc. (10 Ann. C. 10) was orderedJanuary 21st, and received the Royal Assent March 3rd, 171-1/2, [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 28: P. Fitzgerald says "North Britain. " [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 29: The Scotch Patronage Bill was ordered March 13th, [1711], passed April 7th, and received the Royal Assent May 22nd, 1712 (10 Ann c21). It did not refer to the Episcopal Church. [W. S. J. ]

The Church of Scotland viewed the bills for restoring to the gentry theright of patronage, and for tolerating the exercise of the Episcopalpersuasion, with great jealousy. The Reverend Mr William Carstares, whohad been secretary to King William, and was Principal of the College ofEdinburgh, was deputed to go to London at the head of a commission ofthe church, to oppose the bills while in dependence. His biographer hasjustly remarked, that these enactments considered at the time as fatalto the interests of Presbytery in Scotland, have, upon experience, proved her best security. 

"Upon the one hand, the Act of Toleration, by taking the weapon ofoffence out of the hands of the Presbyterians, removed the chief groundsof those resentments which the friends of prelacy entertained againstthem, and in a few years almost annihilated Episcopacy in Scotland Uponthe other hand, the Act restoring Patronages, by restoring the nobilityand gentlemen of property to then wonted influence in the settlement ofthe clergy, reconciled numbers of them to the established church, whohad conceived the most violent prejudices against that mode of election, and against the Presbyterian clergy, who were settled upon it. It islikewise an incontestable fact, that, from the date of these two Acts, the Church of Scotland has enjoyed a state of tranquillity to which shewas an utter stranger before. " (Life of Carstares, prefixed toCarstares's "State Papers, " 1774, p 85) [S]]

[Footnote 30: This message was reported to the House of Commons June19th, 1712. [W. S. J]]

Nothing could more amply justify the proceedings of the Queen and herministers, for two years past, than that famous Representation above atlarge recited, the unbiassed wisdom of the nation, after the strictestinquiry, confirming those facts upon which Her Majesty's counsels weregrounded and many persons, who were before inclined to believe that theallies and the late ministry had been too much loaded by the malice, misrepresentations, or ignorance of writers, were now fully convinced oftheir mistake by so great an authority. Upon this occasion I cannotforbear doing justice to Mr. St. John, [31] who had been secretary ofwar, for several years, under the former administration, where he hadthe advantage of observing how affairs were managed both at home andabroad. He was one of those who shared in the present treasurer'sfortune, resigning his employment at the same time; and upon thatminister's being again taken into favour, this gentleman was some timeafter made secretary of state. There he began afresh, by theopportunities of his station, to look into past miscarriages; and, bythe force of an extraordinary genius, and application to public affairs, joined with an invincible eloquence, laid open the scene of miscarriagesand corruptions through the whole course of the war, in so evident amanner, that the House of Commons seemed principally directed in theirresolutions, upon this inquiry, by his information and advice. In ashort time after the Representation was published, there appeared amemorial in the Dutch "Gazette, " as by order of the States, reflectingvery much upon the said Representation, as well as the resolutions onwhich it was founded, pretending to deny some of the facts, and toextenuate others. This memorial, translated into English, a commonwriter of news had the boldness to insert in one of his papers. Acomplaint being made thereof to the House of Commons, they voted thepretended memorial to be a false, scandalous, malicious libel, andordered the printer to be taken into custody. [32]

[Footnote 31: See his character in Swift's "Enquiry, " vol. V. , pp. 430-431, of this edition. [W. S. J. ]]

[Footnote 32: The memorial appeared in the "Daily Courant" of 7th and8th April, for which Samuel Buckley, the writer and printer, was orderedby the House of Commons to be taken into custody on April 11th. [W. S. J. ]]

It was the misfortune of the ministers, that while they were baited bytheir professed adversaries of the discontented faction, acting inconfederacy with emissaries of foreign powers, to break the measures HerMajesty had taken towards a peace, they met at the same time withfrequent difficulties from those who agreed and engaged with them topursue the same general end; but sometimes disapproved the methods astoo slack and remiss, or, in appearance, now and then perhaps a littledubious. In the first session of this Parliament, a considerable numberof gentlemen, all members of the House of Commons, began to meet bythemselves, and consult what course they ought to steer in this newworld. They intended to revive a new country party in Parliament, whichmight, as in former times, oppose the court in any proceedings theydisliked. The whole body was of such who profess what is commonly calledhigh-church principles, upon which account they were irreconcilableenemies to the late ministry and all its adherents. On the other side, considering the temper of the new men in power, that they were personswho had formerly moved between the two extremes, those gentlemen, whowere impatient for an entire change, and to see all their adversarieslaid at once as low as the dust, began to be apprehensive that the workwould be done by halves. But the juncture of affairs at that time, bothat home and abroad, would by no means admit of the least precipitation, although the Queen and her first minister had been disposed to it, whichcertainly they were not. Neither did the court seem at all uneasy atthis league, formed in appearance against it, but composed of honestgentlemen who wished well to their country, in which both were entirelyagreed, although they might differ about the means; or if such a societyshould begin to grow resty, nothing was easier than to divide them, andrender all their endeavours ineffectual. [33]

[Footnote 33: See Swift's "Advice to Members of the October Club, " vol. V. , pp. 207-225. [W. S. J. ]]

But in the course of that first session, many of this society becamegradually reconciled to the new ministry, whom they found to be greaterobjects of the common enemy's hatred than themselves; and the attempt ofGuiscard, as it gained farther time for deferring the disposal ofemployments, so it much endeared that person to the kingdom, who was sonear falling a sacrifice to the safety of his country. Upon the lastsession of which I am now writing, this October Club (as it was called)renewed their usual meetings, but were now very much altered from theiroriginal institution, and seemed to have wholly dropped the design, asof no further use. They saw a point carried in the House of Lordsagainst the court, that would end in the ruin of the kingdom; and theyobserved the enemy's whole artillery directly levelled at thetreasurer's head. In short, the majority of the club had so good anunderstanding with the great men at court, that two of the latter, [34]to shew to the world how fair a correspondence there was between thecourt and country party, consented to be at one of their dinners; butthis intercourse had an event very different from what was expected: forimmediately the more zealous members of that society broke off from therest, and composed a new one, made up of gentlemen, who seemed to expectlittle of the court; and perhaps, with a mixture of others who thoughtthemselves disappointed, or too long delayed. [35] Many of these wereobserved to retain an incurable jealousy of the treasurer, and tointerpret all delays, which they could not comprehend, as a reserve offavour in this minister to the persons and principles of the abandonedparty. 

[Footnote 34: Mr. St. John and Mr. Bromley. [N. ]]

[Footnote 35: This was called the March Club, but did not long subsist. It seems probable that it included those _Tories_ whose principles wentthe length of Jacobitism. [S. ]]

Upon an occasion offered about this time, some persons, out of distrustto the treasurer, endeavoured to obtain a point, which could not havebeen carried without putting all into confusion. A Bill was brought intothe House of Commons, appointing commissioners to examine into the valueof all lands, and other interests granted by the crown since thethirteenth day of February, one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight, and upon what considerations such grants had been made. The unitedcountry interest in the House was extremely set upon passing this Bill. They had conceived an opinion from former precedents, that the courtwould certainly oppose all steps towards a resumption of grants; andthose who were apprehensive that the treasurer inclined the same way, proposed the Bill should be tacked to another, for raising a fund byduties upon soap and paper, which hath been always imputed, whetherjustly or no, as a favourite expedient of those called the Tory party. At the same time it was very well known, that the House of Lords hadmade a fixed and unanimous resolution against giving their concurrenceto the passing such united bills: so that the consequences of thisproject must have been to bring the ministry under difficulties, to stopthe necessary supplies, and endanger the good correspondence betweenboth Houses; notwithstanding all which the majority carried it for atack; and the committee was instructed accordingly to make the two Billsinto one, whereby the worst that could happen would have followed, ifthe treasurer had not convinced the warm leaders in this affair, byundeniable reasons, that the means they were using would certainlydisappoint the end; that neither himself, nor any other of the Queen'sservants, were at all against this enquiry; and he promised his utmostcredit to help forward the bill in the House of Lords. He prevailed atlast to have it sent up single; but their lordships gave it another kindof reception. Those who were of the side opposite to the court, withstood it to a man, as in a party case: among the rest, some verypersonally concerned, and others by friends and relations, which theysupposed a sufficient excuse to be absent, or dissent. Even those, whosegrants were antecedent to this intended inspection, began to be alarmedas men, whose neighbours' houses are on fire. A shew of zeal for thelate king's honour, occasioned many reflections upon the date of thisenquiry, which was to commence with his reign: and the Earl ofNottingham, who had now flung away the mask which he had lately pulledoff, like one who had no other view but that of vengeance against theQueen and her friends, acted consistently enough with his design, byvoting as a lord against the Bill, after he had directed his son in theHouse of Commons to vote for the tack. 

Thus miscarried this popular Bill for appointing commissioners toexamine into royal grants; but whether those chiefly concerned didrightly consult their own interest, hath been made a question, whichperhaps time will resolve. It was agreed that the Queen, by her ownauthority, might have issued out a commission for such an enquiry, andevery body believed, that the intention of the Parliament was only totax the grants with about three years' purchase, and at the same timeestablish the proprietors in possession of the remainder for ever; sothat, upon the whole, the grantees would have been great gainers by suchan Act, since the titles of those lands, as they stood then, were hardlyof half value with others either for sale or settlement. Besides, theexamples of the Irish forfeitures might have taught these precariousowners, that when the House of Commons hath once engaged in a pursuit, which they think is right, although it be stopped or suspended for awhile, they will be sure to renew it upon every opportunity that offers, and seldom fail of success: for instance, if the resumption shouldhappen to be made part of a supply, which can be easily done without theobjection of a tack, the grantees might possibly then have much harderconditions given them; and I do not see how they could prevent it. Whether the resuming of royal grants be consistent with good policy orjustice, would be too long a disquisition: besides, the profusion ofkings is not like to be a grievance for the future, because there havebeen laws since made to provide against that evil, or, indeed, ratherbecause the crown has nothing left to give away. But the objection madeagainst the date of the intended enquiry was invidious and trifling; forKing James II. Made very few grants: he was a better manager, andsquandering was none of his faults; whereas the late king, who came overhere a perfect stranger to our laws, and to our people, regardless ofposterity, wherein he was not likely to survive, thought he could no waybetter strengthen a new title, than by purchasing friends at the expenseof every thing which was in his power to part with. 

The reasonableness of uniting to a money bill one of a different nature, which is usually called _tacking_ hath been likewise much debated, andwill admit of argument enough. In ancient times, when a Parliament washeld, the Commons first proposed their grievances to be redressed, andthen gave their aids; so that it was a perfect bargain between the kingand the subject. This fully answered the ends of tacking. Aids were thendemanded upon occasions which would hardly pass at present; such, forinstance, as those for making the king's son a knight, marrying hiseldest daughter, and some others of the like sort. Most of the moneywent into the king's coffers for his private use; neither was heaccountable for any part of it. Hence arose the form of the king'sthanking his subjects for their benevolence, when any subsidies, tenths, or fifteenths were given him: but the supplies now granted are ofanother nature, and cannot be properly called a particular benefit tothe crown, because they are all appropriated to their several uses: sothat when the House of Commons tack to a money bill what is foreign andhard to be digested, if it be not passed, they put themselves and theircountry in as great difficulties as the prince. On the other side, therehave been several regulations made, through the course of time, inparliamentary proceedings; among which it is grown a rule, that a Billonce rejected shall not be brought up again the same session; wherebythe Commons seem to have lost the advantage of purchasing a redress oftheir grievances, by granting supplies, which, upon some emergencies, hath put them upon this expedient of tacking: so that there is more tobe said on each side of the case, than is convenient for me to troublethe reader or myself in deducing. 

Among the matters of importance during this session, we may justlynumber the proceedings of the House of Commons with relation to thepress, since Her Majesty's message to the House, of January theseventeenth, concludes with a paragraph, representing the great licencestaken in publishing false and scandalous libels, such as are a reproachto any government; and recommending to them to find a remedy equal tothe mischief. The meaning of these words in the message, seems to beconfined to these weekly and daily papers and pamphlets, reflecting uponthe persons and the management of the ministry. But the House ofCommons, in their address, which answers this message, makes an additionof the blasphemies against God and religion; and it is certain, thatnothing would be more for the honour of the legislature, than someeffectual law for putting a stop to this universal mischief: but as theperson, [36] who advised the Queen in that part of her message, had onlythen in his thoughts the redressing of the political and factiouslibels, I think he ought to have taken care, by his great credit in theHouse, to have proposed some ways by which that evil might be removed;the law for taxing single papers having produced a quite contraryeffect, as was then foreseen by many persons, and hath since been foundtrue by experience, For the adverse party, full of rage and leisuresince their fall, and unanimous in defence of their cause, employ a setof writers by subscription, who are well versed in all the topics ofdefamation, and have a style and genius levelled to the generality ofreaders; while those who would draw their pens on the side of theirprince and country, are discouraged by this tax, which exceeds theintrinsic value both of the materials and the work; a thing, if I be notmistaken, without example. 

[Footnote 36: Mr. Secretary St. John, now Lord Viscount Bolingbroke. [ORIGINAL NOTE. ]]

It must be acknowledged, that the bad practices of printers have beensuch, as to deserve the severest animadversions of the public; and it isto be wished, the party quarrels of the pen were always managed withdecency and truth: but in the mean time, to open the mouths of ourenemies and shut our own, is a turn of politics that wants a little tobe explained. Perhaps the ministry now in possession, because they arein possession, may despise such trifles as this; and it is not to bedenied, that acting as they do upon a national interest, they may seemto stand in less need of such supports, or may safely fling them down asno longer necessary. But if the leaders of the other party had proceededby this maxim, their power would have been none at all, or of very shortduration: and had not some active pens fallen in to improve the gooddispositions of the people, upon the late change, and continued since tooverthrow the falsehood, plentifully, and sometimes not unplausibly, scattered by the adversaries, I am very much in doubt, whether those atthe helm would now have reason to be pleased with their success. Aparticular person may, with more safety, despise the opinion of thevulgar, because it does a wise man no real harm or good, but theadministration a great deal; and whatever side has the sole managementof the pen, will soon find hands enough to write down their enemies aslow as they please. If the people had no other idea of those whom HerMajesty trusts in her greatest affairs, than what is conveyed by thepassions of such as would compass sea and land for their destruction, what could they expect, but to be torn in pieces by the rage of themultitude? How necessary therefore was it, that the world should, fromtime to time, be undeceived by true representations of persons andfacts, which have kept the kingdom steady to its interest, against allthe attacks of a cunning and virulent faction. 

However, the mischiefs of the press were too exorbitant to be cured, bysuch a remedy as a tax upon the smaller papers; and a Bill for a muchmore effectual regulation of it was brought into the House of Commons, but so late in the session, that there was no time to pass it: for therehath hitherto always appeared, an unwillingness to cramp overmuch theliberty of the press, whether from the inconveniencies apprehended fromdoing too much, or too little; or whether the benefit proposed by eachparty to themselves, from the service of their writers, towardsrecovering or preserving of power, be thought to outweigh thedisadvantages. However it came about, this affair was put off from oneweek to another, and the Bill not brought into the House till the eighthof June. It was committed three days, and then heard of no more. In thisBill there was a clause inserted, (whether industriously with design tooverthrow it) that the author's name, and place of abode, should be setto every printed book, pamphlet, or paper; which I believe no man, whohath the least regard to learning, would give his consent to: for, besides the objection to this clause from the practice of pious men, who, in publishing excellent writings for the service of religion, havechosen, out of an humble Christian spirit, to conceal their names; it iscertain, that all persons of true genius or knowledge have an invinciblemodesty and suspicion of themselves, upon their first sending theirthoughts into the world; and that those who are dull or superficial, void of all-taste and judgment, have dispositions directly contrary: sothat if this clause had made part of a law, there would have been anend, in all likelihood, of any valuable production for the future, either in wit or learning: and that insufferable race of stupid people, who are now every day loading the press, would then reign alone, in timedestroy our very first principles of reason, and introduce barbarityamongst us, which is already kept out with so much difficulty by so fewhands. 

Having given an account of the several steps made towards a peace, fromthe first overtures begun by France, to the commencement of the secondsession, I shall in the Fourth Book relate the particulars of this greatnegotiation, from the period last mentioned to the present time; andbecause there happened some passages in both Houses, occasioned by thetreaty, I shall take notice of them under that head. There only remainsto be mentioned one affair of another nature, which the Lords andCommons took into their cognizance, after a very different manner, wherewith I shall close this part of my subject. 

The sect of Quakers amongst us, whose system of religion, first foundedupon enthusiasm, hath been many years growing into a craft, held it anunlawful action to take an oath to a magistrate. This doctrine wastaught them by the author of their sect, from a literal application ofthe text, "Swear not at all;" but being a body of people, wholly turnedto trade and commerce of all kinds, they found themselves on manyoccasions deprived of the benefit of the law, as well as of voting atelections, by a foolish scruple, which their obstinacy would not sufferthem to get over. To prevent this inconvenience, these people had creditenough in the late reign to have an Act passed, that their solemnaffirmation and declaration should be accepted, instead of an oath inthe usual form. The great concern in those times, was to lay allreligion upon a level; in order to which, this maxim was advanced, "Thatno man ought to be denied the liberty of serving his country uponaccount of a different belief in speculative opinions, " under which termsome people were apt to include every doctrine of Christianity: however, this Act, in favour of the Quakers, was only temporary, in order to keepthem in constant dependence, and expired of course after a certain term, if it were not continued. Those people had, therefore, very early in thesession, offered a petition to the House of Commons for a continuance ofthe Act, which was not suffered to be brought up; upon this they appliedthemselves to the Lords, who passed a Bill accordingly, and sent it downto the Commons, where it was not so much as allowed a first reading. 

And indeed it is not easy to conceive upon what motives the legislatureof so great a kingdom could descend so low, as to be ministerial andsubservient to the caprices of the most absurd heresy that ever appearedin the world; and this in a point, where those deluding or deludedpeople stand singular from all the rest of mankind who live under civilgovernment: but the designs of an aspiring party, at that time were nototherwise to be compassed, than by undertaking any thing that wouldhumble and mortify the Church; and I am fully convinced, that if a sectof sceptic philosophers (who profess to doubt of every thing) had beenthen among us, and mingled their tenets with some corruptions ofChristianity, they might have obtained the same privilege; and that alaw would have been enacted, whereby the solemn doubt of the peoplecalled sceptics, should have been accepted instead of an oath in theusual form; so absurd are all maxims formed upon the inconsistentprinciples of faction, when once they are brought to be examined by thestandard of truth and reason. 

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN. 

BOOK IV. 

We left the plenipotentiaries of the allies, and those of the enemy, preparing to assemble at Utrecht on the first of January, N. S. , in orderto form a congress for negotiating a general peace; wherein although theDutch had made a mighty merit of their compliance with the Queen, yetthey set all their instruments at work to inflame both Houses againstHer Majesty's measures. Mons. Bothmar, the Hanover envoy, took care toprint and disperse his Memorial, of which I have formerly spoken:Hoffman, the Emperor's resident, was soliciting for a yacht and convoysto bring over Prince Eugene at this juncture, fortified, as it was givenout, with great proposals from the Imperial court: the Earl ofNottingham became a convert, for reasons already mentioned: money wasdistributed where occasion required; and the Dukes of Somerset andMarlborough, together with the Earl of Godolphin, had put themselves atthe head of the junto, and their adherents, in order to attack thecourt. 

Some days after the vote passed the House of Lords for admitting intothe address the Earl of Nottingham's clause, against any peace withoutSpain; Mons. Buys, the Dutch envoy, who had been deep in all theconsultations with the discontented party for carrying that point, wasdesired to meet with the lord privy seal, the Earl of Dartmouth, and Mr. Secretary St. John, in order to sign a treaty between the Queen and theStates, to subsist after a peace. There the envoy took occasion toexpostulate upon the advantages stipulated for Britain with France; said"It was his opinion, that those ministers ought, in respect of thefriendship between both nations, to acquaint him what these advantageswere; and that he looked upon his country to be entitled, by treaty, toshare them equally with us: That there was now another reason why weshould be more disposed to comply with him upon this head; for since thelate resolution of the House of Lords, he took it for granted, it wouldbe a dangerous step in us to give Spain to a prince of the house ofBourbon; and therefore, that we should do well to induce the States, bysuch a concession, to help us out of this difficulty. "

Mr. St. John made answer, "That there was not a man in the Queen'scouncil capable of so base a thought: That if Buys had any thing tocomplain of, which was injurious to Holland, or justly tending to hurtthe good correspondence between us and the States, he was confident HerMajesty would at all times be ready to give it up; but that theministers scorned to screen themselves at the expense of their country:That the resolution Buys mentioned, was chiefly owing to foreignministers intermeddling in our affairs, and would perhaps have an effectthe projectors did not foresee: That, if the peace became impracticable, the House of Commons would certainly put the war upon another foot, andreduce the public expense within such a compass as our treaties requiredin the strictest sense, and as our present condition would admit, leaving the partisans for war to supply the rest. "

Although the secretary believed this answer would put an end to suchinfamous proposals, it fell out otherwise; for shortly after, Mons. Buysapplied himself to the treasurer, promising to undertake, "That hismasters should give up the article of Spain, provided they might sharewith us in the Assiento for negroes. " To which the treasurer's answerwas short, "That he would rather lose his head than consent to such anoffer. "

It is manifest, by this proceeding, that whatever schemes were forminghere at home, in this juncture, by the enemies to the peace, the Dutchonly designed to fall in with it as far as it would answer their ownaccount; and, by a strain of the lower politics, wherein they must beallowed to excel every country in Christendom, lay upon the watch for agood bargain, by taking advantage of the distress they themselves hadbrought upon their nearest neighbour and ally. 

But the Queen highly resented this indignity from a republic, upon whomshe had conferred so many obligations. She could not endure that theDutch should employ their instruments to act in confederacy with a cabalof factious people, who were prepared to sacrifice the safety of theirprince and country to the recovery of that power they had so longpossessed and abused. Her Majesty knew very well, that whatever were themistaken or affected opinion of some people at home, upon the article ofSpain, it was a point the States had long given up, who had very openlytold our ministry, "That the war in that country was only our concern, and what their republic had nothing to do with. " It is true, theparty-leaders were equally convinced, that the recovery of Spain wasimpracticable; but many things may be excused in a professed adversary, fallen under disgrace, which are highly criminal in an ally, upon whomwe are that very instant conferring new favours. Her Majesty thereforethought it high time to exert herself, and at length put a stop toforeign influence upon British counsels; so that, after the Earl ofNottingham's clause against any peace, without Spain, was carried in theHouse of Lords, directions were immediately sent to the Earl ofStrafford at The Hague, to inform the Dutch, "That it was obtained by atrick, and would consequently turn to the disappointment and confusionof the contrivers and the actors. " He was likewise instructed to be verydry and reserved to the pensionary and Dutch ministers; to let themknow, "The Queen thought herself ill treated; and that they would soonhear what effects those measures would have upon a mild and good temper, wrought up to resentment by repeated provocations: That the States mighthave the war continued, if they pleased; but that the Queen would not beforced to carry it on after their manner, nor would suffer them to makeher peace, or to settle the interests of her kingdoms. "

To others in Holland, who appeared to be more moderate, the Earl wasdirected to say, "That the States were upon a wrong scent: That theirminister here mistook every thing that we had promised: That we wouldperform all they could reasonably ask from us, in relation to theirbarrier and their trade; and that Mons. Buys dealt very unfairly, if hehad not told them as much. But that Britain proceeded, in some respects, upon a new scheme of politics; would no longer struggle forimpossibilities, nor be amused by words: That our people came more andmore to their senses; and that the single dispute now was, whether theDutch would join with a faction, against the Queen, or with the nation, for her?"

The court likewise resolved to discourage Prince Eugene from his journeyto England, which he was about this time undertaking, and of which Ihave spoken before. He was told, "That the Queen wanted no exhortationsto carry on the war; but the project of it should be agreed abroad, uponwhich Her Majesty's resolutions might soon be signified: but until shesaw what the Emperor and allies were ready to do, she would neitherpromise nor engage for any thing. " At the same time Mr. St. John toldHoffman, the Emperor's resident here, "That if the Prince had a mind todivert himself in London, the ministers would do their part to entertainhim, and be sure to trouble him with no manner of business. "

This coldness retarded the Prince's journey for some days; but did notprevent it, although he had a second message by the Queen's order, withthis farther addition, "That his name had lately been made use of, onmany occasions, to create a ferment, and stir up sedition; and that HerMajesty judged it would be neither safe for him, nor convenient for her, that he should come over at this time. " But all would not do: it wasenough that the Queen did not absolutely forbid him, and theparty-confederates, both foreign and domestic, thought his presencewould be highly necessary for their service. 

Towards the end of December, the lord privy seal[1] set out for Holland. He was ordered to stop at The Hague, and, in conjunction with the Earlof Stafford, to declare to the States, in Her Majesty's name, "Herresolutions to conclude no peace, wherein the allies in general, andeach confederate in particular, might not find their ample security, andtheir reasonable satisfaction: That she was ready to insist upon theirbarrier, and advantages in their trade, in the manner the Statesthemselves should desire; and to concert with them such a plan oftreaty, as both powers might be under mutual engagements never to recedefrom: That nothing could be of greater importance, than for theministers of Great Britain and Holland to enter the congress under thestrictest ties of confidence, and entirely to concur throughout thecourse of these negotiations: To which purpose, it was Her Majesty'spleasure, that their lordships should adjust with the Dutch ministers, the best manner and method for opening and carrying on the conferences, and declare themselves instructed to communicate freely their thoughtsand measures to the plenipotentiaries of the States, who, they hoped, had received the same instructions. "

[Footnote 1: Dr. Robinson had already had diplomatic experience aspolitical agent at the Court of Stockholm, when Marlborough had foundhim of great service. [T. S. ]]

Lastly, the two lords were to signify to the pensionary, and the otherministers, "That Her Majesty's preparations for the next campaign werecarried on with all the dispatch and vigour, which the presentcircumstances would allow; and to insist, that the same might be done bythe States; and that both powers should join in pressing the Emperor, and other allies, to make greater efforts than they had hitherto done;without which the war must languish, and the terms of peace become everyday more disadvantageous. "

The two British plenipotentiaries went to Utrecht with very largeinstructions, and, after the usual manner, were to make much higherdemands from France (at least in behalf of the allies) than they couldhave any hope to obtain. The sum of what they had in charge, besidesmatter of form, was, to concert with the ministers of the several powersengaged against France, "That all differences arising among them shouldbe accommodated between themselves, without suffering the French tointerfere: That whatever were proposed to France by a minister of thealliance, should be backed by the whole confederacy: That a time mightbe fixed for the conclusion, as there had been for the commencement, ofthe treaty. " Spain was to be demanded out of the hands of the Bourbonfamily, as the most effectual means for preventing the union of thatkingdom with France; and whatever conditions the allies could agree uponfor hindering that union, their lordships were peremptorily to insiston. 

As to the interests of each ally in particular, the plenipotentiaries ofBritain were to demand "Strasbourg, the fort of Kehl, with itsdependencies, and the town of Brisach, with its territory, for theEmperor: That France should possess Alsatia, according to the Treaty ofWestphalia, with the right of the prefecture only over the ten imperialcities in that country: That the fortifications of the said ten citiesbe put into the condition they were in at the time of the said treaty, except Landau, which was to be demanded for the Emperor and empire, withliberty of demolishing the fortifications: That the French King shouldat a certain time, and at his own expense, demolish the fortresses ofHuningen, New Brisach, and Fort Lewis, never to be rebuilt. 

"That the town and fortress of Rhinfels should be demanded for thelandgrave of Hesse-Cassel, until that matter be otherwise settled. 

"That the clause relating to religion, in the fourth article of theTreaty of Ryswyck, and contrary to that of Westphalia, should beannulled, and the state of religion in Germany restored to the tenor ofthe Treaty of Westphalia. 

"That France should acknowledge the King of Prussia, and give him nodisturbance in Neufchatel and Vallengin. 

"That the principality of Orange, and other estates belonging to thelate King William, should be restored, as law should direct. 

"That the Duke of Hanover should be acknowledged elector. 

"That the King of Portugal should enjoy all the advantages stipulatedbetween him and the allies. 

"That the States should have for their barrier Furnes, Fort Knokke, Menin, Ypres, Lille, Tournay, Condé, Valenciennes, Maubeuge, Douay, Bethune, Aire, [2] St. Venant, and Bouchain, with their cannon, &c. Thatthe French King should restore all the places belonging to Spain, now orduring this war in his possession, in the Netherlands: That such part ofthem as should be thought fit, might be allowed likewise for a barrierto the States: That France should grant the tariff of one thousand sixhundred and sixty-four to the States, and exemption of fifty pence _per_tun upon Dutch goods trading to that kingdom. But that these articles infavour of the States should not be concluded, till the Barrier Treatywere explained to the Queen's satisfaction. 

[Footnote: 2 "Bethune Avie" in original: a manifest misprint. "Aire" isthe name of a place near Bethune, which has since been connected with itby a canal. [W. S. J. ]]

"That the Duke of Savoy should be put in possession of all taken fromhim in this war, and enjoy the places yielded to him by the Emperor, andother allies: That France should likewise yield to him Exilles, Fenestrelle, Chaumont, the valley of Pragelas, and the land lyingbetween Piedmont and Mount Genu. 

"That the article about demolishing of Dunkirk should be explained. "

As to Britain, the plenipotentiaries were to insist, "That Nieuport, Dendermonde, Ghent, and all places which appear to be a barrier ratheragainst England than France, should either not be given to the Dutch, orat least in such a manner, as not to hinder the Queen's subjects freepassage to and from the Low Countries. 

"That the seventh article of the Barrier Treaty, which empowers theStates, in case of an attack, to put troops at discretion in all theplaces of the Low Countries, should be so explained as to be understoodonly of an attack from France. 

"That Britain should trade to the Low Countries with the same privilegesas the States themselves. 

"That the Most Christian King should acknowledge the succession ofHanover, and immediately oblige the Pretender to leave France; and thatthe said King should promise, for himself and his heirs, never toacknowledge any person for King or Queen of England, otherwise thanaccording to the settlements now in force. 

"That a treaty of commerce should be commenced, as soon as possible, between France and Britain; and in the mean time, the necessary pointsrelating to it be settled. 

"That the Isle of St. Christopher's should be surrendered to the Queen, Hudson's Bay restored, Placentia and the whole island of Newfoundlandyielded to Britain by the Most Christian King; who was likewise to quitall claim to Nova Scotia and Annapolis Royal. 

"That Gibraltar and Minorca should be annexed to the British crown. 

"That the Assiento should be granted to Britain for thirty years, withthe same advantage as to France; with an extent of ground on the riverof Plata, for keeping and refreshing the negroes. 

"That Spain should grant to the subjects of Britain as large privilegesas to any other nation whatsoever; as likewise an exemption of duties, amounting to an advantage of at least fifteen _per cent_. 

"That satisfaction should be demanded for what should appear to bejustly due to Her Majesty, from the Emperor and the States. 

"Lastly, That the plenipotentiaries should consult with those of theProtestant allies, the most effectual methods for restoring theProtestants of France to their religious and civil liberties, and forthe immediate release of those who are now in the galleys. "

What part of these demands were to be insisted on, and what were to begiven up, will appear by the sequel of this negotiation. But there wasno difficulty of moment enough to retard the peace, except a method forpreventing the union of France and Spain under one prince, and thesettling the barrier for Holland; which last, as claimed by the States, could, in prudence and safety, be no more allowed by us than by France. 

The States General having appointed Mons. Buys to be one of theirplenipotentiaries at Utrecht, that minister left England a few daysafter the lord privy seal. In his last conference with the lords of thecouncil, he absolutely declared, "That his masters had done theirutmost, both by sea and land: That it was unreasonable to expect more:That they had exceeded their proportion, even beyond Britain; and thatas to the Emperor, and other allies, he knew no expedient left formaking them act with more vigour, than to pursue them with patheticalexhortations. "

This minister was sent over hither, instructed and empowered by halves. The ferment raised by the united endeavours of our party leaders, amongwhom he was a constant fellow-labourer to the utmost of his skill, hadwholly confounded him; and thinking to take the advantage of negotiatingwell for Holland at the expense of Britain, he acted but ill for his owncountry, and worse for the common cause. However, the Queen's ministersand he parted with the greatest civility; and Her Majesty's present wasdouble the value of what is usual to the character he bore. [3]

[Footnote 3: Compare this passage with one in Bolingbroke's"Correspondence" (vol. Ii. , pp. 108-109): "He [Buys] came overinstructed and empowered by halves. The ferment which had been createdby the joint efforts of the faction here, and of that in Holland, confounded him; and thinking to take this advantage of negotiating wellfor Holland at the expense of Britain, he has negotiated ill for bothand ill for the common cause. We parted in terms of the greatestcivility, and Her Majesty's present to him was a thousand pounds, which is double the value of what is ever given here to anenvoy-extraordinary. " [T. S. ]]

As the Queen was determined to alter her measures in making war, so shethought nothing would so much convince the States of the necessity of apeace, as to have them frequently put in mind of this resolution, whichher ambassador Strafford, then at The Hague, was accordingly directed todo: and if they should object, of what ill consequence it would be forthe enemy to know Her Majesty designed to lessen her expenses, he mightanswer, "That the ministers here were sorry for it; but the Dutch couldonly blame themselves, for forcing into such a necessity a princess, towhose friendship they owed the preservation and grandeur of theirrepublic, and choosing to lean on a broken faction, rather than placetheir confidence in the Queen. "

It was Her Majesty's earnest desire, that there should be a perfectagreement at this treaty between the ministers of all the allies, thanwhich nothing could be more effectual to make France comply with theirjust demands: above all, she directed her plenipotentiaries to enterinto the strictest confidence with those of Holland; and that, after theStates had consented to explain the Barrier Treaty to her reasonablesatisfaction, both powers should form between them a plan of generalpeace, from which they would not recede, and such as might secure thequiet of Europe, as well as the particular interests of eachconfederate. 

The Dutch were accordingly pressed, before the congress opened, to cometo some temperament upon that famous treaty; because the ministers hereexpected it would be soon laid before the House of Commons, by which theresentment of the nation would probably appear against those who hadbeen actors and advisers in it: but Mons. Buys, who usually spoke forhis colleagues, was full of opposition, began to expostulate upon theadvantages Britain had stipulated with France; and to insist, that hismasters ought to share equally in them all, but especially the Assientocontract: so that no progress was made in fixing a previous goodcorrespondence between Britain and the States, which Her Majesty had soearnestly recommended. 

Certain regulations having been agreed upon, for avoiding of ceremonyand other inconveniencies, the conferences began at Utrecht, upon thetwenty-ninth of January, N. S. One thousand seven hundred andeleven-twelve, at ten in the morning. The ministers of the allies goinginto the town-house at one door, and those of France, at the sameinstant, at another, they all took their seats without distinction; andthe Bishop of Bristol, lord privy seal, first plenipotentiary ofBritain, opened the assembly with a short speech, directed to theministers of France, in words to the following effect:

"MESSIEURS, "We are here to meet to-day, in the name of God, to enter upon a treatyof general peace, between the high allies and the King your master. Webring sincere intentions, and express orders from our superiors, toconcur, on their part, with whatever may advance and perfect so salutaryand Christian a work. On the other side, we hope you have the samedisposition; and that your orders will be so full, as to be able, without loss of time, to answer the expectation of the high allies, byexplaining yourselves clearly and roundly upon the points we shall haveto settle in these conferences; and that you will perform this in soplain and specific a manner, as every prince and state in theconfederacy may find a just and reasonable satisfaction. "

The French began, by promising to explain the overtures which Mons. Mesnager had delivered to the Queen some months before, and to give in aspecific project of what their master would yield, provided the allieswould each give a specific answer, by making their several demands;which method, after many difficulties, and affected delays in the Dutch, was at length agreed to. 

But the States, who had, with the utmost discontent, seen Her Majesty atthe head of this negotiation, where they intended to have placedthemselves, began to discover their ill-humour upon every occasion; theyraised endless difficulties about settling the Barrier Treaty, as theQueen desired; and in one of the first general conferences, they wouldnot suffer the British secretary to take the minutes, but nominated someDutch professor for that office, which the Queen refused, and resentedtheir behaviour as an useless cavil, intended only to shew their want ofrespect. The British plenipotentiaries had great reason to suspect, thatthe Dutch were, at this time, privately endeavouring to engage in someseparate measures with France, by the intervention of one Molo, a busyfactious agent at Amsterdam, who had been often employed in suchintrigues: that this was the cause which made them so litigious and slowin all their steps, in hopes to break the congress, and find betterterms for their trade and barrier, from the French, than we ever couldthink fit to allow them. The Dutch ministers did also apply themselveswith industry, to cultivate the imperial plenipotentiary's favour, inorder to secure all advantages of commerce with Spain and the WestIndies, in case those dominions could be procured for the Emperor: forthis reason they avoided settling any general plan of peace, in concertwith the plenipotentiaries of Britain, which Her Majesty desired; andMons. Buys plainly told their lordships, that it was a point, whichneither he nor his colleagues could consent to, before the States wereadmitted equal sharers with Britain in the trade of Spain. 

The court having notice of this untractable temper in the Dutch, gavedirect orders to the plenipotentiaries of Britain, for pressing those ofthe States to adjust the gross in equalities of the Barrier Treaty, since nothing was more usual or agreeable to reason than for princes, who find themselves aggrieved by prejudicial contracts, to expect theyshould be modified and explained. And since it now appeared by votes inthe House of Commons, that the sense of the nation agreed with what HerMajesty desired, if the Dutch ministers would not be brought to anymoderate terms upon this demand, their lordships were directed toimprove and amend the particular concessions made to Britain by France, and form them into a treaty, for the Queen was determined never to allowthe States any share in the Assiento, Gibraltar, and Port Mahon, norcould think it reasonable, that they should be upon an equal foot withher in the trade of Spain, to the conquest whereof they had contributedso little. 

Nor was the conduct of the imperial minister at this time lessperplexing than that of the States, both those powers appearing fullybent, either upon breaking off the negotiation, or, upon forcing fromthe Queen those advantages she expected by it for her own kingdoms. HerMajesty therefore thought fit, about the beginning of March, to send Mr. Thomas Harley, a near relation of the treasurer's, to Utrecht, fullyinformed of her mind, which he was directed to communicate to theplenipotentiaries of Britain. 

Mr. Harley stopped in his way to Utrecht at The Hague, and there toldthe pensionary, "That nothing had happened lately in England but whatwas long ago foretold him, as well as the other ministers of the allies. That the proceedings of the House of Commons, particularly about theBarrier Treaty, must chiefly be ascribed to the manner in which theQueen and the nation had been treated by Mons. Bothmar, Count Gallas, Buys, and other foreign ministers. That if the States would yet enterinto a strict union with the Queen, give her satisfaction in the saidtreaty, and join in concert with her plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, asafe and advantageous peace might be obtained for the whole alliance;otherwise Her Majesty must save her own country, and join with such ofher allies as would join with her. 

"As to the war, that the conduct of the allies, and their opposition tothe Queen, by private intrigues carried on among her own subjects, aswell as by open remonstrances, had made the House of Commons take thatmatter out of the hands of the ministers. 

"Lastly, that in case the present treaty were broken off by the Dutchrefusing to comply, Her Majesty thought it reasonable to insist, thatsome cautionary places be put into her hands as pledges, that no othernegotiation should be entered into by the States General, without herparticipation. "

Mr. Harley's instructions to the Queen's plenipotentiaries were, "Thatthey should press those of France, to open themselves as far aspossible, in concerting such a plan of a general peace, as might givereasonable satisfaction to all the confederates, and such as herParliament would approve: That the people of England believed Francewould consent to such a plan; wherein if they found themselves deceived, they would be as eager for prosecuting the war as ever. "

Their lordships were to declare openly to the Dutch, "That no extremityshould make Her Majesty depart from insisting to have the Assiento forher own subjects, and to keep Gibraltar and Port Mahon; but if theStates would agree with her upon these three heads, she would be contentto reduce the trade of Spain and the West Indies, to the condition itwas in under the late Catholic King Charles II. "

The French were farther to be pressed, "That the Pretender should beimmediately sent out of that kingdom; and that the most effectual methodshould be taken, for preventing the union of France and Spain under oneprince. "

About this time Her Majesty's ministers, and those of the allies atUtrecht, delivered in the several _postulata_ or demands of theirmasters to the French plenipotentiaries, which having been since madepublic, and all of them, except those of Britain, very much varying inthe course of the negotiation, the reader would be but ill entertainedwith a transcript of them here. 

Upon intelligence of the last dauphin's death, the father, son, andgrandson, all of that title, [4] dying within the compass of a year, Mons. Gaultier went to France with letters to the Marquis de Torcy, topropose Her Majesty's expedient for preventing the union of that kingdomwith Spain; which, as it was the most important article to be settled, in order to secure peace for Europe, so it was a point that required tobe speedily adjusted under the present circumstances and situation ofthe Bourbon family, there being only left a child of two years old tostand between the Duke of Anjou and his succeeding to the crown ofFrance. 

[Footnote 4: These princes were the grandfather, the father, and thebrother, of Louis XV. , who was then Duke of Anjou, and supposed to be atthe point of death. [N. ]]

Her Majesty likewise pressed France by the same dispatches, to send fullinstructions to their plenipotentiaries, empowering them to offer to theallies such a plan of peace, as might give reasonable satisfaction toall her allies. 

The Queen's proposal for preventing an union between France and Spainwas, "that Philip should formally renounce the kingdom of France forhimself and his posterity; and that this renunciation should beconfirmed by the Cortes or states of Spain, who, without question, wouldheartily concur against such an union, by which their country mustbecome a province to France. " In like manner, the French princes of theblood were severally to renounce all title to Spain. 

The French raised many difficulties upon several particulars of thisexpedient; but the Queen persisted to refuse any plan of peace beforethis weighty point were settled in the manner she proposed, which wasafterwards submitted to, as in proper place we shall observe. In themean time, the negotiation at Utrecht proceeded with a very slow pace;the Dutch interposing all obstructions they could contrive, refusing tocome to any reasonable temper upon the Barrier Treaty, or to offer aplan, in concert with the Queen, for a general peace. Nothing less wouldsatisfy them, than the partaking in those advantages we had stipulatedfor ourselves, and which did no ways interfere with their trade orsecurity. They still expected some turn in England; their friends onthis side had ventured to assure them, that the Queen could not livemany months, which, indeed, from the bad state of Her Majesty's health, was reasonable to expect. The British plenipotentiaries daily discoverednew endeavours of Holland to treat privately with France; and, lastly, those among the States, who desired the war should continue, strove togain time, until the campaign should open; and by resolving to enterinto action with the first opportunity, render all things desperate, andbreak up the congress. 

This scheme did exactly fall in with Prince Eugene's dispositions, whomthe States had chosen for their general, and of whose conduct, in thisconjuncture, the Queen had too much reason to be jealous; but HerMajesty, who was resolved to do her utmost towards putting a good andspeedy end to this war, having placed the Duke of Ormonde at the head ofher forces in Flanders, whither he was now arrived, directed him to keepall the troops in British pay, whether subjects or foreigners, immediately under his own command; and to be cautious, for a while, inengaging in any action of importance, unless upon a very apparentadvantage. At the same time the Queen determined to make one thoroughtrial of the disposition of the States, by allowing them the utmostconcessions that could any way suit either with her safety or honour. She therefore directed her ministers at Utrecht, to tell the Dutch, "That, in order to shew how desirous she was to live in perfect amitywith that republic, she would resign up the fifteen _per cent. _, advantage upon English goods sent to the Spanish dominions, which theFrench King had offered her by a power from his grandson, [5] and becontent to reduce that trade to the state in which it was under the lateKing of Spain. She would accept of any tolerable softening of thesewords in the seventh article of the Barrier Treaty, where it is said, 'The States shall have power, in case of an apparent attack, to put asmany troops as they please into all the places of the Netherlands, 'without specifying an attack from the side of France, as ought to havebeen done; otherwise, the Queen might justly think they were preparingthemselves for a rupture with Britain. Her Majesty likewise consented, that the States should keep Nieuport, Dendermonde, and the Castle ofGhent, as an addition to their barrier, although she were sensible howinjurious those concessions would be to the trade of her subjects; andwould waive the demand of Ostend being delivered into her hands, whichshe might with justice insist on. In return for all this, that the Queenonly desired the ministers of the States would enter into a closecorrespondence with hers, and settle between them some plan of a generalpeace, which might give reasonable content to all her allies, and whichHer Majesty would endeavour to bring France to consent to. She desiredthe trade of her kingdoms to the Netherlands, and to the towns of theirbarrier, might be upon as good a foot as it was before the war began:That the Dutch would not insist to have share in the Assiento, to whichthey had not the least pretensions, and that they would no longerencourage the intrigues of a faction against her government. Her Majestyassured them in plain terms, that her own future measures, and theconduct of her plenipotentiaries, should be wholly governed by theirbehaviour in these points; and that her offers were only conditional, incase of their compliance with what she desired. "

[Footnote 5: Philip V. , King of Spain. [W. S, J. ]]

But all these proofs of the Queen's kindness and sincerity could notavail. The Dutch ministers pleaded, they had no power to concert theplan of general peace with those of Britain: however, they assured thelatter, that the Assiento was the only difficulty which stuck with theirmasters. Whereupon, at their desire, a contract for that traffic wastwice read to them; after which they appeared very well satisfied, andsaid they would go to The Hague for further instructions. Thither theywent, and, after a week's absence, returned the same answer, "That theyhad no power to settle a scheme of peace; but could only discourse ofit, when the difficulties of the Barrier Treaty were over. " And Mons. Buys took a journey to Amsterdam, on purpose to stir up that city, wherehe was pensionary, against yielding the Assiento to Britain; but wasunsuccessful in his negotiation; the point being yielded up there, andin most other towns in Holland. 

It will have an odd sound in history, and appear hardly credible, thatin several petty republics of single towns, which make up the StatesGeneral, it should be formally debated, whether the Queen of GreatBritain, who preserved the commonwealth at the charge of so manymillions, should be suffered to enjoy, after a peace, the libertygranted her by Spain of selling African slaves in the Spanish dominionsof America! But there was a prevailing faction at The Hague, violentlybent against any peace, where the Queen must act that part which theyhad intended for themselves. These politicians, who held constantcorrespondence with their old dejected friends in England, were dailyfed with the vain hopes of the Queen's death, or the party'srestoration. They likewise endeavoured to spin out the time, till PrinceEugene's activity had pushed on some great event, which might govern orperplex the conditions of peace. Therefore the Dutch plenipotentiaries, who proceeded by the instructions of those mistaken patriots, acted inevery point with a spirit of litigiousness, than which nothing couldgive greater advantage to the enemy; a strict union between the allies, but especially Britain and Holland, being doubtless the only means forprocuring safe and honourable terms from France. 

But neither was this the worst; for the Queen received undoubtedintelligence from Utrecht, that the Dutch were again attempting aseparate correspondence with France. And by letters, intercepted here, from Vienna, it was found, that the imperial court, whose ministers werein the utmost confidence with those of Holland, expressed the mostfurious rage against Her Majesty, for the steps she had taken to advancea peace. 

This unjustifiable treatment, the Queen could not digest from an ally, upon whom she had conferred so many signal obligations, whom she hadused with so much indulgence and sincerity during the whole course ofthe negotiation, and had so often invited to go along with her in everymotion towards a peace. She apprehended likewise, that the negotiationmight be taken out of her hands, if France could be secure of easierconditions in Holland, or might think that Britain wanted power toinfluence the whole confederacy. She resolved therefore, on thisoccasion, to exert herself with vigour, steadiness, and dispatch; and, in the beginning of May, sent her commands to the Earl of Strafford torepair immediately to England, in order to consult with her ministerswhat was proper to be done. 

The proposal above mentioned, for preventing the union of France andSpain, met with many difficulties; Mons. De Torcy raising objectionsagainst several parts of it. But the Queen refused to proceed anyfarther with France, until this weighty point were fully settled to hersatisfaction; after which, she promised to grant a suspension of arms, provided the town and citadel of Dunkirk might be delivered as a pledgeinto her hands: and proposed that Ypres might be surrendered to theDutch, if they would consent to come into the suspension. Franceabsolutely refused the latter; and the States General having acted inperpetual contradiction to Her Majesty, she pressed that matter nofarther; because she doubted they would not agree to a cessation ofarms. However, she resolved to put a speedy end, or at leastintermission, to her own share in the war: and the French havingdeclared themselves ready to agree to her expedients, for preventing theunion of the two crowns, and consented to the delivery of Dunkirk;positive orders were sent to the Duke of Ormonde to avoid engaging inany battle or siege, until he had further instructions; but he wasdirected to conceal his orders, and to find the best excuses he could, if any pressing occasion should offer. 

The reasons for this unusual proceeding, which made a mighty noise, wereof sufficient weight to justify it; for, pursuant to the agreement madebetween us and France, a courier was then dispatched from Fontainebleauto Madrid, with the offer of an alternative to Philip, either ofresigning Spain immediately to the Duke of Savoy, upon the hopes ofsucceeding to France, and some present advantage, which, not having beenaccepted, is needless to dilate on; or of adhering to Spain, andrenouncing all future claim to France for himself and his posterity. 

Until it could be known which part Philip would accept, the Queen wouldnot take possession of Dunkirk, nor suffer an armistice to be declared. But, however, since the Most Christian King had agreed that his grandsonshould be forced, in case of a refusal, to make his choice immediately, Her Majesty could not endure to think, that perhaps some thousands oflives of her own subjects and allies might be sacrificed, withoutnecessity, if an occasion should be found or sought for fighting abattle; which, she very well knew, Prince Eugene would eagerly attempt, and put all into confusion, to gratify his own ambition, the enmity ofhis new masters the Dutch, and the rage of his court. 

But the Duke of Ormonde, who, with every other quality that canaccomplish or adorn a great man, inherits all the valour and loyalty ofhis ancestors, found it very difficult to acquit himself of hiscommission;[6] for Prince Eugene, and all the field deputies of theStates, had begun already to talk either of attacking the enemy, orbesieging Quesnoy, the confederate army being now all joined by thetroops they expected; and accordingly, about three days after the Dukehad received those orders from court, it was proposed to his grace, at ameeting with the prince and deputies, that the French army should beattacked, their camp having been viewed, and a great opportunityoffering to do it with success; for the Marechal de Villars, who hadnotice sent him by Mons. De Torcy of what was passing, and had signifiedthe same by a trumpet to the Duke, shewed less vigilance than was usualto that general, taking no precautions to secure his camp, or observethe motions of the allies, probably on purpose to provoke them, the Dukesaid, "That the Earl of Strafford's sudden departure for England, madehim believe there was something of consequence now transacting, whichwould be known in four or five days; and therefore desired they woulddefer this or any other undertaking, until he could receive freshletters from England. " Whereupon the prince and deputies immediatelytold the Duke, "That they looked for such an answer as he had giventhem: That they had suspected our measures for some time, and theirsuspicions were confirmed by the express his grace had so latelyreceived, as well as by the negligence of Mons. Villars". They appearedextremely dissatisfied; and the deputies told the Duke, that they wouldimmediately send an account of his answer to their masters, which theyaccordingly did; and soon after, by order from the States, wrote him anexpostulating letter, in a style less respectful than became them;desiring him, among other things, to explain himself, whether he hadpositive orders not to fight the French; and afterwards told him, "Theywere sure he had such orders, otherwise he could not answer what he haddone. " But the Duke still waived the question, saying, "he would be gladto have letters from England, before he entered upon action, and that heexpected them daily. "

[Footnote 6: For an estimate of Ormonde's character see Swift's "Enquiryinto the Behaviour of the Queen's Last Ministry, " vol. V. Of presentedition (pp. 428-430). Ormonde had done very little to deservesucceeding such a soldier as Marlborough. Indeed, his name wasassociated with the disgraceful expedition to Cadiz, in which he was incommand of the English troops. [T. S. ]]

Upon this incident, the ministers and generals of the allies immediatelytook the alarm, venting their fury in violent expressions against theQueen, and those she employed in her councils: said, they were betrayedby Britain, and assumed the countenance of those who think they havereceived an injury, and are disposed to return it. 

The Duke of Ormonde's army consisted of eighteen thousand of HerMajesty's subjects, and about thirty thousand hired from other princes, either wholly by the Queen, or jointly by her and the States. The Dukeimmediately informed the court of the dispositions he found among theforeign generals upon this occasion; and that, upon an exigency, hecould only depend on the British troops adhering to him; those ofHanover having already determined to desert to the Dutch, and temptedthe Danes to do the like, and that he had reason to suppose the same ofthe rest. 

Upon the news arriving at Utrecht, that the Duke of Ormonde had refusedto engage in any action against the enemy, the Dutch ministers therewent immediately to make their complaints to the lord privy seal;aggravating the strangeness of this proceeding, together with theconsequence of it, in the loss of a most favourable opportunity forruining the French army, and the discontent it must needs create in thewhole body of the confederates. Adding, how hard it was that they shouldbe kept in the dark, and have no communication of what was done in apoint which so nearly concerned them. They concluded, that the Duke mustneeds have acted by orders; and desired his lordship to write both tocourt, and to his grace, what they had now said. 

The bishop answered, "That he knew nothing of this fact, but what theyhad told him; and therefore was not prepared with a reply to theirrepresentations: only, in general, he could venture to say, that thiscase appeared very like the conduct of their field-deputies upon formeroccasions: That if such orders were given, they were certainly builtupon very justifiable foundations, and would soon be so explained as toconvince the States, and all the world, that the common interest wouldbe better provided for another way, than by a battle or siege: That thewant of communication which they complained of, could not make theStates so uneasy as their declining to receive it had made the Queen, who had used her utmost endeavours to persuade them to concur with herin concerting every step towards a general peace, and settling such aplan as both sides might approve and adhere to; but, to this day, theStates had not thought fit to accept those offers, or to authorize anyof their ministers to treat with Her Majesty's plenipotentiaries uponthat affair, although they had been pressed to it ever since thenegotiation began: That his lordship, to shew that he did not speak hisprivate sense alone, took this opportunity to execute the orders he hadreceived the evening before, by declaring to them, that all HerMajesty's offers for adjusting the differences between her and theStates were founded upon this express condition, That they should comeimmediately into the Queen's measures, and act openly and sincerely withher; and that, from their conduct, so directly contrary, she now lookedupon herself to be under no obligation to them. "

Mons. Buys and his colleagues were stunned with this declaration, madeto them at a time when they pretended to think the right of complainingto be on their side, and had come to the bishop upon that errand. Butafter their surprise was abated, and Buys's long reasonings at an end, they began to think how matters might be retrieved; and were of opinion, that the States should immediately dispatch a minister to England, unless his lordship were empowered to treat with them; which, withoutnew commands, he said he was not. They afterwards desired to know of thebishop, what the meaning was of the last words in his declaration, "ThatHer Majesty looked upon herself to be under no obligation to them. " Hetold them his opinion, "That as the Queen was bound by treaty to concertwith the States the conditions of a peace, so, upon their declining theconcert so frequently offered, she was acquitted of that obligation: butthat he verily believed, whatever measures Her Majesty should take, shewould always have a friendly regard to the interest of theircommonwealth; and that as their unkindness had been very unexpected anddisagreeable to Her Majesty, so their compliance would be equallypleasing. "

I have been the more circumstantial in relating this affair, because itfurnished abundance of discourse, and gave rise to many wild conjecturesand misrepresentations, as well here as in Holland, especially that partwhich concerned the Duke of Ormonde;[7] for the angry faction in theHouse of Commons, upon the first intelligence, that the Duke haddeclined to act offensively against France, in concurrence with theallies, moved for an address, wherein the Queen should be informed of"the deep concern of her Commons for the dangerous consequences to thecommon cause, which must arise from this proceeding of her general; andto beseech her, that speedy instructions might be given to the Duke toprosecute the war with vigour, in order to quiet the minds of herpeople, &c. " But a great majority was against this motion, and aresolution drawn up and presented to the Queen by the whole House of aquite contrary tenor, "That they had an entire confidence in HerMajesty's most gracious promise, to communicate to her Parliament theterms of the peace, before the same should be concluded; and that theywould support Her Majesty, in obtaining an honourable and safe peace, against all such persons, either at home or abroad, who haveendeavoured, or shall endeavour, to obstruct the same. "

[Footnote 7: This determination on the part of England to ceasehostilities at this juncture has been most severely criticized. Thematter formed, afterwards, the chief article in the impeachment ofBolingbroke, and an important article in the impeachment of Oxford. According to the "Report of the Committee of Secrecy, " and the Earl ofOxford's answer to this charge in his impeachment, it seems as if St. John had instructed Ormonde so to act, without in any way consulting thecouncil, and apparently purposely concealing the fact from hiscolleagues. Mr. Walter Sichel, however, in a note on p. 380 of his"Bolingbroke and his Times, " clearly traces the order to the desire ofthe Queen herself, and in his text lays on the Queen the blame that wasvisited on the heads of her ministers. See also note on p. 156. [T. S. ]]

The courier sent with the alternative to Spain was now returned, with anaccount that Philip had chosen to renounce France for himself and hisposterity, whereof the Queen having received notice, Her Majesty, uponthe sixth of June, in a long speech to both Houses of Parliament, laidbefore them the terms of a general peace, stipulated between her andFrance. This speech, being the plan whereby both France and the allieshave been obliged to proceed in the subsequent course of the treaty, Ishall desire the reader's leave to insert it at length, although Ibelieve it hath been already in most hands. [7]

[Footnote 7: This speech was printed by John Baskett, 1712. [W. S. J. ]]

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, "The making peace and war is the undoubted prerogative of the crown; yetsuch is the just confidence I place in you, that at the opening of thissession, I acquainted you that a negotiation for a general peace wasbegun; and afterwards, by messages, I promised to communicate to you theterms of peace, before the same should be concluded. 

"In pursuance of that promise, I now come to let you know upon whatterms a general peace may be made. 

"I need not mention the difficulties which arise from the very nature ofthis affair; and it is but too apparent, that these difficulties havebeen increased by other obstructions, artfully contrived to hinder thisgreat and good work. 

"Nothing, however, has moved me from steadily pursuing, in the firstplace, the true interests of my own kingdoms, and I have not omitted anything, which might procure to all our allies what is due to them bytreaties, and what is necessary for their security. 

"The assuring of the Protestant succession, as by law established in theHouse of Hanover, to these kingdoms; being what I have nearest at heart, particular care is taken not only to have that acknowledged in thestrongest terms, but to have an additional security, by the removal ofthat person out of the dominions of France, who has pretended to disturbthis settlement. 

"The apprehension that Spain and the West Indies might be united toFrance, was the chief inducement to begin this war; and the effectualpreventing of such an union, was the principle I laid down at thecommencement of this treaty. Former examples, and the late negotiations, sufficiently shew how difficult it is to find means to accomplish thiswork. I would not content myself with such as are speculative, or dependon treaties only: I insisted on what was solid, and to have at hand thepower of executing what should be agreed. 

"I can therefore now tell you, that France at last is brought to offer, that the Duke of Anjou shall, for himself and his descendants, renouncefor ever all claim to the crown of France; and that this importantarticle may be exposed to no hazard, the performance is to accompany thepromise. 

"At the same time the succession to the crown of France is to bedeclared, after the death of the present dauphin and his sons, to be inthe Duke of Berry and his sons, in the Duke of Orleans and his sons, andso on to the rest of the House of Bourbon. 

"As to Spain and the Indies, the succession to those dominions, afterthe Duke of Anjou and his children, is to descend to such prince asshall be agreed upon at the treaty, for ever excluding the rest of theHouse of Bourbon. 

"For confirming the renunciations and settlements before mentioned, itis further offered, that they should be ratified in the most strong andsolemn manner, both in France and Spain; and that those kingdoms, aswell as all the other powers engaged in the present war, shall beguarantees to the same. 

"The nature of this proposal is such, that it executes itself: theinterest of Spain is to support it; and in France, the persons to whomthat succession is to belong, will be ready and powerful enough tovindicate their own right. 

"France and Spain are now more effectually divided than ever. And thus, by the blessing of God, will a real balance of power be fixed in Europe, and remain liable to as few accidents as human affairs can be exemptedfrom. 

"A treaty of commerce between these kingdoms and France has been enteredupon; but the excessive duties laid on some goods, and the prohibitionsof others, make it impossible to finish this work so soon as were to bedesired. Care is however taken to establish a method of settling thismatter; and in the mean time provision is made, that the same privilegesand advantages, as shall be granted to any other nation by France, shallbe granted in like manner to us. 

"The division of the Island of St. Christopher, between us and theFrench, having been the cause of great inconveniency and damage to mysubjects, I have demanded to have an absolute cession made to me of thatwhole island, and France agrees to this demand. 

"Our interest is so deeply concerned in the trade of North America, thatI have used my utmost endeavours to adjust that article in the mostbeneficial manner. France consents to restore to us the whole Bay andStraits of Hudson, to deliver up the Island of Newfoundland, withPlacentia; and to make an absolute cession of Annapolis, with the restof Nova Scotia, or Acadie. 

"The safety of our home trade will be better provided for, by thedemolition of Dunkirk. 

"Our Mediterranean trade, and the British interest and influence inthose parts, will be secured by the possession of Gibraltar and PortMahon, with the whole island of Minorca, which are offered to remain inmy hands. 

"The trade to Spain and to the West Indies may in general be settled, asit was in the time of the late King of Spain, Charles the Second; and aparticular provision be made, that all advantages, rights, orprivileges, which have been granted, or which may hereafter be granted, by Spain to any other nation, shall be in like manner granted to thesubjects of Great Britain. 

"But the part which we have borne in the prosecution of this war, entitling us to some distinction in the terms of peace, I have insisted, and obtained, that the Assiento, or contract for furnishing the SpanishWest Indies with negroes, shall be made with us for the term of thirtyyears, in the same manner as it has been enjoyed by the French for tenyears past. 

"I have not taken upon me to determine the interests of ourconfederates; these must be adjusted in the congress at Utrecht, wheremy best endeavours shall be employed, as they have hitherto constantlybeen, to procure to every one of them all just and reasonablesatisfaction. In the mean time, I think it proper to acquaint you, thatFrance offers to make the Rhine the barrier of the empire; to yieldBrissac, the fort of Kehl, and Landau, and to raze all the fortresses, both on the other side of the Rhine, and in that river. 

"As to the Protestant interest in Germany, there will be on the part ofFrance no objection to the resettling thereof, on the foot of the treatyof Westphalia. 

"The Spanish Low Countries may go to his Imperial Majesty: the kingdomsof Naples and Sardinia, the duchy of Milan, and the places belonging toSpain on the coast of Tuscany, may likewise be yielded by the treaty ofpeace to the Emperor. 

"As to the kingdom of Sicily, though there remains no dispute concerningthe cession of it by the Duke of Anjou, yet the disposition thereof isnot yet determined. 

"The interests of the States General, with respect to commerce, areagreed to, as they have been demanded by their own ministers, with theexception only of some very few species of merchandise; and the entirebarrier, as demanded by the States in one thousand seven hundred andnine from France, except two or three places at most. 

"As to these exceptions, several expedients are proposed; and I make nodoubt but this barrier may be so settled, as to render that republicperfectly secure against any enterprise on the part of France; which isthe foundation of all my engagements upon this head with the States. 

"The demands of Portugal depending on the disposition of Spain, and thatarticle having been long in dispute, it has not been yet possible tomake any considerable progress therein; but my plenipotentiaries willnow have an opportunity to assist that king in his pretensions. 

"Those of the King of Prussia are such as, I hope, will admit of littledifficulty on the part of France; and my utmost endeavours shall not bewanting to procure all I am able to so good an ally. 

"The difference between the barrier demanded for the Duke of Savoy inone thousand seven hundred and nine, and the offers now made by France, is very inconsiderable: but that prince having so signally distinguishedhimself in the service of the common cause, I am endeavouring to procurefor him still farther advantages. 

"France has consented, that the Elector Palatine shall continue hispresent rank among the electors, and remain in possession of the UpperPalatinate. 

"The electoral dignity is likewise acknowledged in the House of Hanover, according to the article inserted at that prince's desire in my demands. 

"And as to the rest of the allies, I make no doubt of being able tosecure their several interests. 

 * * * * *

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, "I have now communicated to you, not only the terms of peace, which may, by the future treaty, be obtained for my own subjects; but likewise theproposals of France, for satisfying our allies. 

"The former are such as I have reason to expect, to make my people someamends for that great and unequal burden which they have lain under, through the whole course of this war; and I am willing to hope, thatnone of our confederates, and especially those to whom so greataccessions of dominion and power are to accrue by this peace, will envyBritain her share in the glory and advantage of it. 

"The latter are not yet so perfectly adjusted, as a little more timemight have rendered them; but the season of the year making it necessaryto put an end to this session, I resolved no longer to defercommunicating these matters to you. 

"I can make no doubt but you are all fully persuaded, that nothing willbe neglected on my part, in the progress of this negotiation, to bringthe peace to an happy and speedy issue; and I depend on your entireconfidence in me, and your cheerful concurrence with me. "

The discontented party in the House of Commons, finding the torrentagainst them not to be stemmed, suspended their opposition; by whichmeans an address was voted, _nemine contradicente_, to acknowledge HerMajesty's condescension, to express their satisfaction in what she hadalready done, and to desire she would please to proceed with the presentnegotiations for obtaining a speedy peace. 

During these transactions at home, the Duke of Ormonde[8] was in a veryuneasy situation at the army, employed in practising those arts whichperhaps are fitter for a subtle negotiator than a great commander. [9]But as he had always proved his obedience, where courage or conductcould be of use; so the duty he professed to his prince, made him submitto continue in a state of inactivity at the head of his troops, howevercontrary to his nature, if it were for Her Majesty's service. He hadsent early notice to the ministers, that he could not depend upon theforeign forces in the Queen's pay, and he now found some attempts werealready begun to seduce them. 

[Footnote 8: James Butler, Duke of Ormonde, succeeded his grandfather inthat title in July, 1688, was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 1703, andagain in 1710. He succeeded the Duke of Marlborough as captain general, and had the first regiment of Guards. Bishop Burnet says, "he had thesame allowances that had been lately voted criminal in the Duke ofMarlborough. " ("History, " vol. Ii. , p. 602). [N. ]]

[Footnote 9: Bolingbroke had written a letter to Ormonde (dated May10th, 1712) in which he informed the commander-in-chief that it was the"Queen's positive command to your Grace, that you avoid engaging in anysiege or hazarding a battle till you have farther orders from HerMajesty. " How to do this with dignity was not an easy matter. Thecontinuation of this letter from Bolingbroke suggested the spirit, though it left to Ormonde the details of his procedure in so delicate asituation: "I am, at the same time, directed to let your Grace know thatthe Queen would have you disguise the receipt of this order; and herMajesty thinks that you cannot want pretences for conducting yourself soas to answer her ends, without owning that which might at present havean ill effect if it was publicly known. " (Bolingbroke, "Correspondence, "ii. 320). This is what Swift means by being: "employed in practicingthose arts which perhaps are fitter for a subtle negotiator than a greatcommander. " [T. S. ]]

While the courier was expected from Madrid, the Duke had orders toinform the Maréchal de Villars of the true state of this affair; andthat his grace would have decisive orders in three or four days. In themean time, he desired the marechal would not oblige him to come to anyaction, either to defend himself, or to join with Prince Eugene's army;which he must necessarily do, if the prince were attacked. 

When the courier was arrived with the account, that Philip had chosen toaccept of Spain, Her Majesty had proposed to France a suspension of armsfor two months (to be prolonged to three or four), between the armiesnow in Flanders, upon the following conditions:

"That, during the suspension, endeavours should be used for concluding ageneral peace; or, at least, the article for preventing the union ofFrance and Spain, should be punctually executed by Philip's renouncingFrance, for himself and his posterity; and the princes of Bourbon, inlike manner, renouncing Spain: and that the town, citadel, and forts ofDunkirk, should be immediately delivered into the Queen's hands. " HerMajesty at the same time endeavoured to get Cambray for the Dutch, provided they would come into the suspension. But this was absolutelyrejected by France; which that court would never have ventured to do, ifthose allies could have been prevailed on to have acted with sincerityand openness in concert with Her Majesty, as her plenipotentiaries hadalways desired. However, the Queen promised, that, if the States wouldyield to a suspension of arms, they should have some valuable pledge putinto their possession. 

But now fresh intelligence daily arrived, both from Utrecht and thearmy, of attempts to make the troops in Her Majesty's pay desert herservice; and a design even of seizing the British forces, was whisperedabout, and with reason suspected. 

When the Queen's speech was published in Holland, the lord privy sealtold the Dutch ministers at Utrecht, "That what Her Majesty had laidbefore her Parliament could not, according to the rules of treaty, belooked on as the utmost of what France would yield in the course of anegotiation; but only the utmost of what that crown would propose, inorder to form the plan of a peace: That these conditions would certainlyhave been better, if the States had thought fit to have gone hand inhand with Her Majesty, as she had so frequently exhorted them to do:That nothing but the want of harmony among the allies had spirited theFrench to stand out so long: That the Queen would do them all the goodoffices in her power, if they thought fit to comply; and did not doubtof getting them reasonable satisfaction, both in relation to theirbarrier and their trade. " But this reasoning made no impression: theDutch ministers said, the Queen's speech had deprived them of the fruitsof the war. They were in pain, lest Lille and Tournay might be two ofthe towns to be excepted out of their barrier. The rest of the alliesgrew angry, by the example of the Dutch. The populace in Holland beganto be inflamed: they publicly talked, that Britain had betrayed them. Sermons were preached in several towns of their provinces, whether bydirection or connivance, filled with the highest instances of disrespectto Her Britannic Majesty, whom they charged as a papist, and an enemy totheir country. The lord privy seal himself believed somethingextraordinary was in agitation, and that his own person was in dangerfrom the fury of the people. 

It is certain, that the States appeared but a few days before very muchdisposed to comply with the measures the Queen had taken, and would haveconsented to a general armistice, if Count Zinzendorf, one of theplenipotentiaries for the Emperor, had not, by direct orders from hiscourt, employed himself in sowing jealousies between Britain and theStates; and at the same time made prodigious offers to the latter, aswell as to the ministers of Prussia, the Palatinate, and Hanover, forcontinuing the war. That those three electors, who contributed nothing, except bodies of men in return of pay and subsidies, should readilyaccept the proposals of the Emperor, is easy to be accounted for. Whatappears hardly credible is, that a grave republic, usually cautiousenough in making their bargains, should venture to reject the thoughtsof a peace upon the promises of the House of Austria, the littlevalidity whereof they had so long experienced; and especially when theycounted upon losing the support of Britain, their most powerful ally;but the false hopes given them by their friends in England of some newchange in their favour, or an imagination of bringing France to betterterms by the appearance of resolution, added to the weakness orcorruption of some, who administered their affairs, were the true causeswhich first created, and afterwards inflamed, this untractable temperamong them. 

The Dutch ministers were wholly disconcerted and surprised, when thelord privy seal told them, "That a suspension of arms in the Netherlandswould be necessary; and that the Duke of Ormonde intended very soon todeclare it after he had taken possession of Dunkirk. " But his lordshipendeavoured to convince them, that this incident ought rather to be amotive for hastening the States into a compliance with Her Majesty. Helikewise communicated to the ministers of the allies the offers made byFrance, as delivered in the speech from the throne, which Her Majestythought to be satisfactory, and hoped their masters would concur withher in bringing the peace to a speedy conclusion, wherein each, inparticular, might be assured of her best offices for advancing theirjust pretensions. 

In the mean time the Duke of Ormonde was directed to send a body oftroops to take possession of Dunkirk, as soon as he should have noticefrom the Maréchal de Villars, that the commandant of the town hadreceived orders from his court to deliver it; but the Duke foresaw manydifficulties in the executing of this commission. He could trust such anenterprise to no forces, except those of Her Majesty's own subjects. Heconsidered the temper of the States in this conjuncture, and was loth todivide a small body of men, upon whose faithfulness alone he coulddepend. He thought it not prudent to expose them to march through theenemy's country, with whom there was yet neither peace nor truce; and hehad sufficient reasons to apprehend, that the Dutch would either notpermit such a detachment to pass through their towns (as themselves hadmore than hinted to him) or would seize them as they passed: besides, the Duke had very fairly signified to Maréchal de Villars, that heexpected to be deserted by all the foreign troops in Her Majesty's pay, as soon as the armistice should be declared; at which the maréchalappearing extremely disappointed, said, "The King his master reckoned, that all the troops under his grace's command should yield to thecessation; and wondered how it should come to pass, that those who mightbe paid for lying still, would rather choose, after a ten years' war, toenter into the service of new masters, under whom they must fight on fornothing. " In short, the opinion of Mons. Villars was, that thisdifficulty cancelled the promise of surrendering Dunkirk; whichtherefore he opposed as much as possible, in the letters he writ to hiscourt. 

Upon the Duke of Ormonde's representing those difficulties, the Queenaltered her measures, and ordered forces to be sent from England to takepossession of Dunkirk. The Duke was likewise commanded to tell theforeign generals in Her Majesty's service, how highly she would resenttheir desertion; after which, their masters must give up all thoughts ofany arrears, either of pay or subsidy. The lord privy seal spoke thesame language at Utrecht, to the several ministers of the allies; as Mr. Secretary St. John did to those who resided here; adding, "That theproceeding of the foreign troops would be looked upon as a declarationfor or against Her Majesty: and that, in case they desert her service, she would look on herself as justified, before God and man, to continueher negotiation at Utrecht, or any other place, whether the alliesconcur or not. " And particularly the Dutch were assured, "That if theirmasters seduced the forces hired by the Queen, they must take the wholepay, arrears, and subsidies on themselves. "[10]

[Footnote 10: Compare this language of Bishop Robinson with the letterBolingbroke had previously written to Thomas Harley (letter of May 17, 1712): "On the report which my Lord Strafford, who arrived here the daybefore yesterday, has made by word of mouth, as well as upon thecontents of the latter dispatches from Utrecht, her Majesty is fullydetermined to let all negotiations sleep in Holland; since they haveneither sense, nor gratitude, nor spirit enough to make a suitablereturn to the offers lately sent by the Queen, and communicated by theplenipotentiaries, her Majesty will look on herself as under noobligation towards them, but proceed to make the peace either with orwithout them. "

When the States-General addressed a complaint to the Queen of the mannerin which England was deserting them, Bolingbroke had their letterformally condemned by a resolution of the House of Commons. He wasdetermined to bring this peace about, and the Dutch might "kick andflounce like wild beasts caught in a toil; yet the cords are too strongfor them to break. " (Report from the Committee of Secrecy. ) [T. S. ]]

The Earl of Strafford, preparing about this time to return to Utrecht, with instructions proper to the present situation of affairs, went firstto the army, and there informed the Duke of Ormonde of Her Majesty'sintentions. He also acquainted the States deputies with the Queen'suneasiness, lest, by the measures they were taking, they should driveher to extremities, which she desired so much to avoid. He fartherrepresented to them, in the plainest terms, the provocations Her Majestyhad received, and the grounds and reasons for her present conduct. Helikewise declared to the commanders in chief of the foreign troops, inthe Queen's pay, and in the joint pay of Britain and the States, withhow much surprise Her Majesty had heard, "That there was the least doubtof their obeying the orders of the Duke of Ormonde; which if theyrefused, Her Majesty would esteem it not only as an indignity andaffront, but as a declaration against her; and, in such a case, theymust look on themselves as no farther entitled either to any arrear, orfuture pay or subsidies. "

Six regiments, under the command of Mr. Hill, [11] were now preparing toembark, in order to take possession of Dunkirk; and the Duke of Ormonde, upon the first intelligence sent him, that the French were ready todeliver the town, was to declare he could act no longer against France. The Queen gave notice immediately of her proceedings to the States. Shelet them plainly know, "That their perpetual caballing with her factioussubjects, against her authority, had forced her into such measures, asotherwise she would not have engaged in. However, Her Majesty waswilling yet to forget all that had passed, and to unite with them in thestrictest ties of amity, which she hoped they would now do; since theycould not but be convinced, by the late dutiful addresses of bothHouses, how far their High Mightinesses had been deluded, and drawn inas instruments to serve the turn, and gratify the passions, of adisaffected party: That their opposition, and want of concert with HerMajesty's ministers, which she had so often invited them to, hadencouraged France to except towns out of their barrier, which otherwisemight have been yielded: That, however, she had not precluded them, orany other ally, from demanding more; and even her own terms were butconditional, upon supposition of a general peace to ensue: That HerMajesty resolved to act upon the plan laid down in her speech;" and sherepeated the promise of her best offices to promote the interest of theStates, if they would deal sincerely with her. 

[Footnote 11: John Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham. It is not difficult toguess at the reason for this appointment. Here was a chance for JackHill to achieve some glory and wipe away the disgrace of the ill-starredQuebec expedition. As there was also no danger attached to theenterprise, all the more likely that he would succeed. Hill sailed withAdmiral Sir John Leake and took peaceable possession of the town andforts. For this he was appointed Governor of Dunkirk, and while there hesent Swift a gold snuff-box as a present, "the finest that ever yousaw, " as Swift wrote to Stella: See also vol. V. , p. 80, of thisedition. [T. S. ]]

Some days before the Duke of Ormonde had notice, that orders were givenfor the surrender of Dunkirk, Prince Eugene of Savoy sent for thegenerals of the allies, and asked them severally, whether, in case thearmies separated, they would march with him, or stay with the Duke? Allof them, except two, who commanded but small bodies, agreed to join withthe prince; who thereupon, about three days after, sent the Duke word, that he intended to march the following day (as it was supposed) tobesiege Landrecies. The Duke returned an answer, "That he was surprisedat the prince's message, there having been not the least previousconcert with him, nor any mention in the message, which way, or uponwhat design, the march was intended: therefore, that the Duke could notresolve to march with him; much less could the prince expect assistancefrom the Queen's army, in any design undertaken after this manner. " TheDuke told this beforehand, that he (the prince) might take his measuresaccordingly, and not attribute to Her Majesty's general any misfortunethat might happen. 

On the sixteenth of July, N. S. The several generals of the allies joinedPrince Eugene's army, and began their march, after taking leave of theDuke and the Earl of Strafford, whose expostulations could not prevailon them to stay; although the latter assured them, that the Queen hadmade neither peace nor truce with France, and that her forces would nowbe left exposed to the enemy. 

The next day after this famous desertion, the Duke of Ormonde received aletter from Mons. De Villars, with an account, that the town and citadelof Dunkirk should be delivered to Mr. Hill. Whereupon a cessation ofarms was declared, by sound of trumpet, at the head of the British army;which now consisted only of about eighteen thousand men, all of HerMajesty's subjects, except the Holsteiners, and Count Wallis'sdragoons. [12] With this small body of men the general began his march;and, pursuant to orders from court, retired towards the sea, in themanner he thought most convenient for the Queen's service. When he cameas far as Flines, he was told by some of his officers, that thecommandants of Bouchain, Douay, Lille, and Tournay, had refused thempassage through those towns, or even liberty of entrance, and said itwas by order of their masters. [13] The Duke immediately recollected, that when the deputies first heard of his resolution to withdraw histroops, they told him, they hoped he did not intend to march through anyof their towns. This made him conclude, that the orders must be general, and that his army would certainly meet with the same treatment which hisofficers had done. He had likewise, before the armies separated, received information of some designs that concerned the safety, or atleast the freedom of his own person, and (which he much more valued)that of those few British troops entrusted to his care. No general wasever more truly or deservedly beloved by his soldiers, who, to a man, were prepared to sacrifice their lives in his service; and whoseresentments were raised to the utmost, by the ingratitude, as theytermed it, of their deserters. 

[Footnote 12: Barner, who commanded the troops of Holstein, being twobattalions and eight squadrons, and Walef or Waless, who commanded thedragoons of Liège, both followed Ormonde. [S. ]]

[Footnote 13: At Bouchain, the British officers were told at the gates, that the commandant had positive orders to let no Englishman into thetown; and at Douay, where the English had large stores and magazines, the same thing happened with considerable aggravation. Indeed, it waswith difficulty and precaution that the commandant of the latter townwould permit the body of an English colonel to be interred there. Thesame difficulties occurred at Tournay, Oudenarde, and Lille; and theDuke of Ormonde having sent an officer express to England on the 17th, he was stopped and interrupted at Haspre, misguided at Courtray, andrefused admission at Bruges. (See "The Conduct of his Grace the Duke ofOrmonde, in the Campagne of 1712, " 1715, pp. 46-50. ) [S. ]]

Upon these provocations, he laid aside all thoughts of returning toDunkirk, and began to consider how he might perform, in so difficult aconjuncture, something important to the Queen, and at the same time finda secure retreat for his forces. He formed his plan withoutcommunicating it to any person whatsoever; and the disposition of thearmy being to march towards Warneton, in the way to Dunkirk, he gavesudden orders to Lieutenant-General Cadogan to change his route, according to the military phrase, and move towards Orchies, a townleading directly to Ghent. 

When Prince Eugene and the States deputies received news of the Duke'smotions, they were alarmed to the utmost degree, and sent Count Nassau, of Woudenbourg, to the general's camp near Orchies, to excuse what hadbeen done, and to assure his grace, that those commandants, who hadrefused passage to his officers, had acted wholly without orders. CountHompesch, one of the Dutch generals, came likewise to the Duke with thesame story; but all this made little impression on the general, who heldon his march, and on the twenty-third of July, N. S. , entered Ghent, where he was received with great submission by the inhabitants, and tookpossession of the town, as he likewise did of Bruges, a few days after. 

The Duke of Ormonde thought, that considering the present disposition ofthe States towards Britain, it might be necessary for the Queen to havesome pledge from that republic in her hands, as well as from France, bywhich means Her Majesty would be empowered to act the part that bestbecame her, of being mediator at least; and that while Ghent was in theQueen's hands, no provisions could pass the Scheldt or the Lys withouther permission, by which he had it in his power to starve their army. The possession of these towns might likewise teach the Dutch andImperialists, to preserve a degree of decency and civility to HerMajesty, which both of them were upon some occasions too apt to forget:and besides, there was already in the town of Ghent, a battalion ofBritish troops and a detachment of five hundred men in the citadel, together with a great quantity of ammunition stores for the service ofthe war, which would certainly have been seized or embezzled; so that noservice could be more seasonable or useful in the present juncture thanthis, which the Queen highly approved, and left the Duke a discretionarypower to act as he thought fit on any future emergency. 

I have a little interrupted the order of time, in relating the Duke ofOrmonde's proceedings, who, after having placed a garrison at Bruges, and sent a supply of men and ammunition to Dunkirk, retired to Ghent, where he continued some months, till he had leave to return to England. 

Upon the arrival of Colonel Disney[14] at court, with an account thatMr. Hill had taken possession of Dunkirk, an universal joy spread overthe kingdom, this event being looked on as the certain forerunner of apeace: besides, the French faith was in so ill a reputation among us, that many persons, otherwise sanguine enough, could never bringthemselves to believe, that the town would be delivered, till certainintelligence came that it was actually in our hands. Neither were theministers themselves altogether at ease, or free from suspicion, whatever countenance they made; for they knew very well, that the FrenchKing had many plausible reasons to elude his promise, if he found causeto repent it. One condition of surrendering Dunkirk, being a generalarmistice of all the troops in the British pay, which Her Majesty wasnot able to perform; and upon this failure, the Maréchal de Villars (aswe have before related) endeavoured to dissuade his court from acceptingthe conditions: and in the very interval, while those difficulties wereadjusting, the Maréchal d'Uxelles, one of the French plenipotentiariesat Utrecht (whose inclinations, as well as those of his colleague Mons. Mesnager, led him to favour the States more than Britain) assured thelord privy seal, that the Dutch were then pressing to enter intoseparate measures with his master: and his lordship, in a visit to theAbbé de Polignac, observing a person to withdraw as he entered theabbé's chamber, was told by this minister, that the person he saw wasone Molo, of Amsterdam, mentioned before, a famous agent for the Stateswith France, who had been entertaining him (the abbé) upon the samesubject, but that he had refused to treat with Molo, without the privityof England. 

[Footnote 14: Colonel Disney or Desnée, called "Duke" Disney, was one ofthe members of the Brothers Club, a boon companion of Bolingbroke, and, as Swift says, "not an old man, but an old rake. " From various sourceswe gather that he was a high liver, and not very nice in his ways ofhigh living. In spite, however, of his undoubted profligacy, he musthave been a man of good nature and a kindly heart, since he receivedaffectionate record from Gay, Pope, and Swift. Mr. Walter Sichel quotesfrom "an unfinished sketch of a larger poem, " by Lady Mary WortleyMontagu, in which Disney's worst characteristics are held up toridicule. ("Bolingbroke and his Times, " pp. 288-290). Swift often refersto him in his "Journal. " [T. S. ]]

Mr. Harley, whom we mentioned above to have been sent early in thespring to Utrecht, continued longer in Holland than was at firstexpected; but having received Her Majesty's farther instructions, wasabout this time arrived at Hanover. It was the misfortune of hisElectoral Highness, to be very ill served by Mons. Bothmar, his envoyhere, who assisted at all the factious meetings of the discontentedparty, and deceived his master by a false representation of the kingdom, drawn from the opinion of those to whom he confined his conversation. There was likewise at the Elector's court a little Frenchman, withoutany merit or consequence, called Robethon, [15] who, by the assistanceand encouragement of the last ministry, had insinuated himself into somedegree of that prince's favour, which he used in giving his master theworst impressions he was able, of those whom the Queen employed in herservice; insinuating, that the present ministers were not in theinterest of his Highness's family; that their views were towards thePretender; that they were making an unsecure and dishonourable peace;that the weight of the nation was against them; and that it wasimpossible for them to preserve much longer their credit or power. 

[Footnote 15: One of the Elector's privy councillors. See note, vol. V. , p. 468. "As little a fellow as Robethon is, " wrote Bolingbroke to ThomasHarley, "I have reason to believe that most of the ill impressions whichhave been given at that court have chiefly come from him; and as I knowhim to be mercenary, I doubt not but he has found his account in thishis management. " (Bol. , "Correspondence, " vol. Ii. , p. 385). [T. S. ]]

The Earl Rivers had, in the foregoing year, been sent to Hanover, inorder to undeceive the Elector, and remove whatever prejudices might beinfused into his Highness against Her Majesty's proceedings; but itshould seem that he had no very great success in his negotiation: forsoon after his return to England, Mons. Bothmar's "Memorial" appeared inthe manner I have already related, which discovered the sentiments ofhis electoral Highness (if they were truly represented in that"Memorial") to differ not a little from those of the Queen. Mr. Harleywas therefore directed to take the first opportunity of speaking to theElector in private, to assure him, "That although Her Majesty hadthought herself justly provoked by the conduct of his minister, yet suchwas her affection for his Highness, and concern for the interests of hisfamily, that instead of showing the least mark of resentment, she hadchosen to send him (Mr. Harley) fully instructed to open her designs, and shew his Highness the real interest of Britain in the presentconjuncture. " Mr. Harley was to give the Elector a true account of whathad passed in England, during the first part of this session ofParliament; to expose to his Highness the weakness of those with whomhis minister had consulted, and under whose directions he had acted; toconvince him how much lower that faction must become, when a peaceshould be concluded, and when the natural strength of the kingdom, disencumbered from the burthen of the war, should be at liberty to exertitself; to shew him how his interest in the succession was sacrificed tothat of a party: that his Highness had been hitherto a friend to bothsides, but that the measures taken by his ministers, had tended only toset him at the head of one in opposition to the other: to explain to theElector, how fully the safety of Europe was provided for by the plan ofpeace in Her Majesty's speech; and how little reason those would appearto have, who complained the loudest of this plan, if it were comparedeither with our engagements to them when we began the war, or with theirperformances in the course of it. 

Upon this occasion Mr, Harley was to observe to the Elector, "That itshould rather be wondered at, how the Queen had brought France to offerso much, than yet to offer no more; because, as soon as ever itappeared, that Her Majesty would be at the head of this treaty, and thatthe interests of Britain were to be provided for, such endeavours wereused to break off the negotiation, as are hardly to be paralleled; andthe disunion thereby created among the allies, had given moreopportunities to the enemy, of being slow in their concessions, than anyother measures might possibly have done: That this want of concert amongthe allies, could not in any sort be imputed to the Queen, who had allalong invited them to it with the greatest earnestness, as the surestmeans to bring France to reason: That she had always, in a particularmanner, pressed the States General to come into the strictest union withher, and opened to them her intentions with the greatest freedom; butfinding, that instead of concurring with Her Majesty, they were dailycarrying on intrigues to break off the negotiation, and thereby depriveher of the advantages she might justly expect from the ensuing peace, having no other way left, she was forced to act with France as she did, by herself: That, however, the Queen had not taken upon herself todetermine the interests of the allies, who were at liberty of insistingon farther pretensions, wherein Her Majesty would not be wanting tosupport them as far as she was able, and improve the concessions alreadymade by France; in which case, a good understanding and harmony amongthe confederates, would yet be of the greatest use for making the enemymore tractable and easy. "

I have been more particular in reciting the substance of Mr. Harley'sinstructions, because it will serve as a recapitulation of what I havealready said upon this subject, and seems to set Her Majesty'sintentions, and proceedings at this time, in the clearest light. 

After the cessation of arms declared by the Duke of Ormonde, upon thedelivery of Dunkirk, the British plenipotentiaries very earnestlypressed those of Holland to come into a general armistice; for if thewhole confederacy acted in conjunction, this would certainly be the bestmeans for bringing the common enemy to reasonable terms of peace: butthe States, deluded by the boundless promises of Count Zinzendorf, andthe undertaking talent of Prince Eugene, who dreaded the conclusion ofthe war, as the period of his glory, would not hear of a cessation. Theloss of eighteen thousand Britons was not a diminution of weight in thebalance of such an ally as the Emperor, and such a general as thePrince. Besides, they looked upon themselves to be still superior toFrance in the field; and although their computation was certainly rightin point of number, yet, in my opinion, the conclusion drawn from it, was grounded upon a great mistake. I have been assured by severalpersons of our own country, and some foreigners of the first rank, bothfor skill and station in arms, that in most victories obtained in thepresent war, the British troops were ever employed in the post of dangerand honour, and usually began the attack (being allowed to be naturallymore fearless than the people of any other country), by which they werenot only an example of courage to the rest, but must be acknowledged, without partiality, to have governed the fortune of the day; since it isknown enough, how small a part of an army is generally engaged in anybattle. It may likewise be added, that nothing is of greater moment inwar than opinion. The French, by their frequent losses, which theychiefly attributed to the courage of our men, believed that a Britishgeneral, at the head of British troops, was not to be overcome; and theMaréchal de Villars was quickly sensible of the advantage he had got;for, in a very few days after the desertion of the allies, happened theEarl of Albemarle's disgrace at Denain, by a feint of the Maréchal's, and a manifest failure somewhere or other, both of courage and conducton the side of the confederates. The blame of which was equally sharedbetween Prince Eugene and the Earl; although it is certain, the Duke ofOrmonde gave the latter timely warning of his danger, observing he wasneither intrenched as he ought, nor provided with bridges sufficient forthe situation he was in, and at such a distance from the main army. [16]

[Footnote 16: It is alleged by the continuator of Rapin, that thesurprise and defeat of the confederated troops under the Earl ofAlbemarle, at Denain, was, in a great measure, owing to the Duke ofOrmonde having, in spite of all remonstrance, reclaimed and carried offcertain pontoons which had been lent to the allies. For Prince Eugenehaving received intelligence of the design against Albemarle, marched tohis succour; but the bridge having broken under the quantity of thebaggage which had been transported across the Scheldt, he could onlyremain the spectator of their misfortune. [S. ]]

The Marquis de Torcy had likewise the same sentiments, of what mightyconsequence those few British battalions were to the confederate army;since he advised his master to deliver up Dunkirk, although the Queencould not perform the condition understood, which was a cessation ofarms of all the foreign forces in her pay. 

It must be owned, that Mons. De Torcy made great merit of thisconfidence that his master placed in the Queen; and observing HerMajesty's displeasure against the Dutch, on account of their lateproceedings, endeavoured to inflame it with aggravations enough;insinuating, "That, since the States had acted so ungratefully, theQueen should let her forces join with those of France, in order tocompel the confederates to a peace. " But although this overture werevery tenderly hinted from the French court, Her Majesty heard it withthe utmost abhorrence; and ordered her secretary, Mr. St. John (createdabout this time Viscount Bolingbroke), [17] to tell Mons. De Torcy, "Thatno provocations whatever should tempt her to distress her allies; butshe would endeavour to bring them to reason by fair means, or leave themto their own conduct: That if the former should be found impracticable, she would then make her own peace, and content herself with doing theoffice of a mediator between both parties: but if the States should atany time come to a better mind, and suffer their ministers to act inconjunction with hers, she would assert their just interests to theutmost, and make no farther progress in any treaty with France, untilthose allies received all reasonable satisfaction, both as to theirbarrier and their trade. " The British plenipotentiaries were directed togive the same assurances to the Dutch ministers at Utrecht, and withalto let them know, "That the Queen was determined, by their late conduct, to make peace either with or without them; but would much rather choosethe former. "

[Footnote 17: Bolingbroke had understood that he would not lose rank onhis promotion, from which he concluded that the earldom of Bolingbroke, extinct in his family, would be revived in his favour. His indignation, however, was very keen when he was created only a Viscount. He wrote toStrafford at Utrecht, that his promotion had been a mortification tohim. "In the House of Commons, " he said, "I may say that I was at thehead of business. . .. There was, therefore, nothing to flatter myambition in removing me from thence, but giving me the title which hadbeen many years in my family, and which reverted to the Crown about ayear ago, by the death of the last of the elder house. . .. I own to youthat I felt more indignation than ever in my life I had done. " (Letterto the Earl of Strafford, July 23, 1712). [T. S. ]]

There was, however, one advantage which Her Majesty resolved to make bythis defection of her foreigners. She had been led, by the mistakenpolitics of some years past, to involve herself in several guarantieswith the princes of the north, which were, in some sort, contradictoryto one another; but this conduct of theirs wholly annulled all suchengagements, and left her at liberty to interpose in the affairs ofthose parts of Europe, in such a manner as would best serve theinterests of her own kingdoms, as well as that of the Protestantreligion, and settle a due balance of power in the north. 

The grand article for preventing the union of France and Spain, was tobe executed during a cessation of arms. But many difficulties arisingabout that, and some other points of great importance to the commoncause, which could not easily be adjusted either between the French andBritish plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, or by correspondence between Mons. De Torcy and the ministry here; the Queen took the resolution of sendingthe Lord Viscount Bolingbroke immediately to France, fully instructed inall her intentions, and authorized to negotiate every thing necessaryfor settling the treaty of peace in such a course, as might bring it toa happy and speedy conclusion. He was empowered to agree to a generalsuspension of arms, by sea and land, between Great Britain, France andSpain, to continue for four months, or until the conclusion of thepeace; provided France and Spain would previously give positiveassurances to make good the terms demanded by Her Majesty for the Dukeof Savoy, and would likewise adjust and determine the forms of theseveral renunciations to be made by both those crowns, in order toprevent their being ever united. The Lord Bolingbroke was likewiseauthorized to settle some differences relating to the Elector ofBavaria, for whose interests France was as much concerned as Her Majestywas for those of the Duke of Savoy; to explain all doubtful articleswhich particularly related to the advantages of Britain; to know thereal _ultimatum_, as it is termed, of France upon the general plan ofpeace; and lastly, to cut off all hopes from that court of ever bringingthe Queen to force her allies to a disadvantageous peace; Her Majestyresolving to impose no scheme at all upon them, or to debar them fromthe liberty of endeavouring to obtain the best conditions they could. 

The Lord Bolingbroke went to France in the beginning of August, [18] wasreceived at court with particular marks of distinction and respect; andin a very few days, by his usual address and ability, performed everypart of his commission, extremely to the Queen's content and his ownhonour. He returned to England before the end of the month; but Mr. Prior, who went along with him, was left behind, to adjust whateverdifferences might remain or arise between the two crowns. [19]

[Footnote 18: "Lord Bolingbroke and Prior set out for France lastSaturday. My lord's business is to hasten the peace before the Dutch aretoo much mauled, and hinder France from carrying the jest of beatingthem too far. " ("Journal to Stella, " August 7th, 1712. See vol. Ii. , p. 381 of present edition). The result of Bolingbroke's visit was thesigning, on August 19th, of an agreement for the suspension of arms forfour months. Torcy's reception of Bolingbroke was so managed that the_bon vivant_ peer had as pleasant a time as he could well have wished. How much influence that had on Bolingbroke we can only speculate; but itis certain that he would have made a separate peace with France, afterhis return, had Oxford been willing. See Torcy's "Mémoires" (vol. Ii. , p. 202). "Bolingbroke avoit conseillé à la Reine sa maîtresse depréférer une paix particulière à la suspension d'armes, et d'assurer auplus tôt à ses sujets la jouissance de toutes les conditions dont le Roiétoit convenu en faveur de l'Angleterre. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 19: There is a long letter from Lord Bolingbroke to Mr. Prior, on the subject of this negotiation, printed in Scott's edition of Swift, vol. Xv. , pp. 524-529. [W. S. J. ]]

In the mean time the general conferences at Utrecht, which for severalweeks had been let fall, since the delivery of Dunkirk, were nowresumed. But the Dutch still declaring against a suspension of arms, andrefusing to accept the Queen's speech as a plan to negotiate upon, therewas no progress made for some time in the great work of the peace. Whereupon the British plenipotentiaries told those of the States, "Thatif the Queen's endeavours could not procure more than the contents ofher speech, or if the French should ever fall short of what was thereoffered, the Dutch could blame none but themselves, who, by theirconduct, had rendered things difficult, that would otherwise have beeneasy. " However, Her Majesty thought it prudent to keep the States stillin hopes of her good offices, to prevent them from taking the desperatecourse of leaving themselves wholly at the mercy of France; which was anexpedient they formerly practised, and which a party among them was nowinclined to advise. 

Whilst the congress at Utrecht remained in this inactive state, theQueen proceeded to perfect that important article for preventing theunion of France and Spain. It was proposed and accepted, that Philipshould renounce France, for himself and his posterity; and that the MostChristian King, and all the princes of his blood, should, in the likemanner, renounce Spain. 

It must be confessed, that this project of renunciation lay under agreat disrepute, by the former practices of this very King, Lewis XIV. Pursuant to an absurd notion among many in that kingdom, of a divineright, annexed to proximity of blood, not to be controlled by any humanlaw. 

But it is plain, the French themselves had recourse to this method, after all their infractions of it, since the Pyrenean treaty; for thefirst dauphin, in whom the original claim was vested, renounced, forhimself and his eldest son, which opened the way to Philip Duke ofAnjou; who would however hardly have succeeded, if it had not been forthe will made in his favour by the last King, Charles II. 

It is indeed hard to reflect, with any patience, upon the unaccountablestupidity of the princes of Europe for some centuries past, who left aprobability to France of succeeding in a few ages to all theirdominions; whilst, at the same time, no alliance with that kingdom couldbe of advantage to any prince, by reason of the salique law. Should notcommon prudence have taught every sovereign in Christendom to enact asalique law, with respect to France; for want of which, it is almost amiracle, that the Bourbon family hath not possessed the universalmonarchy by right of inheritance? When the French assert a proximity ofblood gives a divine right, as some of their ministers, who ought to bemore wise or honest, have lately advanced in this very case, to thetitle of Spain; do they not, by allowing a French succession, make theirown kings usurpers? Or, if the salique law be divine, is it not ofuniversal obligation, and consequently of force, to exclude France frominheriting by daughters? Or, lastly, if that law be of humaninstitution, may it not be enacted in any state, with whatever extent orlimitation the legislature shall think fit? For the notion of anunchangeable human law is an absurdity in government, to be believedonly by ignorance, and supported by power. From hence it follows, thatthe children of the late Queen of France, although she had renounced, were as legally excluded from succeeding to Spain, as if the salique lawhad been fundamental in that kingdom; since that exclusion wasestablished by every power in Spain, which could possibly give asanction to any law there; and therefore the Duke of Anjou's title iswholly founded upon the bequest of his predecessor (which hath greatauthority in that monarchy, as it formerly had in ours), upon theconfirmation of the Cortes, and the general consent of the people. 

It is certain, the faith of princes is so frequently subservient totheir ambition, that renunciations have little validity, otherwise thanfrom the powers and parties whose interest it is to support them. Butthis renunciation, which the Queen hath exacted from the French King andhis grandson, I take to be armed with all the essential circumstancesthat can fortify such an act. For as it is necessary, for the securityof every prince in Europe, that those two great kingdoms should never beunited; so the chief among them will readily consent to be guaranteesfor preventing such a misfortune. 

Besides, this proposal (according to Her Majesty's expression in herspeech) is of such a nature, that it executes itself; because theSpaniards, who dread such an union, for every reason that can haveweight among men, took care that their king should not only renounce, inthe most solemn manner; but likewise, that the act should be framed inthe strongest terms themselves could invent, or we could furnish themwith. As to France, upon supposal of the young dauphin's dying in a fewyears, that kingdom will not be in a condition to engage in a long waragainst a powerful alliance, fortified with the addition of theSpaniards, and the party of the Duke of Berry, or whoever else shall benext claimer: and the longer the present dauphin lives, the weaker mustPhilip's interest be in France; because the princes, who are to succeedby this renunciation, will have most power and credit in the kingdom. 

The mischiefs occasioned by the want of a good understanding between theallies, especially Britain and Holland, were raised every day; theFrench taking the advantage, and raising difficulties, not only upon thegeneral plan of peace, but likewise upon the explanation of severalarticles in the projected treaty between them and Her Majesty: Theyinsisted to have Lille, as the equivalent for Dunkirk; and demandedTournay, Maubeuge, and Condé, for the two or three towns mentioned inthe Queen's speech; which the British plenipotentiaries were so far fromallowing, that they refused to confer with those of France upon thatfoot; although, at the same time, the former had fresh apprehensionsthat the Dutch, in a fit of despair, would accept whatever terms theenemy pleased to offer, and, by precipitating their own peace, preventHer Majesty from obtaining any advantages, both for her allies andherself. 

It is most certain, that the repeated losses suffered by the States, inlittle more than two months after they had withdrawn themselves from theQueen's assistance, did wholly disconcert their counsels;[20] and theirprudence (as it is usual) began to forsake them with their good fortune. They were so weak as to be still deluded by their friends in England, who continued to give them hopes of some mighty and immediate resourcefrom hence; for when the Duke of Ormonde had been about a month inGhent, he received a letter from the Maréchal de Villars, to inform him, that the Dutch generals, taken at Denain, had told the maréchalpublicly, of a sudden revolution expected in Britain; that particularlythe Earl of Albemarle and Mons. Hompesch discoursed very freely of it, and that nothing was more commonly talked of in Holland. It was thenlikewise confidently reported in Ghent, that the Queen was dead; and weall remember what rumour flew about here at the very same time, as ifHer Majesty's health were in a bad condition. 

[Footnote 20: The Dutch had been defeated at Douay, and the Allies hadsuffered reverses by the reduction of Quesnoy and Bouchain. [T. S. ]]

Whether such vain hopes as these gave spirit to the Dutch; whether theirfrequent misfortunes made them angry and sullen; whether they stillexpected to overreach us by some private stipulations with France, through the mediation of the Elector of Bavaria, as that princeafterwards gave out; or whatever else was the cause, they utterlyrefused a cessation of arms; and made not the least return to all theadvances and invitations made by Her Majesty, until the close of thecampaign. 

It was then the States first began to view their affairs in anotherlight; to consider how little the vast promises of Count Zinzendorf wereto be relied on; to be convinced that France was not disposed to breakwith Her Majesty, only to gratify their ill humour, or unreasonabledemands; to discover that their factious correspondents on this side thewater had shamefully misled them; that some of their own principal townsgrew heartily weary of the war, and backward in their loans; and, lastly, that Prince Eugene, their new general, whether his genius orfortune had left him, was not for their turn. They, therefore, directedtheir ministers at Utrecht to signify to the lord privy seal and theEarl of Strafford, "That the States were disposed to comply with HerMajesty, and to desire her good offices with France; particularly, thatTournay and Condé might be left to them as part of their barrier, without which they could not be safe: That the Elector of Bavaria mightnot be suffered to retain any town in the Netherlands, which would be asbad for Holland as if those places were in the hands of France:Therefore the States proposed, that Luxembourg, Namur, Charleroy, andNieuport, might be delivered to the Emperor. Lastly, That the Frenchmight not insist on excepting the four species of goods out of thetariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four: That if Her Majestycould prevail with France to satisfy their masters on these articles, they would be ready to submit in all the rest. "

When the Queen received an account of this good disposition in theStates General, immediately orders were sent to Mr. Prior, to inform theministers of the French court, "That Her Majesty had now some hopes ofthe Dutch complying with her measures; and therefore she resolved, asshe had always declared, whenever those allies came to themselves, notto make the peace without their reasonable satisfaction. " The difficultythat most pressed, was about the disposal of Tournay and Condé. TheDutch insisted strongly to have both, and the French were extremelyunwilling to part with either. 

The Queen judged the former would suffice, for completing the barrier ofthe States. Mr. Prior was therefore directed to press the Marquis deTorcy effectually on this head, and to terminate all that minister'sobjections, by assuring him of Her Majesty's resolutions to appearopenly on the side of the Dutch, if this demand were refused. It wasthought convenient to act in this resolute manner with France, whoselate success, against Holland, had taught the ministers of the MostChristian King to resume their old imperious manner of treating withthat republic; to which they were farther encouraged by the illunderstanding between Her Majesty and the allies. 

This appeared from the result of an idle quarrel that happened, aboutthe end of August, [21] at Utrecht, between a French and a Dutchplenipotentiary, Mons. Mesnager and Count Rechteren;[22] wherein thecourt of France demanded such abject submissions, and with so muchhaughtiness, as plainly shewed they were pleased with any occasion ofmortifying the Dutch. 

[Footnote 21: July. [S]]

[Footnote 22: See note on p. 95. [T. S. ]]

Besides, the politics of the French ran at this time very opposite tothose of Britain: They thought the ministers here durst not meet theParliament without a peace; and that, therefore, Her Majesty wouldeither force the States to comply with France, by delivering up Tournay, which was the principal point in dispute, or would finish her own peacewith France and Spain, leaving a fixed time for Holland to refuse oraccept the terms imposed on them. But the Queen, who thought the demandof Tournay by the States to be very necessary and just, was determinedto insist upon it, and to declare openly against France, rather thansuffer her ally to want a place so useful for their barrier. And Mr. Prior was ordered to signify this resolution of Her Majesty to Mons. DeTorcy, in case that minister could not be otherwise prevailed on. 

The British plenipotentiaries did likewise, at the same time, express tothose of Holland Her Majesty's great satisfaction, that the States wereat last disposed to act in confidence with her: "That she wished thisresolution had been sooner taken, since nobody had gained by the delay, but the French King; that, however, Her Majesty did not question theprocuring a safe and honourable peace, by united counsels, reasonabledemands, and prudent measures; that she would assist them in gettingwhatever was necessary to their barrier, and in settling, to theirsatisfaction, the exceptions made by France out of the tariff of onethousand six hundred and sixty-four; that no other difficulties remainedof moment to retard the peace, since the Queen had obtained Sicily forthe Duke of Savoy; and, in the settlement of the Low Countries, wouldadhere to what she delivered from the throne: That as to the empire, HerMajesty heartily wished their barrier as good as could be desired; butthat we were not now in circumstances to expect every thing exactlyaccording to the scheme of Holland: France had already offered a greatpart, and the Queen did not think the remainder worth the continuance ofthe war. "

Her Majesty conceived the peace in so much forwardness, that she thoughtfit, about this time, to nominate the Duke of Hamilton and the LordLexington for ambassadors in France and Spain, to receive therenunciations in both courts, and adjust matters of commerce. 

The duke[23] was preparing for his journey, when he was challenged to aduel[24] by the Lord Mohun, [25] a person of infamous character. Hekilled his adversary upon the spot, though he himself received a wound;and, weakened by the loss of blood, as he was leaning in the arms of hissecond, was most barbarously stabbed in the breast by Lieutenant-GeneralMacartney, [26] who was second to Lord Mohun. He died a few minutes afterin the field, and the murderer made his escape. I thought so surprisingan event might deserve barely to be related, although it be somethingforeign to my subject. 

[Footnote 23: James, Duke of Hamilton, was a gentleman of thebed-chamber to King Charles II. He succeeded his father in the title, April 18th, 1694, and was sent the same year envoy extraordinary toFrance; . .. He was killed, November 15th, 1712. [S. ]]

[Footnote 24: Swift's account of the duel is exactly agreeable to thedepositions of Colonel Hamilton before a committee of the council. [S. ]]

[Footnote 25: Charles Lord Mohun was the last offspring of a very nobleand ancient family, of which William de Mohun, who accompanied theNorman conqueror, was the first founder in England. [S. ]]

[Footnote 26: General Macartney was tried, at the King's Bench bar, forthe murder, June 13th, 1716; and the jury found him guilty ofman-slaughter. [S. ]]

The Earl of Strafford, who had come to England in May last, [27] in orderto give Her Majesty an account of the disposition of affairs in Holland, was now returning with her last instructions, to let the Dutch ministerknow, "That some points would probably meet with difficulties not to beovercome, which once might have been easily obtained: To shew what evilconsequences had already flowed from their delay and irresolution, andto entreat them to fix on some proposition, reasonable in itself, aswell as possible to be effected: That the Queen would insist upon thecession of Tournay by France, provided the States would concur infinishing the peace, without starting new objections, or insisting uponfarther points: That the French demands, in favour of the Elector ofBavaria, appeared to be such as, the Queen was of opinion, the Statesought to agree to; which were, to leave the Elector in possession ofLuxembourg, Namur, and Charleroy, subject to the terms of their barrier, until he should be restored to his electorate; and to give him thekingdom of Sardinia, to efface the stain of his degradation in theelectoral college: That the earl had brought over a project of a newTreaty of Succession and Barrier, which Her Majesty insisted the Statesshould sign, before the conclusion of the peace; the former treatyhaving been disadvantageous to her subjects, containing in it the seedsof future dissensions, and condemned by the sense of the nation. Lastly, That Her Majesty, notwithstanding all provocations, had, for the sake ofthe Dutch, and in hopes of their recovery from those false notions whichhad so long misled them, hitherto kept the negotiations open: That theoffers now made them were her last, and this the last time she wouldapply to them: That they must either agree, or expect the Queen wouldproceed immediately to conclude her treaty with France and Spain, inconjunction with such of her allies as would think fit to adhere to her. 

[Footnote 27: "Come to England in . .. Last" in original edition. Theword "May" was supplied in the edition of 1775. [W. S. J. ]]

"As to Savoy, that the Queen expected the States would concur with herin making good the advantages stipulated for that duke, and inprevailing with the Emperor to consent to an absolute neutrality inItaly, until the peace should be concluded. "

The governing party in Holland, however in appearance disposed tofinish, affected new delays, and raised many difficulties about the fourspecies of goods, which the French had excepted out of the tariff. CountZinzendorf, the Emperor's plenipotentiary, did all that was possible tokeep up this humour in the Dutch, in hopes to put them under a necessityof preparing for the next campaign; and some time after went so far inthis pursuit, that he summoned the several ministers of the empire, andtold them he had letters from his master, with orders to signify tothem, "That his Imperial Majesty resolved to begin the campaign early, with all his forces united against France; of which he desired theywould send notice to all their courts, that the several princes might beready to furnish their contingents and recruits. " At the same timeZinzendorf endeavoured to borrow two millions of florins upon thesecurity of some imperial cities; but could not succeed either amongstthe Jews or at Amsterdam. 

When the Earl of Strafford arrived at Utrecht, the lord privy seal andhe communicated to the Dutch ministers the new Treaty for a Successionand Barrier, as the Queen had ordered it to be prepared here in England, differing from the former in several points of the greatest moment, obvious to any who will be at the pains to compare them. This wasstrenuously opposed for several weeks by the plenipotentiaries of theStates; but the province of Utrecht, where the congress was held, immediately sent orders to their representatives at The Hague, todeclare their province thankful to the Queen; that they agreed the peaceshould be made on the terms proposed by France, and consented to the newprojected Treaty of Barrier and Succession: and about the close of theyear, one thousand seven hundred and twelve, four of the sevenprovinces, had delivered their opinions for putting an end to the war. 

This unusual precipitation in the States, so different from the wholetenor of their former conduct, was very much suspected by the Britishplenipotentiaries. Their Lordships had received intelligence, that theDutch ministers held frequent conferences with those of France, and hadoffered to settle their interests with that crown, without theconcurrence of Britain. Count Zinzendorf, and his colleagues, appearedlikewise, all on the sudden, to have the same dispositions, and to be ingreat haste to settle their several differences with the States. Thereasons for this proceeding were visible enough; many difficulties wereyet undetermined in the treaty of commerce between Her Majesty andFrance, for the adjusting of which, and some other points, the Queen hadlately dispatched the Duke of Shrewsbury to that court. Some of thesewere of hard digestion, with which the Most Christian King would not beunder a necessity of complying, when he had no farther occasion for us, and might, upon that account, afford better terms to the other twopowers. Besides, the Emperor and the States could very well spare HerMajesty the honour of being arbitrator of a general peace; and thelatter hoped by this means, to avoid the new Treaty of Barrier andSuccession, which we were now forcing on them. 

To prevent the consequences of this evil, there fortunately fell out anincident, which the two lords at Utrecht knew well how to make use of:the quarrel between Mons. Mesnager and Count Rechteren (formerlymentioned) had not yet been made up. The French and Dutch differing insome circumstances, about the satisfaction to be given by the count forthe affront he had offered, the British plenipotentiaries kept thisdispute on foot for several days; and, in the mean time, pressed theDutch to finish the new Treaty of Barrier and Succession between HerMajesty and them, which, about the middle of January, was concludedfully to the Queen's satisfaction. 

But while these debates and differences continued at the congress, theQueen resolved to put a speedy end to her part in the war; she thereforesent orders to the lord privy seal, and the Earl of Stafford, to prepareevery thing necessary for signing her own treaty with France. This shehoped might be done against the meeting of her Parliament, now proroguedto the third of February; in which time, those among the allies, whowere really inclined towards a peace, might settle their severalinterests by the assistance and support of Her Majesty'splenipotentiaries; and as for the rest, who would either refuse tocomply, or endeavour to protract the negotiation, the heads of theirrespective demands, which France had yielded by Her Majesty'sintervention, and agreeable to the plan laid down in her speech, shouldbe mentioned in the treaty, and a time limited for the several powersconcerned to receive or reject them. 

The Pretender was not yet gone out of France, upon some difficultiesalleged by the French, about procuring him a safe conduct to Bar-le-duc, in the Duke of Lorraine's dominions, where it was then proposed heshould reside. The Queen, altogether bent upon quieting the minds of hersubjects, declared, she would not sign the peace till that person wereremoved; although several wise men believed he could be no where lessdangerous to Britain, than in the place where he was. 

The argument which most prevailed on the States to sign the new Treatyof Barrier and Succession with Britain, was Her Majesty's promise toprocure Tournay for them from France; after which, no more differencesremained between us and that republic, and consequently they had nofarther temptations to any separate transactions with the French, whothereupon began to renew their litigious and haughty manner of treatingwith the Dutch. The satisfaction they extorted for the affront given byCount Rechteren to Mons. Mesnager, although somewhat softened by theBritish ministers at Utrecht, was yet so rigorous, that Her Majestycould not forbear signifying her resentment of it to the Most ChristianKing. Mons. Mesnager, who seemed to have more the genius of a merchantthan a minister, began, in his conferences with the plenipotentiaries ofthe States, to raise new disputes upon points which both we and they hadreckoned upon as wholly settled. The Abbé de Polignac, a mostaccomplished person, of great generosity and universal understanding, was gone to France to receive the cardinal's cap; and the Maréchald'Uxelles was wholly guided by his colleague, Mons. Mesnager, who keptup those brangles, that for a time obstructed the peace; some of whichwere against all justice, and others of small importance, both of verylittle advantage to his country, and less to the reputation of hismaster or himself. This low talent in business, which the Cardinal dePolignac used, in contempt, to call a "spirit of negotiating, " made itimpossible for the two lords plenipotentiaries, with all their abilitiesand experience, to bring Mesnager to reason, in several points both withus and the States: his concessions were few and constrained, servingonly to render him more tenacious of what he refused. In several of thetowns, which the States were to keep, he insisted that France shouldretain the chatellanies, or extent of country depending on them, particularly that of Tournay; a demand the more unjustifiable, becausehe knew his master had not only proceeded directly contrary, but haderected a court in his kingdom, where his own judges extended theterritories about those towns he had taken, as far as he pleased todirect them. Mons. Mesnager showed equal obstinacy in what his masterexpected for the Elector of Bavaria, and in refusing the tariff of onethousand six hundred and sixty-four: so that the Queen'splenipotentiaries represented these difficulties as what might be ofdangerous consequence, both to the peace in general, and to the Statesin particular, if they were not speedily prevented. 

Upon these considerations Her Majesty thought it her shortest and safestcourse to apply directly to France, where she had then so able aminister as the Duke of Shrewsbury. [28]

[Footnote 28: Shrewsbury had been appointed the Duke of Hamilton'ssuccessor. [T. S. ]]

The Marquis de Torcy, secretary to the Most Christian King, was theminister with whom the Duke was to treat, as having been the first whomoved his master to apply to the Queen for a peace, in opposition to aviolent faction in that kingdom, who were as eagerly bent to continuethe war, as any other could be either here or in Holland. 

It would be very unlike a historian, to refuse this great minister thepraise he so justly deserveth, of having treated, through the wholecourse of so great a negotiation, with the utmost candour and integrity;never once failing in any promise he made, and tempering a firm zeal tohis master's interest, with a ready compliance to what was reasonableand just. Mr. Prior, whom I have formerly mentioned, resided likewisenow at Paris, with the character of minister plenipotentiary, and wasvery acceptable to that court, upon the score of his wit and humour. [29]

[Footnote 29: P. Fitzgerald adds, "as well as useful to Her Majesty byhis knowledge and dexterity in the management of affairs. " [W. S. J. ]]

The Duke of Shrewsbury was directed to press the French court upon thepoints yet unsettled in the treaty of commerce between both crowns; tomake them drop their unreasonable demands for the Elector of Bavaria; tolet them know, that the Queen was resolved not to forsake her allies whowere now ready to come in; that she thought the best way of hasteningthe general peace, was to determine her own particular one with France, until which time she could not conveniently suffer her Parliament tomeet. 

The States were, by this time, so fully convinced of the Queen'ssincerity and affection to their republic, and how much they had beendeceived by the insinuations of the factious party in England, that theywrote a very humble letter to Her Majesty, to desire her assistancetowards settling those points they had in dispute with France, andprofessing themselves ready to acquiesce in whatever explanation HerMajesty would please to make of the plan proposed in her speech to theParliament. 

But the Queen had already prevented their desires; and in the beginningof February, one thousand seven hundred and twelve-thirteen, directedthe Duke of Shrewsbury to inform the French court, "That since she hadprevailed on her allies, the Dutch, to drop the demand of Condé, and theother of the four species of goods, which the French had excepted out ofthe tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four, she would notsign without them: That she approved of the Dutch insisting to have thechatellanies restored, with the towns, and was resolved to stand or fallwith them, until they were satisfied in this point. "

Her Majesty had some apprehensions, that the French created thesedifficulties on purpose to spin out the treaty, until the campaignshould begin. They thought it absolutely necessary, that our Parliamentshould meet in a few weeks, which could not well be ventured, until theQueen were able to tell both Houses, that her own peace was signed: Thatthis would not only facilitate what remained in difference betweenBritain and France, but leave the Dutch entirely at the mercy of thelatter. 

The Queen, weary of these refined mistakes in the French politics, andfully resolved to be trifled with no longer, sent her determinate ordersto the Duke of Shrewsbury, to let France know, "That Her Majesty hadhitherto prorogued her Parliament, in hopes of accommodating thedifficulties in her own treaties of peace and commerce with that crown, as well as settling the interests of her several allies; or, at least, that the differences in the former being removed, the Most ChristianKing would have made such offers for the latter, as might justify HerMajesty in signing her own peace, whether the confederates intended tosign theirs or no. But several points being yet unfinished between bothcrowns, and others between France and the rest of the allies, especiallythe States, to which the plenipotentiaries of that court at Utrecht hadnot thought fit to give satisfaction; the Queen was now come to a finaldetermination, both with relation to her own kingdoms, and to the wholealliance: That the campaign approaching, she would not willingly besurprised in case the war was to go on: That she had transmitted to theDuke of Shrewsbury her last resolutions, and never would be prevailed onto reduce her own demands, or those of her allies, any lower than thescheme now sent over, as an explanation of the plan laid down in herspeech: That Her Majesty had sent orders to her plenipotentiaries atUtrecht, to assume the character of ambassadors, and sign the peaceimmediately with the ministers of the Most Christian King, as soon asthe Duke of Shrewsbury should have sent them notice that the French hadcomplied: That the Queen had therefore farther prorogued her Parliamentto the third of March, in hopes to assure them, by that time, of herpeace being agreed on; for if the two Houses should meet, while anyuncertainty remained, supplies must be asked as for a war. "

The Duke of Shrewsbury[30] executed this important commission with thatspeed and success, which could only be expected from an able minister. The French King immediately yielded to the whole scheme Her Majestyproposed; whereupon directions were sent to the lord privy seal, and theEarl of Strafford, to sign a peace between Great Britain and France, without delay. 

[Footnote 30: Swift writes to Abp. King, October 20th, 1713, that theDuke of Shrewsbury "is the finest gentleman we have, and of an excellentunderstanding and capacity for business" (Scott's edition, xvi. 71). Seealso Swift's remarks in "The Examiner, " No. 27 (vol. Ix, of thisedition, p. 171), and note in vol. V. , p. 377. [W. S. J. ]]

Upon the second day of March, the two British plenipotentiaries metthose of the allies in the town-house at Utrecht; where the lord privyseal addressed himself to them in a short speech, "That the negotiationhad now continued fourteen months with great slowness, which had provedvery injurious to the interests of the allies: That the Queen had stayedthus long, and stopped the finishing of her own peace, rather than leaveher allies in any uncertainty: That she hoped they would now be allprepared to put an end to this great work; and therefore had commandedher plenipotentiaries to tell those of the allies, That she found itnecessary to conclude her own treaty immediately; and it was heropinion, that the confederates ought to finish theirs at the same time, to which they were now accordingly invited by Her Majesty's orders. " Andlastly, his lordship declared, in the Queen's name, "That whoever couldnot be ready on the day prefixed, should have a convenient time allowedthem to come in. "

Although the orders sent by the Queen to her plenipotentiaries were veryprecise, yet their lordships did not precipitate the performance ofthem. They were directed to appoint as short a day for the signing asthey conveniently could; but, however, the particular day was left totheir discretion. They hoped to bring over the Dutch, and most of theother allies, to conclude at the same time with the Queen; which, as itwould certainly be more popular to their country, so they conceived itwould be more safe for themselves: besides, upon looking over theircommission, a scruple sprang in their minds, that they could not sign aparticular peace with France; their powers, as they apprehended, authorizing them only to sign a general one. Their lordships thereforesent to England to desire new powers, [31] and, in the mean time, employed themselves with great industry, between the ministers of Franceand those of the several allies, to find some expedient for smoothingthe way to an agreement among them. 

[Footnote 31: "Lord Bolingbroke, who says he has not sagacity enough tofind the objections that the plenipotentiaries had made to their firstfull powers, for their satisfaction, sends them a new commission, andrepeats to them positive orders to sign and conclude with France. .. . These difficulties of the plenipotentiaries made my lord treasurer, whonever failed to exert himself when he found it absolutely necessary, think it high time to interpose his authority;. .. . And as his lordshipnever yet appeared in vain, all further obstructions at Utrecht wereafter this soon removed. " ("Report from the Committee of Secrecy, " 1715, pp. 103, 104. ) [N. ]]

The Earl of Strafford went for a few days to The Hague, to inform theStates of Her Majesty's express commands to his colleague and himself, for signing the peace as soon as possible; and to desire they would beready at the same time: which the pensionary promised; and that theirplenipotentiaries should be empowered accordingly, to the greatcontentment of Mons. Buys, who was now so much altered, either inreality, or appearance, that he complained to the Earl of Mons. Heinsius's slowness; and charged all the delays and mismanagements of atwelvemonth past to that minister's account. 

While the Earl of Strafford stayed at The Hague, he discovered that anemissary of the Duke of Marlborough's had been there some days before, sent by his grace to dissuade the Dutch from signing at the same timewith the ministers of the Queen, which, in England, would at least havethe appearance of a separate peace, and oblige their British friends, who knew how to turn so short a delay to very good account, as well asgratify the Emperor; on whom, it was alleged, they ought to rely muchmore than on Her Majesty. One of the States likewise told the Earl, "That the same person, employed by the Duke, was then in conference withthe magistrates of Rotterdam (which town had declared for thecontinuance of the war), to assure them, if they would hold off alittle, they should see an unexpected turn in the British Parliament:That the Duke of Marlborough had a list of the discontented members inboth Houses, who were ready to turn against the court; and, to crownall, that his grace had certain intelligence of the Queen being in soill a state of health, as made it impossible for her to live above sixweeks. " So restless and indefatigable is avarice and ambition, wheninflamed by a desire of revenge. 

But representations, which had been so often tried, were now offered toolate. Most of the allies, except the Emperor, were willing to put an endto the war upon Her Majesty's plan; and the further delay of three weeksmust be chiefly imputed to that litigious manner of treating, peculiarto the French; whose plenipotentiaries at Utrecht insisted withobstinacy upon many points, which at Paris Mons. De Torcy had given up. 

The Emperor expected to keep all he already possessed in Italy; thatPort Longue, [32] on the Tuscan coast, should be delivered to him byFrance; and, lastly, that he should not be obliged to renounce Spain. But the Queen, as well as France, thought that his Imperial Majestyought to sit down contented with his partage of Naples and Milan; and torestore those territories in Italy, which he had taken from the rightfulproprietors, and by the possession of which he was grown dangerous tothe Italian princes, by reviving antiquated claims upon them. 

[Footnote 32: Portolongone, in the island of Elba, opposite the Tuscancoast. [W. S. J. ]]

This Prince had likewise objected to Her Majesty's expedient ofsuffering the Elector of Bavaria to retain Luxembourg, under certainconditions, by way of security, until his electorate were restored. Butthe Queen, supposing that these affected delays were intended only witha view of continuing the war, resolved to defer the peace no longer onthe Emperor's account. 

In the middle of March, one thousand seven hundred and twelve-thirteen, a courier arrived at Utrecht from France, with the plan of a generalpeace, as it had been agreed between the Duke of Shrewsbury and Mons. DeTorcy; wherein every particular, relating to the interests andpretensions of the several allies, was brought so near to what each ofthem would accept, that the British plenipotentiaries hoped the peacewould be general in ten or twelve days. The Portuguese and Dutch werealready prepared, and others were daily coming in, by means of theirlordships' good offices, who found Mons. Mesnager and his colleague verystubborn to the last. Another courier was dispatched to France, uponsome disputes about inserting the titles of Her Majesty and the MostChristian King, and to bring a general plan for the interests of thoseallies, who should not be ready against the time prefixed. The Frenchrenunciations were now arrived at Utrecht, and it was agreed, thatthose, as well as that of the King of Spain, should be inserted atlength in every treaty, by which means the whole confederacy wouldbecome guaranties of them. 

The courier, last sent to France, returned to Utrecht on thetwenty-seventh of March, with the concessions of that court upon everynecessary point; so that, all things being ready for putting a period tothis great and difficult work, the lord privy seal and the Earl ofStrafford gave notice to the ministers of the several allies, "Thattheir lordships had appointed Tuesday the thirty-first instant, whereinto sign a treaty of peace, and a treaty of commerce, between the Queenof Great Britain, their mistress, and the Most Christian King; and hopedthe said allies would be prepared, at the same time, to follow theirexample. " Accordingly their lordships employed the three interveningdays, in smoothing the few difficulties that remained between the Frenchministers and those of the several confederate powers. 

The important day being now come, the Lord Bishop of Bristol and theEarl of Strafford, having assumed the character of ambassadorsextraordinary, [33] gave a memorial in behalf of the French Protestantsto the Maréchal d'Uxelles and his colleague, who were to transmit it totheir court; and these delivered to the British ambassadors adeclaration in writing, that the Pretender was actually gone out ofFrance. 

[Footnote 33: To avoid the parade of ceremony, they had hitherto beenconsidered only as _plenipotentiaries_. [N. ]]

The conditions of peace to be allowed the Emperor and the empire, asadjusted between Britain and France, were now likewise delivered to theCount Zinzendorf. These and some other previous matters of smallerconsequence being finished, the treaties of peace and commerce betweenHer Majesty of Britain and the Most Christian King, were signed at thelord privy seal's house between two and three of the clock in theafternoon. The ministers of the Duke of Savoy signed about an hourafter. Then the assembly adjourned to the Earl of Stafford's, where theyall went to dinner; and about nine at night the peace was signed by theministers of Portugal, by those of Prussia at eleven, and when it wasnear midnight by the States. 

Thus after all the opposition raised by a strong party in France, and bya virulent faction in Britain; after all the artifices of those whopresided at The Hague, and, for their private interest, endeavoured, inconjunction with their friends in England, to prolong the war; after therestless endeavours of the imperial court to render the treatyineffectual; the firm steady conduct of the Queen, the wisdom andcourage of her ministry, and the abilities of those whom she employed inher negotiations abroad, prevailed to have a peace signed in one day byevery power concerned, except that of the Emperor and the empire; forhis Imperial Majesty liked his situation too well to think of a peace, while the drudgery and expenses of the war lay upon other shoulders, andthe advantages were to redound only to himself. 

During this whole negotiation, the King of Spain, who was notacknowledged by any of the confederates, had consequently no minister atUtrecht; but the differences between Her Majesty and that prince wereeasily settled by the Lord Lexington at Madrid, and the Marquis ofMonteleon here: so that upon the Duke d'Ossuna's arrival at thecongress, some days after the peace, he was ready to conclude a treatybetween the Queen and his master. Neither is it probable that the Dutch, or any other ally, except the Emperor, will encounter any difficultiesof moment, to retard their several treaties with his Catholic Majesty. 

The treaties of peace and commerce between Britain and France, wereratified here on the seventh of April; on the twenty-eighth theratifications were exchanged; and on the fifth of May the peace wasproclaimed in the usual manner; but with louder acclamations, and moreextraordinary rejoicings of the people, than had ever been remembered onthe like occasion. [34]

[Footnote: 34 The treaty was brought to England by George St. John, Bolingbroke's young brother, who arrived with it in London on GoodFriday, 3rd April, 1713. [T. S. ]]

[It need hardly be observed, that this history is left incomplete bythe author. [S. ] Sir Walter Scott's note hardly agrees with Swift's ownstatement to Stella. Writing under date May 16th, 1713, he says: "I havejust finished my Treatise, and must be ten days correcting it. " It isevident that Swift did not intend to write a "History of the Four LastYears of Queen Anne's Reign. " A better title for this work would be thetitle originally given it, namely, "History of the Peace of Utrecht. " Inthe letter already quoted from Erasmus Lewis, Swift's account of thenegotiations for the peace are thus remarked upon: "That part of itwhich relates to the negotiations of peace, whether at London or atUtrecht, they admire exceedingly, and declare they never yet saw that, or any other transaction, drawn up with so much perspicuity, or in astyle so entertaining and instructive to the reader in every respect. "[T. S. ]]

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

AN ABSTRACT

OF THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM THE INVASION OF IT BY JULIUS CAESAR

TO THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND. 

NOTE. 

The Abstract of the History of England here reprinted calls for littleor no comment. It is but a dry relation of events with no touch in therecital of any of those qualities which characterize Swift's writings. The facts were evidently obtained from the old chroniclers. What objectSwift had in writing this Abstract is not known. If the dedication tothe Count de Gyllenborg truly states his intention, it must be confessedthat the "foreigners, and gentlemen of our own country" had not muchupon which to congratulate themselves. Why Swift should have chosen theCount de Gyllenborg to whom to address the dedication must also remain amatter for conjecture. The Count had been sent out of the British Islesfor instigating a conspiracy for a Jacobite insurrection in GreatBritain. Swift wrote his dedication three years after the Count'sexpulsion. Knowing that the Count's master, Charles XII. Of Sweden, hadbeen a party to the plot, he yet writes in a most amiable tone offriendliness towards both, with a parenthetical sneer at "his presentBritannic Majesty. " Undoubtedly this dedication might easily and fairlybe taken as strong presumptive evidence of a leaning on Swift's parttowards the Pretender. It will, however, be more truly interpreted, ifit be considered as an expression of contempt for the King of Englandand the ministry in power. 

The text of the present reprint is that given by Deane Swift from hisedition of his kinsman's works issued in 1765 and 1768 (4to edit, vols. Viii. And xiii. ). Deane Swift thought that the narratives of Rufus, Henry I. And Stephen, would "appear to be such a model of Englishhistory, as will make all men of taste, and especially foreigners, regret that he pursued his plan no further. "

[T. S. ]

TO THE COUNT DE GYLLENBORG. [1]

[Footnote 1: Charles, Count Gyllenborg (1679-1746), was SwedishAmbassador at London 1710-16. He then joined in a Jacobite plot, wasarrested in January, 1716-7, and expelled the kingdom in August, 1717. He afterwards filled high offices in his own country. [W. S. J. ]]

Dublin in Ireland, Nov. 2, 1719. 

SIR, It is now about sixteen years since I first entertained the design ofwriting a History of England, from the beginning of William Rufus to theend of Queen Elizabeth; such a History, I mean, as appears to be mostwanted by foreigners, and gentlemen of our own country; not a voluminouswork, nor properly an abridgement, but an exact relation of the mostimportant affairs and events, without any regard to the rest. Myintention was to inscribe it to the King[2] your late master, for whosegreat virtues I had ever the highest veneration, as I shall continue tobear to his memory. I confess it is with some disdain that I observegreat authors descending to write any dedications at all: and for my ownpart, when I looked round on all the princes of Europe, I could think ofnone who might deserve that distinction from me, besides the King yourmaster; (for I say nothing of his present Britannic Majesty, to whoseperson and character I am an utter stranger, and like to continue so)neither can I be suspected of flattery on this point, since it was someyears after that I had the honour of an invitation to his court, beforeyou were employed as his minister in England, which I heartily repentthat I did not accept; whereby, as you can be my witness, I might haveavoided some years' uneasiness and vexation, during the last four yearsof our late excellent Queen, as well as a long melancholy prospectsince, in a most obscure disagreeable country, and among a mostprofligate and abandoned people. 

[Footnote 2: Charles XII. , King of Sweden, who was killed in 1718. [D. S. ]]

I was diverted from pursuing this History, partly by the extremedifficulty, but chiefly by the indignation I conceived at theproceedings of a faction, which then prevailed; and the papers layneglected in my cabinet until you saw me in England; when you know howfar I was engaged in thoughts and business of another kind. Upon HerMajesty's lamented death, I returned to my station in this kingdom;since which time there is not a northern curate among you who hath livedmore obscure than myself, or a greater stranger to the commonesttransactions of the world. It is but very lately that I found thefollowing papers, which I had almost forgotten. I publish them now, fortwo reasons; first, for an encouragement to those who have moreyouth, [3] and leisure, and good temper than I, towards pursuing the workas far as it was intended by me, or as much further as they please; thesecond reason is, to have an opportunity of declaring the profoundrespect I have for the memory of your royal master, and the sincereregard and friendship I bear to yourself; for I must bring to your mindhow proud I was to distinguish you among all the foreign ministers, withwhom I had the honour to be acquainted. I am a witness of the zeal youshewed not only for the honour and interest of your master, but for theadvantage of the Protestant religion in Germany, and how knowingly andfeelingly you often spoke to me upon that subject. We all loved you, aspossessed of every quality that could adorn an English gentleman, andesteemed you as a faithful subject to your prince, and an ablenegotiator; neither shall any reverse of fortune have power to lessenyou either in my friendship or esteem: and I must take leave to assureyou further, that my affection towards persons hath not been at alldiminished by the frown of power upon them. Those whom you and I oncethought great and good men, continue still so in my eyes and my heart;only with a * * * * * *

_Caetera desiderantur_. 

[Footnote 3: The author was then in his fifty-second year. [D. S. ]]

 AN ABSTRACT OF THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM THE INVASION OF IT BY JULIUS CAESAR TO WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 

 Britons. Heathens. 

The most ancient account we have of Britain is, that the island was fullof inhabitants, divided into several petty kingdoms, as most nations ofthe world appear to have been at first. The bodies of the Britons werepainted with a sky-coloured blue, either as an ornament or else forterror to their enemies. In their religion they were heathens, as allthe world was before Christ, except the Jews. 

 Druids. 

Their priests were called Druids: These lived in hollow trees, andcommitted not their mysteries to writing, but delivered them down bytradition, whereby they were in time wholly lost. 

The Britons had wives in common, so many to a particular tribe orsociety, and the children were in common to that society. 

About fifty years before Christ, Julius Caesar, the first Roman Emperor, having conquered Gaul or France, invaded Britain rather to increase hisglory than conquests; for having overcome the natives in one or twobattles, he returned. 

 Claudius. Nero. 

The next invasion of Britain by the Romans (then masters of most of theknown world) was in the reign of the Emperor Claudius; but it was notwholly subdued till that of Nero. It was governed by lieutenants, ordeputies, sent from Rome, as Ireland is now by deputies from England;and continued thus under the Romans for about 460 years; till thatempire being invaded by the Goths and Vandals, the Romans were forcednot only to recall their own armies, but also to draw from hence thebravest of the Britons, for their assistance against those barbarians. 

 Picts. Picts' Wall. 

The Roman conquests in this island reached no further northward than tothat part of Scotland where Stirling and Glasgow are seated: The regionbeyond was held not worth the conquering: It was inhabited by abarbarous people, called Caledonians and Picts; who, being a roughfierce nation, daily infested the British borders. Therefore the EmperorSeverus built a wall, from Stirling to Glasgow, to prevent the invasionsof the Picts: It is commonly called the Picts' Wall. 

 A. D. 455. Saxons. 

These Picts and Caledonians, or Scots, encouraged by the departure ofthe Romans, do now cruelly infest and invade the Britons by sea andland: The Britons choose Vortigern for their king, who was forced toinvite the Saxons (a fierce Northern people) to assist him against thosebarbarians. The Saxons came over, and beat the Picts in several battles;but, at last, pick quarrels with the Britons themselves; and, after along war, drive them into the mountains of Wales and Cornwall, andestablish themselves in seven kingdoms in Britain, (by them now calledEngland). These seven kingdoms are usually styled the Saxon Heptarchy. 

 A. D. 460. Arthur. 

About this time lived King Arthur (if the whole story be not a fable)who was so famous for beating the Saxons in several battles. 

 A. D. 600. Austin. 

The Britons received Christianity very early, and, as is reported, fromsome of the Disciples themselves: So that, when the Romans left Britain, the Britons were generally Christians. But the Saxons were heathens, till Pope Gregory the Great sent over hither Austin the monk, by whomEthelbert king of the South-Saxons, and his subjects, were converted toChristianity; and the whole island soon followed the example. 

 A. D. 819. Egbert. 

[Footnote 4: The edition of 1765 gives the date as 819, but according toDr. Stubbs, Egbert became _bretwalda_ in 828. [W. S. J. ]]

After many various revolutions in this island among the kingdoms of theSaxons, Egbert, descended from the West-Saxon kings, became sole monarchof England. 

 Angles. 

The language in Britain was British, (now called Welsh) or Latin; but, with the Saxons, English came in (although extremely different from whatit is now). The present names of towns, shires, &c. Were given by them;and the whole kingdom was called England from the Angles, who were abranch of the Saxons. 

 Danes. 

As soon as the Saxons were settled, the Danes began to trouble andinvade them, as they (the Saxons) had before done the Britons. 

These Danes came out of Germany, Denmark, and Norway, a rough warlikepeople, little different from the Saxons to whom they were nighneighbours. 

 Edgar. 

After many invasions from the Danes, Edgar King of England sets forththe first navy. He was entitled King of all Albion, (an old name of thisisland) and was the first absolute monarch. 

He made peace with the Danes, and allowed them to live in his dominionsmixed with the English. 

In this prince's time there were five kings in Wales, who all did himhomage for their country. 

 A. D. 978. Danes massacred. 

These Danes began first to make their invasions here about the year 800, which they after renewed at several times, and under several leaders, and were as often repulsed. They used to come with vast numbers ofships, burn and ravage before them, as the cities of London, Winchester, &c. Encouraged by success and prey, they often wintered in England, fortifying themselves in the northern parts, from whence they cruellyinfested the Saxon kings. In process of time they mixed with the English(as was said before) and lived under the Saxon government: But Ethelred, then King of England, growing weary of the Danish insolence, aconspiracy is formed, and the Danes are massacred in one day all overEngland. 

 Sweyn. 

Four years after, Sweyn, King of Denmark, to revenge the death of hissubjects, invades England; and, after battles fought and much crueltyexercised, he subdues the whole kingdom, forcing Ethelred to fly intoNormandy. 

 Canutus. 

Sweyn dying, his son Canutus succeeds in the kingdom; but Ethelredreturning with an army, Canutus is forced to withdraw to Denmark forsuccour. 

Ethelred dies, and his son Edmond Ironside succeeds; but, Canutusreturning with fresh forces from Denmark, after several battles, thekingdom is parted between them both. Edmond dying, his sons are sentbeyond sea by Canutus, who now is sole King of England. 

 King's evil. 

Hardicanute, the last Danish king, dying without issue, Edward, son ofEthelred, is chosen king. For his great holiness, he was surnamed theConfessor, and sainted after his death. He was the first of our princesthat attempted to cure the king's evil by touching. He first introducedwhat is now called the Common Law. In his time began the mode andhumour among the English gentry, of using the French tongue andfashions, in compliance with the king, who had been bred up in Normandy. 

The Danish government in England lasted but twenty-six years, underthree kings. 

 Harold. 

Edward the Confessor married the daughter of Earl Godwin, an Englishnobleman of great power, but of Danish extraction; but, wanting issue, he appointed Edgar Atheling, grandson to his brother, to succeed him, and Harold, son of Earl Godwin, to be governor of the young prince. But, upon Edward's death, Harold neglected Edgar Atheling, and usurped thecrown for himself. 

Edward, while he was in Normandy, met so good reception, that it wassaid he made a promise to that duke, that, in case he recovered hiskingdom, and died without issue, he would leave it to him. Edward dying, William Duke of Normandy sends to Harold to claim the crown; but Harold, now in possession, resolves to keep it. Upon which Duke William, havingprepared a mighty fleet and army, invades England, lands at Hastings, and sets fire to his fleet, to cut off all hope from his men ofreturning. To Harold he sent his messenger, demanding the kingdom andhis subjection: But Harold returned him this answer, "That, unless hedeparted his land, he would make him sensible of his just displeasure. "So Harold advanced his forces into Sussex, within seven miles of hisenemy. The Norman Duke, to save the effusion of blood, sent these offersto Harold; either wholly to resign the kingdom to him, or to try thequarrel with him in single combat. To this Harold did not agree. 

 A. D. 1066. 

Then the battle joined. The Normans had gotten the worst, if it had notbeen for a stratagem they invented, which got them the day. In thisengagement Harold was killed, and William Duke of Normandy became Kingof England, under the name of William the Conqueror. 

THE REIGN OF WILLIAM THE SECOND, SURNAMED RUFUS. 

At the time of the Conqueror's death, his eldest son Robert, upon somediscontent with his father, being absent in France, [5] William, thesecond son, made use of this juncture, and without attending hisfather's funeral, hastened to England, where, pursuant to the will ofthe deceased prince, [6] the nobility, although more inclined to favourRobert, were prevailed with to admit him King, partly by his promises toabate the rigour of the late reign, and restore the laws and libertieswhich had been then abolished, but chiefly by the credit andsolicitations of Lanfranc; for that prelate had formerly a share in hiseducation, and always a great affection for his person. At Winchester hetook possession of his father's treasure, [7] in obedience to whosecommand, as well as to ingratiate himself with the people, hedistributed it among churches and religious houses, and applied it tothe redeeming of prisoners, and other acts of popularity. 

[Footnote 5: He was then at Abbeville in Picardy. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: William the Conqueror left Normandy to his son Robert; butsaid of England: "So it pleased God, he should be glad that William, hisobedient and best beloved son, should enjoy it after his death. " [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: Which was sixty thousand pounds in silver, besides gold, jewels, and plate. --BROMPTON. [D. S. ]]

In the mean time Robert returned to Normandy, took possession of thatduchy, with great applause and content of his people, and, spited at theindignity done him by his father, and the usurpation of his brother inconsequence thereof, prepared a great fleet and army to invade England;nor did there want an occasion to promote his interest, if the slowness, the softness, and credulity of his nature, could have suffered him tomake a right improvement of it. 

Odo Bishop of Bayeux, [8] of whom frequent mention is made in thepreceding reign, [9] a prelate of incurable ambition, either on accountof his age or character being restored to his liberty and possessions inEngland, grew into envy and discontent, upon seeing Lanfranc preferredbefore him by the new King in his favour and ministry. He thereforeformed a conspiracy with several nobles of Norman birth to depose theKing, and sent an invitation to Robert to hasten over. Mean time theconspirators, in order to distract the King's forces, seized on severalparts of England at once; Bristol, Norwich, Leicester, Worcester, Shrewsbury, Bath, and Durham, were secured by several noblemen: Odohimself seized Rochester, reduced the coasts of Kent, and sent messagesto Robert to make all possible speed. 

[Footnote 8: Odo was half brother to William the Conqueror. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Sir W. Temple wrote "An Introduction to the History ofEngland. " As it only extended to the death of William the Conqueror itis probable that it is what is here referred to. It will be found invol. Ii. Of Sir W. Temple's "Works, " edited by Swift. [W. S. J. ]]

The King alarmed at these many and sudden defections, thought it hisbest course to begin his defence by securing the good will of thepeople. He redressed many grievances, eased them of certain oppressivetaxes and tributes, gave liberty to hunt in his forest, with other marksof indulgence, which however forced from him by the necessity of thetime, he had the skill or fortune so to order as they neither lost theirgood grace nor effect; for immediately after he raised great forces bothby land and sea, marched into Kent, where the chief body of his enemieswas in arms, recovered Tunbridge and Pevensey, in the latter of whichOdo himself was taken prisoner, and forced to accompany the King toRochester. This city refusing to surrender at the King's summons, Odoundertook to prevail with the obstinacy of the inhabitants; but beingadmitted into the town, was there detained, either by a real or seemingforce; however, the King provoked at their stubbornness and fraud, sooncompelled them to yield, retook his prisoner, and forcing him for everto abjure England, sent him into Normandy. 

By these actions, performed with such great celerity and success, thepreparations of Duke Robert were wholly disappointed, himself, by thenecessity of his affairs, compelled to a treaty with his brother, uponthe terms of a small pension, and a mutual promise of succeeding to eachother's dominions on failure of issue, forced to resign his pretensions, and return with a shattered fleet to Normandy. 

About this time died Archbishop Lanfranc; by whose death the King, loosed from that awe and constraint he was under, soon began to discoverthose irregularities of his nature, which till then he had suppressedand disguised, falling into those acts of oppression and extortion thathave made his name and memory infamous. He kept the see of Canterburyfour years vacant, and converted the revenues to his own use, togetherwith those of several other bishoprics and abbeys, and disposed allchurch preferments to the highest bidder. Nor were his exactions lessupon the laity, from whom he continually extorted exorbitant fines forpretended transgression of certain penal laws, and entertained informersto observe men's actions and bring him intelligence. 

It is here worth observation, that these corrupt proceedings of theprince have, in the opinion of several learned men, given rise to twocustoms, which are a long time grown to have the force of laws. For, first the successors of this King, continuing the custom of seizing onthe accruing rents in the vacancy of sees and abbeys, it grew in processof time to be exacted as a right, or acknowledgment to the King asfounder; whence the revenues of vacant bishoprics belong at this day tothe crown. The second custom had an original not unlike. Severalpersons, to avoid the persecutions of the King's informers, and otherinstruments of oppression, withdrew themselves and their effects toforeign countries; upon which the King issued a proclamation, forbiddingall men to leave the kingdom without his licence; from whence, in thejudgment of the same authors, the writ _ne exeat regno_ had itsbeginning. 

By these and the like arbitrary methods having amassed great treasures, and finding all things quiet at home, he raised a powerful army toinvade his brother in Normandy; but upon what ground or pretext, thewriters of that age are not very exact; whether it were from a principlefrequent among unjust princes, That old oppressions are best justifiedby new; or, whether having a talent for sudden enterprises, and justlyapprehending the resentments of Duke Robert, he thought it the wisercourse to prevent injuries than to revenge them. In this expedition hetook several cities and castles from his brother, and would haveproceeded further, if Robert had not desired and obtained the assistanceof Philip King of France, who came with an army to his relief. KingWilliam not thinking it safe or prudent to proceed further against hisenemy supported by so great an ally, yet loth to lose the fruits of histime and valour, fell upon a known and old expedient, which no princeever practised oftener, or with greater success, and that was, to buyoff the French King with a sum of money. This had its effect; for thatprince not able to oppose such powerful arms, immediately withdrewhimself and his forces, leaving the two brothers to concert the measuresof a peace. 

This was treated and agreed with great advantages on the side of KingWilliam; for he kept all the towns he had taken, obliged his brother tobanish Edgar Atheling out of Normandy, and, for a further security, brought over with him to England the Duke himself to attend him in hisexpedition against Malcolm King of Scotland, who during his absence hadinvaded the borders. The King having raised great forces both by sea andland, went in person to repel the inroads of the Scots: but theenterprise was without success; for the greatest part of his fleet wasdestroyed by a tempest, and his army very much diminished by sicknessand famine, which forced him to a peace of little honour; by which, uponthe condition of homage from that prince, the King of England agreed todeliver him up those twelve towns (or manors) in England which Malcolmhad held under William the Conqueror; together with a pension of twelvethousand marks. 

At this time were sown the seeds of another quarrel between him and DukeRobert, who soliciting the King to perform some covenants of the lastpeace, and meeting with a repulse, withdrew in great discontent toNormandy. 

King William, in his return from Scotland, fell dangerously sick atGloucester, where, moved by the seasonable exhortations of his clergy, or rather by the fears of dying, he began to discover great marks ofrepentance, with many promises of amendment and retribution, particularly for his injuries to the Church. To give credit to whichgood resolutions, he immediately filled several vacant sees, giving thatof Canterbury to Anselm, a foreigner of great fame for piety andlearning. But as it is the disposition of men who derive their vicesfrom their complexions, that their passions usually beat strong and weakwith their pulses, so it fared with this prince, who upon recovery ofhis health soon forgot the vows he had made in his sickness, relapsingwith greater violence into the same irregularities of injustice andoppression, whereof Anselm, the new archbishop, felt the first effects. This prelate, soon after his promotion, offered the King a sum of moneyby way of present; but took care it should be so small, that none mightinterpret it to be a consideration of his late preferment. The Kingrejected it with scorn; and as he used but little ceremony in suchmatters, insisted in plain terms for more. Anselm would not comply; andthe King enraged, sought all occasions to make him uneasy; until atlength the poor archbishop, tired out with perpetual usurpations (or atleast what was then understood to be such) upon his jurisdiction, privileges, and possessions, desired the King licence for a journey toRome; and upon a refusal, went without it. As soon as he was withdrawn, the King seized on all his revenues, converting them to his own use, andthe archbishop continued an exile until the succeeding reign. 

The particulars of this quarrel between the King and archbishop are not, in my opinion, considerable enough to deserve a place in this briefcollection, being of little use to posterity, and of less entertainment;neither should I have mentioned it at all, but for the occasion it givesme of making a general observation, which may afford some light into thenature and disposition of those ages. Not only this King's father andhimself, but the princes for several successions, of the fairestcharacter, have been severely taxed for violating the rights of theclergy, and perhaps not altogether without reason. It is true, thischaracter hath made the lighter impression, as proceeding altogetherfrom the party injured, the cotemporary writers being generallychurchmen: and it must be confessed, that the usurpations of the Churchand court of Rome were in those ages risen to such heights, as to bealtogether inconsistent either with the legislature or administration ofany independent state; the inferior clergy, both secular and regular, insisting upon such immunities as wholly exempted them from the civilpower; and the bishops removing all controversies with the crown byappeal to Rome: for they reduced the matter to this short issue, ThatGod was to be obeyed rather than men; and consequently the Bishop ofRome, who is Christ's representative, rather than an earthly prince. Neither doth it seem improbable that all Christendom would have been inutter vassalage, both temporal and spiritual, to the Roman see, if theReformation had not put a stop to those exorbitancies, and in a goodmeasure opened the eyes even of those princes and states who stilladhere to the doctrines and discipline of that church. 

While the King continued at Gloucester, Malcolm King of Scotland came tohis court, with intentions to settle and confirm the late peace betweenthem. It happened that a controversy arose about some circumstancesrelating to the homage which Malcolm was to pay, in the managing whereofKing William discovered so much haughtiness and disdain, both in wordsand gestures, that the Scottish prince, provoked by such unworthytreatment, returned home with indignation; but soon came back at thehead of a powerful army, and, entering Northumberland with fire andsword, laid all waste before him. But as all enterprises have in theprogress of them a tincture of those passions by which they werespirited at first, so this invasion begun upon private revenge, which isa blind ungovernable passion, was carried on with equal precipitation, and proved to be ruinous in the event; for Robert Mowbray, Earl ofNorthumberland, to prevent the destruction of his own country, where hehad great possessions, gathering what forces he could suddenly raise, and without waiting any directions from the King, marched against theScots, who were then set down before Alnwick Castle: there, by anambush, Malcolm and his eldest son Edward were slain, and the army, discouraged by the loss of their princes, entirely defeated. Thisdisaster was followed in a few days by the death of Queen Margaret, who, not able to survive her misfortunes, died for grief. Neither did themiseries of that kingdom end till, after two usurpations, the survivingson of Malcolm, who had fled to England for refuge, was restored to hiscrown by the assistance of King William. 

About this time the hidden sparks of animosity between the two brothers, buried but not extinguished in the last peace, began to flame out intonew dissensions. Duke Robert had often sent his complaints to the Kingfor breach of articles, but without redress, which provoked him toexpostulate in a rougher manner, till at length he charged the King inplain terms with injustice and perjury, but no men are found to endurereproaches with less temper than those who most deserve them, the King, at the same time filled with indignation, and stung with guilt, invadedNormandy a second time, resolving to reduce his brother to such terms asmight stop all further complaints. He had already taken several strongholds, by force either of arms or of money, and intending entirely tosubdue the duchy, gave orders to have twenty thousand men immediatelyraised in England, and sent over to him. The Duke, to defend himselfagainst these formidable preparations, had recourse again to his oldally the King of France, who very readily advanced with an army to hisassistance, as an action wherein he could every way find his ownaccounts, for, beside the appearance of glory and justice by protectingthe injured, he fought indeed his own battle, by preserving hisneighbouring state in the hands of a peaceful prince, from so powerfuland restless an enemy as the King of England, and was largely paid forhis trouble into the bargain, for King William, either loth to engage ina long and dangerous war, or hastened back by intelligence of sometroubles from Wales, sent offers to his army, just ready to embark forNormandy, that upon payment of ten shillings a man they might have leaveto return to their own homes. [10] This bargain was generally accepted, the money was paid to the King of France, who immediately withdrew histroops, and King William, now master of the conditions, forced hisbrother to a peace upon much harder terms than before. 

[Footnote 10: See reference to this incident in "The Examiner, " No. 21(vol. Ix of this edition, p. 123) [W. S. J. ]]

In this passage there are some circumstances which may appear odd andunaccountable to those who will not give due allowance for thedifference of times and manners: that an absent prince, engaged in anunjust war with his own brother, and ill-beloved at home, should have somuch power and credit, as by his commission to raise twenty thousand menon a sudden, only as a recruit to the army he had already with him; thathe should have a fleet prepared ready, and large enough to transport sogreat a number; that upon the very point of embarking he should sendthem so disgraceful an offer; and that so great a number of commonsoldiers should be able and willing to pay such a sum of money, equal toat least twelve time as much in our times; and that, after being thusdeluded and spoiled at once, they should peaceably disband and retire totheir several homes. But all this will be less difficult to comprehend, when we reflect on the method of raising and supporting armies, verydifferent from ours, which was then in use, and so continued for manyages after. All men who had lands _in capite_ were bound to attend theKing in his wars with a proportioned number of soldiers, who were theirtenants on easy rents in consideration of military service. This was butthe work of a few days, and the troops consisted of such men as wereable to maintain their own charges either at home or abroad: neither wasthere any reason to apprehend that soldiers would ever becomeinstruments for introducing slavery, who held so great a share in theproperty. 

The King, upon his return from Normandy, made an unsuccessful expeditionagainst the Welsh, who upon the advantages of his absence had, accordingto their usual custom, made cruel inroads upon the adjoining counties ofChester, Shrewsbury, and Hereford. Upon the King's approach they fledinto their fastnesses among the mountains, where he pursued them forsome time with great rage and vexation, as well as the loss of greatnumbers of his men, to no purpose. From hence he was recalled by a moreformidable enemy nearer home: for Robert Earl of Northumberland, overrating his late services against the Scots, as much perhaps and asunjustly as they were undervalued by the King, refused to come to hiscourt, which, in those days, was looked on as the first usual mark ofdiscontent in a nobleman; and was often charged by princes as a formalaccusation. The earl having disobeyed the King's summons, and concertedmatters with other accomplices, broke out into open rebellion, withintentions to depose King William, and set up Stephen Earl of Albemarle, son of a sister to William the Conqueror: but all was prevented by thecelerity of this active prince; who, knowing that insurrections are bestquelled in their beginnings, marched with incredible speed, andsurprised the rebels at Newcastle, took the castles of Tynemouth andBamburgh; where the obstinacy of the defendants provoked him, contraryto his nature, to commit cruelties upon their persons, by cutting offtheir hands and ears, and other the like inhumanities. The earl himselfwas taken prisoner as he endeavoured to make his escape; but suffered noother punishment than to be confined for the rest of his life. [11]

[Footnote 11: Which was thirty years. [D. S. ]]

About this time began the Holy War for recovering of Palestine; whichhaving not been the enterprise of any one prince or state, but thatwherein most in Christendom had a share, it cannot with justice besilently passed over in the history of any nation. 

Pope Urban the Second, in a council at Clermont, made a patheticexhortation, shewing with what danger and indignity to Christendom theTurks and Saracens had, for some ages, not only overrun all Asia andAfrica, where Christianity had long flourished; but had also madeencroachments into Europe, where they had entirely subdued Spain, andsome other parts; that Jerusalem, the holy city, where our Saviour didso many miracles, and where His sepulchre still remained, to the scandalof the Christian name, lay groaning under the tyranny of infidels; thatthe swords which Christian princes had drawn against each other, oughtto be turned against the common enemy of their name and religion; thatthis should be reckoned an ample satisfaction for all their past sins;that those who died in this expedition should immediately go to Heaven, and the survivors would be blessed with the sight of our Lord'ssepulchre. 

Moved by these arguments, and the influence of the person who deliveredthem, several nobles and prelates immediately took upon them the cross;and the council dissolving in this high fit of zeal, the clergy, upontheir return home, prevailed so far in their several countries, that inmost parts of Europe some great prince or lord became a votary for theHoly Land; as Hugh the Great, brother to the King of France; GodfreyDuke of Lorraine; Reimond Count of Toulouse; Robert Duke of Normandy, and many others. Neither ought it to be forgotten, that most of thesenoble and generous princes, wanting money to maintain the forces theyhad raised, pawned their dominions to those very prelates who had firstengaged them in this enterprise: doubtless a notable mark of the forceof oratory in the churchmen of those ages, who were able to inspire thatdevotion into others, whereof they seemed so little sensible themselves. 

But a great share in the honour of promoting this religious war, isattributed to the zeal and industry of a certain French priest, commonlycalled Peter the Hermit; who being at Jerusalem upon pilgrimage sometime before, and entering often into private treaty with the patriarchof that city, came back fully instructed in all the measures necessaryfor such a war: to these was joined the artifice of certain dreams andvisions that might pass for divine admonition: all which, added to thepiety of his exhortations, gave him such credit with the Pope, andseveral princes of Christendom, that he became in his own person theleader of a great army against the infidels, and was very instrumentalfor engaging many others in the same design. 

What a spirit was thus raised in Christendom among all sorts of men, cannot better be conceived than from the vast numbers of these warlikepilgrims; who, at the siege of Nice, are said to have consisted of600, 000 foot, and 100, 000 horse: and the success at first was answerableto the greatness of their numbers, the valour of their leaders, and theuniversal opinion of such a cause; for, besides several famous victoriesin the field, not to mention the towns of less importance, they tookNice, Antioch, and at last Jerusalem, where Duke Godfrey was chosen kingwithout competition. But zeal, with a mixture of enthusiasm, as I takethis to have been, is a composition only fit for sudden enterprises, like a great ferment in the blood, giving double courage and strengthfor the time, until it sink and settle by nature into its old channel:for, in a few years the piety of these adventurers began to slacken, andgive way to faction and envy, the natural corruptions of allconfederacies: however, to this spirit of devotion there succeeded aspirit of honour, which long continued the vein and humour of the times;and the Holy Land became either a school, wherein young princes went tolearn the art of war, or a scene wherein they affected to shew theirvalour, and gain reputation, when they were weary of peace at home. 

The Christians held possession of Jerusalem above eighty years, [12] andcontinued their expeditions to the Holy Land almost as many more, withvarious events; and after they were entirely driven out of Asia, thepopes have almost in every age endeavoured in vain to promote newcrusades neither does this spirit seem quite extinct among us even tothis day; the usual projects of sanguine men for uniting Christendomagainst the Turk, being without doubt a traditional way of talk derivedto us from the same fountain. 

[Footnote 12: They held it eighty-eight years; from July, 1099, toOctober, 1187. [D. S. ]]

Robert, in order to furnish himself out for this war, pawned his duchyto the King for 10, 000 marks of gold;[13] which sum was levied with somany circumstances of rigour and exaction, towards the Church and laity, as very much increased the discontents of both against the prince. 

[Footnote 13: Equal to £1, 400, 000, as money passes now. [D. S. ]]

 1099. 

I shall record one act of this king's, which being chiefly personal, maypass rather for a part of his character, than a point of history. 

As he was hunting one day in the New Forest, a messenger express fromNormandy, brought him intelligence, that Hélie, Count de la Flèche, hadlaid close siege to Mans, and expected to carry the town in a few days;the King leaving his chase, commanded some about him to point whereaboutMans lay; and so rode straight on without reflection, until he came tothe coast. His attendants advised him to wait until he had madepreparations of men and money; to which he only returned; "They thatlove me, will follow me. " He entered the ship in a violent storm; whichthe mariners beholding with astonishment, at length in great humilitygave him warning of the danger; but the King commanded them instantly toput off to sea, and not be afraid; for he had never in his life heard ofany King that was drowned. In a few days he drove the enemy from beforethe city, and took the count himself prisoner, who raging at his defeatand captivity, exclaimed, [14] "That this blow was from Fortune; butValour could make reprisals, as he should shew, if ever he regained hisliberty. " This being told the King, he sent for the count, let himunderstand that he had heard of his menaces, then gave him a fine horse, bid him begone immediately, and defied him to do his worst. 

[Footnote 14: There is so much pleasantry and humour, as well as spiritand heroism in this story, as we have it recorded by William deMalmesbury, who represents the menace as thrown out in the King'spresence, that I shall make no apology for setting down his words atlength. "Auctor turbarum Helias capitur; cui ante se adducto rexludibundus, 'Habeo te, magister, ' inquit. At ille, cujus alta nobilitasnesciret in tanto etiam periculo sapere; 'Fortuitu, ' inquit, 'mecepisti: sed si possem evadere, novi quid facerem. ' Tum Willelmus, praefurore ferè extra se positus, et obuncans Heliam, 'Tu, 'inquit, 'nebulo!tu, quid faceres? Discede; abi; fuge! Concede tibi ut facias quicquidpoteris: et, per vultum de Luca! nihil, si me viceris, pro hâc veniâtecum paciscar. " _I. E. _ By the face of St. Luke, if thou shouldst havethe fortune to conquer me, I scorn to compound with thee for my release. [D. S. ]]

It would have been an injury to this prince's memory, to let pass anaction, by which he acquired more honour than from any other in hislife, and by which it appeared that he was not without some seeds ofmagnanimity, had they been better cultivated, or not overrun by thenumber or prevalency of his vices. 

I have met with nothing else in this King's reign that deserved to beremembered; for, as to an unsuccessful expedition or two against Wales, either by himself or his generals; they were very inconsiderable both inaction and event, nor attended with any circumstances that might rendera relation of them of any use to posterity, either for instruction orexample. 

His death was violent and unexpected, the effect of casualty; althoughthis perhaps is the only misfortune of life to which the person of aprince is generally less subject than that of other men. Being at hisbeloved exercise of hunting in the New Forest in Hampshire, a large stagcrossed the way before him, the King hot on his game, cried out in hasteto Walter Tyrrel, a knight of his attendants, to shoot; Tyrrel, immediately let fly his arrow, which glancing against a tree, struck theKing through the heart, who fell dead to the ground without speaking aword. Upon the surprise of this accident, all his attendants, andTyrrel[15] among the rest, fled different ways; until the fright being alittle over, some of them returned, and causing the body to be laid in acollier's cart, for want of other conveniency, conveyed it in a veryunbecoming contemptuous manner to Winchester, where it was buried thenext day without solemnity, and which is worse, without grief. 

[Footnote 15: Yet Eadmer saith, that Tyrrel told him, he had not been inthe Forest that day. [D. S. ]]

I shall conclude the history of this prince's reign, with a descriptionand character of his body and mind, impartially from the collections Ihave made; which method I shall observe likewise in all the succeedingreigns. 

He was in stature somewhat below the usual size, and big-bellied, but hewas well and strongly knit. His hair was yellow or sandy; his face red, which got him the name of Rufus; his forehead flat; his eyes werespotted, and appeared of different colours; he was apt to stutter inspeaking, especially when he was angry; he was vigorous and active, andvery hardy to endure fatigues, which he owed to a good constitution ofhealth, and the frequent exercise of hunting; in his dress he affectedgaiety and expense, which having been first introduced by this princeinto his court and kingdom, grew, in succeeding reigns, an intolerablegrievance. He also first brought in among us the luxury and profusion ofgreat tables. There was in him, as in all other men, a mixture ofvirtues and vices, and that in a pretty equal degree, only themisfortune was, that the latter, although not more numerous, were yetmuch more prevalent than the former. For being entirely a man ofpleasure, this made him sacrifice all his good qualities, and gave himtoo many occasions of producing his ill ones. He had one very singularvirtue for a prince, which was that of being true to his word andpromise: he was of undoubted personal valour, whereof the writers inthose ages produce several instances; nor did he want skill and conductin the process of war. But, his peculiar excellency, was that of greatdispatch, which, however usually decried, and allowed to be only a happytemerity, does often answer all the ends of secrecy and counsel in agreat commander, by surprising and daunting an enemy when he leastexpects it; as may appear by the greatest actions and events upon therecords of every nation. 

He was a man of sound natural sense, as well as of wit and humour, uponoccasion. There were several tenets in the Romish Church he could notdigest; particularly that of the saints' intercession; and living in anage overrun with superstition, he went so far into the other extreme, asto be censured for an atheist. The day before his death, a monk relatinga terrible dream, which seemed to forebode him some misfortune, the Kingbeing told the matter, turned it into a jest; said, "The man was a monk, and dreamt like a monk, for lucre sake;" and therefore commandedFitzhamon to give him an hundred shillings, that he might not complainhe had dreamt to no purpose. 

His vices appear to have been rather derived from the temper of hisbody, than any original depravity of his mind; for being of a sanguinecomplexion, wholly bent upon his pleasures, and prodigal in his nature, he became engaged in great expenses. To supply these, the people wereperpetually oppressed with illegal taxes and exactions; but that sort ofavarice which arises from prodigality and vice, as it is always needy, so it is much more ravenous and violent than the other, which put theKing and his evil instruments (among whom Ralph, Bishop of Durham, is ofspecial infamy) upon those pernicious methods of gratifying hisextravagances by all manner of oppression; whereof some are alreadymentioned, and others are too foul to relate. 

He is generally taxed by writers for discovering a contempt of religionin his common discourse and behaviour; which I take to have risen fromthe same fountain, being a point of art, and a known expedient, for menwho cannot quit their immoralities, at least to banish all reflectionsthat may disturb them in the enjoyment, which must be done either by notthinking of religion at all; or, if it will obtrude, by putting it outof countenance. 

Yet there is one instance that might shew him to have some sense ofreligion as well as justice. When two monks were outvying each other incanting[16] the price of an abbey, he observed a third at some distance, who said never a word; the King demanded why he would not offer; themonk said, he was poor, and besides, would give nothing if he were everso rich; the King replied, "Then you are the fittest person to have it, "and immediately gave it him. But this is, perhaps with reason enough, assigned more to caprice than conscience; for he was under the power ofevery humour and passion that possessed him for the present; which madehim obstinate in his resolves, and unsteady in the prosecution. 

[Footnote 16: An Irish phrase for selling or buying by auction. It issomewhat remarkable that so severe a critic should have used such a wordin historical composition. [S. ]]

He had one vice or folly that seemed rooted in his mind, and of allothers, most unbefitting a prince: This was, a proud disdainful manner, both in his words and gesture; and having already lost the love of hissubjects by his avarice and oppression, this finished the work, bybringing him into contempt and hatred among his servants; so that fewamong the worst of princes have had the luck to be so ill beloved, or solittle lamented. 

He never married, having an invincible abhorrence for the state, although not for the sex. 

He died in the thirteenth year of his reign, the forty-third of his age, and of Christ 1100, August 2. 

His works of piety were few, but in buildings he was very expensive, exceeding any King of England before or since, among which WestminsterHall, Windsor Castle, the Tower of London, and the whole city ofCarlisle, remain lasting monuments of his magnificence. 

THE REIGN OF HENRY THE FIRST. 

This prince was the youngest son of William the Conqueror, and bred tomore learning than was usual in that age, or to his rank, which got himthe surname of Beauclerk; the reputation whereof, together with hisbeing born in England, and born son of a king, although of little weightin themselves, did very much strengthen his pretensions with the people. Besides, he had the same advantage of his brother Robert's absence, which had proved before so successful to Rufus, whose treasures helikewise seized on immediately at his death, after the same manner, andfor the same end, as Rufus did those of his father the Conqueror. Roberthad been now five years absent in the Holy War, where he acquittedhimself with great glory; and although he was now in Apulia, upon hisreturn homeward, yet the nobles pretending not to know what was becomeof him, and others giving out that he had been elected King ofJerusalem, Henry laid hold of the occasion, and calling together anassembly of the clergy, nobles, and people of the realm at London, uponhis promises to restore King Edward's laws, and redress the grievanceswhich had been introduced by his father and brother, they consented toelect him king. Immediately after his coronation, he proceeded uponreforming the abuses of the late reign: he banished dissolute personsfrom the court, who had long infested it under the protection andexample of Rufus: he restored the people to the use of lights in thenight, which the Conqueror had forbidden, after a certain hour, by theringing of a bell. Then he published his charter, and ordered a copythereof to be taken for every county in England. This charter was insubstance; The freedom of Mother Church from former oppressions; leaveto the heirs of nobles to succeed in the possession of their lands, without being obliged to redeem them, only paying to the king a moderaterelief; abolition of fines for licence of marriage to their heiresses; apromise of not refusing such licence unless the match proposed be withthe king's enemy, [17] &c. ; the next of kin to be guardians of the landsof orphans; punishments for coiners of false money; a confirmation ofSt. Edward's laws; and a general amnesty. 

[Footnote 17: _i. E. _ with a traitor or malcontent. [D. S. ]]

About the same time he performed two acts of justice, which, bygratifying the revenge and the love of the people, gained very much upontheir affections to his person: the first was, to imprison Ralph Bishopof Durham, [18] who having been raised by the late king from a mean andsordid birth to be his prime confidant and minister, became the chiefinstrument, as well as contriver, of all his oppressions: the secondwas, in recalling and restoring Archbishop Anselm, who having beenforced by the continual persecutions of the same prince, to leaveEngland, had lived ever since in banishment, and deprived of all hisrevenues. 

[Footnote 18: Le Neve says that Ralph Flambard, Bishop of Durham, wasimprisoned in the Tower, September, 1100, but escaped in February of thefollowing year, and fled to Normandy. ("Fasti, " iii. 282-3). [W. S. J. ]]

The King had not been many months on his throne, when the news came thatDuke Robert, returned from the Holy Land, was received by his subjectswith great marks of joy and honour, and in universal reputation for hisvalour and success against the infidels: soon after which, Ralph Bishopof Durham, either by the negligence or corruption of his keepers, escaped out of prison, and fled over to the Duke; whom he stirred up torenew and solicit his pretensions to the crown of England, by writing toseveral nobles, who, either through old friendship, or new discontent, or an opinion of his title, gave him promises of their assistance, assoon as he should land in England: but the Duke having returnedexceeding poor from the Holy Land, was not yet in a condition for suchan undertaking, and therefore thought fit to defer it to a moreseasonable opportunity. 

As the King had hitherto, with great industry, sought all occasions togratify his people, so he continued to do in the choice of a wife. Thiswas Matilda, daughter of Malcolm the late King of Scots; a lady of greatpiety and virtue, who, by the power or persuasion of her friends, wasprevailed with to leave her cloister for a crown, after she had, as somewriters report, already taken the veil. Her mother was sister to EdgarAtheling, the last heir-male of the Saxon race; of whom frequent mentionhath been made in the two preceding reigns: and thus the Saxon line, tothe great contentment of the English nation, was again restored. 

Duke Robert, having now with much difficulty and oppression of hissubjects, raised great forces, and gotten ready a fleet to convey them, resolved once more to assert his title to the crown of England: to whichend he had for some time held a secret correspondence with severalnobles, and lately received fresh invitations. The King, on the otherside, who had received timely intelligence of his brother'spreparations, gave orders to his admirals to watch the sea-ports, andendeavour to hinder the enemy's landing: but the commanders of severalships, whether Robert had won them by his bribes, or his promises, instead of offering resistance, became his guides, and brought his fleetsafe into Portsmouth, where he landed his men, and from thence marchedto Winchester, his army hourly increasing by great numbers of people, who had either an affection for his person, an opinion of his title, ora hatred to the King. In the mean time Henry advanced with his forces, to be near the Duke, and observe his motions; but, like a wise general, forbore offering battle to an invader, until he might do it withmanifest advantage. Besides, he knew very well that his brother was aperson whose policy was much inferior to his valour, and therefore to besooner overcome in a treaty than a fight: to this end, the nobles onboth sides began to have frequent interviews; to make overtures; and atlast concert the terms of a peace; but wholly to the advantage of theKing, Robert renouncing his pretensions in consideration of a smallpension, and of succeeding to the crown on default of male issue in hisbrother. 

The defection of nobles and other people to the Duke was so great, thatmen generally thought if it had come to a battle, the King would havelost both the victory and his crown. But Robert, upon his return toNormandy after this dishonourable peace, grew out of all reputation withthe world, as well as into perfect hatred and contempt among his ownsubjects, which in a short time was the cause of his ruin. 

The King having thus by his prudence got rid of a dangerous andtroublesome rival, and soon after by his valour quelled theinsurrections of the Earls of Shrewsbury and Mortaigne, whom he forcedto fly into Normandy, found himself in full peace at home and abroad, and therefore thought he might venture a contention with the Churchabout the right of investing bishops; upon which subject many otherprinces at that time had controversy with their clergy: but, after longstruggling in vain, were all forced to yield at last to the decree of asynod in Rome, and to the pertinacy of the bishops in the severalcountries. The form of investing a bishop, was by delivery of a ring anda pastoral staff; which, at Rome, was declared unlawful to be performedby any lay hand whatsoever; but the princes of Christendom pleadedimmemorial custom to authorize them: and King Henry, having given theinvestiture to certain bishops, commanded Anselm to consecrate them. This the archbishop refused with great firmness, pursuant to what heunderstood to be his duty, and to several immediate commands of thePope. Both sides adhering to their own sentiments, the matter wascarried to Rome, where Anselm went in person, by the King's desire; who, at the same time, sent ambassadors thither to assert and defend hiscause; but the Pope still insisting, Anselm was forbidden to return toEngland. The King seized on all his revenues, and would not restore him, until upon other concessions of the Pope, Henry was content to yield uphis pretensions to the investiture; but, however, kept the right ofelecting still in his own hands. 

Whatever might have been the method of electing bishops, in the moreprimitive ages, it seems plain to me that in these times, and somewhatbefore, although the election was made _per clerum et populum_, yet theking always nominated at first, or approved afterwards, and generallyboth, as may be seen by the style in which their elections ran, as wellas by the persons chosen, who were usually Churchmen of the court, or insome employment near the King. But whether this were a gradualencroachment of the regal upon the spiritual power, I had rather leaveothers to dispute. 

 1104. 1105. 

About this time Duke Robert came to England, upon a visit to the King, where he was received with much kindness and hospitality; but, at thesame time, the Queen had private directions to manage his easy temper, and work him to a consent of remitting his pension: this was compassedwithout much difficulty; but, upon the Duke's return to Normandy, he wasseverely reproved for his weakness by Ralph Bishop of Durham, and thetwo Earls of Mortaigne and Shrewsbury. These three having fled fromEngland for rebellion, and other treasons, lived exiles in Normandy;and, bearing an inveterate hatred to the King, resolved to stir up theDuke to a resentment of the injury and fraud of his brother. Robert, whowas various in his nature, and always under the power of the presentpersuader, easily yielded to their incitements: reproached the King inbitter terms, by letters and messages, that he had cozened andcircumvented him; demanding satisfaction, and withal threateningrevenge. At the same time, by the advice of the three nobles alreadymentioned, he began to arm himself as formidably as he could, withdesign to seize upon the King's possessions in Normandy: but as thisresolution was rashly taken up, so it was as faintly pursued, and endedin his destruction: neither hath any prince reason to expect betterfortune, that engages in a war against a powerful neighbour upon thecounsel or instigation of exiles, who having no further view than toserve their private interest, or gratify their revenge, are sure tosucceed in one or t'other, if they can embark princes in their quarrel, whom they fail not to incite by the falsest representations of their ownstrength, and the weakness of their enemy: for as the King was nowsettled in his throne too firm to be shaken, so Robert had wholly lostall credit and friendship in England; was sunk in reputation at home;and, by his unlimited profuseness, reduced so low, that, having pawnedmost of his dominions, he had offered Rouen, his capital city, in saleto the inhabitants. All this was very well known to the King, who, resolving to make his advantage thereof, pretended to be highly provokedat the disgraceful speeches and menaces of his brother; which he madethe formal occasion of a quarrel: therefore he first sent over someforces to ravage his country; and, understanding that the Duke wascoldly supported by his own subjects, many of whom came over to theKing's army, he soon followed in person with more; took several towns;and, placing garrisons therein, came back to England, designing with thefirst pretext or opportunity to return with a more potent army, andwholly subdue the duchy to his obedience. 

Robert, now grown sensible of his weakness, became wholly dispirited;and following his brother into England, in a most dejected manner beggedfor peace: but the King, now fully determined upon his ruin, turned awayin disdain, muttering at the same time some threatening words. Thisindignity roused up once more the sinking courage of the Duke; who, withbitter words, detesting the pride and insolence of Henry, withdrew in arage, and hasting back to Normandy, made what preparations he could forhis own defence. The King observing his nobles very ready to engage withhim in this expedition; and being assured that those in Normandy would, upon his approach, revolt from the Duke, soon followed with a mightyarmy, and the flower of his kingdom. Upon his arrival he was attended, according to his expectation, by several Norman lords; and, with thisformidable force, sat down before Tinchebray: the Duke, accompanied bythe two exiled earls, advanced with what strength he had, in hopes todraw the enemy from the siege of so important a place, although at thehazard of a battle. Both armies being drawn out in battalia, that of theKing's, trusting to their numbers, began to charge with great fury, butwithout any order. 

 1106. 

The Duke, with forces far inferior, received the enemy with muchfirmness; and, finding they had spent their first heat, advanced veryregularly against their main body, before they could recover themselvesfrom the confusion they were in. He attacked them with so much courage, that he broke their whole body, and they began to fly on every side. TheKing believing all was lost, did what he could by threats and gentlewords to stop the flight of his men, but found it impossible: then hecommanded two bodies of horse, which were placed on either wing, tojoin, and, wheeling about, to attack the enemy in rear. The Duke, whothought himself so near a victory, was forced to stop his pursuit; andordering his men to face about, began the fight anew; mean time thescattered parts of the main body, which had so lately fled, began torally, and pour in upon the Normans behind, by which Duke Robert's armywas almost encompassed; yet they kept their ground awhile, and madeseveral charges, until at length, perfectly overborne by numbers, theywere utterly defeated. There Duke Robert, doing all the parts of a greatcaptain, was taken prisoner, together with the Earl of Mortaigne, andalmost his whole army: for being hemmed in on all sides, few of themcould make their escape. Thus, in the space of forty years; Normandysubdued England, and England Normandy; which are events perhaps hardlyto be paralleled in any other ages or parts of the world. 

 1107. 

The King, having stayed a while to settle the state of Normandy, returned with his brother into England, whom he sent prisoner to CardiffCastle, with orders that he should be favourably used, which, for sometime, were duly observed; until being accused of attempting to make hisescape (whether it were real or feigned) he had his eyes put out with aburning basin, by the King's express commands; in which miserablecondition he lived for six-and-twenty years. 

It is believed the King would hardly have engaged in this unnatural andinvidious war, with so little pretence or provocation, if the Pope hadnot openly approved and sanctified his cause, exhorting him to it as ameritorious action; which seems to have been but an ill return from theVicar of CHRIST to a prince who had performed so many brave exploits forthe service of the Church, to the hazard of his person, and ruin of hisfortune. But the very bigoted monks, who have left us their accounts ofthose times, do generally agree in heavily taxing the Roman court forbribery and corruption. And the King had promised to remit his right ofinvesting bishops, which he performed immediately after his reduction ofNormandy, and was a matter of much more service to the Pope, than allthe achievements of Duke Robert in the Holy Land, whose merits, as wellas pretensions, were now antiquated and out of date. 

 1109. 

About this time the Emperor Henry V. Sent to desire Maud, the King'sdaughter in marriage, who was then a child about eight years old: thatprince had lately been embroiled in a quarrel with the see of Rome, which began upon the same subject of investing bishops, but was carriedto great extremities: for invading Italy with a mighty army, he took thePope prisoner, forced him to yield to whatever terms he thought fit toimpose, and to take an oath of fidelity to him between his hands:however, as soon as Henry had withdrawn his forces, the Pope assemblinga council, revoked all his concessions, as extorted by compulsion, andraised great troubles in Germany against the Emperor, who, in order tosecure himself, sought this alliance with the King. 

About this time likewise died Archbishop Anselm, a prelate of greatpiety and learning, whose zeal for the see of Rome, as well as for hisown rights and privileges, should in justice be imputed to the errors ofthe time, and not of the man. After his death, the King, following thesteps of his brother, held the see vacant five years, contenting himselfwith an excuse, which looked like a jest, That he only waited until hecould find another so good a man as Anselm. 

In the fourteenth year of this King's reign, the Welsh, after theirusual manner, invaded the Marches with great fury and destruction; butthe King, hoping to put a final end to those perpetual troubles andvexations given to his kingdom by that unquiet people, went in personagainst them with a powerful army; and to prevent their usual stratagemof retreating to their woods and mountains, and other fastnesses, heordered the woods to be cut down, beset all their places of security, and hunting them like wild beasts, made so terrible a slaughter, that atlength observing them to fling down their arms, and beg for quarter, hecommanded his soldiers to forbear; then receiving their submissions, andplacing garrisons where he thought necessary, he returned, in greattriumph and satisfaction, to London. 

 1114. 

The Princess Maud being now marriageable, was delivered to the Emperor'sambassador; and for a portion to the young lady a tax was imposed ofthree shillings upon every hide of land in England, which grewafterwards into a custom, [19] and was in succeeding times confirmed byActs of Parliament, under the name of "Reasonable Aid for marrying theKing's Daughter, " although levied after a different manner. 

[Footnote 19: This was the first occasion of the feudal tax calledscutage being levied in England. [W. S. J. ]]

As the institution of Parliaments in England is agreed by severalwriters to be owing to this King, so the date of the first hath beenassigned by some to the fifteenth year of his reign; which however isnot to be affirmed with any certainty: for great councils were convokednot only in the two preceding reigns, but for time immemorial by theSaxon princes, who first introduced them into this island, from the sameoriginal with the other Gothic forms of government in most parts ofEurope. These councils or assemblies were composed according to thepleasure of the prince who convened them, generally of nobles andbishops, sometimes were added some considerable commoners; but theyseldom met, except in the beginning of a reign, or in times of war, until this King came to the crown; who being a wise and popular prince, called these great assemblies upon most important affairs of his reign, and ever followed their advice, which, if it proved successful, thehonour and advantage redounded to him, and if otherwise, he was freefrom the blame: thus when he chose a wife for himself, and a husband forhis daughter, when he designed his expedition against Robert, and evenfor the election of an archbishop to the see of Canterbury, he proceededwholly by the advice of such general assemblies, summoned for thepurpose. But the style of these conventions, as delivered by severalauthors, is very various; sometimes it is _comites, barones, etcleri_;[20] his marriage was agreed on, _consilio majorum natu etmagnatum terrae_. One author[21] calls it _concilium principum, sacerdotum, et reliqui populi. _ And for the election of an archbishop, the Saxon Chronicle says, That he commanded by letters all bishops, abbots, and thanes to meet him at Gloucester _ad procerum conventum_. Lastly, some affirm these assemblies to have been an imitation of thethree estates in Normandy. I am very sensible how much time and painshave been employed by several learned men to search out the original ofParliaments in England, wherein I doubt they have little satisfiedothers or themselves. I know likewise that to engage in the sameenquiry, would neither suit my abilities nor my subject. It may besufficient for my purpose, if I be able to give some little light intothis matter, for the curiosity of those who are less informed. 

[Footnote 20: Brompton. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 21: Polydore Virgil. [D. S. ]]

The institution of a state or commonwealth out of a mixture of the threeforms of government received in the schools, however it be derided as asolecism and absurdity by some late writers on politics, hath been veryancient in the world, and is celebrated by the gravest authors ofantiquity. For although the supreme power cannot properly be said to bedivided, yet it may be so placed in three several hands, as each to be acheck upon the other; or formed into a balance, which is held by himthat has the executive power, with the nobility and people incounterpoise in each scale. Thus the kingdom of Media is represented byXenophon before the reign of Cyrus; so Polybius tells us, the bestgovernment is a mixture of the three forms, _regno, optimatium, etpopuli imperio_: the same was that of Sparta in its primitiveinstitution by Lycurgus, made up of _reges, seniores, et populus_; thelike may be asserted of Rome, Carthage, and other states: and theGermans of old fell upon the same model, from whence the Goths theirneighbours, with the rest of those northern people, did perhaps borrowit. But an assembly of the three estates is not properly of Gothicinstitution: for these fierce people, when upon the decline of the RomanEmpire they first invaded Europe, and settled so many kingdoms in Italy, Spain, and other parts, were all Heathens; and when a body of them hadfixed themselves in a tract of land left desolate by the flight ordestruction of the natives, their military government by time and peacebecame civil; the general was king, his great officers were his noblesand ministers of state, and the common soldiers the body of the people;but these were freemen, and had smaller portions of land assigned them. The remaining natives were all slaves; the nobles were a standingcouncil; and upon affairs of great importance, the freemen were likewisecalled by their representatives to give their advice. By which itappears, that the Gothic frame of government consisted at first but oftwo states or assemblies, under the administration of a single person. But after the conversion of these princes and their people to theChristian faith, the Church became endowed with great possessions, aswell by the bounty of kings, as the arts and industry of the clergy, winning upon the devotion of their new converts: and power, by thecommon maxim, always accompanying property, the ecclesiastics began soonto grow considerable, to form themselves into a body, and to callassemblies or synods by their own authority, or sometimes by the commandof their princes, who in an ignorant age had a mighty veneration fortheir learning as well as piety. By such degrees the Church arrived atlength, by very justifiable steps, to have her share in thecommonwealth, and became a third estate in most kingdoms of Europe; butthese assemblies, as we have already observed, were seldom called inEngland before the reign of this prince, nor even then were alwayscomposed after the same manner: neither does it appear from the writerswho lived nearest to that age, that the people had any representative atall, beside the barons and other nobles, who did not sit in thoseassemblies by virtue of their birth or creation, but of the lands orbaronies they held. So that the present constitution of the EnglishParliament hath, by many degrees and alterations, been modelled to theframe it is now in; which alterations I shall observe in the succeedingreigns as exactly as I can discover them by a diligent search into thehistories of the several ages, without engaging in the controvertedpoints of law about this matter, which would rather perplex the readerthan inform him. 

 1116. 

But to return, Louis the Gross King of France, a valiant and activeprince, in the flower of his age, succeeding to that crown that Robertwas deprived of, Normandy, grew jealous of the neighbourhood and powerof King Henry, and begun early to entertain designs either of subduingthat duchy to himself, or at least of making a considerable partyagainst the King in favour of William son of Robert, whom for that endhe had taken into his protection. Pursuant to these intentions, he soonfound an occasion for a quarrel: expostulating with Henry, that he hadbroken his promise by not doing homage for the Duchy of Normandy, aswell as by neglecting to raze the castle of Gisors, [22] which was builton the French side of the river Epte, the common boundary between bothdominions. 

[Footnote 22: Father Daniel says that for some years past it had beenagreed that Gisors "should be sequestered in the hands of a lord calledPagan or Payen, who was to receive into it neither English or Norman, nor French troops; and in case it should fall into the hands of eitherof the two kings, it was stipulated, that the walls should be razedwithin the space of forty days" ("Hist. Of France, " i. 369). [W. S. J. ]]

But an incident soon offered, which gave King Henry a pretext forretaliating almost in the same manner: for it happened that upon someoffence taken against his nephew Theobald Count of Blois by the FrenchKing, Louis in great rage sent an army to invade and ravage the earl'sterritories. Theobald defended himself for a while with much valour; butat length in danger to be overpowered, requested aid of his uncle theKing of England, who supported him so effectually with men and money, that he was able not only to defend his own country, but very much toinfest and annoy his enemy. Thus a war was kindled between the twokings; Louis now openly asserted the title of William the son of Robert, and entering into an alliance with the Earls of Flanders and Anjou, began to concert measures for driving King Henry out of Normandy. 

The King having timely intelligence of his enemy's designs, began withgreat vigour and dispatch to prepare himself for war: he raised, withmuch difficulty and discontent of his people, the greatest tax that hadever been known in England; and passing over into Normandy with a mightyarmy, joined his nephew Theobald. The King of France, who hadentertained hopes that he should overrun the duchy before his enemycould arrive, advanced with great security towards the frontiers ofNormandy; but observing an enemy of equal number and force alreadyprepared to engage him, he suddenly stopped his march. The two armiesfaced one another for some hours, neither side offering battle; the restof the day was spent in light skirmishes begun by the French, andrepeated for some days following with various success; but the remainderof the year passed without any considerable action. 

 1119. 

At length the violence of the two princes brought it to a battle: forLouis, to give a reputation to his arms, advanced towards the frontiersof Normandy, and after a short siege took Gué Nicaise;[23] there theKing met him, and the fight began, which continued with great obstinacyon both sides for nine hours. The French army was divided into twobodies, and the English into three; by which means, that part where theKing fought in person, being attacked by a superior number, began togive way; and William Crispin, a Norman baron, singling out the King ofEngland (whose subject he had been, but banished for treason) struck himtwice in the head with so much violence, that the blood gushed out ofhis mouth. The King inflamed with rage and indignation, dealt suchfurious blows, that he struck down several of his enemies, and Crispinamong the rest, who was taken prisoner at his horse's feet. The soldiersencouraged by the valour of their prince, rallied and fell on with freshvigour, and the victory seemed doubtful, when William the son of KingHenry, to whom his father had entrusted the third body of his army, which had not yet engaged, fell on with this fresh reserve upon theenemy, who was already very much harassed with the toil of the day: thisquickly decided the matter; for the French, though valiantly fighting, were overcome, with the slaughter of several thousand men; their Kingquitted the field, and withdrew to Andely; but the King of Englandrecovering Gué Nicaise, returned triumphant to Rouen. 

[Footnote 23: At that time reckoned an important fortress on the riverEpte. [D. S. ]]

This important victory was followed by the defection of the Earl ofAnjou to King Henry, and the Earl of Flanders fell in the battle; bywhich the King of France was at once deprived of two powerful allies. However, by the intercession of the former, a peace was soon after madebetween both crowns. William the King's son did homage to Louis for theDukedom of Normandy; and the other William, following the fortunes ofhis father, was left to his pretensions and complaints. 

It is here observable, that from this time until Wales was subdued tothe English crown, the eldest sons of England were called Dukes ofNormandy, as they are now Princes of Wales. 

 1120. 

The King having stayed some time in Normandy, for the settlement of hisduchy after the calamities and confusions of a war, returned to England, to the very great satisfaction of his people and himself. He hadenlarged his dominions by the conquest of Normandy; he had subdued allhis competitors, and forced even the King of France, their greatprotector, after a glorious victory, to his own conditions of a peace;he was upon very good terms with the Pope, who had a great esteem andfriendship for his person, and made him larger concessions than wasusual from that see, and in those ages. At home he was respected by theclergy, reverenced by the nobles, and beloved by the people; in hisfamily he was blessed with a son of much hopes, just growing to years ofmanhood, and his daughter was an empress; so that he seemed to possessas great a share of happiness as human life is capable to admit. But thefelicity of man depends upon a conjunction of many circumstances, whichare all subject to various accidents, and every single accident is ableto dissolve the whole contexture; which truth was never verified morethan in this prince, who by one domestic misfortune, not to be preventedor foreseen, found all the pleasure and content he proposed to himselfby his prudence, his industry, and his valour, wholly disappointed anddestroyed: for William the young prince having embarked at Barfleur sometime after his father, the mariners being all drunk, suffered the shipto run upon a rock, where it was dashed to pieces: the prince made ashift to get into the boat, and was making to the shore, until forcedback by the cries of his sister, whom he received into the boat, so manyothers crowded in at the same time, that it was immediately overturned. There perished, beside the prince, a natural son and daughter of theKing's, his niece, and many other persons of quality, together with alltheir attendants and servants, to the number of a hundred and forty, beside fifty mariners, but one person escaping. 

Although the King survived this cruel misfortune many years, yet hecould never recover his former humour, but grew melancholy and morose;however, in order to provide better for the peace and settlement of thekingdom after his death, about five months after the loss of his son, his former Queen having died three years before, he married Adeliza, abeautiful young lady of the family of Lorraine, [24] in hopes of issue byher, but never had any. 

[Footnote 24: She was daughter of Godfrey Duke of Louvain, or the LowerLorraine. [D. S. ]]

 1124. 

The death of the prince gave occasion to some new troubles in Normandy;for the Earls of Meulant and Evreux, Hugh de Montfort, and otherassociates, began to raise insurrections there, which were thought to beprivately fomented by the French King, out of enmity to King Henry, andin favour of William the son of Robert, to whom the Earl of Anjou hadlately given his daughter in marriage. But William of Tankerville, theKing's lieutenant in Normandy, surprising the enemy's forces by anambush, entirely routed them, took both the earls prisoners, and sentone of them (Meulant) to his master; but the Count d'Evreux made hisescape. 

 1126. 

King Henry having now lost hope of issue by his new Queen, brought withhim, on his return to England, his daughter Maud, who by the Emperor'sdeath had been lately left a widow and childless; and in a Parliament orgeneral assembly which he had summoned at Windsor, he caused the crownto be settled on her and her children, and made all his nobles take asolemn oath to defend her title. This was performed by none with so muchforwardness as Stephen Earl of Boulogne, who was observed to shew a morethan ordinary zeal in the matter. This young lord was the King's nephew, being second son of the Earl of Blois by Adela the Conqueror's daughter:he was in high favour with the King his uncle, who had married him tothe daughter and heiress of the Earl of Boulogne, given him greatpossessions in England, and made him indeed too powerful for a subject. 

The King having thus fixed the succession of the crown in his daughterby an Act of Settlement and an oath of fealty, looked about to provideher with a second husband, and at length determined his choice inGeoffrey Plantagenet Earl of Anjou, the son of Fulk lately deceased. 

This prince, whose dominions confined on France and Normandy, wasusually courted for an ally by both Kings in their several quarrels; buthaving little faith or honour, he never scrupled to change sides asoften as he saw or conceived it for his advantage. After the greatvictory over the French, he closed in with King Henry, and gave hisdaughter to the young prince William; yet at the same time, by theprivate encouragement of Louis, he prevailed on the King of England tobe easy in the conditions of a peace. Upon the unfortunate loss of theprince, and the troubles in Normandy thereupon, he fell again from theKing, gave his other daughter to William the son of Robert, and struckup with France to take that prince again into protection. But dying soonafter, and leaving his son Geoffrey to succeed in that earldom, the Kingwas of opinion he could not anywhere bestow his daughter with moreadvantage, both for the security and enlargement of his dominions, thanby giving her to this earl; by which marriage Anjou would become anacquisition to Normandy, and this be a more equal match to so formidablea neighbour as France. In a short time the marriage was concluded; andthis Earl Geoffrey had the honour to introduce into the royal family ofEngland the surname of Plantagenet, borne by so many succeeding Kings, which began with Henry II. Who was the eldest son of this marriage. 

But the King of France was in great discontent at this match: he easilyforesaw the dismal consequences to himself and his successors from suchan increase of dominion united to the crown of England: he knew whatimpressions might be made in future times to the shaking of his throneby an aspiring and warlike king, if they should happen in a weak reign, or upon any great discontents in that kingdom. Which conjectures beinghighly reasonable (and since often verified by events) he cast about tofind some way of driving the King of England entirely out of France; buthaving neither pretext nor stomach in the midst of a peace to begin anopen and formal quarrel, there fell out an accident which gave himplausible occasion of pursuing his design. 

Charles the Good Earl of Flanders having been lately murdered by some ofhis subjects, upon private revenge, the King of France went in person totake revenge of the assassins; which he performed with great justice andhonour. But the late earl leaving no heir of his body, and severalcompetitors appearing to dispute the succession, Louis rejected someothers who seemed to have a fairer title, and adjudged it to William theson of Robert, the better to secure him to his interests upon any designhe might engage in against the King of England. Not content with this, he assisted the Earl in person, subdued his rivals, and left him inpeaceable possession of his new dominion. 

King Henry, on the other side, was very apprehensive of his nephew'sgreatness, well knowing to what end it was directed; however, he seemednot to regard it, contenting himself to give the Earl employment at homeby privately nourishing the discontents of his new subjects, andabetting underhand another pretender: for William had so entirely lostthe hearts of his people, by his intolerable avarice and exactions, thatthe principal towns in Flanders revolted from him, and invited ThierriEarl of Alsace to be their governor. But the King of France generouslyresolved to appear once more in his defence, and took his thirdexpedition into Flanders for that purpose. He had marched as far asArtois, when he was suddenly recalled to defend his own dominions fromthe fury of a powerful and provoked invader: for Henry King of England, moved with indignation to see the French King in the midst of a peace sofrequently and openly supporting his most dangerous enemy, thought itthe best way to divert Louis from kindling a fire against him abroad, byforcing him to extinguish one at home: he therefore entered into thebowels of France, ravaging and laying waste all before him, and quicklygrew so formidable, that the French King to purchase a peace was forcedto promise never more to assist or favour the Earl of Flanders; however, as it fell out, this article proved to be wholly needless; for the youngEarl soon after gave battle to Thierri, and put his whole army to therout; but pursuing his victory, he received a wound in his wrist, which, by the unskilfulness of a surgeon, cost him his life. [24]

[Footnote 24: The lance passed through or under the ball of his thumbinto his wrist. The wound gangrening, he died within five days. [D. S. ]]

This one slight inconsiderable accident did, in all probability, put astop to very great events; for if that young prince had survived hisvictory, it is hardly to be doubted but through the justness of hiscause, the reputation of his valour, and the assistance of the King ofFrance, he would in a little time have recovered Normandy, and perhapshis father's liberty, which were the two designs he had in agitation;nor could he well have missed the crown of England after the King'sdeath, who was now in his decline, when he had so fair a title, and nocompetitors in view but a woman and an infant. 

 1129. 

Upon the King's return from Normandy, a great council of the clergy washeld at London, for the punishing of priests who lived in concubinage, which was the great grievance of the Church in those ages, and had beencondemned by several canons. This assembly thinking to take a moreeffectual course against that abomination, as it was called, decreedsevere penalties upon those who should be guilty of breaking it, entreating the King to see the law put in execution; which he veryreadily undertook, but performed otherwise than was expected, eludingthe force of the law by an evasion to his own advantage: for exactingfines of the delinquent priests, he suffered them to keep theirconcubines without further disturbance. A very unaccountable step in sowise a body for their own concernments, as the clergy of those times islooked upon to have been; and although perhaps the fact be not worthrecording, it may serve as a lesson to all assemblies never to trust theexecution of a law in the hands of those who will find it more to theirinterests to see it broken than observed. 

 1132. 

The Empress Maud was now happily delivered of a son, who was afterwardsKing of England by the name of Henry the Second: and the King calling aParliament, had the oath of fealty repeated by the nobles and clergy toher and her issue, which in the compass of three years they all broke orforgot. 

 1134. 

I think it may deserve a place in this history to mention the last sceneof Duke Robert's life, who, either through the poorness or greatness ofspirit, having outlived the loss of his honour, his dominions, hisliberty, his eyesight, and his only son, was at last forced to sinkunder the load of eighty years, and must be allowed for the greatestexample either of insensibility or contempt of earthly things, that everappeared in a sovereign or private person. He was a prince hardlyequalled by any in his time for valour, conduct, and courtesy; but hisruin began from the easiness of his nature, which whoever knew how tomanage, were sure to be refused nothing they could ask. By suchprofusion he was reduced to those unhappy expedients of remitting hisrights for a pension, of pawning his towns, and multiplying taxes, whichbrought him into hatred and contempt with his subjects; neither do Ithink any virtue so little commendable in a sovereign as that ofliberality, where it exceeds what his ordinary revenues can supply;where it passes those bounds, his subjects must all be oppressed to shewhis bounty to a few flatterers, or he must sell his towns, or baselyrenounce his rights, by becoming pensioner to some powerful prince inthe neighbourhood; all which we have lived to see performed by a latemonarch in our own time and country. 

 1135. 

Since the reduction of Normandy to the King's obedience, he found itnecessary for his affairs to spend in that duchy some part of his timealmost every year, and a little before the death of Robert he made hislast voyage there. It was observable in this prince, that having someyears past very narrowly escaped shipwreck in his passage from Normandyinto England, the sense of his danger had made very deep impressions onhis mind, which he discovered by a great reformation in his life, byredressing several grievances, and doing many acts of piety; and to shewthe steadiness of his resolutions, he kept them to the last, making aprogress through most parts of Normandy, treating his subjects in allplaces with great familiarity and kindness, granting their petitions, easing their taxes, and, in a word, giving all possible marks of areligious, wise, and gracious prince. 

Returning to St. Denys le Ferment from his progress a little indisposed, he there fell into a fever upon a surfeit of lamprey, which in a fewdays ended his life. His body was conveyed to England, and buried atReading in the abbey-church himself had founded. 

It is hard to affirm anything peculiar of this prince's character; thoseauthors who have attempted it mentioning very little but what was commonto him with thousands of other men; neither have they recorded any ofthose personal circumstances or passages, which only can discover suchqualities of the mind as most distinguish one man from another. Thesedefects may perhaps appear in the stories of many succeeding kings;which makes me hope I shall not be altogether blamed for sometimesdisappointing the reader in a point wherein I could wish to be the mostexact. 

As to his person, he is described to be of middle stature; his bodystrong set and fleshy; his hair black; his eyes large; his countenanceamiable, and very pleasant, especially when he was merry. He wastemperate in meat and drink, and a hater of effeminacy, a vice or follymuch complained of in his time, especially that circumstance of longartificial hair, which he forbade upon severe penalties. His threeprincipal virtues were prudence, valour, and eloquence. These werecounterbalanced by three great vices; avarice, cruelty, and lust; ofwhich the first is proved by the frequency of his taxes; the second byhis treatment of Duke Robert; and the last was notorious. But the proofof his virtues doth not depend on single instances, manifestingthemselves through the whole course of a long reign, which was hardlyattended by any misfortune that prudence, justice, or valour couldprevent. He came to the crown at a ripe age, when he had passed thirtyyears, having learned, in his private life, to struggle with hardships, whereof he had his share, from the capriciousness and injustice of bothhis brothers; and by observing their failures, he had learned to avoidthem in himself, being steady and uniform in his whole conduct, whichwere qualities they both seemed chiefly to want. This likewise made himso very tenacious as he was observed to be in his love and hatred. Hewas a strict observer of justice, which he seems never to have violated, but in that particular case, which political casuists are pleased todispense with, where the dispute is about a crown. In that he[25] * * ** * *

[Footnote 25: Here the sentence breaks off short, and is leftunfinished. [D. S. ]]

Consider him as a private man, he was perhaps the most accomplishedperson of his age, having a facetious wit, cultivated by learning, andadvanced with a great share of natural eloquence, which was his peculiartalent: and it was no doubt the sense he had of this last perfection inhimself, that put him so often upon calling together the great councilsof the nation, where natural oratory is of most figure as well as use. 

THE REIGN OF STEPHEN. 

The veneration which people are supposed naturally to pay to a rightline, and a lawful title in their kings, must be upheld by a longuninterrupted succession, otherwise it quickly loses opinion, upon whichthe strength of it, although not the justice, is entirely founded: andwhere breaches have been already made in the lineal descent, there islittle security in a good title (though confirmed by promises and oaths)where the lawful heir is absent, and a popular aspiring pretender nearat hand. This, I think, may pass for a maxim, if any consequences drawnfrom history can pretend to be called so, having been verifiedsuccessively three times in this kingdom, I mean by the two precedingkings, and by the prince whose reign we are now writing. Neither canthis observation be justly controlled by any instances brought of futureprinces, who being absent at their predecessor's death, have peaceablysucceeded, the circumstances being very different in every case, eitherby the weakness or justice of pretenders, or else by the longestablishment of lineal succession. 

 1135. 

Stephen Earl of Boulogne, whose descent hath been already shewn in theforegoing reign, was the second of three brothers, whereof the eldestwas Theobald Earl of Blois, a sovereign prince, and Henry the youngestwas Bishop of Winchester, and the Pope's legate in England. At the timeof King Henry's death, his daughter the Empress was with her husband theEarl of Anjou, a grave and cautious prince, altogether unqualified forsudden enterprises: but Earl Stephen, who had attended the King in hislast expedition, made so great dispatch for England, [26] that thecouncil had not time to meet and make any declaration about a successor. When the lords were assembled, the legate had already, by his credit andinfluence among them, brought over a great party to his brother'sinterests; and the Earl himself, knowing with what success the likemethods were used by his two last predecessors, was very liberal of hispromises to amend the laws, support the Church, and redress grievances:for all which the bishop undertook to be guarantee. And thus was Stephenelected by those very persons who had so lately, and in so solemn amanner, more than once sworn fealty to another. 

[Footnote 26: Stephen was at Boulogne when he received the news ofHenry's death. [D. S. ]]

The motives whereby the nobility was swayed to proceed after thismanner, were obvious enough. There had been a perpetual struggle betweenthem and their former kings in the defence of their liberties; for thesecurity whereof, they thought a king elected without other title, wouldbe readier to enter into any obligations, and being held in constantdependence, would be less tempted to break them: therefore, as at hiscoronation they obtained full security by his taking new and additionaloaths in favour of their liberties, their oath of fealty to him was butconditional, to be of force no longer than he should be true to thosestipulations. 

But other reasons were contrived and given out to satisfy the people:they were told it was an indignity for so noble a nation to be governedby a woman; that the late King had promised to marry his daughter withinthe realm, and by consent of Parliament, neither of which was observed:and lastly, Hugh Bigod, steward to King Henry, took a voluntary oath, before the Archbishop of Canterbury, that his master, in his lastsickness, had, upon some displeasure, disinherited his daughter. 

He received the crown with one great advantage that could best enablehim to preserve it: this was the possession of his uncle's treasures, amounting to one hundred thousand pounds, and reckoned as a prodigioussum in those days; by the help of which, without ever raising one taxupon the people, he defended an unjust title against the lawful heirduring a perpetual contest of almost twenty years. 

In order to defend himself against any sudden invasion, which he hadcause enough to expect, he gave all men licence to build castles upontheir lands, which proved a very mistaken piece of politics, althoughgrounded upon some appearance of reason. The King supposed that noinvader would venture to advance into the heart of his country withoutreducing every castle in his way, which must be a work of much time anddifficulty, nor would be able to afford men to block them up, and securehis retreat: which way of arguing may be good enough to a prince of anundisputed title, and entirely in the hearts of his subjects: butnumerous castles are ill defenders of an usurpation, being the commonretreat of malcontents, where they can fly with security, and discovertheir affections as they please: by which means the enemy, althoughbeaten in the field, may still preserve his footing in the bowels of acountry; may wait supplies from abroad; and prolong a war for manyyears: nor, while he is master of any castles, can he ever be at mercyby any sudden misfortune; but may be always in a condition of demandingterms for himself. These, and many other effects of so pernicious acounsel, the King found through the whole course of his reign; which wasentirely spent in sieges, revolts, surprises, and surrenders, with veryfew battles, but no decisive action: a period of much misery andconfusion, which affords little that is memorable for events, or usefulfor the instruction of posterity. 

 1136. 

The first considerable enemy that appeared against him was David King ofScots, who having taken the oath of fealty to Maud and her issue, beingfurther engaged by the ties of blood, and stirred up through thepersuasions of several English nobles, began to take up arms in hercause; and invading the northern parts, took Carlisle and Newcastle; butupon the King's speedy approach with his forces, a peace was presentlymade, and the towns restored. However, the Scottish prince would, by nomeans, renounce his fidelity to the Empress, by paying homage toStephen; so that an expedient was found to have it performed by hiseldest son: in consideration of which the King gave, or rather restored, to him the Earldom of Huntingdon. 

Upon his return to London from this expedition, he happened to fall sickof a lethargy, and it was confidently given out that he was dead. Thisreport was, with great industry and artifice, dispersed by his enemies, which quickly discovered the ill inclination of several lords, who, although they never believed the thing, yet made use of it for anoccasion or pretext to fortify their castles, which they refused tosurrender to the King himself; but Stephen was resolved, as he said, toconvince them that he was alive and well; for coming against them beforehe was expected, he recovered Exeter, Norwich, [27] and other fortifiedplaces, although not without much difficulty. 

[Footnote 27: Hugh Bigod had seized Norwich Castle. [D. S. ]]

It is obvious enough to wonder how a prince of so much valour, and otherexcellent endowments, elected by the Church and State, after acompliance with all conditions they could impose on him, and in an agewhen so little regard was had to the lineal descent, lastly confirmed bythe Pope himself, should be soon deserted and opposed by those verypersons who had been the most instrumental to promote him. But, besidehis defective title, and the undistinguished liberty of buildingcastles, there were three circumstances which very much contributed tothose perpetual revolts of the nobles against him: first, that upon hiscoming to the crown he was very liberal in distributing lands andhonours to several young gentlemen of noble birth, who came to maketheir court, whereby he hoped to get the reputation of a generousprince, and to strengthen his party against the Empress: but, by thisencouragement, the number of pretenders quickly grew too fast upon him;and when he had granted all he was able, he was forced to dismiss therest with promises and excuses, who, either out of envy or discontent, or else to mend their fortunes, never failed to become his enemies uponthe first occasion that offered. Secondly, when he had reduced severalcastles and towns which had given the first example of disaffection fromhim, he hardly inflicted the least punishment on the authors; whichunseasonable mercy, that in another prince and another age would havebeen called greatness of spirit, passed in him for pusillanimity andfear, and is reckoned, by the writers of those times to have been thecause of many succeeding revolts. The third circumstance was of adifferent kind: for, observing how little good effect he had found byhis liberality and indulgence, he would needs try the other extreme, which was not his talent. He began to infringe the articles of hischarter; to recall or disown the promises he had made; and to repulsepetitioners with rough treatment, which was the more unacceptable bybeing new and unexpected. 

 1137. 

Mean time the Earl of Anjou, who was not in a condition to assert hiswife's title to England, hearing Stephen was employed at home, enteredNormandy with small force, and found it no difficult matter to seizeseveral towns. The Normans, in the present distraction of affairs, notwell knowing what prince to obey, at last sent an invitation to TheobaldEarl of Blois, King Stephen's eldest brother, to accept their dukedomupon the condition of protecting them from the present insults of theEarl of Anjou. But before this matter could come to an issue, Stephen, who, upon reduction of the towns already mentioned, had found a shortinterval of quiet from his English subjects, arrived with unexpectedspeed into Normandy; where Geoffrey of Anjou soon fled before him, andthe whole duchy came over to his obedience; for the further settlementwhereof he made peace with the King of France; constituted his sonEustace Duke of Normandy; and made him swear fealty to that Prince, anddo him homage. His brother Theobald, who began to expostulate upon thisdisappointment, he pacified with a pension of two thousand marks:[28]and even the Earl of Anjou himself, who, in right of his wife, madedemands of Stephen for the kingdom of England, finding he was no equalmatch at present, was persuaded to become his pensioner for fivethousand more. [29]

[Footnote 28: The mark of Normandy is to be understood here. Such apension in that age was equivalent to one of £31, 000 sterling in thepresent. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 29: Five thousand marks of silver coin was, in this reign, ofthe same value as the sum of £77, 500 modern currency, is now. Here againthe Norman mark seems to be used. [D. S. ]]

Stephen, upon his return to England, met with an account of new troublesfrom the north; for the King of Scots, under pretence of observing hisoath of fealty to the Empress, infested the Borders, and frequentlymaking cruel inroads, plundered and laid waste all before him. 

 1138. 

In order to revenge this base and perfidious treatment, the King, in hismarch northward, sat down before Bedford, and took it after a siege oftwenty days. This town was part of the Earldom of Huntingdon, given byStephen in the late peace to the eldest son of the Scottish King, forwhich the young prince did homage to him; and it was upon that accountdefended by a garrison of Scots. Upon intelligence of this surrender, King David, overcome with fury, entered Northumberland, where, lettingloose the rage of his soldiers, he permitted and encouraged them tocommit all manner of inhumanities; which they performed in so execrablea manner as would scarce be credible, if it were not attested by almostthe universal consent of writers: they ripped up women with child, drewout the infants, and tossed them upon the points of their lances: theymurdered priests before the altars; then cutting the heads from off thecrucifixes, in their stead put on the heads of those they had murdered:with many other instances of monstrous barbarity too foul to relate: butcruelty being usually attended with cowardice, this perfidious prince, upon the approach of King Stephen, fled into places of security. TheKing of England, finding no enemy on whom to employ his revenge, marchedforward into the country, destroying with fire and sword all thesouthern parts; and would, in all probability, have made terribleimpressions into the heart of Scotland, if he had not been suddenlyrecalled by a more dangerous fire at home, which had been kindled in hisabsence, and was now broken out into a flame. 

Robert Earl of Gloucester, natural son of the late King, came intoEngland some time after the advancement of Stephen to the crown; and, yielding to the necessity of the time, took the oath of fealty upon thesame condition used by the other nobles, to be of force so long as theKing should keep his faith with him, and preserve his dignity inviolate:but, being in his heart wholly devoted to the interests of the Empresshis sister, and moved by the persuasions of several religious men, hehad, with great secrecy and application, so far practised upon thelevity or discontents of several lords, as to gain them to his party:for the King had, of late, very much alienated the nobles against him;first, by seizing several of their persons, and dispossessing them oftheir lands; and, secondly, by taking into his favour William d'Ypres, aFlemish commander, of noble birth, but banished by his prince. This man, with many of his followers, the King employed chiefly both in hiscouncils and his armies, and made him Earl of Kent, to the great envyand displeasure of his English subjects. The Earl of Gloucester, therefore, and his accomplices, having prepared all things necessary foran insurrection, it was agreed among them, that while the King wasengaged against the Scots, each of them should secure what towns andcastles they could, and openly declare for the Empress. Accordingly EarlRobert suddenly fortified himself in Bristol; the rest followed hisexample; Hereford, Shrewsbury, Ludlow, Dover, [30] and many other places, were seized by several lords, and the defection grew so formidable, thatthe King, to his great grief, was forced to leave his Scottishexpedition unfinished, and return with all possible speed to suppressthe rebellion begun by his subjects; having first left the care of thenorth to Thurstan Archbishop of York; with orders carefully to observethe motions of the Scots. 

[Footnote 30: Robert Earl of Gloucester had been entrusted by Stephenwith the custody of Dover Castle: but Robert lying now under heavysuspicion, the King sent Matilda his queen to besiege it, in which shewas successful. [D. S. ]]

Whilst the King was employed in the south in reducing his discontentedlords, and their castles, to his obedience, David, presuming upon thedistance between them, reentered England with more numerous forces, andgreater designs, than before: for, without losing more time than whatwas necessary to pillage and destroy the country as he marched, heresolved to besiege York, which, if he could force to surrender, wouldserve as a convenient frontier against the English. To this end, advancing near the city, and having pitched his tents, he sat downbefore it with his whole army. In the mean time Archbishop Thurstan, having already summoned the nobles and gentry of the shire and partsadjacent, had, by powerful persuasions incited them to defend theircountry against a treacherous, bloody, and restless enemy: so thatbefore the King of Scotland could make any progress in the siege, thewhole power of the north was united against him, under the Earl ofAlbemarle, and several other nobles. Archbishop Thurstan happening tofall sick, could not go in person to the army, but sent the Bishop ofDurham in his stead; by whose encouragements the English, although innumber far inferior, advanced boldly towards the enemy, and offered thembattle, which was as readily accepted by the Scots, who, sending out aparty of horse to secure the rising ground, were immediately attacked bythe English, and, after a sharp dispute, entirely defeated. In the heatof the battle the King of Scots, and his son Henry Earl of Huntingdon, gave many proofs of great personal valour. The young prince fell withsuch fierceness upon a body of the English, that he utterly broke anddispersed them; and was pursuing his victory, when a certain man, bearing aloft the head of an enemy he had cut off, cried out, It was thehead of the Scottish King, which being heard and believed on both sides, the English, who had lately fled, rallied again, assaulting theirenemies with new vigour; the Scots, on the other side, discouraged bythe supposed death of their Prince, began to turn their backs: the Kingand his son used all endeavours to stop their flight, and made severalbrave stands against the enemy; but the greatest part of their armybeing fled, and themselves almost encompassed, they were forced to giveway to fortune, and with much difficulty made their escape. 

The loss on the English side was inconsiderable; but of Scots, bygeneral consent of writers, ten thousand were slain. And thus ended theWar of the Standard, as it was usually called by the authors of thatage, because the English, upon a certain engine, raised the mast of aship, on the top whereof, in a silver box, they put the consecratedwafer, and fastened the standards of St. Peter and other saints: thisgave them courage, by remembering they were to fight in the presence ofGod; and served likewise for a mark where to reassemble when they shouldhappen to be dispersed by any accident or misfortune. 

 1139

Mean time the King was equally successful against his rebellious lordsat home, having taken most of their castles and strong-holds; and theEarl of Gloucester himself, no longer able to make any resistance, withdrew into Normandy, to concert new measures with the Empress hissister. Thus the King had leisure and opportunity for another expeditioninto Scotland, to pursue and improve his victory, where he met with noopposition: however, he was at length persuaded with much difficulty toaccept his own conditions of a peace; and David delivered up to him hiseldest son Henry, as hostage for performance of articles between them. 

The King, in his return homeward, laid siege to Ludlow Castle, which hadnot been reduced with the rest: here Prince Henry of Scotland, boilingwith youth and valour, and exposing his person upon all occasions, waslifted from his horse by an iron grapple let down from the wall, andwould have been hoisted up into the castle, if the King had notimmediately flown to his assistance, and brought him off with his ownhands by main force from the enemy, whom he soon compelled to surrenderthe castle. 

 1140

Stephen having thus subdued his inveterate enemies the Scots, andreduced his rebellious nobles, began to entertain hopes of enjoying alittle ease. But he was destined to the possession of a crown withperpetual disturbance; for he was hardly returned from his northernexpedition, when he received intelligence that the Empress, accompaniedby her brother the Earl of Gloucester, was preparing to come forEngland, in order to dispute her title to the kingdom. The King, whoknew by experience what a powerful party she already had to espouse herinterests, very reasonably concluded, the defection from him would bemuch greater, when she appeared in person to countenance and reward it;he therefore began again to repent of the licence he had granted forbuilding castles, which were now like to prove so many places ofsecurity for his enemies, and fortifications against himself; for heknew not whom to trust, vehemently suspecting his nobles ever sincetheir last revolt. He therefore cast about for some artifice to get intohis hands as many of their castles as he could: in the strength andmagnificence of which kind of structures, the bishops had far outdonethe rest, and were upon that, as well as other accounts, very muchmaligned and envied by the temporal lords, who were extreme jealous ofthe Church's increasing power, and glad upon all occasions to see theprelates humbled. The King, therefore, having formed his project, resolved to make trial where it would be least invidious, and where hecould foresee least danger in the consequences. At a Parliament orassembly of nobles at Oxford, it was contrived to raise a quarrelbetween the servants of some bishops and those of Alan Count of Dinan inBretagne, upon a contention of rooms in their inns. Stephen took hold ofthis advantage, sent for the bishops, taxed them with breaking hispeace, and demanded the keys of their castles, adding threats ofimprisonment if they dared to disobey. Those whom the King chieflysuspected, or rather who had built the most and strongest castles, wereRoger Bishop of Salisbury, with his nephew and natural son the Bishopsof Ely and Lincoln, whom the King, by many circumstances of rigour, compelled to surrender, going himself in person to seize the Devizes, then esteemed the noblest structure of Europe, and built by theforementioned Bishop Roger, whose treasure, to the value of fortythousand marks, [31] there likewise deposited, fell, at the same time, into the King's hand, which in a few days broke the bishop's heart, already worn with age and infirmity. 

[Footnote 31: This prelate's treasure is doubtless computed by thesmaller or Saxon mark; the use of which still prevailed in England: andeven thus computed, it amounts to a vast sum, equal to about £116, 350 ofmodern money. [D. S. ]]

It may, perhaps, not be thought a digression to say something of thefortunes of this prelate, who, from the lowest beginnings, came to be, without dispute, the greatest churchman of any subject in his age. Ithappened that the late King Henry, in the reign of his brother, being ata village in Normandy, wanted a priest to say mass before him and histrain, when this man, who was a poor curate thereabouts, offered hisservice, and performed it with so much dexterity and speed, that thesoldiers who attended the prince recommended him to their master, uponthat account, as a very proper chaplain for military men; but it seemshe had other talents; for having gotten into the prince's service, hesoon discovered great application and address, much order and economy inthe management of his master's fortunes, which were wholly left to hiscare. After Henry's advancement to the crown, this chaplain grew chiefin his favour and confidence; was made Bishop of Salisbury, Chancellorof England, employed in all his most weighty affairs, and usually leftvicegerent of the realm while the King was absent in Normandy. He wasamong the first that swore fealty to Maud and her issue; and among thefirst that revolted from her to Stephen, offering such reasons incouncil for setting her aside, as, by the credit and opinion of hiswisdom, were very prevalent. But the King, in a few years, forgot allobligations, and the bishop fell a sacrifice in his old age to thosetreasures he had been so long heaping up for its support. A just rewardfor his ingratitude towards the Prince that raised him, to be ruined bythe ingratitude of another, whom he had been so very instrumental toraise. 

But Henry Bishop of Winchester, the Pope's legate, not able to endurethis violation of the Church, called a council of all the prelates tomeet at Winchester, where the King being summoned, appeared by hisadvocate, who pleaded his cause with much learning; and the Archbishopof Rouen coming to the council, declared his opinion, That although thecanons did allow the bishops to possess castles, yet in dangerous timesthey ought to deliver them up to the King. This opinion Stephen followedvery steadily, not yielding a tittle, although the legate his brotherused all means, both rough and gentle, to work upon him. 

The council of bishops broke up without other effect than that ofleaving in their minds an implacable hatred to the King, in a veryopportune juncture for the interests of Maud, who, about this time, landed at Portsmouth with her brother Robert Earl of Gloucester. Thewhole force she brought over for this expedition consisted but of onehundred and forty knights;[32] for she trusted altogether in her causeand her friends. With this slender attendance she went to Arundel, andwas there received into the castle by the widow of the late King; whileEarl Robert, accompanied only by twenty men, marched boldly to his owncity of Gloucester, in order to raise forces for the Empress, where thetownsmen turned out the King's garrison as soon as they heard of hisapproach. 

[Footnote 32: In these times none served on horseback but gentlemen orknights, in right of their fiefs, or their representatives, called_Men-at-arms;_ and each of these was attended by at least two servantsor retainers mounted and armed. [D. S. ]]

King Stephen was not surprised at the news of the Empress's arrival, being a thing he had always counted upon, and was long preparing himselfagainst. He was glad to hear how ill she was provided, and resolved touse the opportunity of her brother's absence; for, hasting down toArundel with a sufficient strength, he laid siege to the castle, inhopes, by securing her person, to put a speedy end to the war. 

But there wanted not some very near about the King, who, favouring theparty of Maud, had credit enough to prevail with him not to venture timeand reputation against an impregnable fortress, but rather, bywithdrawing his forces, permit her to retire to some less fortifiedplace, where she might more easily fall into his hands. This advice theKing took against his own opinion; the Empress fled out of Arundel bynight; and, after frequent shifting her stages through several towns, which had already declared in her favour, fixed herself at last atLincoln; where, having all things provided necessary for her defence, she resolved to continue, and expect either a general revolt of theEnglish to her side, or the decision of war between the King and herbrother. 

But Stephen, who had pursued the Empress from place to place, hearingshe had shut herself up in Lincoln, resolved to give her no rest; and tohelp on his design, it fell out that the citizens in hatred to the Earlof Chester, who commanded there for the Empress, sent a privateinvitation to the King, with promise to deliver the town and theirgovernor into his hands. The King came accordingly, and possessedhimself of the town; but Maud and the Earl made their escape a few daysbefore. However, many great persons of Maud's party remained prisonersto the King, and among the rest the Earl of Chester's wife, who wasdaughter to the Earl of Gloucester. These two Earls resolving to attemptthe relief of their friends, marched with all their forces near Lincoln, where they found the enemy drawn up and ready to receive them. 

The next morning, after battle offered by the lords, and accepted by theKing, both sides made ready to engage. The King having disposed hiscavalry on each wing, placed himself at the head of his foot, in whom hereposed most confidence. The army of the lords was divided in threebodies; those whom King Stephen had banished were placed in the middle, the Earl of Chester led the van, and the Earl of Gloucester commandedthe rear. The battle was fought at first with equal advantage, and greatobstinacy on both sides; at length the right wing of the King's horse, pressed by the Earl of Chester, galloped away, not without suspicion oftreachery; the left followed the example. The King beheld their flight, and encouraging those about him, fell with undaunted valour upon theenemy; and being for some time bravely seconded by his foot, did greatexecution. At length overpowered by numbers, his men began to disperse, and Stephen was left almost alone with his sword in his hand, wherewithhe opposed his person against a whole victorious army, nor durst any beso hardy to approach him; the sword breaking, a citizen of Lincoln putinto his hands a Danish battle-axe, [33] with which he struck to theground the Earl of Chester, [34] who presumed to come within his reach. But this weapon likewise flying in pieces with the force of thosefurious blows he dealt on all sides, a bold knight of the Empress'sparty, named William de Keynes, laid hold on his helmet, and immediatelycried out to his fellows, "I have got the King. " Then the rest ran in, and he was taken prisoner. [35]

[Footnote 33: Sim. Dunelmensis. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 34: The Earl of Chester lived nevertheless to fight otherbattles, and died twelve years afterwards by poison. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 35: Gervase. [D. S. ]]

The King being thus secured, was presented to the Empress, then atGloucester, and by her orders conveyed to Bristol, where he continued instrict custody nine months, although with honourable treatment for sometime, until either upon endeavouring to make his escape, or in malice tothe Londoners, who had a great affection for their King, he was, byexpress command from the Empress, laid in irons, and used with othercircumstances of severity. 

This victory was followed by a general defection of almost the wholekingdom; and the Earl of Anjou, husband to the Empress, upon the fame ofthe King's defeat and imprisonment, reduced without any difficulty thewhole Duchy of Normandy to his obedience. 

The legate himself, although brother to King Stephen, received her atWinchester with great solemnity, accepted her oath for governing withjustice, redressing grievances, and supporting the rights of the Church, and took the old conditional one of fealty to her; then in an assemblyof bishops and clergy convoked for the purpose, he displayed themiscarriages of his brother, and declared his approbation of the Empressto be Queen; to which they unanimously agreed. To complete all, heprevailed by his credit with the Londoners, who stood out the last ofany, to acknowledge and receive her into the city, where she arrived atlength in great pomp, and with general satisfaction. 

But it was the misfortune of this Princess to possess many weaknessesthat are charged to the sex, and very few of its commendable qualities:she was now in peaceable possession of the whole kingdom, except thecounty of Kent, where William d'Ypres pretended to keep up a small partyfor the King; when by her pride, wilfulness, indiscretion, and adisobliging behaviour, she soon turned the hearts of all men againsther, and in a short time lost the fruits of that victory and successwhich had been so hardly gained by the prudence and valour of herexcellent brother. The first occasion she took to discover theperverseness of her nature, was in the treatment of Maud, the wife ofKing Stephen, a lady of great virtue, and courage above her sex, who, coming to the Empress an humble suitor in behalf of her husband, offered, as a price of his liberty, that he should resign allpretensions to the crown, and pass the rest of his life in exile, or ina convent: but this request was rejected with scorn and reproaches; andthe Queen finding all entreaties to no purpose, writ to her son Eustaceto let him understand the ill success of her negotiation, that no reliefwas to be otherwise hoped for than by arms, and therefore advised him toraise immediately what forces he could for the relief of his father. 

Her next miscarriage was towards the Londoners, who presented her apetition for redressing certain rigorous laws of her father, andrestoring those of Edward the Confessor. The Empress put them off for atime with excuses, but at last discovered some displeasure at theirimportunity. The citizens, who had with much difficulty been persuadedto receive her against their inclinations, which stood wholly for theKing, were moved with indignation at her unreasonable refusal of theirjust demands, and entered into a conspiracy to seize her person. But shehad timely notice of their design, and leaving the city by night indisguise, fled to Oxford. 

A third false step the Empress made, [36] was in refusing her newpowerful friend the legate a favour he desired in behalf of Eustace, theKing's son, to grant him the lands and honours held by his father beforehe came to the crown. She had made large promises to this prelate, thatshe would be directed in all things by his advice, and to be refusedupon his first application a small favour for his own nephew, stung himto the quick; however, he governed his resentments a while, but began atthe same time to resume his affection for his brother. These thoughtswere cultivated with great address by Queen Maud, who prevailed at lastso far upon the legate, that private measures were agreed between themfor restoring Stephen to his liberty and crown. The bishop took leave ofthe Empress, upon some plausible pretence, and retired to Winchester, where he gave directions for supplying with men and provisions severalstrong castles he had built in his diocese, while the Queen with her sonEustace prevailed with the Londoners and men of Kent to rise in greatnumbers for the King; and a powerful army was quickly on foot, under thecommand of William d'Ypres Earl of Kent. 

[Footnote 36: William of Malmesbury. [D. S. ]]

In the mean time the Empress began to be sensible of the errors she hadcommitted; and in hope either to retrieve the friendship of the legate, or take him prisoner, marched with her army to Winchester, where beingreceived and lodged in the castle, she sent immediately for the legate, spoke much in excuse of what was past, and used all endeavours to regainhim to her interests. Bishop Henry, on the other side, amused her withdubious answers, and kept her in suspense for some days; but sentprivately at the same time to the King's army, desiring them to advancewith all possible speed; which was executed with so much diligence, thatthe Empress and her brother had only time with their troops to march aback way out of the town. They were pursued by the enemy so close in therear, that the Empress had hardly time, by counterfeiting herself dead, to make her escape; in which posture she was carried as a corpse toGloucester; but the Earl her brother, while he made what opposition hecould, with design to stop her pursuers, was himself taken prisoner, with great slaughter of his men. After the battle, the Earl was in histurn presented to Queen Maud, and by her command sent to Rochester to betreated in the same manner with the King. 

Thus the heads of both parties were each in the power of his enemy, andFortune seemed to have dealt with great equality between them. Twofactions divided the whole kingdom, and, as it usually happens, privateanimosities were inflamed by the quarrel of the public; which introduceda miserable face of things throughout the land, whereof the writers ofour English story give melancholy descriptions, not to be repeated inthis history; since the usual effects of civil war are obvious toconceive, and tiresome as well as useless to relate. However, as thequarrel between the King and Empress was grounded upon a cause that inits own nature little concerned the interests of the people, this wasthought a convenient juncture for transacting a peace, to which thereappeared an universal disposition. Several expedients were proposed; butEarl Robert would consent upon no other terms than the deposing ofStephen, and immediate delivery of the crown to his sister. Thesedebates lasted for some months, until the two prisoners, weary of theirlong constraint, by mutual consent were exchanged for each other, andall thoughts of agreement laid aside. 

The King, upon recovery of his freedom, hastened to London, to getsupplies of men and money for renewing the war. He there found that hisbrother of Winchester had, in a council of bishops and abbots, renouncedall obedience to the Empress, and persuaded the assembly to follow hisexample. The legate, in excuse for this proceeding, loaded her withinfamy, produced several instances wherein she had broken the oath shetook when he received her as Queen, and upon which his obedience wasgrounded; said, he had received information that she had a design uponhis life. [37]

[Footnote 37: William of Malmesbury. [D. S. ]]

It must be confessed that oaths of fealty in this Prince's reign werefeeble ties for binding the subject to any reasonable degree ofobedience; and the warmest advocates for liberty cannot but allow, fromthose examples here produced, that it is very possible for people to runupon great extremes in this matter, that a monarch may be too muchlimited, and a subject too little; whereof the consequences have beenfully as pernicious for the time as the worst that can be apprehendedfrom arbitrary power in all its heights, although not perhaps so lastingor so hard to be remedied; since all the miseries of this kingdom, during the period we are treating of, were manifestly owing to thatcontinual violation of such oaths of allegiance, as appear to have beencontrived on purpose by ambitious men to be broken at pleasure, withoutthe least apprehension of perjury, and in the mean time keep the princein a continual slavish dependence. 

The Earl of Gloucester, soon after his release, went over into Normandy, where he found the Earl of Anjou employed in completing the conquest ofthat duchy; there he delivered him the sons of several English noblemen, to be kept as hostages for their fathers' fidelity to the Empress, andused many arguments for persuading him to come over in person with anarmy to her assistance: but Geoffrey excused himself by the importanceof other affairs, and the danger of exposing the dominions he had newlyacquired to rebellions in his absence. However, he lent the Earl ofGloucester a supply of four hundred men, and sent along with him hiseldest son Henry, to comfort his mother, and be shewn to the people. 

During the short absence of the Earl of Gloucester, the Empress wasclosely besieged in Oxford by the King; and provisions beginning tofail, she was in cruel apprehensions of falling into his hands. Thisgave her occasion to put in practice the only talent wherein she seemedto excel, which was that of contriving some little shift or expedient tosecure her person upon any sudden emergency. A long season of frost hadmade the Thames passable upon the ice, and much snow lay on the ground;Maud with some few attendants clad all in white, to avoid beingdiscovered from the King's camp, crossed the river at midnight on foot, and travelling all night, got safe to Wallingford Castle, where herbrother and young son Henry, newly returned from France, arrived soonafter, to her great satisfaction: but Oxford, immediately upon the newsof her flight, surrendered to the King. 

However, this disgrace was fully compensated soon after by another ofthe same kind, which happened to King Stephen; for whilst he and hisbrother of Winchester were fortifying a nunnery at Wilton, to bridle hisenemies at Salisbury, who very much harassed those parts by theirfrequent excursions, the Earl of Gloucester, who watched allopportunities, came unaware with a strong body of men, and set fire onthe nunnery while the King himself was in it. Stephen, upon the suddensurprise of the thing, wholly lost or forgot his usual courage, and fledshamefully away, leaving his soldiers to be cut in pieces by the Earl. 

During the rest of the war, although it lasted nine years longer, thereis little memorable recorded by any writer; whether the parties beingpretty equal, and both sufficiently tired with so long a contention, wanted vigour and spirit to make a thorough conquest, and onlyendeavoured to keep what they had, or whether the multitude of strongcastles, whose number daily increased, made it very difficult to end awar between two contending powers almost in balance; let the cause bewhat it will, the whole time passed in mutual sieges, surprises, revolts, surrenders of fortified places, without any decisive action, orother event of importance to be related. By which at length the verygenius of the people became wholly bent upon a life of spoil, robbery, and plunder; many of the nobles, although pretending to hold theircastles for the King or the Empress, lived like petty independentprinces in a perpetual state of war against their neighbours; the fieldslay uncultivated, all the arts of civil life were banished, noveneration left for sacred persons or things; in short, no law, truth, or religion among men, but a scene of universal misery, attended withall the consequences of an embroiled and distracted state. 

About the eleventh year of the King's reign, young Henry, now growingtowards a man, was sent for to France by a message from his father, whowas desirous to see him; but left a considerable party in England, toadhere to his interests; and in a short time after (as some write[38])the Empress herself grown weary of contending any longer in a causewhere she had met with nothing but misfortunes of her own procuring, left the kingdom likewise, and retired to her husband. Nor was this theonly good fortune that befell Stephen; for before the year ended, themain prop and pillar of his enemies was taken away by death; this wasRobert Earl of Gloucester, than whom there have been few private personsknown in the world that deserve a fairer place and character in theregisters of time, for his inviolable faith, disinterested friendship, indefatigable zeal, and firm constancy to the cause he espoused, andunparalleled generosity in the conduct thereof: he adhered to his sisterin all her fortunes, to the ruin of his own; he placed a crown on herhead; and when she had lost it by her folly and perverseness refused thegreatest offers from a victorious enemy, who had him in his power, andchose to continue a prisoner rather than recover his liberty by anyhazard to her pretensions: he bore up her sinking title in spite of herown frequent miscarriages, and at last died in her cause by a fevercontracted with perpetual toils for her service. An example fit to beshewn the world, although few perhaps are like to follow it; buthowever, a small tribute of praise, justly due to extraordinary virtue, may prove no ill expedient to encourage imitation. 

[Footnote 38: Gervase. [D. S. ]]

But the death of this lord, together with the absence of the Empress andher son in France, added very little to the quiet or security of theKing. For the Earl of Gloucester, suspecting the fidelity of the lords, had, with great sagacity, delivered their sons to the Earl of Anjou, tobe kept as pledges for their fathers' fidelity, as we have beforerelated: by which means a powerful party was still kept up againstStephen, too strong to be suddenly broken. Besides, he had, by anunusual strain of his conduct, lately lost much good-will, as well asreputation, in committing an act of violence and fraud on the person ofthe Earl of Chester, a principal adherent of the Empress. This nobleman, of great power and possessions, had newly reconciled himself to Stephen, and came to his court at Northampton, where, against all laws ofhospitality, as well as common faith and justice, he was committed toprison, and forced to buy his liberty with the surrender of Lincoln, andall his other places, into the King's hands. 

 1149. 

 1150. 

Affairs continued in this turbulent posture about two years, the noblesneither trusting the King nor each other. The number of castles stillincreased, which every man who had any possessions was forced to build, or else become a prey to his powerful neighbours. This was thought aconvenient juncture, by the Empress and her friends, for sending youngPrince Henry to try his fortune in England, where he landed at the headof a considerable number of horse and foot, although he was then butsixteen years old. Immediately after his arrival he went to Carlisle, where he met his cousin David King of Scots, by whom he was made knight, after the usual custom of young princes and noblemen in that age. TheKing of England, who had soon intelligence of Henry's landing andmotions, marched down to secure York, against which he expected thefirst attempt of his enemy was designed. But, whatever the cause mightbe (wherein the writers of those ages are either silent orunsatisfactory) both armies remained at that secure distance for threemonths, after which Henry returned back to Normandy, leaving the kingdomin the state of confusion he found it at his coming. 

The fortunes of this young prince Henry Fitz-Empress now began toadvance by great and sudden steps, whereof it will be no digression toinform the reader, as well upon the connection they have with theaffairs at home about this time, as because they concern the immediatesuccessor to the crown. 

 1151. 

Prince Henry's voyage to France was soon followed by the death of hisfather Geoffrey Earl of Anjou, whereby the son became possessed of thatearldom, together with the Duchy of Normandy; but in a short time afterhe very much enlarged his dominions by a marriage, in which he consultedhis reputation less than his advantage. For Louis the Young, King ofFrance, was lately divorced from his wife Eleanor, who, as the Frenchwriters relate, bore a great contempt and hatred to her husband, and hadlong desired such a separation. Other authors give her not so fair acharacter: but whatever might be the real cause, the pretext wasconsanguinity in the fourth degree. [39] Henry was content to accept thislady with all her faults, and in her right became Duke of Aquitaine, andEarl of Poitou, very considerable provinces, added to his otherdominions. 

[Footnote 39: Louis VII. , after living fourteen years with his Queen, obtained a dissolution of the marriage on the plea of relationshipwithin the prohibited degrees. See Bouchet, "Annalles d'Acquitaine. "[W. S. J. ]]

But the two Kings of France and England began to apprehend much dangerfrom the sudden greatness of a young ambitious prince; and theirinterests were jointly concerned to check his growth. Duke Henry was nowready to sail for England, in a condition to assert his title upon moreequal terms; when the King of France, in conjunction with Eustace, KingStephen's son, and Geoffrey, the Duke's own brother, suddenly enteredinto his dominions with a mighty army; took the Castle of Neufmarché bystorm, and laid siege to that of Angers. The Duke, by this incident, wasforced to lay aside his thoughts of England, and marching boldly towardsthe enemy, resolved to relieve the besieged; but finding they hadalready taken the castle, he thought it best to make a diversion, bycarrying the war into the enemy's country, where he left all to themercy of his soldiers, surprised and burnt several castles, and madegreat devastations wherever he came. This proceeding answered the endfor which it was designed; the King of France thought he had alreadydone enough for his honour, and began to grow weary of a ruinous war, which was likely to be protracted. The conditions of a peace, by theintervention of some religious men, were soon agreed. The Duke, aftersome time spent in settling his affairs, and preparing all thingsnecessary for his intended expedition, set sail for England, where helanded[40] the same year in the depth of winter, with a hundred andforty knights, and three thousand foot. 

[Footnote 40: The place where he landed is not mentioned by ourhistorians. It was probably in the West of England, as the firstgarrisoned town he attacked was Malmesbury. [D. S. ]]

Some time before Henry landed, the King had conceived a project todisappoint his designs, by confirming the crown upon himself and his ownposterity. [41] He sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury, with severalother prelates, and proposed that his son Eustace should be crowned Kingwith all the usual solemnity: but the bishops absolutely refused toperform the office, by express orders from the Pope, who was an enemy toStephen, partly upon account of his unjust or declining cause, butchiefly for his strict alliance with the King of France, who was thenengaged in a quarrel against that See, upon a very tender point relatingto the revenues of vacant churches. The King and his son were bothenraged at the bishops' refusal, and kept them prisoners in the chamberwhere they assembled, with many threats to force them to a compliance, and some other circumstances of rigour; but all to no purpose, so thathe was at length forced to desist. But the archbishop, to avoid furthervexation, fled the realm. 

[Footnote 41: Gervase, Hen. Huntingdon. [D. S. ]]

This contrivance of crowning the son during the life and reign of thefather, which appears so absurd in speculation, was actually performedin the succeeding reign, and seems to have been taken up by those twoprinces of French birth and extraction, in imitation of the likepractice in their native country, [42] where it was usual for kings grownold and infirm, or swayed by paternal indulgence, to receive theireldest son into a share of the administration, with the title of King; acustom borrowed, no doubt, from the later emperors of Rome, who adoptedtheir Caesars after the like manner. 

[Footnote 42: Mezeray. [D. S. ]]

 1153

The King was employed in his usual exercise of besieging castles whenthe news was brought of Henry's arrival. He left the work he was about, and marched directly against the Duke, who was then sat down beforeMalmesbury. But Stephen forced him to raise the siege, and immediatelyoffered him battle. The Duke, although his army was much increased bycontinual revolts, thought it best to gain time, being still in numberfar inferior to the King, and therefore kept himself stronglyentrenched. There is some difference among writers about the particularsof this war: however, it is generally agreed, that in a short timeafter, the two armies met, and were prepared for battle, when the nobleson both sides, either dreading the consequences, or weary of a tediouswar, prevailed with the King and Duke to agree to a truce for some daysin order to a peace; which was violently opposed by Eustace, the King'sson, a youth of great spirit and courage, because he knew very well itcould not be built but upon the ruin of his interests; and thereforefinding he could not prevail, he left the army in a rage, and, attendedby some followers, endeavoured to satiate his fury, by destroying thecountry in his march: But in a few days, as he sat at dinner in a castleof his own, he fell suddenly dead, either through grief, madness, orpoison. 

The truce was now expired, and the Duke began to renew the war withfresh vigour; but the King was wholly dispirited upon this fatalaccident, and now first began to entertain real thoughts of a peace. Hehad lost a son whom he dearly loved, and with him he likewise lost thealliance of the French King, to whose sister the young prince wasmarried. He had indeed another son left, but little esteemed by thenobles and people; nor, as it appears, much regarded by his father. Hewas now in the decline of his age, decayed in his health, forsaken byhis friends, who, since the death of Eustace, fell daily from him; andhaving no further care at heart for his posterity, he thought it hightime to seek repose for his person. The nobles soon observed thisdisposition in their King, which was so agreeable to their own;therefore, by general consent, Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury wasappointed mediator between both princes. All matters were soon agreed;an assembly of lords was convened at Winchester, where the King receivedthe Duke with great marks of courtesy and kindness. There the peace wasconfirmed by the King's charter, wherein are expressed the terms ofagreement. But I shall relate only the principal. 

The King, by this charter, acknowledged Henry for lawful successor tothe crown; in which capacity all the nobles paid him homage: and Henryhimself, with his party, paid homage to Stephen. There is likewise areservation for William, the King's son, of all the honours possessed byhis father before he came to the crown. The King likewise acknowledgesthe obedience of his subjects to be no longer due to him than he shallobserve the conditions of this charter. And for the performance of thesearticles, the archbishops and bishops were appointed guarantees. Therewere some other articles agreed on, which are not mentioned in thecharter; as, a general pardon; a restitution, to the right owners, ofthose lands and possessions, which had been usurped in the time of thetroubles; that all castles built during the war should be razed to theground, which are said to have been above eleven hundred; that therights of the Church should be preserved; with other matters of lessmoment. 

Thus, by the prudence of Archbishop Theobald, the moderation of the twoprinces engaged, and the universal inclination of the people, a happyperiod was put to this tedious and troublesome war: men began to havethe prospect of a long peace; nor was it easy to foresee what couldpossibly arise to disturb it; when discovery was made, by accident, of amost horrible piece of treachery, which, if it had met with success, would have once more set the whole nation in a flame. The Duke, afterthe peace, attended the King to London, to be shewn to the people as theundoubted successor to the crown; and having made a progress togetherthrough some other parts of the kingdom, they came to Canterbury; whereHenry received private notice of a design upon his life. It hath beenalready observed, that the King employed in his wars a body of Flemings, to the great discontent of his own subjects, with whom they were veryungracious. These foreigners were much discontented at the peace, whereby they were likely to become useless and burthensome to thepresent King, and hateful to the successor. To prevent which, thecommanders among them began to practise upon the levity and ambition ofWilliam the King's son. They urged the indignity he had received inbeing deprived of his birthright; offered to support his title by theirvalour, as they had done that of his father; and, as an earnest of theirintentions, to remove the chief impediment by dispatching his rival outof the world, The young prince was easily wrought upon to be at the headof this conspiracy; time and place were fixed; when, upon the dayappointed, William broke his leg by a fall from his horse; and theconspirators wanting their leader immediately dispersed. Thisdisappointment and delay, as it usually happens among conspirators, weresoon followed by a discovery of the whole plot, whereof the Duke, withgreat discretion, made no other use than to consult his own safety;therefore, without any shew of suspicion or displeasure, he took leaveof the King, and returned to Normandy. 

 1154. 

Stephen lived not above a year to share the happiness of this peace withhis people, in which time he made a progress through most parts of thekingdom, where he gained universal love and veneration, by a mostaffable and courteous behaviour to all men. A few months after hisreturn he went to Dover, to have an interview with the Earl ofFlanders;[43] where, after a short sickness, he died of the iliacpassion, together with his old distemper the hemorrhoids, upon thetwenty-fifth day of October, in the forty-ninth year of his age, and thenineteenth of his reign. 

[Footnote 43: The Earl of Flanders was a potent sovereign on thecontinent, and had landed at Dover, in order to meet and confer with theKing. [D. S. ]]

He was a prince of wonderful endowments, both in body and mind: in hisperson tall and graceful, of great strength as well as vigour: he had alarge portion of most virtues that can be useful in a King towards thehappiness of his subjects or himself; courtesy and valour, liberalityand clemency, in an eminent degree; especially the last, which hecarried to an extreme, though very pardonable, yet hardly consistingwith prudence, or his own safety. If we except his usurpation of thecrown, he must be allowed a prince of great justice, which most writersaffirm to have been always unblemished, except in that single instance:for, as to his treatment of the bishops and the Earl of Chester, itseems very excusable by the necessity of the time; and it was thegeneral opinion, if he had not used that proceeding with the latter, itwould have cost him his crown. Perhaps his injustice to the Empressmight likewise admit a little extenuation. Four kings successively hadsat on the throne without any regard to lineal descent; a period beyondthe memory of most men then alive; whereby the people had lost much ofthat devotion they were used to bear towards an established succession:besides, the government of a woman was then a thing unknown, and forthat reason disliked by all who professed to hate innovations. 

But the wisdom of this prince was by no means equal to the rest of hisvirtues. He came to the crown upon as fair a title as his predecessor, being elected by the general consent of the nobles, through the creditof his brother, and his own personal merit. He had no disturbance forsome time, which he might easily have employed in settling the kingdom, and acquiring the love of his people. He had treasure enough to raiseand pay armies, without burthening the subject. His competitor was awoman, whose sex was the least of her infirmities, and with whom he hadalready compounded for his quiet by a considerable pension: yet with allthese advantages he seldom was master of above half the kingdom at once, and that by the force of perpetual struggling, and with frequent dangerof losing the whole. The principal difficulties he had to encounter, appear to have been manifest consequences of several most imprudentsteps in his conduct, whereof many instances have been produced in thehistory of his reign; such as, the unlimited permission of buildingcastles; his raising the siege of a weak place where the Empress wasshut up, and must, in a few days, have fallen into his hands; hisemploying the Flemings in his wars, and favouring them above his ownsubjects; and lastly, that abortive project of crowning his son, whichprocured him at once the hatred and contempt of the clergy, bydiscovering an inclination to violence and injustice that he durst notpursue: whereas, it was nothing else but an effect of that hasty andsudden disposition usually ascribed to those of his country, and in apeculiar manner charged to this prince: for authors give it as a part ofhis character, to be hot and violent in the beginning of an enterprise, but to slacken and grow cold in the prosecution. 

He had a just sense of religion, and was frequent in attending theservice of the Church, yet reported to be no great friend of the clergy;which, however, is a general imputation upon all the kings of this realmin that and some succeeding reigns, and by no means personal to thisprince, who deserved it as little as any. 

I do not find any alterations during this reign in the meetings ofgeneral assemblies, further than that the Commons do not seem to havebeen represented in any of them; for which I can assign no other reasonthan the will of the King, or the disturbance of the time. [44] Iobserved the word Parliament is used promiscuously among authors, for ageneral assembly of nobles, and for a council of bishops, or synod ofthe clergy; which renders this matter too perplexed to ascertainanything about it. 

[Footnote 44: The rise and history of Parliaments had not been clearedup when the Doctor writ in the beginning of this current century. It iscertain, that the Commons had as yet never been represented. [D. S. ]]

As for affairs of the Church, that deserve particular mention, I havenot met with any; unless it should be worth relating, that Henry Bishopof Winchester, the Pope's legate, who held frequent synods during thisreign, was the first introducer of appeals to Rome, in this kingdom, forwhich he is blamed by all the monkish historians who give us theaccount. 

THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND

A FRAGMENT

 1154. 

The spirit of war and contention, which had for a long time possessedthe nation, became so effectually laid during the last year of KingStephen's reign, that no alteration or disturbance ensued upon hisdeath, although the new King, [45] after he had received intelligence ofit, was detained six weeks[46] by contrary winds: besides, the opinionof this prince's power and virtues, had already begotten so great an aweand reverence for him among the people, that upon his arrival he foundthe whole kingdom in a profound peace. He landed at Hostreham, [47] aboutthe beginning of December, was received at Winchester by a great numberof the nobility, who came there to attend and swear fealty to him, andthree weeks after was crowned at Westminster, about the twenty-thirdyear of his age. 

[Footnote 45: Henry was at that time besieging a castle on the frontiersof Normandy. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 46: Five weeks at the most; a month, saith Brompton. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 47: At Hostreham, saith Gervase. This place is not easy to befound; however, it must be on the Sussex or Hampshire coast, because theKing went directly from the place of his landing to Winchester. Cartesays he landed December 8th, near Hurst Castle in the New Forest. [D. S. ]]

For the further settling of the kingdom, after the long distractions inthe preceding reign, he seized on all the castles which remainedundestroyed since the last peace between him and King Stephen; whereofsome he demolished, and trusted others to the government of persons inwhom he could confide. 

But that which most contributed to the quiet of the realm, and thegeneral satisfaction of his subjects, was a proclamation published, commanding all foreigners to leave England, enforced with a mosteffectual clause, whereby a day was fixed, after which it should becapital for any of them to appear; among these was William d'Ypres Earlof Kent, whose possessions the King seized into his own hands. 

These foreigners, generally called Flemings by the writers of theEnglish story, were a sort of vagabond soldiers of fortune, who in thoseages, under several denominations, infested other parts of Europe aswell as England: they were a mixed people, natives of Arragon, Navarre, Biscay, Brabant, and other parts of Spain and Flanders. They were readyto be hired to whatever prince thought fit to employ them, but alwaysupon condition to have full liberty of plunder and spoil. Nor was it aneasy matter to get rid of them, when there was no further need of theirservice. In England they were always hated by the people, and by thisprince in particular, whose continual enemies they had been. 

After the expulsion of these foreigners, and the forcing a fewrefractory lords to a surrender of their castles, King Henry, like awise prince, began to consider that a time of settled peace was thefittest juncture to recover the rights of the crown, which had been lostby the war. He therefore resumed, by his royal authority, all crownlands that had been alienated by his predecessor; alleging that theywere unalienable in themselves, and besides, that the grants were void, as coming from an usurper. Whether such proceedings are agreeable withjustice, I shall not examine; but certainly a prince cannot betterconsult his own safety than by disabling those whom he rendersdiscontent, which is effectually done no other way but by depriving themof their possessions. 

 1156. 

While the King was thus employed at home, intelligence came that hisbrother Geoffrey was endeavouring by force to possess himself of theEarldom of Anjou, to which he had fair pretensions; for their fatherconsidering what vast dominions would fall to his eldest son, bequeathedthat earldom to the second in his last sickness, and commanded hisnobles then about him, to take an oath that they would not suffer hisbody to be buried until Henry (who was then absent) should swear toobserve his will. The Duke of Normandy, when he came to assist at hisfather's obsequies, and found that without his compliance he must drawupon himself the scandal of keeping a father unburied, took the oaththat was exacted for observance of his will, though very much againsthis own. But after he was in possession of England, whether it were thathis ambition enlarged with his dominions, or that from the beginning hehad never intended to observe what he had sworn, he prevailed with PopeAdrian (of English birth) to dispense with his oath, and in the secondyear of his reign went over into Normandy, drove his brother entirelyout of Anjou, and forced him to accept a pension for his maintenance. But the young prince, through the resentment of this unnatural dealing, in a short time died of grief. 

Nor was his treatment more favourable to the King of Scots, whom, upon aslight pretence, he took occasion to dispossess of Carlisle, Newcastle, and other places granted by the Empress to that prince's father, for hisservices and assistance in her quarrel against Stephen. 

Having thus recovered whatever he had any title to demand, he began tolook out for new acquisitions. Ireland was in that age a country littleknown in the world. The legates sent sometimes thither from the Court ofRome, for urging the payment of annats, or directing other Churchaffairs, represented the inhabitants as a savage people, overrun withbarbarism and superstition: for indeed no nation of Europe, where theChristian religion received so early and universal admittance, was everso late or slow in feeling its effects upon their manners andcivility. [48] Instead of refining their manners by their faith, they hadsuffered their faith to be corrupted by their manners; true religionbeing almost defaced, both in doctrine and discipline, after a longcourse of time, among a people wholly sunk in ignorance and barbarity. There seem to have been two reasons why the inhabitants of that islandcontinued so long uncultivated; first, their subjection or vassalage toso many petty kings, whereof a great number is mentioned by authors, besides those four or five usually assigned to the several provinces. These princes were engaged in perpetual quarrels, in doing or revenginginjuries of violence, or lust, or treachery, or injustice, which keptthem all in a continual state of war. And indeed there is hardly anycountry, how renowned soever in ancient or modern story, which may notbe traced from the like original. Neither can a nation come out fromthis state of confusion, until it is either reduced under one head athome, or by force or conquest becomes subject to a foreignadministration. 

[Footnote 48: The Irish had been very learned in former ages, but haddeclined for several centuries before the reign of Henry II. _Vide_Bede. [D. S. ]]

The other reason why civility made such late entrances into that island, may be imputed to its natural situation, lying more out of the road ofcommerce or conquest than any other part of the known world. All theintercourse the inhabitants had, was only with the western coasts ofWales and Scotland, from whence, at least in those ages, they were notlike to learn very much politeness. 

 1155. 

The King, about the second year of his reign, sent ambassadors to PopeAdrian, with injunctions to desire his licence for reducing the savagepeople of Ireland from their brutish way of living, and subjecting themto the crown of England. The King proceeded thus, in order to set up atitle to the island, wherein the Pope himself pretended to be lord ofthe see; for in his letter, which is an answer and grant to the King'srequests, he insists upon it, that all islands, upon their admitting theChristian faith, become subject to the See of Rome; and the Irishthemselves avowed the same thing to some of the first conquerors. Inthat forementioned letter, the Pope highly praises the King's generousdesign, [49] and recommends to him the civilizing the natives, theprotection of the Church, and the payment of Peter-pence. The illsuccess of all past endeavours to procure from a people so miserable andirreligious this revenue to the holy see was a main inducement with thePope to be easy and liberal in his grant; for the King professed adesign of securing its regular payment. However, this expedition was notundertaken until some years after, when there happened an incident toset it forward, as we shall relate in its place. 

[Footnote 49: Radulphus de Diceto. [D. S. ]]

HENRY THE SECOND'S CHARACTER

EXTRACTED FROM THE MONKS

Hard to gather his character from such bad authors. 

A wise prince, to whom other princes referred their differences; and hadambassadors from both empires, east and west, as well as others, at oncein his court. 

Strong and brawny body, patient of cold and heat, big head, broadbreast, broken voice, temperate in meat, using much exercise, juststature, _forma elegantissima, colore sub-rufo, oculis glaucis_, sharpwit, very great memory, constancy in adversity [and] in felicity, exceptat last he yielded, because almost forsaken of all; liberal, imposed fewtributes, excellent soldier and fortunate, wise and not unlearned. Hisvices: mild and promising in adversity, fierce and hard, and a violatorof faith in prosperity; covetous to his domestics and children, althoughliberal to soldiers and strangers, which turned the former from him;loved profit more than justice; very lustful, which likewise turned hissons and others from him. Rosamond and the labyrinth at Woodstock. Notvery religious;[50] _mortuos milites lugens plus quam vivos amans, largus in publico, parcus in privato_. Constant in love and hatred, false to his word, morose, a lover of ease. Oppressor of nobles, sullen, and a delayer of justice; _verbo varius et versutus_--Used churchmenwell after Becket's death; charitable to the poor, levied few taxes, hated slaughter and cruelty. [51] A great memory, and always knew thosehe once saw. 

[Footnote 50: Brompton. [D. S. ]]

[Footnote 51: Giraldus. [D. S. ]]

Very indefatigable in his travels backwards and forwards to Normandy, &c. Of most endless desires to increase his dominions. 

_Caetera desiderantur_. 

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

SWIFT'S REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS

OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE. 

FROM "MEMOIRS OF THE SECRET SERVICES OF JOHN MACKY, ESQ. "

NOTE. 

JOHN MACKY, the author of the "Characters, " was, for many years, in theemploy of the English government, as an agent for obtaining informationas to the movements of the French. He published, in 1696, "A View of theCourt of St. Germains from the Year 1690 to 1695. " The informationembodied in this work he obtained from personal observation while inParis. About 1709, however, he aroused the government's suspicions, andwas imprisoned. He was kept confined until the accession of George I. Onhis release he attempted to establish a packet-service between Englandand Ireland, to Dublin; but the venture failed. He died at Rotterdam in1726. The "Characters" was first published in 1733, with the title:

"Memoirs of the Secret Services of John Macky, Esq. , during the Reignsof King William, Queen Anne, and King George I. Including also the trueSecret History of the Rise, Promotions, etc. , of the English and ScotsNobility; Officers, Civil, Military, Naval, and other Persons ofdistinction from the Revolution. In their respective Characters atlarge: drawn up by Mr. Macky pursuant to the direction of Her RoyalHighness the Princess Sophia. Published from his original manuscript, asattested by his son, Spring Macky, Esq. London, 1733. " The work wasprepared for the press by a Mr. Davis, an officer in the Customs. 

It has been questioned whether Swift did really make the "remarks"attributed to him by his various editors; but there can be little doubtabout their authenticity. Thomas Birch seems to have transcribed the"remarks" in 1753, if we are to believe a note in a copy of Macky's bookin the British Museum, which says: "The MS. Notes on the Characters inthis Book were written by Dr. Swift, and transcribed by Tho. Birch. Aug. 15, 1753. " Isaac Reed's copy is also in the British Museum, but hisnotes were transcribed from another copy in the possession of J. Putland, and Putland's copy, Reed notes, was "formerly in the possessionof Philip Carteret Webb, Esq. , now [1770] of Thomas Astle, Esq. " J. Ritson's copy, which is at the South Kensington Museum, had the"remarks" transcribed to it from Reed's copy, but Ritson notes that Reedcopied the "remarks" from J. Putland's transcript of the Dean's ownoriginal. Ritson, however, does not say how he knew that Putland had the"Dean's own original. " In "Notes and Queries" (3, ii. 430) the Rev. J. Jebb, Rector of Peterstow, states he had (in 1862) a copy of the"Characters" with transcript of Swift's "remarks" by Bishop Jebb. Mr. Edward Solly has an interesting paper on this matter in the"Bibliographer" for March, 1883. He suggests that Mr. Putland may havewritten them down himself from remarks made by Swift. "The Crypt" forDecember, 1829, published Swift's "remarks" from a copy in thepossession of Mr. Pickering, the bookseller. 

A careful collation of all the available copies has been made for thisedition, and the text of Macky's work has been read with the firstedition. Where neither Reed nor Birch give no remarks, they have beenomitted from this reprint. "The Crypt" and Nichols in his quarto edition(vol. Xiv. ) often differ, but these differences have been adjusted. 

It is almost needless to say that Sir Walter Scott's text and notes havebeen very much altered by this process. 

[T. S. ]

 REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE. 

JOHN, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH. 

_Macky_. 

A tall, handsome man for his age, with a very obliging address; of awonderful presence of mind, so as hardly ever to be discomposed; of avery clean head, and sound judgment; . .. Every way capable of being agreat man, if the great success of his arms, and the heaps of favoursthrown upon him by his sovereign, does not raise his thoughts above therest of the nobility, and consequently draw upon him the envy of thepeople of England. He is turned of 50 years of age. --_Swift_. Detestablycovetous. 

JAMES, DUKE OF ORMONDE. 

_Macky_. He hath all the qualities of a great man, except that one of astatesman, hating business. . .. He is about 40 years old. --_Swift_. Fairly enough writ. 

CHARLES, DUKE OF SOMERSET. 

_Macky_. Is of a middle stature, well shaped, a very black complexion, alover of music and poetry; of good judgment. --_Swift_. Not a grain;hardly common sense. 

JOHN, DUKE OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 

_Macky. _ He is a nobleman of learning, and good natural parts, but of noprinciples. Violent for the high-church, yet seldom goes to it. Veryproud, insolent, and covetous, and takes all advantages. In paying hisdebts, unwilling; and is neither esteemed nor beloved. --_Swift_. Thischaracter is the truest of any. 

DANIEL, EARL OF NOTTINGHAM [AFTERWARDS EARL OF WINCHILSEA]. 

_Macky_. He hath the exterior air of business, and application enough tomake him very capable. In his habit and manners very formal; a tall, thin, very black man, like a Spaniard or Jew, about 50 yearsold. --_Swift_. He fell in with the Whigs, was an endless talker. 

HENRY, EARL OF ROMNEY. 

_Macky_. He was indeed the great wheel on which the Revolutionrolled. --_Swift_. He had not a wheel to turn a mouse. 

_Macky_. He is a gentleman that hath lived up [_Swift_, down] to theemployments the King gave him; of great honour and honesty, with amoderate capacity. --_Swift_. None at all. 

JOHN, DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 

_Macky_. He hath one only daughter, who will be the richest heiress inEurope. --_Swift_. Now Countess of Oxford; cheated by her father. 

CHARLES [LENNOX], DUKE OF RICHMOND. 

_Macky_. He is a gentleman good-natured to a fault; very well bred, andhath many valuable things in him; is an enemy to business, verycredulous, well shaped, black complexion, much like King Charles; not 30years old. --_Swift_. A shallow coxcomb. 

CHARLES, DUKE OF BOLTON. 

_Macky_. Does not now make any figure at court. --_Swift_. Nor anywhereelse. A great booby. 

GEORGE, DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 

_Macky_. He is a man of honour, nice in paying his debts, and livingwell with his neighbours in the country; does not much care for theconversation of men of quality, or business. Is a tall black man, likehis father the King, about 40 years old. --_Swift_. He was a most worthyperson, very good-natured, and had very good sense. 

CHARLES [FITZROY], DUKE OF GRAFTON. 

_Macky_. Grandson to King Charles II. ; . .. A very pretty gentleman, hathbeen abroad in the world; zealous for the constitution of his country. A tall black man, about 25 years old. --_Swift_. Almost a slobberer;without one good quality. 

SIR NATHAN WRIGHT, LORD KEEPER. 

_Macky_. Is son of a clergyman, [1] a good common lawyer, a slowchancellor, and no civilian. Chance more than choice brought him theseals. --_Swift_. Very covetous. 

[Footnote 1: His father had the living of Thurcaston, in Leicestershire. [S. ]]

RALPH, DUKE OF MONTAGU. 

_Macky_. He is a great supporter of the French, and other Protestants. .. An admirer of learning. --_Swift_. As arrant a knave as any in histime. 

WILLIAM, MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON. 

_Macky_. One of the best beloved gentlemen, by the country party, inEngland. --_Swift_. A very poor understanding. 

JOHN, LORD SOMERS. 

_Macky_. Of a creditable family, in the city of Worcester. --_Swift_. Very mean; his father was a noted rogue. --_Macky_. He is believed to bethe best chancellor that ever sat in the chair. --_Swift_. I allow him tohave possessed all excellent qualifications except virtue. He hadviolent passions, and hardly subdued them by his great prudence. 

CHARLES, LORD HALIFAX [AFTERWARDS EARL OF HALIFAX]. 

_Macky_. He is a great encourager of learning and learned men, is thepatron of the muses, of very agreeable conversation, a short fair man, not 40 years old. --_Swift_. His encouragements were only good words anddinners; I never heard him say one good thing, or seem to taste what wassaid by another. 

CHARLES, EARL OF DORSET. 

_Macky_. One of the finest gentlemen, in England, in the reign of KingCharles II. ; of great learning [_Swift_. Small, or none], extremelywitty, and hath been the author of some of the finest poems in theEnglish language, especially satire. .. . One of the pleasantestcompanions in the world [_Swift_. Not of late years, but a very dullone], when he likes his company. 

RICHARD, EARL RIVERS. 

_Macky_. He was one of the greatest rakes in England in his youngerdays, but always a lover of the constitution of his country; is agentleman of very good sense, and very cunning. --_Swift_. An arrantknave in common dealings, and very prostitute. 

ARNOLD, EARL OF ALBEMARLE. 

_Macky_. He was King William's constant companion in all his diversionsand pleasures. --_Swift_. Very infamous pleasures. 

ALGERNON, EARL OF ESSEX. 

_Macky_. Is son to that earl whose throat was cut in theTower. --_Swift_. Cut his own throat. 

WILLIAM, EARL OF PORTLAND. 

_Macky_. He is supposed to be the richest subject in Europe, veryprofuse in gardening, birds, and household furniture, but mighty frugaland parsimonious in everything else; of a very lofty mien, and yet notproud; of no deep understanding. --_Swift_. As great a dunce as ever Iknew. 

JAMES, EARL OF DERBY. 

_Macky_. On his brothers death he came to the House of Peers, where henever will make any great figure, the sword being more his profession;he is a fair-complexioned man, well shaped, taller than the ordinarysize, and a man of honour. --_Swift_. As arrant a scoundrel as hisbrothers. 

CHARLES, EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 

_Macky_. He affects popularity, and loves to preach in coffee-houses, and public places; is an open enemy to revealed religion; brave in hisperson; hath a good estate; does not seem expensive, yet always in debt, and very poor. --_Swift_. This character is for the most part true. 

CHARLES, EARL OF SUNDERLAND. 

_Macky_. This gentleman is endued with a great deal of learning, virtue[_Swift_, no], and good sense. 

THOMAS, EARL OF STAMFORD. 

_Macky_. Is one of the first branches of the Greys, a noble family inEngland. .. . He doth not want sense; but by reason of a defect in hisspeech, wants elocution. --_Swift_. He looked and talked like a very weakman; but it was said he spoke well at council. 

THOMAS [TUFTON], EARL OF THANET. 

_Macky_. He is a good country gentleman, a great assertor of theprerogatives of the monarchy and the Church. --_Swift_. Of great pietyand charity. 

EDWARD [MONTAGU], EARL OF SANDWICH. 

_Macky_. Of very ordinary parts; married the witty Lord Rochester'sdaughter, who makes him very expensive. --_Swift_. As much a puppy asever I saw; very ugly, and a fop. 

ROBERT, LORD LUCAS. 

_Macky_. He is every way a plain man, yet took a great deal of pains toseem knowing and wise; everybody pitied him when the Queen turned himout, for his seeming good nature, and real poverty. --_Swift_. A goodplain humdrum. 

CHARLES, EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 

_Macky_. He hath neither genius nor gusto for business, . .. And iszealous for the monarchy and Church to the highest degree. He lovesjests and puns, [_Swift_. I never observed it, ] and that sort of lowwit. --_Swift_. Being very poor, he complied too much with the party hehated. 

JOHN, LORD POULETT OF HINTON [AFTERWARDS EARL POULETT]. 

_Macky_. He is certainly one of the hopefullest gentlemen in England; isvery learned, virtuous, and a man of honour; much esteemed in thecountry, for his generous way of living with the gentry, and his charityto the poorest sort. --_Swift_. This character is fair enough. 

CHARLES, LORD [VISCOUNT] TOWNSHEND. 

_Macky_. Is a gentleman of great learning, attended with a sweetdisposition; a lover of the constitution of his country; is beloved byeverybody that knows him. --_Swift_. I except one. 

WILLIAM, LORD DARTMOUTH [AFTERWARDS EARL OF DARTMOUTH]. 

_Macky_. He sets up for a critic in conversation, makes jests, and lovesto laugh at them; takes a great deal of pains in his office, and is in afair way of rising at court. --_Swift_. This is right enough, but he haslittle sincerity. 

THOMAS, LORD WHARTON [AFTERWARDS EARL OF WHARTON]. 

_Macky_. One of the completest gentlemen in England, hath a very clearunderstanding, and manly expressions, with abundance of wit. He is bravein his person, much of a libertine, of a middle stature, faircomplexion, and 50 years old. --_Swift_. The most universal villain Iever knew. 

CHARLES, LORD MOHUN. 

_Macky_. He is brave in his person, bold in his expressions, andrectifies, as fast as he can, the slips of his youth by acts ofhonesty; which he now glories in more, than he was formerlyextravagant. --_Swift_. He was little better than a conceited talker incompany. 

HENRY, EARL OF KENT. [2]

[Footnote 2: Afterwards Duke of Kent. ]

_Macky_. Is the first branch of the ancient family of Grey. The presentgentleman was much esteemed, when Lord Ruthen; was always very moderate, has good sense, and a good estate; which, with his quality, must makehim always bear a considerable figure in the nation. --_Swift_. He seemsa good-natured man, but of very little consequence. 

ROBERT, EARL OF LINDSEY [AFTERWARDS DUKE OF ANCASTER]. 

_Macky_. A fine gentleman, has both wit and learning. --_Swift_. I neverobserved a grain of either. 

MONTAGU, EARL OF ABINGDON. 

_Macky_. A gentleman of fine parts, makes a good figure in the countiesof Oxford and Buckinghamshire:. .. Is very high for the monarchy andChurch. --_Swift_. Very covetous. 

PHILIP, EARL OF CHESTERFIELD. 

_Macky_. He is very subtle and cunning, never entered into the measuresof King William, nor ever will, in all probability, make any greatappearance in any other reign. --_Swift_. If it be old Chesterfield, Ihave heard he was the greatest knave in England. 

CHARLES, EARL OF BERKELEY. 

_Macky_. A gentleman of learning, parts, and a lover of the constitutionof his country; a short fat man. --_Swift_. Intolerably lazy andindolent, and somewhat covetous. 

LOUIS, EARL OF FEVERSHAM. 

_Macky_. A third son of the family of Duras in France; he came over withone of the Duke of York's family;. .. Is a middle-statured brown man, turned of 50 years old. --_Swift_. He was a very dull old fellow. 

HENRY, EARL OF GRANTHAM. 

_Macky_. He is a very pretty gentleman, fair complexioned, and past 30years old. --_Swift_. And good for nothing. 

JOHN, LORD DE LA WARR. 

_Macky_. A free jolly gentleman, turned of 40 years old. --_Swift_. Ofvery little sense; but formal, and well stocked with the low kind oflowest politics. 

ROBERT, LORD LEXINTON. 

_Macky_. He is of a good understanding, and very capable to be in theministry; a well-bred gentleman, and an agreeable companion. --_Swift_. Avery moderate degree of understanding. 

RALPH, LORD GREY OF WERKE. 

_Macky_. A sweet disposed gentleman; he joined King William at theRevolution, and is a zealous assertor of the liberties of thepeople. --_Swift_. Had very little in him. 

JAMES, LORD CHANDOS. 

_Macky_. Was warm against King William's reign, and doth not make anygreat figure in this; but, his son, Mr. Brydges[3] does, being a memberof the House of Commons, one of the counsellors to the prince, and avery worthy gentleman. --_Swift_. But a great compiler with every court. 

[Footnote 3: Afterwards Duke of Chandos. ]

FRANCIS, LORD GUILFORD. 

_Macky_. Is son to the lord-keeper North, hath been abroad, does notwant sense nor application to business, and his genius leads him thatway. --_Swift_. A mighty silly fellow. 

EDWARD, LORD GRIFFIN. 

_Macky_. Having-followed King James's fortunes, is now in France. He wasalways a great sportsman, and brave; a good companion, turned of 60years old. --_Swift_. His son was a plain drunken fellow. 

HUGH, LORD CHOLMONDELEY [AFTERWARDS EARL OF CHOLMONDELEY]. 

_Macky_. This lord is a great lover of country sports; is handsome inhis person, and turned of 40 years old. --_Swift_. Good for nothing, asfar as ever I knew. 

CHARLES, LORD BUTLER OF WESTON. 

_Macky_. Earl of Arran in Ireland, and brother to the Duke ofOrmonde;. .. Of very good sense, though seldom shows it. --_Swift_. Thisis right; but he is the most negligent of his own affairs. 

MR. THOMAS MANSELL [AFTERWARDS LORD MANSELL]. 

_Macky_. He is a gentleman of a great deal of wit and good nature, alover of the ladies, and a pleasant companion. --_Swift_. Of very goodnature, but a very moderate capacity. 

ROBERT HARLEY, ESQ. [AFTERWARDS EARL OF OXFORD], SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 

_Macky_. He is skilled in most things, and very eloquent, [_Swift_, agreat lie;] was bred a Presbyterian, yet joins with the Church party ineverything; and they do nothing without him. --_Swift_. He could notproperly be called eloquent, but he knew how to prevail on the Housewith few words and strong reasons. 

THE HON. HENRY BOYLE [AFTERWARDS LORD CARLETON], CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. 

_Macky_. Is a good companion in conversation; agreeable amongst theladies; serves the Queen very assiduously in council; makes aconsiderable figure in the House of Commons; by his prudentadministration, obliges everybody in the exchequer; and in time mayprove a great man. --_Swift_. He had some very scurvy qualities, particularly avarice. 

SIR THOMAS FRANKLAND, POST-MASTER-GENERAL. 

_Macky_. He is a gentleman of a very sweet, easy, affable disposition;of good sense, extremely zealous for the constitution of his country, yet does not seem over forward; keeps an exact unity amongst theofficers under him, and encourages them in their duty, through apeculiar familiarity, by which he obliges them, and keeps up the dignityof being master. --_Swift_. A fair character. 

THE RT. HON. JOHN SMITH, ONE OF HER MAJESTY'S PRIVY-COUNCIL. 

_Macky_. A gentleman of much honour, a lover of the constitution of hiscountry; a very agreeable companion in conversation, a bold orator inthe House of Commons, [4] when the interest of his country is at stake;of a good address. --_Swift_. I thought him a heavy man. 

[Footnote 4: He was Speaker of the House of Commons, 1705-1708. [T. S. ]]

CHARLES D'AVENANT, LL. D. 

_Macky_. He was very poor at the Revolution, had no business to supporthim all the reign of King William, yet made a good figure. He is a verycloudy-looked man, fat, of middle stature, about 50 years old. --_Swift_. He was used ill by most ministries; he ruined his own estate, which puthim under a necessity to comply with the times. 

MATTHEW PRIOR, ESQ. , COMMISSIONER OF TRADE. 

_Macky_. On the Queen's accession to the throne, he was continued in hisoffice, is very well at court with the ministry, and is an entirecreature of my Lord Jersey's, whom he supports by his advice. Is one ofthe best poets in England, but very factious in conversation; a thinhollow-looked man, turned of 40 years old. --_Swift_. This is near thetruth. 

THOMAS TENISON, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 

_Macky_. A plain, good, heavy man, now much in years, and wearing out;very tall, of a fair complexion, and 70 years old. --_Swift_. The mostgood-for-nothing prelate I ever knew. 

GILBERT BURNET. BISHOP OF SALISBURY. 

_Macky_. Of a very good family in Scotland, of the name of Burnet, hisfather was Lord [_Swift_, laird] of Cremont. .. . He is one of thegreatest [_Swift_, Scotch] orators of the age he lives in. His "Historyof the Reformation, " and his "Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles, "show him to be a man of great learning; but several of his other worksshow him to be a man neither of prudence nor temper; his sometimesopposing, and sometimes favouring, the Dissenters, hath much exposed himto the generality of the people of England; yet he is very useful in theHouse of Peers, and proves a great pillar, both of the civil andecclesiastical constitution, against the encroachments of a party whichwould destroy both. --_Swift_. His true character would take up too muchtime for me (who knew him well) to describe it. 

GEORGE STEPNEY, ESQ. , ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE EMPEROR [OF AUSTRIA]. 

_Macky_. A gentleman of admirable natural parts, very learned, one ofthe best poets [_Swift_, scarce of a third rate] now in England. 

MR. [AFTERWARDS SIR PAUL] METHUEN, AMBASSADOR TO THE KING OF PORTUGAL. 

_Macky_. A man of intrigue, but very muddy in his conceptions, and notquickly understood in anything. In his complexion and manners, much of aSpaniard. --_Swift_. A profligate rogue, without religion or morals; butcunning enough, yet without abilities of any kind. 

THOMAS, LORD RABY [AFTERWARDS EARL OF STRAFFORD], ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 

_Macky_. He is a young gentleman, _de bon naturel_, handsome, of fineunderstanding, [_Swift_, very bad, and can't spell, ] and, withapplication, may prove a man of business. He is of low stature [_Swift_, he is tall]. 

MR. [RICHARD] HILL, ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE DUKE OF SAVOY. 

_Macky_. Is a gentleman of a good family in Shropshire. He was designedfor the church, and took deacon's [_Swift_, priest's] orders; but havinga genius for business, and falling into the acquaintance of my LordRanelagh, when tutor to my Lord Hyde, he was sent into Flanders aspaymaster to the English troops there. . .. He is a gentleman of veryclear parts, and affects plainness and simplicity [_Swift, aucontraire_] in his dress, and conversation especially. He is a favouriteto both parties [_Swift_, to neither]; and is beloved for his easyaccess, and affable way by those he has business to do with. He is athin, tall man, [_Swift, _ short, if I remember right, ] taller than theordinary stature, near 50 years old. 

SIR LAMBERT BLACKWELL, ENVOY TO THE GREAT DUKE OF TUSCANY. 

_Macky_. He affects much the gentleman in his dress, and the minister inhis conversation: Is very lofty, yet courteous, when he knows hispeople; much envied by his fellow merchants. --_Swift_. He seemed to bea very good-natured man. 

MR. _[Dr. ]_ AGLIONBY, ENVOY TO THE SWISS CANTONS. 

_Macky_. He hath abundance of wit, and understands most of the modernlanguages well; knows how to tell a story to the best advantage; but hasan affected manner of conversation; is thin, splenetic, and tawnycomplexioned, turned of 60 years old. --_Swift_. He had been a Papist. 

MR. D'AVENANT, AGENT AT FRANKFORT. 

_Macky_. A very giddy-headed young fellow, with some wit; about 25 yearsold. --_Swift_. He is not worth mentioning. 

JOHN, LORD CUTTS. 

_Macky_. He hath abundance of wit, but too much seized with vanity andself-conceit; he is affable, familiar, and very brave; . .. Towards 50years old. --_Swift_. The vainest old fool alive. 

HENRY, EARL OF GALWAY. 

_Macky_. One of the finest gentlemen in the army, with a head fitted forthe cabinet, as well as the camp; is very modest, vigilant, and sincere;a man of honour and honesty, [_Swift_, in all directly otherwise;]without pride or affectation; wears his own hair, is plain in his dressand manners, towards 60 years old. --_Swift_. A deceitful, hypocritical, factious knave; a damnable hypocrite, of no religion. 

GEORGE, EARL OF ORKNEY. 

_Macky_. He is a very well-shaped black man; is brave; but, by reason ofa hesitation in his speech wants expression. --_Swift_. An honestgood-natured gentleman, and hath much distinguished himself as asoldier. 

MR. JAMES STANHOPE [AFTERWARDS EARL STANHOPE], ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE STATES GENERAL. 

_Macky_. He is a man of honour, . .. And pleases the Dutch. His son, Colonel Stanhope, is one of the finest young gentlemen we have; is verylearned, with a great deal of wit. . .. A handsome [_Swift_, ugly] blackman. 

SIR CHARLES O'HARA [AFTERWARDS LORD TYRAWLEY], LIEUTENANT-GENERAL. 

_Macky_. At the Revolution he had a company in the foot-guards; wasafterwards lieutenant-colonel to that regiment; was made colonel to thefusileers, and gradually advanced to the post he now hath, which he welldeserves, being of good understanding, and abundance of learning; fit tocommand, if not too covetous; he is a short, black man, 50 yearsold. --_Swift_. His father was a groom; he was a man of sense, withoutone grain of honesty. 

COLONEL MATTHEW AYLMER [AFTERWARDS LORD AYLMER], VICE-ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET. 

_Macky_. He hath a very good head, indefatigable and designing; is veryzealous for the liberties of the people, makes a good figure in theParliament, as well as the fleet. --_Swift_. A virulent party man, bornin Ireland. 

JAMES, DUKE OF HAMILTON. 

_Macky_. On the Queen's accession to the throne, he made strong effortsto get into the administration, but hath not yet succeeded, though he iswell received at court; he is brave in his person, with a rough air ofboldness; of good sense, very forward and hot for what he undertakes;ambitious and haughty, a violent enemy; hath been very extravagant inhis manner of living; but now grows covetous. --_Swift_. He was mademaster of the ordnance; a worthy good-natured person, very generous, butof a middle understanding; he was murdered by that villain Macartney, anIrish Scot. 

ARCHIBALD, DUKE OF ARGYLL. 

_Macky_. Few of his years hath a better understanding, nor a more manlybehaviour. He hath seen most of the courts of Europe, is very handsomein his person, fair complexioned; about 25 years old. --_Swift_. Ambitious, covetous, cunning Scot; has no principle, but his owninterest and greatness. A true Scot in his whole conduct. 

JAMES, MARQUESS OF MONTROSE [AFTERWARDS DUKE OF MONTROSE]. 

_Macky_. Representative of the ancient and noble family of Graham;great-grandson to that famous Montrose, who was hanged and quartered forCharles I. ; and grandson, by the mother, to the Duke of Rothes. Heinherits all the great qualities of those two families, with a sweetnessof behaviour, which charms all those who know him; hath improved himselfin most foreign courts; is very beautiful in his person, and about 25years old. --_Swift_. Now very homely, and makes a sorry appearance. 

JOHN, EARL OF SUTHERLAND. 

_Macky_. A very honest man, a great assertor of the liberties of thepeople; hath a good, rough sense; is open and free; a great lover of hisbottle and his friend; brave in his person, which he hath shown inseveral duels; too familiar for his quality, and often keeps companybelow it. --_Swift_. A blundering, rattle-pated, drunken sot. 

SECRETARY [JAMES] JOHNSTOUN, NOW LORD-REGISTER. 

_Macky_. Is a younger son of my Lord Warriston, who was beheaded. . .. Heis very honest, [_Swift_, a treacherous knave, ] yet something toocredulous and suspicious; endued with a great deal of learning andvirtue; is above little tricks, free from ceremony; and would not tell alie for the world. --_Swift. _ One of the greatest knaves even inScotland. 

MR. [WILLIAM] CARSTAIRS. 

_Macky_. He is the cunningest, subtle dissembler in the world, with anair of sincerity, a dangerous enemy, because always hid. An instance ofwhich was Secretary Johnstoun, to whom he pretended friendship, till thevery morning he gave him a blow, though he had been worming himout of the King's favour for many months before; he is a fat, sanguine-complexioned fair man, always smiling, where he designs mostmischief, a good friend when he is sincere; turned of 50 yearsold. --_Swift_. A true character; but not strong enough by a fiftiethpart. 

JOHN, EARL OF MAR. 

_Macky_. He is a very good manager in his private affairs, which were indisorder when his father died, and is a stanch countryman, faircomplexioned, low stature, and 30 years old. --_Swift_. He is crooked;he seemed to me to be a gentleman of good sense and good nature, ANDREW FLETCHER, OF SALTON. 

_Macky_. A gentleman of a fair estate in Scotland, attended with theimprovement of a good education. . .. He hath written some excellenttracts, but not published in his name; and hath a very fine genius; is alow, thin man, brown complexion, full of fire, with a stern, sour look, and 50 years old. --_Swift_. A most arrogant, conceited pedant inpolitics; cannot endure the least contradiction in any of his visions orparadoxes. 

CHARLES, EARL OF MIDDLETON. 

_Macky_. He is one of the politest gentlemen in Europe; hath a greatdeal of wit, mixed with a sound judgment, and a very clearunderstanding; of an easy, indifferent access, but a careless way ofliving. . .. He is a black man, of a middle stature, with a sanguinecomplexion; and one of the pleasantest companions in the world. Towards60 years old. --_Swift_. Sir William Temple told me, he was a veryvaluable man, and a good scholar. I once saw him. 

DAVID, EARL OF WEEMS. 

_Macky_. He hath not yet been in the administration; is a finepersonage, and very beautiful; hath good sense, and is a man of honour. About 30 years old. --_Swift_. He was a black man, and handsome for aScot. 

NOTE. --The characters on the Duke of Shrewsbury, the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl of Ranelagh, and Rear-Admiral Byng, have been entirely omitted. The first is not given by Reed, and includes in Birch the single word"none"; the second is not given either by Birch or Reed, but appearsonly in "The Crypt"; the third is given only by Nichols; and the last isnot given by Birch or Reed. 

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

REMARKS ON

LORD CLARENDON'S HISTORY OF

THE REBELLION

OXFORD EDITION, 1707, 3 VOLS. 

FROM THE ORIGINAL, IN ST. PATRICK'S LIBRARY. 

NOTE. 

The text of this edition of Swift's notes on Clarendon has been foundedon the careful transcript made by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald. This transcriptis now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. Mr. Fitzgerald refers to Dr. Rowan's collation, but I have been unable tofind the original of this. Rowan's additions, however, were noted by Mr. Fitzgerald, and they have been included here. Mr. Fitzgerald says:"Scott's notes, subject to the corrections just given [by himself], arecorrect, and would serve as the base of the new edition. The additions Ihave given and the few given by Dr. Rowan (which are given here a littlefurther on) will have to be inserted in their proper places and willmake the whole complete. " This has been done, and the present reprint isa very careful following out of this suggestion. 

After the following pages were in type, however, I have had theopportunity, through the kindness of Dr. Bernard, the Dean of St. Patrick's Cathedral, of examining the original copy in the Marsh Libraryat Dublin. Assisted by the Rev. Newport J. D. White, the librarian ofthe Marsh Library, I have been able to correct several of Mr. PercyFitzgerald's transcripts, and to add some "remarks" omitted both by himand Scott. 

Mr. White, in an article in "Hermathena" (No. Xxvii. , 1901), suggeststhat the successive perusals by Swift account "for the fact that some ofthe notes are in ink, though most are in pencil; while in one or twocases Swift seems to have retraced in ink a remark originally inpencil. " Although Swift finished his fourth reading of the "History" in1741, it is undoubted that he had already annotated the volumes at amuch earlier date. The copy of the "History, " now in the Marsh Library, was presented to it by Archbishop King, though the exact date of thispresentation can only be guessed. "In the register of benefactions, "writes Mr. White in "Hermathena, " "the first list, which was evidentlywritten at one time and by one hand, contains the names of all bookspresented by King. Two of these were published as late as 1723. The nextentry is dated April 12th, 1726. It is probable, therefore, that thesevolumes came into their present abode between 1723 and 1726. As Dean ofSt. Patrick's, Swift was one of the governors of the library, and inthat capacity attended many of the annual visitations between 1718 and1736. It is natural to suppose that he was a constant reader. " Itfollows, therefore, that Swift borrowed the volumes from the library forhis re-perusal; and perhaps retraced his annotations at that time andadded new ones. 

It is worth while to reprint a sentence from Scott's note on these"Remarks" of Swift's, if only to continue a record of retort againstSwift's intemperance of feeling against the Scottish nation: "Theludicrous virulence of his execrations against the Scottish nation, go agreat way to remove the effect of his censure; and a native of Scotlandmay be justified in retaining them, were it but for that reason. "

[T. S. ]

 REMARKS ON CLARENDON'S HISTORY OF THE REBELLION. 

VOL. I. 

On the first board: Finished the 4th time, April 18, 1741. Judicium deauthore. [1]

[Footnote: 1 The note "Finished the 4th time April 18, 1741, " whichScott and Fitzgerald record as written on the first board of vol. I. , isnot now to be traced, the volume having been rebound since theirtranscripts were made. ]

The cursed, hellish villainy, treachery, treasons of the Scots, were thechief grounds and causes of that execrable rebellion. --_Swift_. 

"The word of a king. " This phrase is repeated some hundred times; but isever foolish, and too often false. --_Swift_. 

PREFACE. 

P. V. [p. Xxi. [2]] _Clarendon_. We might give instances . .. Of thosepoints . .. Which have brought the prince, sometimes, under thedisadvantageous suspicion of being inclined to the love of arbitrarypower. --_Swift_. What king doth not love, and endeavour at it?

[Footnote: 2 The references in square brackets apply to the recentOxford edition of Clarendon's "Rebellion" (6 vols. , cr. 8vo, 1888). Theprefaces can only be referred to by the page, but throughout the body ofthe work the _paragraphs_ are separately numbered for each book. [T. S. ]]

P, vi. [p. Xxii. ] _Clarendon_. The people may not always be restrainedfrom attempting by force to do themselves right, though they oughtnot. --_Swift_. They _ought!_

BOOK I. 

P. 9. [par. 12. ] _Clarendon_. All men being inhibited, by theproclamation at the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year, somuch as to mention or speak as if a Parliament should becalled. --_Swift_. Great weakness. 

P. 47. [par. 128. ] _Clarendon_. He [the Earl of Montgomery] had not satmany years in that sunshine, when a new comet appeared in court, RobertCarr, a Scotsman, quickly after declared favourite. --_Swift_. A Scottishking makes a Scottish favourite. 

P. 48. [par. 133. ] _Clarendon_. The Earl of Carlisle . .. Wrought himselfinto . .. Greater affection and esteem with the whole English nation, than any other of that country; by choosing their friendships, andconversation, and really preferring it to any of his own--_Swift_. Amiracle in a Scot!

P. 58. [par. 159. ] _Clarendon_. During the whole time that thesepressures were exercised, and those new, and extraordinary ways wererun, that is, from the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year, to the beginning of this Parliament, which was above twelve years, thiskingdom . .. Enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure offelicity, that any people in any age, for so long time together, havebeen blessed with. --_Swift_. Partial. 

P. 59. [par. 162. ] _Clarendon_. The kingdoms, we now lament, were alonelooked upon as the garden of the world; Scotland (which was but thewilderness of that garden), etc. --_Swift_. The _dunghill!_

_Ibid_, [par. 163. ] _Clarendon_. Those rough courses, which made him[the King] perhaps less loved at home, made him more feared abroad; byhow much the power of kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice bytheir neighbours: and it may be this consideration might not be theleast motive, and may not be the worst excuse for thosecounsels. --_Swift_ Too arbitrary. 

P. 60. [par. 163. ] _Clarendon_. Nerva was deified for uniting, _Imperiumet Libertas_. --_Swift_. "Libertas" underlined and "_nego_" written inthe margin. 

_Ibid_. [par. 165. ] _Clarendon_. Wise men knew that that which lookedlike pride in some, would, etc. [Swift places a condemnatory pencil markbeneath "that. "]

P. 75. [par. 201. ] _Clarendon_. A book so full of good learning, [3] [_ie. , _ Bp. John Williams (of Lincoln) against Innovations inReligion]. --_Swift_. Is that book to be bought or borrowed?

[Footnote 3: Again referred to on p. 271. _See_ Scott's note _in loco_(p. 297). [T. S. ]]

BOOK II. 

P. 88. [par. 18. ] _Clarendon_. There was so little curiosity either inthe court, or the country, to know anything of Scotland, or what wasdone there, that when the whole nation was solicitous to know whatpassed weekly in Germany, and Poland, and all other parts of Europe, noman ever enquired what was doing in Scotland, nor had that kingdom aplace or mention in one page of any gazette. --_Swift_. Should Bridewellnews be in any gazette?

P. 88. [par 18. ] _Clarendon_. The people [the Scotch] after they had oncebegun, pursued the business vigorously, and with all imaginable contemptof the government. --_Swift_. Scottish scoundrels!

P. 94. [par. 38. ] _Clarendon_ in the address of the Scots to theKing:--Lamenting "their ill fortune that their enemies had so greatcredit with the King, as to persuade him to believe that they were orcould be disobedient to him, a thing that could never enter into theirloyal hearts. "--_Swift_. Scotch dogs!

_Ibid_. [par. 39. ] _Clarendon_. Into Scotland . .. As far as a placecalled Dunce. --_Swift_. "Dunce" underlined. 

P. 95. [par. 42. ] _Clarendon_. The Covenanters . .. Were very reasonablyexalted with this success, [the retreat of the Earl of Holland fromDunse, ] and scattered their letters abroad amongst the noblemen atcourt, according to the humours of the men to whom they writ. --_Swift_. Cursed Scots for ever!

P. 96. [par. 46. ] _Clarendon_, speaking of the Marquess ofHamilton. --_Swift_. A cursed true Scot!

P. 100. [par. 55] _Clarendon_ The Scots got so much benefit andadvantage by it [the treaty of pacification], that they brought alltheir other mischievous devices to pass, with ease. --_Swift_. ConfoundedScots!

P. 101. [par. 58. ] Marginal note to Clarendon: The Earl of Argyle joinswith the Covenanters, notwithstanding his great obligations to theKing. --_Swift_. All Argyles, cursed Scottish hell-hounds for ever!

P. 103. [par. 60. ] _Clarendon_, on the letter from the Scotch nobilityto the French King, which was intercepted, and upon Lord Lowden, in hisexamination:--refusing to give any other answer, than that it was writbefore the agreement . .. And never sent; that if he had committed anyoffence, he ought to be questioned for it in Scotland, and not inEngland. --_Swift_. Scottish traitors!

_Ibid_. [par. 61. ] _Clarendon_. The opinion of the prejudice and generalaversion over the whole kingdom to the Scots, and the indignation theyhad at their presumption in their design of invading England, made itbelieved that a Parliament would express a very sharp sense of theirinsolence and carriage towards the King. --_Swift_. Cursed hellish Scotsfor ever!

P. 104. [par. 62. ] _Clarendon_, on the calling together of theParliament in 1640:--The King . .. Directed the lord-keeper to issue outwrits for the meeting of a Parliament upon the third day of April thennext ensuing. --_Swift_. April 3d for knaves; the 1st for fools!

P. 114. [par, 90. ] _Clarendon_. The Scots army . .. Were alwaysbeaten. --_Swift_. "Always beaten" trebly underlined. 

P. 116. [par. 97. ] _Clarendon_ The convocation-house (the regular andlegal assembling of the clergy) customarily beginning and ending withParliaments, was, after the determination of the last, by a new writcontinued. --_Swift_. Convocations of the clergy are as legal and asnecessary as those of the laity. 

P. 122. [par 108. ] _Clarendon_, on the commissioners who met atRipon:--When these commissioners from the King arrived at Ripon, therecame others from the Scots army of a quality much inferior--_Swift_. Acursed committee!

_Ibid_. [par. 108. ] _Clarendon_. Alexander Henderson. --_Swift_. A cursedfanatic! (Written in pencil, and partially rubbed out. )

P. 123. [par. 109. ] _Clarendon_. There was not a man of all the English, etc. --_Swift_. Cursed hellish Scots!

P. 124. [par. 111. ] _Clarendon_. They brought them with them andpresented them to the King [Swift underscores _them_. ]

_Ibid_. [par. 113. ] _Clarendon_. Three of the commissioners, and nomore, were of the King's council, the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury, andHolland. --_Swift_. Bad counsellors. 

P. 125. [par. 116. ] _Clarendon_ The commissioners at Ripon quicklyagreed upon the cessation; and were not unwilling to have allowed fiftythousand pounds a month for the support of the Scots army, when they didassign but thirty thousand pounds a month for the payment of theKing's. --_Swift_. Greedy Scotch rebellious dogs. 

P. 129. [par. 126. ] _Clarendon_. It must not be doubted that there weremany particular persons of honour of that nation who abhorred theoutrages which were committed. --_Swift_. I doubt it; for they wereScots. 

P. 130. [par. 128. ] _Clarendon_. It can hardly be conceived, with whatentire confidence in each other, the numerous and _not very rich_nobility of Scotland . .. Concurred in the carrying on thisrebellion. --_Swift_. Beggarly, beggarly!

BOOK III. 

P. 148. [par. 32. ] _Clarendon_. Mr. Saint-John . .. A natural son of thehouse of Bullingbrook. --_Swift_. A bastard. 

P. 151. [par. 38. ] _Clarendon_. The Earl of Rothes . .. Was a man verywell bred, of very good parts, and great address. --_Swift_. A Scotchfreethinker. 

P. 152. [par. 42. ] _Clarendon_, on the order of the Houses ofParliament, to use the appellation of "our brethren of Scotland" towardsthe Scotch commissioners. --_Swift_ Cursed Scots, brethren in iniquity. 

P. 153 [par 44] _Clarendon_ The allegation was, "That the charge againstthe Earl of Stafford was of an extraordinary nature, being to make atreason evident out of a complication of several ill acts, That he mustbe traced through many dark paths, " etc. --_Swift. _ As a boy. 

_Ibid_ [par 45] _Clarendon_ It was alleged, "That at his coming fromIreland the Earl had said in council there, That if ever he returned tothat sword again, he would not leave a Scottishman in thatkingdom". --_Swift_ And it was a good resolution. 

P 153 [par 45] _Clarendon_ ---- "And at his arrival in this kingdom, thelord mayor and some aldermen of London attending the board about theloan of moneys, and not giving that satisfaction was expected, that heshould tell the King, That it would never be well till he hanged up aLord Mayor of London in the City to terrify the rest". --_Swift_ Atworst, only a rash expression. 

P 155 [par 50] _Clarendon_ Hereupon, in one day, were sworn privycouncillors, much to the public joy, the Earl of Hertford (whom the Kingafterwards made marquess), the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Essex, theEarl of Bristol, the Lord Say, the Lord Saville, and the Lord Kimbolton, and within two or three days after, the Earl of Warwick. --_Swift_ All[_rogues, _ perhaps, [4]] but the first. 

[Footnote: 4 P Fitzgerald says _[sworn, _ more likely] [T. S. ]]

P 161 [par 67] _Clarendon_, on the method of procuring signatures to onepetition, and then cutting them off, and affixing them to a petition ofquite a different tendency. --_Swift_ Dogs, villains, almost as bad asthe cursed Scots. 

P 366 [par 85] _Clarendon_ The Earl of Bedford prevailed with the King. .. To make Oliver Saint-John . .. His solicitor-general, which HisMajesty readily consented to: . .. Being a gentleman of an honourableextraction (if he had been legitimate). --_Swift_ The bastard beforementioned. 

P 183 [par 140] _Clarendon_, trial of Strafford--Mr Solicitor Saint-John. .. Argued for the space of near an hour the matter of law. Of theargument itself I shall say little, it being in print, and in manyhands, I shall only remember two notable propositions, which aresufficient characters of the person and the time. --_Swift_ Bp. A[tterbury]

P 187 [par 156] _Clarendon_, on the bill for extirpating bishops, deans, and chapters, etc. --Though the rejecting it, was earnestly urged by verymany, . .. Yet, all the other people, as violently pressed the readingit; and none so importunately, as Saint-John. --_Swift_. The bastard!

P. 195. [par. 179. ] _Clarendon_. It being always their custom, when theyfound the heat and distemper of the House (which they endeavoured tokeep up, by the sharp mention and remembrance of former grievances andpressures) in any degree allayed, by some gracious act, or graciousprofession of the King's, to warm and inflame them again with adiscovery, or promise of a discovery, of some notable plot andconspiracy against themselves. --_Swift. _ King George I. 's reign. 

P. 199. [par. 189. ] _Clarendon_. Whereas some doubts, etc. --_Swift_. True Popish evasion. 

_Ibid. Clarendon_, on the explanation of the Protestation for the Churchof England:--concerning the meaning of these words . .. "_viz_ The truereformed Protestant religion, expressed in the doctrine of the Church ofEngland, against all Popery and Popish innovations within this realm, contrary to the same doctrine, " This House doth declare, that by thosewords, was and is meant, only the public doctrine professed in the saidChurch, so far as it is opposite to Popery, etc. --_Swift_. Fanatic dogs!

P. 202. [par. 198. ] _Clarendon_. The Archbishop of York. --_Swift_. Williams, before of Lincoln. 

_Ibid_. [par. 200. ] _Clarendon_, on the letter of Strafford to the King, persuading him no longer to delay the order for his execution. --_Swift_. Great magnanimity!

P. 203. [par. 201. ] _Clarendon_. The delivery of this letter beingquickly known, new arguments were applied; "that this free consent ofhis own, clearly absolved the King from any scruple that could remainwith him. "--_Swift_. Weak, and wrong. 

_Ibid_. [par. 202. ] _Clarendon_. There was reason enough to believe, their impious hands would be lifted up against his own person, and(which he much more apprehended) against the person of his royalconsort. --_Swift_. A most unhappy marriage. 

P. 204. [par. 206. ] _Clarendon_. Together with that of attainder of theEarl of Strafford, another Bill was passed by the King, of almost asfatal a consequence both to the King and kingdom, . .. "the Act for theperpetual Parliament;" as it is since called. --_Swift_. Cursedstupidity! _Hinc illae lachrymae_. 

P. 205. [par. 207. ] _Clarendon_. No way could be thought of so sure, asan Act of Parliament, "that this Parliament should not be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, but by Act of Parliament, which, upon thisoccasion, His Majesty would never deny to pass. "--_Swift_. The fatalstroke. 

_Ibid_. [par. 210. ] _Clarendon_, on the King's passing this Bill. --_Swift_. I wish the author had enlarged here upon what motives theKing passed that Bill. 

P 205 [par 210] _Clarendon_, on the same. --_Swift_ The King by this actutterly ruined. 

P 207 [par 217] _Clarendon_, on the passing of the tonnage and poundagebill--And so in expectation and confidence, that they would makeglorious additions to the state and revenue of the crown, His Majestysuffered himself to be stripped of all that he had left. --_Swift_ Greatweakness in the King. 

P 225 [par 271] _Clarendon_ These Acts of Parliament, etc will beacknowledged, by an uncorrupted posterity, to be everlasting monumentsof the King's princely and fatherly affection to his people. --_Swift_Rather of his weakness. 

BOOK IV

P 237 [par 24] _Clarendon_ A general insurrection of the Irish, spreaditself over the whole country, in such an inhumane and barbarous manner, that there were forty or fifty thousand of the English Protestantsmurdered. --_Swift_ At least. 

P 243 [par 43] _Clarendon_ That which should have been an act ofoblivion, was made a defence and justification of whatsoever they [theScotch] had done. --_Swift_ Scot, Scot, Scot, for ever Scot. 

P 244 [par 47] _Clarendon_ His Majesty having never received anyconsiderable profit from Scotland, etc. --_Swift_ How could he, fromScottish rebels and beggars?

P 245 [par 47] _Clarendon_ Surely he had then very hard thoughts of agreat part of the nation [the Scotch]. --_Swift_ Who can doubt of it?

P 257 [par 87] _Clarendon_ The propositions made from Scotland, "for thesending ten thousand men from thence, into Ulster, to be paid by theParliament, " were consented to, whereby some soldiers were dispatchedthither, to defend their own plantation, and did in truth, at ourcharge, as much oppress the English that were there, as the rebels couldhave done. --_Swift_ Send cursed rebel Scots, who oppressed the Englishin that kingdom as the Irish rebels did, and were governors of thatprovince, etc. 

P 271 [par 130] _Clarendon_, Doctor Williams, Archbishop of York--hadhimself published, by his own authority, a book against the using thoseceremonies [which were countenanced by Laud], in which there was muchgood learning, and too little gravity for a bishop. --_Swift_ Where isthat book to be had?[5]

[Footnote 5: The book is extant, and was written in answer to Dr Heyhn's"Coal from the Altar". Even the title page contains a punning allusionto his adversary's work, rather too facetious for the subject of hisown. It is entitled "The Holy Table, name and thing, more anciently, properly, and literally used under the New Testament, than that ofAltar. "]

P. 272. [par. 130. ] _Clarendon_, Archbishop Williams:--appeared to be aman of a very corrupt nature, whose passions could have transported himinto the most unjustifiable actions. --_Swift. _ This character I thinktoo severe. 

P. 275. [par. 138. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--The great hatred of thisman's person and behaviour, was the greatest invitation to the House ofCommons so irregularly to revive that Bill to remove thebishops. --_Swift_. How came he to be so hated by that faction he is sosaid to favour?

P. 277. [par. 140. ] _Clarendon_, petition and protestation of thebishops. --_Swift_. I see no fault in this protestation. 

P. 280. [par. 149. ] _Clarendon_, on the articles of high treason againstLord Kimbolton, Pym, Hampden, Hollis, Haslerigg, and Strode. --_Swift_. It proved a long and vexatious affair. 

P. 281. [par. 152. ] _Clarendon_. The next day in the afternoon, the King. .. Came to the House of Commons. .. . Himself, with his nephew, thePrince Elector, went into the House, to the great amazement ofall. --_Swift. _ Too rash and indiscreet; the second great and fatalerror. 

P. 282. [par. 152. ] _Clarendon_. He assured them in the word of a King, etc. --_Swift_. Never to be relied upon. 

P. 284. [par. 157. ] _Clarendon_. The King . .. Published, the next day, aproclamation, for the apprehension of all those, whom he had accused ofhigh treason, forbidding any person to harbour them; the articles oftheir charge being likewise printed, and dispersed. --_Swift_. A veryweak and wrong proceeding in the King, which had very bad consequences. 

_Ibid. Clarendon_, on the same proceeding. --_Swift_. What was theircrime?

P. 322. [par. 264. ] _Clarendon_. The humble petition of many thousandsof poor people in and about the city of London. --_Swift. _ Who was theauthor?

P. 334. [par. 302. ] _Clarendon_, on the King's passing the bills againstthe bishops' votes, and about pressing. --_Swift_. Too great a weakness, and attended by a heap of gross follies. 

P. 336. [par. 307. ] _Clarendon_, on:--An Ordinance of both Houses ofParliament for the ordering of the Militia of the kingdom of England, and dominion of Wales. --_Swift_. The most ruinous consequence of theKing's weakness and cowardice. 

BOOK V. 

P. 364. [par. 6. ] _Clarendon, _ in the King's Declaration, March 9, 164-1/2:--For the Lord Digby, he assured them in the word of a King, etc. --_Swift_. I cannot endure that phrase any more. 

Written long ago by a minister in Lincolnshire, in answer to D. Coal, ajudicious divine of Q. Marie's dayes. 1637. [S. ]

P. 365. [par. 9. ] _Clarendon_, in the same:--What greater earnest of histrust, and reliance on his Parliament could he give, than the passingthe Bill for the continuance of this present Parliament?--_Swift_. Likea very weak prince. 

_Ibid. Clarendon_, in the same:--The length of which [Parliament] hesaid, he hoped, would never alter the nature of Parliaments, and theconstitution of this kingdom; or invite his subjects so much to abusehis confidence, as to esteem anything fit for this Parliament to do, which were not fit, if it were in his power to dissolve itto-morrow. --_Swift_. Yet, that was his ruin. 

P. 366. [par. 11. ] _Clarendon_. The factious party [persuaded thepeople] . .. That there was a design to send the prince beyond the seas, and to marry him to some Papist. --_Swift_. As it fell out. 

P. 384. [par. 56. ] _Clarendon_, in the King's answer to the petition toremove the magazine from Hull:--We have . .. Most solemnly promised, inthe word of a king, etc. --_Swift_. How long is that phrase to last?

P. 415. [par. 136] _Clarendon_. Whoever concurred, voted, and sided withthem, in their extravagant conclusions, let the infamy of his formerlife, or present practice be what it would; his injustice and oppressionnever so scandalous, and notorious; he was received, countenanced, andprotected with marvellous demonstrations of affection. --_Swift_. KingGeorge's reign. 

P. 419. [par. 148. ] _Clarendon_, in the King's answer to the petition todissolve his Guards:--He asked them, "when they had so many monthstogether not contented themselves to rely for security, as theirpredecessors had done, upon the affection of the people, but by theirown single authority had raised to themselves a guard . .. And yet allthose pikes and protestations, that army, on one side, and that navy, onthe other, had not persuaded His Majesty to command them to disbandtheir forces, " etc. --_Swift_. What are those pikes?

P. 427. [par. 162. ] _Clarendon_, in the Declaration of the Lords andCommons, May 19, 1642--That, in the word of a King, _etc. --Swift. _ Afrequent foolish word, battered as a phrase. 

P. 472. [par. 269. ] _Clarendon_. He divested himself of the power ofdissolving this Parliament. --_Swift_. Proved his ruin. 

P. 543. [par. 425. ] _Clarendon_, on the deposition of Sir RichardGurney, lord mayor. --_Swift_ Dogs!

VOL. II. --BOOK VI. 

P. 7. [par. 11. ] _Clarendon_, Message of the King, Aug. 25th, 1642:--"Wherein, as we promise, in the word of a King, all safety andencouragement to such as shall be sent unto us . .. For thetreaty. "--_Swift_. Very weak. 

P. 10. [par. 18. ] _Clarendon_, answer of the Parliament to the King'smessage received the 5th of September, 1642. --_Swift. _ I do not muchdislike this answer. 

P. 17. [par. 38. ] _Clarendon. _ The same rabble entered the house of theCountess of Rivers near Colchester; for no other ground, than that shewas a Papist; and in few hours disfurnished it of all thegoods. --_Swift. _ As bad as Scots. 

P. 18. [par. 40. ] _Clarendon. _ There are monuments enough in theseditious sermons at that time printed . .. Of such wresting, and perverting of Scripture to the odious purposes of thepreacher. --_Swift. _ I wish I could find them. 

P. 20. [par. 43. ] _Clarendon. _ Scottish officers. --_Swift. _ Dogs. 

P. 31 [par. 74. ] _Clarendon. _. A thousand at the most. Most of thepersons of quality, etc. [Swift underscores _most. _]

P. 33. [par. 78. ] _Clarendon, _ on the exemption of Prince Rupert frombeing under the command of the general, Lord Lindsey:--When the King atmidnight, being in his bed, and receiving intelligence of the enemy'smotion, commanded the Lord Falkland, his principal secretary of state, to direct Prince Rupert, what he should do, his Highness took it veryill, and expostulated with the Lord Falkland, for giving himorders. --_Swift. _ A great mistake in the King, by too much indulgence toPrince Rupert. 

P. 40. [par. 90. ] _Clarendon. _ The King's preferring the Prince's[Rupert's] opinion in all matters relating to the war before his [LordLindsey's]. --_Swift. _ I blame the King's Partiality. 

P. 48, line 28. --_Swift. _ Cursed Scots. 

P. 50. [par. 109. ] _Clarendon. _ His Majesty had, from time to time, given his council of that kingdom [Scotland] full relations of all hisdifferences with his Parliament. --_Swift. _ Cursed Scots for ever. 

P. 51. [par. 112. ] _Clarendon. _ The chief managers and governors in thefirst war, by their late intercourse, and communication of guilt, havinga firm correspondence with the Marquess of Argyle, the Earl of Lowden, and that party. --_Swift. _ Always a cursed family of Scots. 

P. 59. [par. 142. ] _Clarendon. _ As the inviting the Scots, etc. --_Swift. _ Too long a parenthesis. 

P. 62. [par. 154. ] _Clarendon. _ For the better recruiting whereof [theParliament's army], two of their most eminent chaplains, Dr. Downing andMr. Marshal, publicly avowed, "that the soldiers lately taken prisonersat Brentford, and discharged, and released by the King upon their oathsthat they would never again bear arms against him, were not obliged bythat oath;" but, by their power, absolved them thereof. --_Swift. _Perfect Popery. 

P. 65. [par. 161. ] _Clarendon, _ the King's message to the privy councilof Scotland:--"Of all . .. The . .. Indignities, which had been offered tohim, he doubted not the duty and affection of his Scottish subjectswould have so just a resentment, that they would express to the worldthe sense they had of his sufferings. "--_Swift_. Cursed Scots; to trustthem. 

P. 66. [par. 163. ] _Clarendon_, the same;--"There could not be a clearerargument to his subjects of Scotland that he had no such thought, [ofbringing in foreign forces, ] than that he had hitherto forborne torequire the assistance of that his native kingdom; from whose obedience, duty, and affection, he should confidently expect it, if he thought hisown strength here too weak to preserve him. "--_Swift_. In vain. _Clarendon_. "And of whose courage, and loyalty, he should look to makeuse. "--_Swift_. And never find. 

_Ibid_. [par. 164. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"He could not doubt, adutiful concurrence in his subjects of Scotland, in the care of hishonour, and just rights, would draw down a blessing upon that nationtoo. "--_Swift_. A Scot's blessing. 

P. 67. [par. 165. ] _Clarendon_. Other fruit of their [the Scots']allegiance he [the King] expected not, than that they should notrebel. --_Swift_. But they did. 

P. 81. [par. 204, ] _Clarendon_, the King's declaration:--"These are themen who . .. At this time invite, and solicit our subjects of Scotland, to enter this land with an army against us. "--_Swift_. Damnable Scots. 

P. 91. [par. 231, sec. 4. ] _Clarendon_, humble desires and propositionsof the Lords and Commons:--"That your Majesty will be pleased to giveyour royal assent unto the Bill . .. For the utter abolishing, and takingaway of all archbishops, bishops, their chancellors, and commissaries, deans, sub-deans, deans and chapters, archdeacons, canons, andprebendaries, and all chanters, chancellors, treasurers, sub-treasurers, succentors, and sacrists, and all vicars choral, choristers, old vicars, and new vicars of any cathedral, or collegiate church, and all othertheir under officers, out of the Church of England. "--_Swift_. Athorough sweep. _Clarendon_. "To the Bill against scandalous ministers;to the Bill against pluralities; and to the Bill for consultation to behad with godly, religious, and learned divines. "--_Swift. I. E. _ cursedfanatics. 

P. 99. [par. 243. ] _Clarendon_. Sir Ralph Hopton . .. Marched to Saltash, a town in Cornwall . .. Where was a garrison of two hundred Scots; who, [upon his approach, ] as kindly quit Saltash, as the others hadLaunceston before. --_Swift_. Loyal Scots--ever cursed. 

P. 101. [par 247. ] _Clarendon_. Ruthen, a Scotchman, the governor ofPlymouth. --_Swift_. A cursed Scottish dog. 

P. 103. [par. 250. ] _Clarendon_. The Earl of Stamford. --_Swift_. Arogue, half as bad as a Scot. 

P. 134. [par. 338. ] _Clarendon_, Petition of the Kirk of Scotland:--"Achief praise of the Protestant religion (and thereby our not vain, butjust gloriation). "--_Swift_. Scotch phrase. 

_Ibid. Clarendon_, the same:--"[The Papists] are openly declared to benot only good subjects, . .. But far better subjects thanProtestants. "--_Swift_. Scotch (Protestants). 

P. 135. [par. 339. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"That your Majesty . .. Maytimeously and speedily, " etc. --_Swift_. Scotch. 

_Ibid_. [par. 340. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"We are, with greaterearnestness than before, constrained _to fall down again_ before yourMajesty. "--_Swift_. Rise against. 

_Ibid. Clarendon_, the same. They petition:--"for a meeting of somedivines to be holden in England, unto which . .. Some commissioners maybe sent from this _kirk_. "--_Swift_. Hell!

P. 136. [par. 342. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"The strongest let, till itbe taken out of the way, is the mountain of prelacy. "--_Swift_. Scottishdogs. 

_Ibid. Clarendon_, the same:--"How many, from the experience of thetyranny of the prelates, are afraid to discover themselves . .. Whereasprelacy being removed, they would openly profess what they are, and joinwith _others_ in the way of reformation. "--_Swift. I. E. _ Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 344. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"The national assembly ofthis kirk, from which we have our commission. "--_Swift_. From Satan. 

P. 138. [par. 347. ] _Clarendon_, the King's answer:--"Our Church ofScotland. "--_Swift_. Kirk. 

P. 139. [par. 348. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"We do believe that thepetitioners, when they shall consider how . .. Unbecoming [it is] initself, for them to require, the ancient, happy, and establishedgovernment of the Church of England to be altered, and conformed to thelaws, and constitutions of _another church, _ will find themselvesmisled, " etc. --_Swift_. A Scotch kirk. 

P. 140. [par. 351. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"To which [synod] we shallbe willing that some learned divines of our Church of Scotland may belikewise sent. "--_Swift_. To confound all. 

P. 142. [par. 356. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"We conceived, we had notleft it possible, for any man to . .. Suspect, that the conversion of_our dearest consort_ was not so much our desire, that the accession ofas many crowns as God hath already bestowed on us, would not be morewelcome to us than that day. "--_Swift_. A thorough Papist. 

BOOK VII. 

P. 199. [par. 71. ] _Clarendon_. Being this way secure from any futureclamours for peace, they proceeded to try Mr. Tomkins, Mr. Chaloner, . .. Mr. Hambden, who brought the last message from the King, etc. --_Swift. _Which Hambden? Not the rebel Hambden? No, it was one Alexander Hambden. 

P. 201. [par. 75. ] _Clarendon_. In the beginning of the war, the army inScotland having been lately disbanded, many officers of that nation, whohad served in Germany and in France, betook themselves to the service ofthe Parliament. --_Swift_ Cursed Scots for ever. _Clarendon_. Whereofdivers were men of good conduct, and courage; though there were more asbad as the cause, in which they engaged. Of the former sort ColonelHurry was a man of name, and reputation. --_Swift. _ A miracle! ColonelUrrie was an honest, valiant, loyal Scot, repenting his mistakes. 

P. 203. [par. 78. ] _Clarendon_. The man [Hurry] was in his nature proud, and imperious. --_Swift_. A mixture of the Scot. 

P. 219. [par. 106. ] _Clarendon_. On the brow of the hill there werebreast-works, on which were pretty bodies of small shot, and somecannon; on either flank grew a pretty thick wood. --_Swift_. Silly style. 

P. 244. [par. 162. ] _Clarendon_. "We, the Inhabitants, Magistrates, "etc. --_Swift_. Cursed rogues. 

P. 261. [par. 199. ] _Clarendon_. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, a younggentleman . .. Of a fair and plentiful fortune. --_Swift. _ Earl ofShaftesbury by Charles II. A great villain. 

P. 262. [par. 199. ] _Clarendon_. The flexibility and instability of thatgentleman's nature, not being then understood, or suspected. --_Swift_. Shaftesbury, an early rogue. 

_Ibid_. [par. 200. ] _Clarendon_. The express returned without effect[from the King], and the Marquess [of Hertford] was as sensibly touchedas could be imagined; and said, "that he was fallen from all credit withthe King, " etc. --_Swift_. Too fond of those nephews. 

P. 271. [par. 221. ] _Clarendon_. [Lord Falkland] writ two largediscourses against the principal positions of that [the Roman Catholic]religion, with that sharpness of style, and full weight of reason, thatthe Church is deprived of great jewels in the concealment of them, andthat they are not published to the world. --_Swift_. Ten thousand pitiesthat they are not to be recovered!

P. 277. [par. 234. ] _Clarendon_. Thus fell that incomparable young man, [Lord Falkland, ] in the four-and-thirtieth year of his age, having somuch dispatched the true business of life, that the eldest rarely attainto that immense knowledge, and the youngest enter not into the worldwith more innocency: Whosoever leads such a life needs be the lessanxious upon how short warning it is taken from him. --_Swift_. It movesgrief to the highest excess. 

P. 277. [par. 236. ] _Clarendon_, on the jealousy between Essex andWaller:--The passion and animosity which difference of opinion hadproduced between any members, was totally laid aside and forgotten, andno artifice omitted to make the world believe, that they were a peoplenewly incorporated, and as firmly united to one and the same end, astheir brethren the Scots. --_Swift_. Deceitful Scots. 

P. 282. [par. 246. ] _Clarendon_. Earl of Holland. --_Swift. _ Treacherous. 

P. 283 [par. 247. ] _Clarendon_, the Earl of Holland, on his return fromOxford, published a Declaration, in which he announced:--that he foundthe court so indisposed to peace . .. That he resolved to make what hastehe could back to the Parliament, and to spend the remainder of his lifein their service: which action, so contrary to his own naturaldiscretion and generosity, etc. --_Swift_. Treachery. 

_Ibid_. [par. 249. ] _Clarendon_. The committee from the two Houses ofParliament, which was sent into Scotland in July before . .. Found thatkingdom in so good and ready a posture for their reception, that theyhad called an assembly of their kirk; and a convention of their estates, without, and expressly against, the King's consent. --_Swift_. DiabolicalScots for ever. 

P. 284. [par. 250. ] _Clarendon_, the Scotch said to the Englishcommissioners. --that there were many well-wishers to him [the King], andmaligners, in their hearts, of the present reformation. --_Swift_. CursedScots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 252. ] _Clarendon_. A form of words was quickly agreed onbetween them, for a perfect combination and _marriage_ between theParliament and the Scots. --_Swift_. Satan was parson. 

P. 285. [par. 254. ] _Clarendon_. The Assembly, besides . .. Executeexecute his commands. [19 lines in one sentence. ]--_Swift_. A longconfounding period. 

P. 288. [par. 259, sec. 3. ] _Clarendon_. A Solemn League and Covenant. "To preserve . .. Liberties of the Kingdoms. "--_Swift_. Damnable rebelScots. 

_Ibid_. [sec. 6. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"And the honour of theKing. "--_Swift_. By martyrdom. 

P. 289. [par. 259, conclusion. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"We have not aswe ought valued the inestimable benefit of the Gospel. "--_Swift_. Allvery true. 

P. 291. [par. 264. ] _Clarendon_. They very devoutly extolled theCovenant, magnified the Scottish nation, with all imaginable attributesof esteem and reverence, . .. A nation that had reformed their lives forso small a time, more than ever any people, that they knew of, in theworld had done. --_Swift. _ Most diabolical Scots. 

P. 292. [par. 267. ] _Clarendon_. [Sir Harry Vane the younger. ] Thereneed no more be said of his ability, than that he was chosen to cozen, and deceive a whole nation which was thought to excel in craft andcunning. --_Swift_. Could out-cheat a Scot. 

P. 293. [par. 269. ] _Clarendon_. Those of the nobility and gentry, whodid really desire to serve the King, applied themselves to DukeHamilton. --_Swift_. That duke was a hellish, treacherous villain of aScot. 

P. 316. [par. 322. ] _Clarendon_. At this time, nothing troubled the Kingso much, as the intelligence he received from Scotland, that they hadalready formed their army, and resolved to enter England in the winterseason. --_Swift_. Cursed Scots. 

_Ibid_. , line 37. --_Swift_. Scottish Dogs. 

P. 318. [par. 328. ] _Clarendon_, on the proclamation for a Parliament atOxford. --A proclamation was issued out, containing the true grounds andmotives, and mentioning the league of Scotland to invade the kingdom;which was the most universally odious, and detestable. --_Swift_. HellishScots. 

P. 339 [Par. 373. ] _Clarendon_, Letter from the Parliament of Oxford tothe Earl of Essex. They conjure him to lay to heart:--"the inwardbleeding condition of your country, and the outward more menacingdestruction by a foreign nation. "--_Swift_. Cursed Scotland. 

P. 340. [par. 377. ] _Clarendon_, Essex's answer to the Earl ofForth. --_Swift_. Essex was a cursed rebel. 

P. 341. [par. 379. ] _Clarendon_, on the Declaration of the Scots onentering England. --_Swift_. Abominable, damnable, Scotch hellish dogsfor ever. Let them wait for Cromwell to plague them, and enslave theirscabby nation. 

_Ibid_. [par. 380. ] _Clarendon_, the same. --They said, "the question wasnot, . .. Whether they might propagate their religion by arms?"etc. --_Swift_. Diabolical Scots for ever. 

P. 342. [par. 383. ] _Clarendon_. This war was of God. --_Swift_. An errormistaking the Devil for God. 

_Ibid_. [par. 384. ] _Clarendon_, Declaration of England andScotland:--They gave now "public warning to all men to rest no longerupon their neutrality, . .. But that they address themselves speedily totake the Covenant. "--_Swift_. The Devil made that damnable ScotsCovenant. 

P. 343. [par. 385] _Clarendon_. Then they proclaimed a pardon to allthose who would before such a day desert the King, and adhere to them, and take the Covenant. --_Swift_. The Devil to take the Covenant. 

_Ibid_. [par. 386. ] _Clarendon_. I cannot but observe, that after thistime that the Earl [of Essex] declined this opportunity of declaringhimself, he never did prosperous act in the remainder of hislife. --_Swift_. I am heartily glad of that. 

P. 343. [par. 388. ] _Clarendon_. There wanted not a just indignation atthe return of this trumpet; and yet the answer being so much in thatpopular road, of saying something plausibly to the people, it wasthought fit again to make an attempt, that at least the world might see, that they did, in plain _English_ refuse to admit of anypeace. --_Swift_. Scotch. 

P. 347. [par. 398, sec. 2. ] _Clarendon_, Declaration of the Parliamentat Oxford:--"All his Majesty's subjects of the kingdom of England anddominion of Wales, are both by their allegiance, and the Act ofPacification, bound to resist and repress all those of Scotland as had, or should enter upon any part of his Majesty's realm. "--_Swift_. Execrable Scots. 

P. 348. [_ibid, _ sec. 5. ] _Clarendon_ the same:--"That the Lords andCommons remaining at Westminster, who had given their consents to thepresent coming in of the Scots in a warlike manner, had thereincommitted high treason. "--_Swift_. Rebel Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 400. ] _Clarendon_. The invasion, which the Scots made inthe depth of winter, and the courage the enemy took from thence, deprived his Majesty even of any rest in that season. --_Swift_. CursedScots, ever inflaming. 

P. 351. [par. 404. ] _Clarendon_. The Earl of Montrose . .. Was so much inthe jealousy, and detestation of the violent party, whereof the _Earl ofArgyle_ was the head, that there was no cause or room left to doubt hissincerity to the King. --_Swift_. Odious dog; and so are all hisdescendants. 

_Ibid_. [par. 405. ] _Clarendon_. Duke Hamilton. --_Swift_. An arrantScot. 

_Ibid. Clarendon_. As soon as the King had had fuller intelligence. [Swift alters the second _had to received_. ]

P. 352. [par. 407. ] _Clarendon_. The Duke [Hamilton] had given the Kingan account, . .. That though some few hot, and passionate men, desired toput themselves in arms, to stop both elections of the Members, and anymeeting together in Parliament; yet, that all sober men . .. Were clearlyof the opinion, to take as much pains as they could to cause goodelections to be made. --_Swift. _ What! in Scotland?

P. 353. [par. 409. ] _Clarendon_. About this time the councils atWestminster lost a principal supporter, by the death of John Pym; whodied with great torment and agony of a disease unusual, and thereforethe more spoken of, _morbus pediculosus, _ as was reported. --_Swift_. Iwish all his clan had died of the same disease. 

BOOK VIII. 

P. 382. [par. 60. ] _Clarendon_. Colonel Ashburnham, then governor ofWeymouth, was made choice of for that command; . .. And, to make way forhim, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper had been, the year before, removed fromthat charge; and was thereby so much disobliged, that he quitted theKing's party, and gave himself up, body and soul, to the service of theParliament, with an implacable animosity against the royalinterest. --_Swift_. A rogue all his life. 

P. 385. [par. 66. ] _Clarendon_, at Cropredy-bridge:--the [parliamentary]general of their ordnance [was] taken prisoner. This man, one Weemes, aScotchman, had been as much obliged by the King, as a man of hiscondition could be, and in a manner very unpopular: for he was mademaster-gunner of England, . .. And having never done the King the leastservice, he took the first opportunity to disserve him. --_Swift_. Acursed, hellish Scot! Why was not the rogue hanged?

P-387. [par. 69. ] _Clarendon_, Message from the King to theparliamentary army:--It was agreed, that Sir Edward Walker (who was bothGarter king at arms, and secretary to the council of war) should be sentto publish that, his Majesty's grace. --_Swift_. A very mean author. 

P. 388. [par. 74. ] _Clarendon_, Battle of Marston-moor:--That party ofthe King's horse which charged the Scots, so totally routed and defeatedtheir whole army, that they fled all ways for many milestogether. --_Swift_. I am glad of that. 

P. 420. [par. 153. ] _Clarendon_. Colonel Hurry, a Scotchman, who hadformerly served the Parliament, and is well mentioned, in thetransactions of the last year, for having quitted them, and performedsome signal service to the King, . .. Desired a pass to go beyond theseas, and so quitted the service: but instead of embarking himself, madehaste to London; and put himself now into the Earl of Manchester's army, and made a discovery of all he knew of the King's army. --_Swift_. Mentioned before, and then I was deceived by him; but now I find him acursed true Scot. 

P. 427. [par. 167. ] _Clarendon_. After the battle of York, the Scotsreturned to reduce Newcastle; which they had already done; and all othergarrisons which had held out for the King. --_Swift_. Most damnableScots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 168. ] _Clarendon_. The King's army was less united thanever; the old general was set aside, and Prince Rupert put into thecommand, which was no popular change. --_Swift_. Too fond of his nephews. 

_Ibid_. [par. 169. ] _Clarendon_. Wilmot loved debauchery. --_Swift_. Character of Wilmot and Goring. 

P. 453. [par. 233. ] _Clarendon_, Treaty at Uxbridge: Debates about themilitia. They insisted:--upon having the whole command of the militia bysea, and land, and all the forts, and ships of the kingdom at theirdisposal; without which they looked upon themselves as lost, and at theKing's mercy; not considering that he must be at theirs, if such a powerwas committed to them. --_Swift_. The case seems doubtful. The pointshould be undecided. 

P. 454. [par. 235. ] _Clarendon_, the same: Ireland. The Chancellor ofthe Exchequer:--put them in mind, . .. [that] one hundred thousandpounds, brought in by the adventurers for Ireland, had been sent in oneentire sum into _Scotland_, to prepare and dispose that kingdom to sendan army to invade this. --_Swift_ Cursed. 

P. 456. [On this page two _ands_ are erased. ]

P. 457. [par. 241. ] _Clarendon_. The conversation . .. Made a greatdiscovery of the faction that was in the Parliament . .. That the Scotswould insist _upon_ the whole government of the Church, and in all othermatters would _defer_ to the King. --_Swift_. [Instead of _upon, _] todestroy; [and instead of _defer, _] to betray. 

_Ibid_. [par. 242. ] _Clarendon_. Satisfied, that in the particular whichconcerned the Church, the Scots would never depart from atittle. --_Swift_. Scots hell-hounds. 

P. 466. [par. 262. ] _Clarendon_. After the battle at York, . .. TheScotch army marched northwards, to reduce the little garrisons remainingin those parts; which was easily done. --_Swift_. Scottish dogs. 

_Ibid_. [par. 263. ] _Clarendon_. The person whom that earl [of Montrose]most hated, and contemned, was the Marquess of Argyle. --_Swift_. A mostdamnable false dog, and so are still their family. 

P. 478. [par. 284. ] _Clarendon_. The Parliament had, some months before, made an ordinance against giving quarter to any of the Irish nationwhich should be taken prisoners. . .. The Earl of Warwick, and theofficers under him at sea, had as often as he met with any Irishfrigates, . .. Taken all the seamen who became prisoners to them of thatnation, and bound them back to back, and thrown them overboard into thesea. --_Swift_. Barbarous villains, and rebels. 

BOOK IX. 

P. 484. [par. 2. ] _Clarendon_. Persons, whose memories ought to becharged with their own evil actions, rather than that the infamy of themshould be laid on the age wherein they lived; which did produce as manymen, eminent for their loyalty and incorrupted fidelity to the crown, asany that had preceded it. --_Swift_. Not quite. 

P. 485. [par. 4. ] _Clarendon_. The Marquess of Argyle was now come fromScotland. --_Swift_. A cursed Scotch hell-hound. 

P. 501. [par. 29. ] _Clarendon_. Prince Rupert . .. Disposed the King toresolve to march northwards, and to fall upon the Scotch army inYorkshire, before Fairfax should be able to perfect his new model tothat degree, as to take the field. --_Swift. _ Cursed Scots still. 

P. 516. [par. 55. ] _Clarendon, _ on Sir Richard Greenvil hanging anattorney named Brabant, as a spy, out of private revenge. --_Swift. _This rogue would almost be a perfect Scot. 

P. 521. [par. 63. ] _Clarendon_. (The which had been already soscandalous, . .. Contribution. ) [61/2 lines between parentheses. ]--_Swift. _ Long parenthesis. 

P. 574. [par. 164] _Clarendon_. The King . .. Resolved once more to tryanother way, . .. [whereby] he should discover, whether he had so manyfriends in the Parliament, and the city, as many men would persuade himto conclude; and whether the Scots had ever a thought of doing himservice. --_Swift. _ No more than Beelzebub. 

P. 579. [par. 175. ] _Clarendon_. Monsieur Montrevil [was sent] intoEngland: . .. Who likewise persuaded his Majesty, to believe . .. Thatthe cardinal was well assured, that the Scots would behave themselveshenceforwards very honestly. --_Swift. _ Damnable Scots. 

P. 580. [par. 176. ] _Clarendon_. The Scots were resolved to have _nomore_ to do with his Majesty. --_Swift_. Gave up the King. 

VOLUME III. 

On the bastard title: That frequent expression, --_upon the word of aking_, I have always despised and detested, for a thousand reasons. 

Dedication, 21st par. [vol. I. , p. Li. , edit of 1888. ] _Clarendon. _ Somevery near that King . .. Putting him on the thoughts of marrying someRoman Catholic lady. --_Swift_. As he did. 

BOOK X. 

P. 2. [par. 2. ] _Clarendon_. Sir Dudley Wyat had been sent expressly fromthe Lord Jermin, to assure the prince, that such a body of five thousandfoot were actually raised under the command of _Ruvignie_, and should beembarked for Pendennis within less than a month. --_Swift_. Father toLord Galloway; a Huguenot. 

P. 6. [par. 11. ] _Clarendon_, Upon the Queen's hearing that the King hadgone to the Scots army, she:--renewed her command for the prince'simmediate repair into France; whereas the chief reason before was, thathe would put himself into the Scots' hands. --_ Swift_. He could not doworse. 

P. 7 [par. 12] _Clarendon_ The King . .. Was by this time known to be inthe Scots army--_Swift_. And these hell hounds sold him to the rebels. 

P. 11 [par. 21] _Clarendon_ [The Scots] had pressed the King to do manythings, which he had absolutely refused to do, and that thereupon theyhad put very strict guards upon his Majesty, . .. So that his Majestylooked upon himself as a prisoner--_Swift_. The cursed Scots begin theirnew treachery. 

P. 14 [par. 27] _Clarendon_, on "the paper Montrevil sent to the King, being a promise for the Scots receiving the King, Apr 1"--_Swift_. Montrevil might as safely promise for Satan as for the Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 28] _Clarendon_ on Montrevil's advertising the King of thechange in the Scotch--_Swift_. Will Montrevil trust them again?

P. 15 [ditto] _Clarendon_ [The Sots] with much ado agreed, that the twoprinces [Rupert and Maurice] . .. Might follow the King, with such otherof his servants as were not excepted from pardon--_Swift_. And whythose? Because the Scots were part of the rebels. 

P. 16 [par. 30] _Clarendon_, in a letter from Montrevil--"They tell methat they will do more than can be expressed"--_Swift_. So the Scotsdid, and with a vengeance. 

_Ibid_. [ditto] _Clarendon_, in the same--"The hindering his Majestyfrom falling into the hands of the English is of so great importance tothem, that it cannot be believed but that they will do all that lies intheir power to hinder it"--_Swift_. By delivering him up for money. Hellish Scottish dogs!

_Ibid_. [par. 31] _Clarendon_. If he [Montrevil] were too sanguine . .. When he signed that engagement upon the first of April, etc. --_Swift_. April fool. [6]

[Footnote 6: The words quoted are the side note, which is not printed inthe edition of 1888 [T. S. ]]

P. 17 [par. 33] _Clarendon_. In this perplexity, he [the King] choserather to commit himself to the Scots army--_Swift_. To be delivered upfor money. 

_Ibid_. [ditto] _Clarendon_. He left Oxford, . .. Leaving those of hiscouncil in Oxford who were privy to his going out, not informed whetherhe would go to the Scots army, etc. --_Swift_. Which would betray him, though his countrymen. 

_Ibid_. [ditto] _Clarendon_ [The King, ] in the end, went into the Scotsarmy before Newark--_Swift_. Prodigious weakness, to trust themalicious Scotch hell-hounds. 

P. 17. [par. 34. ] _Clarendon_. The Scottish commissioners at London[assured the Parliament] . .. That all their orders would meet with anabsolute obedience in their army. --_Swift_. No doubt of it. 

P. 18. [par. 35. ] _Clarendon_, in the text of the sermon preached atNewark before the King:--"And all _the men of Judah_ answered the men ofIsrael, Because the King is near of kin to us: wherefore then be yeangry for this matter?"--_Swift. _ Scotch, (opposite to Judah). 

P. 21. [par. 41. ] _Clarendon_, Lord Digby and Lord Jermin said:--thatthere should be an army of thirty thousand men immediately transportedinto England, with the Prince of Wales in the head of them. --_Swift_. Gasconade. 

P. 23. [par. 50. ] _Clarendon_. The Parliament made many sharp instancesthat the King might be delivered into their hands; and that the Scotsarmy would return into their own country, having done what they weresent for, and the war being at an end. --_Swift_. By the event theyproved true Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 51. ] _Clarendon_. [The Scots] made as great profession tohim [the King, ] of their duty and good purposes, which they said theywould manifest as soon as it should be _seasonable_. --_Swift_. See theevent;--still Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 52. ] _Clarendon_, the Marquess of Montrose. --_Swift_ Theonly honest Scot. 

P. 24. [par. 53. ] _Clarendon_. [It] is still believed, that if hisMajesty would have been induced to have satisfied them in thatparticular [the extirpation of Episcopacy in England, ] they would . .. Thereupon have declared for the King. --_Swift_. Rather declare for theDevil. 

P. 26. [par. 60. ] _Clarendon_. When the Scots, etc. --_Swift_. CursedScots. 

P. 27. [par. 62. ] _Clarendon_. That all Governors of any Garrisons, etc. --_Swift_. Cursed, abominable, hellish, Scottish villains, everlastingtraitors, etc. , etc. , etc. 

P. 28. [par. 64. ] _Clarendon_. The Scots, who were enough convinced thathis Majesty could never be wrought upon to sacrifice the Church . .. Usedall the rude importunity and threats to his Majesty, to persuade himfreely to consent to all. --__Swift _. Most damnable Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 65. ] _Clarendon_. The Chancellor of Scotland told him, etc. --_Swift_. Cursed Scots Chancellor [this remark obliterated]. 

_Ibid_. [par. 66. ] _Clarendon_. The General Assembly . .. Had petitionedthe conservators of the peace of the kingdom, that if the King shouldrefuse to give satisfaction to his Parliament, he might not be permittedto come into Scotland. --_Swift_. Scots inspired by Beelzebub. 

P. 29. [par. 68. ] _Clarendon_. They agreed; and, upon the payment of twohundred thousand pounds in hand, and security for as much more upon daysagreed upon, the Scots delivered the King up. --_Swift_. Cursed Scot!sold his King for a groat. Hellish Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 69. ] _Clarendon_. In this infamous manner that excellentprince was . .. Given up, by his Scots subjects, to those of his Englishwho were intrusted by the Parliament to receive him. --_Swift_. From thisperiod the English Parliament were turned into Scotch devils. 

P. 31. [par. 76. ] _Clarendon_, Sir Harry Killigrew:--When the Earl ofEssex was chosen general, and the several members of the House stood up, and declared, what horse they would raise, . .. One saying he wouldraise ten horses, and another twenty, he stood up and said, "he wouldprovide a good horse, and a good buff coat, and a good pair of pistols, and then he doubted not but he should find a good cause;" and so wentout of the House, and rode post into Cornwall. --_Swift_. Another loyallman used the like saying. 

P. 53. [par. 118. ] _Clarendon_. Many years after, when he [the Duke ofYork] . .. Made the full relation of all the particulars to me, with thatcommotion of spirit, that it appeared to be deeply rooted in him;[speaking of the King's injunctions to the duke]. --_Swift_. Yet he livedand died a rank Papist, and lost his kingdom. 

P. 55. [par. 121. ] _Clarendon_. No men were fuller of professions ofduty [to the King], . .. Than the Scottish commissioners. --_Swift_ TheScots dogs delivered up their King. False-hearted Scots. [This additionobliterated. ]

_Ibid_. [par. 122. ] _Clarendon_. The agitators, and council of officers, sent some propositions to the King. --_Swift_. Detestable villains, almost as bad as Scots. 

P. 64 [par. 136] _Clarendon_. Mr. Ashburnham had so great a detestationof the Scots. --_Swift_. So have I. 

P. 68. [par. 144. ] _Clarendon_. Hammond, --_Swift_. A detes Villain, almost as wicked as a Scot. 

P. 76. [par. 159. ] _Clarendon_, Marquess of Argyle. --_Swift_. Always acursed family. 

P. 77 [par. 159. ] _Clarendon_. The commissioners . .. Were confident thatall Scotland would rise as one man for his Majesty's defence andvindication. --_Swift_. A strange stupidity, to trust Scots at any time. 

_Ibid_. [par. 160. ] _Clarendon_. They required . .. "that the Prince ofWales should be present with them, and march in the head of their army. ". .. The King would by no means consent that the prince should go intoScotland. --_Swift_. The King acted wisely not to trust the Scots. 

P. 79. [par. 162. ] _Clarendon_, Treaty signed, Dec. 26, 1647. They (theScotch) required:--that an effectual course should be taken . .. For thesuppressing the opinions and practices of anti-trinitarians, arians, socinians, anti-scripturists, anabaptists, antinomians, arminians, familists, brownists, separatists, independents, libertines, andseekers. --_Swift_. What a medley of religions! in all thirteen. 

P. 80. [par. 163. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--They would assert the rightthat belonged to the crown, in the power of the militia, the great seal, bestowing of honours and offices of trust, choice of theprivy-councillors, and the right of the King's negative voice inParliament. --_Swift_. They would rather be hanged than agree. 

_Ibid_, [ditto. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--An army should be sent out ofScotland . .. For making a firm union between the kingdoms under hisMajesty, and his posterity. --_Swift_. Scotch impudence. 

P. 81. [par. 165. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--The King engaged himself toemploy those of the Scots nation equally with the English in all foreignemployments, and negotiations; and that a third part of all the officesand places about the King, Queen, and Prince, should be conferred uponsome persons of that nation. --_Swift_. Impudent Scottish scoundrels. 

P. 83. [par. 169. ] _Clarendon_. The Presbyterians, by whom I mean theScots, formed all their counsels by the inclinations, and affections ofthe people. --_Swift_. Hellish Scotch dogs. 

P. 85. [par. 171. ] _Clarendon_. With this universal applause, he[Fairfax] compelled the Scots army to depart the kingdom, withthat circumstance as must ever after render them odious andinfamous. --_Swift_. He out-cunninged the Scots. 

P. 86. [par. 172. ] _Clarendon_. But the delivery of the King up, besidesthe infamy of it, etc. --_Swift_. That infamy is in the scurvy nature ofa _Scot_, and the best . .. Of their false hearts. [Written in pencil andrubbed out--one word is illegible. ]

P. 89. [par. 179. ] _Clarendon_. The vile artifices of the Scottishcommissioners to draw the King into their hands. --_Swift_. Vile, treacherous Scots for ever. 

BOOK XI. 

P. 97. [par. 13. ] _Clarendon_, on the discourses against the English inthe Scottish Parliament:--This discourse . .. Was entertained by the restwith so general a reception, that Argyle found it would be to no purposedirectly to contradict or oppose it. --_Swift_. An infamous dog, like allhis family. 

P. 108. [par. 35. ] _Clarendon_. The Prince [Charles II. ] set sail firstfor Yarmouth road, then for the Downs, having sent his brother, the Dukeof York, with all his family, to The Hague. --_Swift_. A sorry admiral. 

P. 109 [ditto] _Clarendon_. The Prince determining to engage his ownperson, he [the Duke] submitted to the determination--_Swift_. Poperyand cowardice stuck with him all his life. 

_Ibid_. [par. 36] _Clarendon_. The Prince came prepared to depend whollyupon the Presbyterian party, which, besides the power of the _Scotsarmy, _ which was every day expected to invade England, was thought to bepossessed of all the strength of the City of London. --_Swift_. Curse onthe rogues!

_Ibid_. [same par. ] _Clarendon_. Sent from the Scots[7]--_Swift_. Somuch the worse to rely on the cursed Scots. 

[Footnote 7: The words are "sent from thence" in edition of 1888. [T. S. ]]

P. 112 [par. 43] _Clarendon_. Argyle took notice of Sir MarmadukeLangdale's, and Sir Philip Musgrave's being in the town. --_Swift_. ThatScotch dog. 

P. 113 [par. 45] _Clarendon_. They entreated them with all imaginableimportunity, that they would take the Covenant. --_Swift_. Their damnedCovenant. 

P. 117 [par. 53] _Clarendon_. Sir Philip Musgrave, that it might appearthat they did not exclude any who had taken the Covenant, etc. --_Swift_. Confound their damnable Covenant!

P. 129 [par. 85] _Clarendon_. Defeat of the Scots army--_Swift_. Icannot be sorry. 

_Ibid_. [pars. 86, 87] _Clarendon_, after the defeat of the Scottisharmy, the Earl of Lauderdale had been sent to The Hague The Prince ofWales--thought fit, that the earl should give an account of hiscommission at the board, . .. And, that all respect might be shewed tothe Parliament of Scotland, he had a chair allowed him to situpon--_Swift_. Respect to a Scotch Parliament, with a pox. 

P. 130 [par. 87] _Clarendon_. Redeem His Majesty's person from thatcaptivity, which they held themselves obliged . .. To endeavour todo--_Swift_. Not to do. 

P. 133 [par. 96] _Clarendon_. Within a short time after, orders weresent out of Scotland for the delivery of Berwick and Carlisle to theParliament--_Swift_. Cursed Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 98] _Clarendon_. It was generally believed, that theMarquess of Argyle earnestly invited him [Cromwell] to this progress[into Scotland]--_Swift_. That eternal dog, Argyle. 

P. 141 [par. 114] _Clarendon_. By the time that the commissionersreturned from the Isle of Wight, and delivered this answer to theParliament, news was brought of the defeat of the Scots army, andCromwell had written to his friends, etc. --_Swift_. A cursed hellhound. 

P. 142. [par. 116. ] _Clarendon_. When there appeared some hopes that theScots would raise an army for the relief and release of theKing. --_Swift_. Trust them not, for they are Scots. 

P. 145. [par. 120. ] _Clarendon_. And himself a prisoner. --_Swift. _ Base. 

P. 155. [par. 141. ] _Clarendon_. The Duke [of York], who was not yetabove fifteen years of age, was so far from desiring to be with thefleet, that, when there was once a proposition, upon occasion of asudden mutiny amongst the seamen, that he should go . .. Amongst them, who professed great duty to his Highness, he was so offended at it thathe would not hear of it. --_Swift_. The Duke's courage was alwaysdoubtful. 

P. 157. [par. 146. ] _Clarendon_. (Many persons of honour . .. The resthad done. )--_Swift_. Parenthesis eleven lines. 

P. 167. [par. 169. ] _Clarendon_. Two of them [the ministers] veryplainly and fiercely told the King, "that if he did not consent to theutter abolishing of the Episcopacy, he would be damned. "--_Swift_. Verycivil. 

P. 168. [par. 172. ] _Clarendon_. [The King] did, with much reluctancy, offer . .. "to suspend Episcopacy for three years, " etc. --_Swift_. Prudent concessions. 

_Ibid_. [ditto. ] _Clarendon_, he consented:--likewise, "that moneyshould be raised upon the sale of the Church lands, and onlythe old rent should be reserved to the just owners and theirsuccessors. "--_Swift_. Scotch principles. 

_Ibid_. [par. 173. ] _Clarendon_. They required farther, "that in allcases, when the Lords and Commons shall declare the safety of thekingdom to be concerned, unless the King give his royal assent to such aBill as shall be tendered to him for raising money, the Bill shall havethe force of an Act of Parliament, as if he had given his royalassent. "--_Swift_. English dogs, as bad as Scots. 

P. 170. [par. 176. ] _Clarendon_, on the King's concessions. --_Swift_. After so many concessions, the commissioners shewed themselves mostdamnable villains. 

P. 172. [par. 181. ] _Clarendon_. [The King] confessed, "If they wouldpreserve the Scripture Bishop he would take away the Bishop byLaw. "--_Swift_. Indeed! a great concession. 

P. 174. [par. 187. ] _Clarendon_. For Scotland, they demanded "the King'sconsent, to confirm by Act of Parliament such agreements as should bemade by both Houses with that kingdom . .. For the settling andpreserving a happy and durable peace between the two nations, and forthe mutual defence of each other. "--_Swift_. A most diabolical alliance. 

P. 175. [par. 189. ] _Clarendon_, on the letter from the King to his son, concerning the treaty. --_Swift_. The whole letter is a most excellentperformance. 

P. 176. [par. 189. ] _Clarendon_. The major part of both Houses ofParliament was, at that time, so far from desiring the execution of allthose concessions, that, if they had been able to have resisted the wildfury of _the army_, they would have been themselves suitors to havedeclined the greatest part of them. --_Swift_. Diabolical villains. 

P. 177. [par. 193. ] _Clarendon_. It cannot be imagined how wonderfullyfearful some persons in France were that he [the King] should have madehis escape, and the dread they had of his coming thither. --_Swift_. French villains. 

P. 180. [par. 198. ] _Clarendon_, the Commons sent to Winchester:--theirwell tried Serjeant Wild, to be the sole judge of that circuit. --_Swift_. An infernal dog. 

_Ibid_. [par. 200. ] _Clarendon_. Young Sir Harry Vane had begun thedebate [upon the treaty] with the highest insolence, andprovocation. --_Swift_. A cursed insolent villain, worse than even aScot, or his own father. 

P. 183. [par. 206. ] _Clarendon_, on the seizure of many Members enteringinto the House, by the soldiers. --_Swift_. Damnable proceeding. 

P. 184. [ditto. ] _Clarendon_, the remaining Members vote the contrary totheir former votes:--that the answer the King had given to theirpropositions was not satisfactory. --_Swift_. Cursed rogues. 

P. 189. [par. 221. ] _Clarendon_. Harrison was the son of abutcher. --_Swift_. The fitter for that office. 

P. 195. [par. 233. ] _Clarendon_, Trial of the King:--The King . .. Toldthem, "he would first know of them, by what authority they presumed byforce to bring him before them, and who gave them power to judge of hisactions, for which he was accountable to none but God. "--_Swift_. Veryweak. 

P. 198. [par. 241] _Clarendon_. [The King] was always a great lover ofthe Scottish nation. --_Swift_. There I differ from him. 

_Ibid_. [ditto. ] _Clarendon_. Having not only been born there, buteducated by that people, and besieged by them always. --_Swift_. Whowere the cause of his destruction, like abominable Scotch dogs. 

P. 199. [par. 244] _Clarendon_. In that very hour when he was thuswickedly murdered in the sight of the sun, he had as great a share inthe hearts and affections of his subjects . .. As any of hispredecessors. --_Swift_. Only common pity for his death, and the mannerof it. 

P. 208. [par. 261] _Clarendon_, Lord Capel's trial:--_Cromwell, _ who hadknown him very well, spoke so much good of him, and professed to have somuch kindness and respect for him, that all men thought he was nowsafe. --_Swift_. Cursed dog. 

BOOK XII. 

P. 217. [par. 4. ] _Clarendon_, Charles II. Proclaimed in Scotland:--upon condition of "his good behaviour, and strict observation of theCovenant, and his entertaining no other persons about him but such aswere godly men, and faithful to that obligation. "--_Swift_ Cursed Scotsin every circumstance. 

_Ibid_. [par. 5. ] _Clarendon_. The new Duke [of Hamilton]. --_Swift_. AScotch duke, celebrated by the author: a perfect miracle. 

_Ibid_. [ditto. ] _Clarendon_. A rare virtue in the men of that time. --_Swift. _ [Of that] nation. 

P. 218. [par. 7. ] _Clarendon_, on the commission sent to England whenthe King was tried:--The Marquess of Argyle had had too deep a share inthat wickedness [the delivery of the King], to endure the shock of a newdispute, and inquisition upon that subject; and therefore gave not theleast opposition to their passion [of the Scots]. --_Swift_. A trueArgyle. 

_Ibid_. [continuation of the same sentence. ] _Clarendon_. But seemedequally concerned in the honour of the nation, to prosecute an highexpostulation with those of England, for the breach of faith, and thepromises, which had been made for the safety, and preservation of theKing's person, at the time he was delivered up. --_Swift_. The Scots werethe cause and chief instruments of the King's murder by delivering himup to the English rebels. 

P. 222. [par. 13. ] _Clarendon_. It was very manifest . .. That theMarquess of Argyle meant only to satisfy the people, in declaring thatthey had a King . .. But that such conditions should be put upon him, ashe knew, he would not submit to. --_Swift_. Most detestable villain. 

P. 224. [par. 17. ] _Clarendon_. As soon as he came into the room wherethey were. --_Swift_. Abominable Scotch dogs. 

P. 225. [ditto. ] _Clarendon_. A learned and worthy Scottish divine, Dr. Wishart. --_Swift_. A prodigious rarity. 

_Ibid_. [par. 18. ] _Clarendon_. The Earl [of Lauderdale] told him [oneof the council] . .. That he could not imagine, or conceive thebarbarities and inhumanities Montrose was guilty of, in the time he madea war in Scotland. --_Swift_. That earl was a beast; I mean Lauderdale. 

_Ibid_, [ditto. ] _Clarendon_. That he [Montrose] had in one battlekilled fifteen hundred of one family, of the Campbells, of the blood andname of Argyle. --_Swift_. Not half enough of that execrable breed. 

P. 228. [par. 24. ] _Clarendon_, for the embassy from the Parliament:--one Dorislaus, a doctor in the civil law, was named. --_Swift_. ADutch fellow, employed by those regicides who murdered the King. 

P. 237. [par. 41. ] _Clarendon_. The Prince of Orange . .. Wished, "that, in regard of the great differences which were in England about mattersof religion, the King would offer . .. To refer all matters incontroversy concerning religion to a national synod. "--_Swift_. I donot approve it. 

P. 249. [par. 69. ] _Clarendon_, on the defeat of the Marquess of Ormondeby Jones. --_Swift_. Ormonde's army discomfited!

P. 265. [par. 119. ] _Clarendon_. And that Committee of theParliament. --_Swift_. Scots. 

_Ibid_. [par. 119. ] _Clarendon_. The council of Scotland . .. Sent agentleman . .. To invite his Majesty again to come into his kingdom ofScotland, not without a rude insinuation that it was the last invitationhe should receive. --_Swift_. Still cursed Scots. 

P. 267. [par. 122. ] _Clarendon_, on the conditions sent from Scotland toBreda, in case the King consented to come to Scotland:--The Kinghimself, and all who should attend upon him, were first to sign theCovenant before they should be admitted to enter into thekingdom. --_Swift_. Damnable Scottish dogs. 

P. 268. [par. 125. ] _Clarendon_, some lords warned the King, that it wasto be feared that:--Argyle would immediately deliver up the person ofthe King into the hands of Cromwell. --_Swift_. That Scotch dog waslikely enough to do so, and much worse. 

_Ibid_. [par. 126. ] _Clarendon_, the ambassadors in Spain:--wereextremely troubled, both of them having always had a strong aversionthat the King should ever venture himself in the hands of thatparty of the Scottish nation, which had treated his father soperfidiously. --_Swift_. Damnable nation for ever. 

P. 269. [par. 127. ] _Clarendon_. [The King] was before [in Spain] lookedupon as being dispossessed, and disinherited of all his dominions, as ifhe had no more subjects than those few who were banished with him, andthat there was an entire defection in all the rest. But now that he waspossessed of one whole kingdom, etc. --_Swift_. Yet all cursed villains;a possession of the Devil's kingdom, where every Scot was a rebel. 

_Ibid_. [par. 128. ] _Clarendon_. There fell out at this time . .. Anaccident of such a prodigious nature, that, if Providence had not, forthe reproach of Scotland, determined that the King should once more makeexperiment of the courage and fidelity of that nation, could not buthave diverted his Majesty from that northern expedition; which, howunsecure soever it appeared to be for the King, was predestinated for agreater chastisement and mortification of that people, as it shortlyafter proved to be: [alluding to Montrose's execution. ]--_Swift_. Thatis good news. 

P. 270. [par. 128. ] _Clarendon_. The Marquess [of Montrose], who wasnaturally full of great thoughts, and confident of success. --_Swift_. He was the only man in Scotland who had ever one grain of virtue; andwas therefore abhorred, and murdered publicly by his hellish countrymen. 

P. 270. [par. 129. ] _Clarendon_. There were many officers of good nameand account in Sweden, of the Scottish nation. --_Swift_. Impossible. 

P. 271. [par. 130. ] _Clarendon_. Montrose knew, that of the two factionsthere, which were not like to be reconciled, each of them were equallyhis implacable enemies. --_Swift_. Very certain. 

_Ibid_, [ditto. ] _Clarendon_. The whole kirk . .. Being alike maliciousto him. --_Swift. _ Scots damnable kirk. 

P. 272. [par. 131]. _Clarendon_. Many of [the nobility] . .. Assured him[Montrose], that they would meet him with good numbers; and they didprepare to do so, some really; and others, with a purpose to betrayhim. --_Swift_. Much the greater number. 

_Ibid_. [par. 133. ] _Clarendon_. The tyranny of Argyle . .. Caused verymany to be barbarously murdered, without any form of law or justice, whohad been in arms with Montrose. --_Swift_. That perpetual inhuman dog andtraitor, and all his posterity, to a man, damnable villains. 

P. 273. [par 134. ] _Clarendon_ Most of the other officers were shortlyafter taken prisoners, all the country desiring to merit from Argyle bybetraying all those into his hands which they believed to be hisenemies. --_Swift_. The virtue and morality of the Scots. 

_Ibid_, [ditto] _Clarendon_. And thus, whether _by the owner of thehouse_ or any other way, the Marquess himself became theirprisoner. --_Swift_. A tyrannical Scottish dog. 

P. 274. [par. 137. ] _Clarendon_ "That for the League and Covenant, hehad never taken it, " etc. --_Swift_. The Devil, their God, I believe hadtaken it. [This remark is nearly obliterated. ]

_Ibid_. [par. 138] _Clarendon_, sentence on Montrose:--That he was . .. To be carried to Edinburgh Cross, and there to be hanged upon a gallowsthirty foot high, for the space of three hours, etc. --_Swift_. Oh! ifthe whole nation, to a man, were just so treated! begin with Argyle, andnext with the fanatic dogs who teased him with their kirk scurrilities. 

_Ibid_. [par. 139. ] _Clarendon_. After many such barbarities, they [theministers] offered to intercede for him to the kirk upon his repentance, and to pray with him. --_Swift_. Most treacherous, damnable, infernalScots for ever!

P. 275. [par. 140] _Clarendon_. He bore it [the execution] with ill thecourage and magnanimity, and the greatest piety, that a good Christiancould manifest. --_Swift. _ A perfect hero; wholly un-Scotified. 

_Ibid_, [ditto] _Clarendon_. [He] prayed, "that they might not betrayhim [the King], as they had done his father. "--_Swift_. A veryseasonable prayer, but never performed. 

P. 275. [par. 142. ] _Clarendon_. The Marquess of Argyle . .. Wantednothing but _honesty and courage_ to be a very extraordinaryman. --_Swift_. Trifles to a Scot. 

P. 276. [par. 143. ] _Clarendon_. They who were most displeased withArgyle and his faction, were not sorry for this inhuman, and monstrousprosecution [of Montrose]. --_Swift_. Impudent, lying Scottish dogs. 

BOOK XIII. 

P. 285. [par. 1. ] _Clarendon_. Without he likewise consented tothose. --_Swift_. Bad. 

P. 286. [par. 3. ] _Clarendon_. The King was received by the Marquess ofArgyle with all the outward respect imaginable. --_Swift_. That dog ofall Scotch dogs. 

_Ibid_, [ditto. ] _Clarendon_. They did immediately banish him [DanielO'Neill] the kingdom, and obliged him to sign a paper, by which heconsented to be put to death, if he were ever after found in thekingdom. --_Swift_. In Scotland, with a pox. 

P. 287. [par. 5. ] _Clarendon_. The King's table was well served. --_Swift_. With Scotch food, etc. Etc. Etc. 

P. 300. [par 36. ] _Clarendon_. The King had left . .. The Duke of Yorkwith the Queen, with direction "that he should conform himself entirelyto the will and pleasure of the Queen his mother, matters of religiononly excepted. "--_Swift_. Yet lost his kingdom for the sake of Popery. 

P. 301. [par. 37. ] _Clarendon_. The Duke [of York] was full of spiritand courage, and naturally loved designs. --_Swift. Quantum mutatus!_

P. 304. [par. 42. ] _Clarendon_, on the proposed match between the Dukeof York, and the Duke of Lorraine's natural daughter:--Only Sir GeorgeRatcliffe undertook to speak to him about it, who could only makehimself understood in Latin, which the Duke cared not to speakin. --_Swift_. Because he was illiterate, and only read Popish Latin. 

P. 305. [par. 44. ] _Clarendon_. [The Queen] bid him [the chancellor ofthe exchequer] "assure the Duke of York, that he should have a freeexercise of his religion, as he had before. "--_Swift_. Who unkingedhimself for Popery. 

P. 306. [par. 45. ] _Clarendon_. It was indeed the common discourse there[in Holland], "that the Protestants of the Church of England could neverdo the King service, but that all his hopes must be in the RomanCatholics, and the Presbyterians. "--_Swift_. A blessed pair. 

_Ibid_. [par. 46. ] _Clarendon_. [The Duke of York] was fortified with, afirm resolution never to acknowledge that he had committed anyerror. --_Swift_. No, not when he lost his kingdom or Popery. 

P. 311. [par. 58. ] _Clarendon_. The King had . .. Friendship with DukeHamilton. --_Swift. Vix intelligo_. 

P. 318. [par. 75. ] _Clarendon_, the King's defeat at Worcester, 3d ofSeptember. --_Swift_. September 3d, always lucky to Cromwell. 

P. 339. [par. 122. ] _Clarendon_. There was no need of spurs to beemployed to incite the Duke [of York]; who was most impatient to be inthe army. --_Swift_ How old was he when he turned a Papist, and a coward?

P. 340. [par. 123. ] _Clarendon_. The Duke pressed it [his being allowedto join the army] with earnestness and passion, in which he dissemblednot. --_Swift. Dubitat Augustinus_. 

P. 343. [par. 128. ] _Clarendon_, the Duke, in the French army:--got thereputation of a prince of very signal courage, and to be universallybeloved of the whole army by his affable behaviour. --_Swift_. Butproved a cowardly Popish king. 

P. 348, line 50. _Swift_. Scots. 

P, 349. [par. 140. ] _Clarendon_. The chancellor . .. Told his Majesty, "this trust would for ever deprive him of all hope of the Queen'sfavour; who could not but discern it within three or four days, and, bythe frequent resort of the Scottish vicar [one Knox; who came withMiddleton to Paris, ] to him" (who had the vanity to desire longconferences with him) "that there was some secret in hand which was keptfrom her. "--_Swift_. The little Scottish scoundrel, conceited vicar. 

BOOK XIV. 

P. 386. [par. 41. ] _Clarendon_. Scotland lying under a heavy yoke by thestrict government of Monk. --_Swift_. I am glad of that. 

P. 387. [par. 44. ] _Clarendon_. The day of their meeting [Cromwell'sParliament] was the third of September in the year 1654. --_Swift_. Hislucky day. 

P. 394. [par. 56. ] _Clarendon_. The Highlanders . .. Made frequentincursions in the night into the English quarters; and killed many oftheir soldiers, but stole more of their horses. --_Swift_. Rank Scottishthieves. 

P. 413. [par. 95. ] _Clarendon_. A bold person to publish, etc. --_Swift_. Bussy Rabutin, Amours des Gaules. 

P. 414. [par. 96. ] _Clarendon_. There was at that time in the court ofFrance, or rather in the jealousy of that court, a lady of great beauty, of a presence very graceful and alluring, and a wit and behaviour thatcaptivated those who were admitted into her presence; [to whom CharlesII. Made an offer of marriage]--_Swift_. A prostitute whore. 

P. 420. [par. 109. ] _Clarendon_. The chancellor of the exchequer one day. .. Desired him [the king] "to consider upon this news, and importunityfrom Scotland, whether in those Highlands there might not be such a saferetreat and residence, that he might reasonably say, that with theaffections of that people, which had been always firm both to his fatherand himself, he might preserve himself in safety, though he could nothope to make any advance. "--_Swift_. The chancellor never thought sowell of the Scots before. 

_Ibid_, [ditto. ] _Clarendon_. His Majesty discoursed very calmly of thatcountry, . .. "that, if sickness did not destroy him, which he had reasonto expect from the ill accommodation he must be there contented with, heshould in a short time be betrayed and given up"--_Swift_. But the Kingknew them better. 

P. 425. [par. 118. ] _Clarendon_. [The King's enemies] persuaded many inEngland, and especially of those of the reformed religion abroad, thathis Majesty was in truth a Papist. --_Swift_. Which was true. 

P. 443. [8] _Clarendon_. The wretch [Manning], soon after, received thereward due to his treason. --_Swift_. In what manner?

[Footnote 8: This sentence, which follows at the end of par. 146, isomitted in the edition of 1888. [T. S. ]]

BOOK XV. 

P. 469. [par. 53. ] _Clarendon. _ That which made a noise indeed, andcrowned his [Cromwell's] successes, was the victory his fleet, under thecommand of Blake, had obtained over the Spaniard. --_Swift_. I wish hewere alive, for the dogs the Spaniards' sake, instead of our worthlessH----. 

P. 495. [par. 119, sec. 3, ] _Clarendon_, in the address of theAnabaptists to the King:--"We . .. Humbly beseech your Majesty, that youwould engage your royal word never to erect, nor suffer to be erected, any such tyrannical, Popish, and Antichristian hierarchy (Episcopal, Presbyterian, or by what name soever it be called) as shall assume apower over, or impose a yoke upon, the consciences of others. "--_Swift_. Honest, though fanatics. 

P. 501. [par. 136. ] _Clarendon_, at the siege of Dunkirk:--MarshalTurenne, accompanied with the Duke of York, who would never be absentupon those occasions, . .. Spent two or three days in viewing the lineround, --_Swift_. James II. , a fool and a coward. 

P. 502. [par. 137. ] _Clarendon_. There was a rumour. . , that the Duke ofYork was taken prisoner by the English, . .. Whereupon many of the Frenchofficers, and gentlemen, resolved to set him at liberty; . .. So great anaffection that nation owned to have for his Highness. --_Swift_. Yet helived and died a coward. 

BOOK XVI. 

P. 523. [par. 29. ] _Clarendon_, on the discovery of the treachery of SirRichard Willis. --_Swift_. Doubtful. 

P. 539. [par. 47. [9]] _Clarendon_. If it had not been for the King's own_steadiness_. --_Swift_. Of which, in religion, he never had any. 

[Footnote 9: This was par. 74 in the edition of 1849. [T. S. ]]

P. 540. [par. 75. ] _Clarendon_, upon the Duke of York's being invitedinto Spain, with the office of El Admirante del Oceano, he was warnedthat he:--would never be suffered to go to sea under any title ofcommand, till he first changed his religion. --_Swift_. As he did openlyin England. 

P. 559. [par. 131. ] _Clarendon_. There being scarce a bon-fire at whichthey did not roast a rump. --_Swift_. The _Rump_. 

P. 583. [par. 194. ] _Clarendon_, Declaration of the King, April 4-1/41660:--"Let all our subjects, how faulty soever, rely upon the word of aKing, " etc. --_Swift_. Usually good for nothing. 

_Ibid_. [ditto. ] _Clarendon_, the same:--"A free Parliament; by which, upon the word of a King, we will be advised. "--_Swift_. Provided he bean honest and sincere man. 

P. 585. [par. 199. ] _Clarendon_, Letter to the fleet:--"Which gives usgreat encouragement and hope, that God Almighty will heal the wounds bythe same plaster that made the flesh raw. "--_Swift_. A very lowcomparison. 

P. 586. [par. 201. ] _Clarendon_, Letter to the city of London:--"Theiraffections to us in the city of London; which hath exceedingly raisedour spirits, and which, no doubt, hath proceeded from the Spirit of God, and His extraordinary mercy to the nation; which hath been encouraged byyou, and your good example . .. To discountenance the imaginations ofthose who would subject our subjects to a government they have not yetdevised. "--_Swift_. Cacofonia. 

P. 595. [par. 222. ] _Clarendon_, Proclamation of the King, May 8, by theParliament, Lord Mayor, etc. :--"We . .. Acknowledge, . .. That . .. He[Charles II. ] is of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, the mostpotent, mighty, and undoubted King; and thereunto we most humbly andfaithfully do submit, and oblige ourselves, our heirs, and posterity forever. "--_Swift_. Can they oblige their posterity 10, 000 years to come?

P. 596. [par. 225]. _Clarendon_, The case of Colonel Ingoldsby: After hehad refused to sign the death-warrant of the King:--Cromwell, andothers, held him by violence; and Cromwell, with a loud laughter, takinghis hand in his, and putting the pen between his fingers, with his ownhand writ Richard Ingoldsby he making all the resistance hecould. --_Swift_. A mistake; for it was his own hand-writ, without anyrestraint. 

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

REMARKS ON

"BISHOP BURNET'S HISTORY OF ['SCOTLAND

IN'--_SWIFT_] HIS OWN TIME, "

FOLIO EDITION, 1724-34. 

FROM THE ORIGINAL, IN THE LIBRARY of THE LATE

MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE. 

NOTE. 

The standard edition of Burnet's interesting "History" is that by Dr. Routh, first issued in 1823 and revised in a second edition in 1833. Mr. Osmund Airy is at present engaged on a new edition for the ClarendonPress, but so far only two volumes have been published. It was in Dr. Routh's edition that almost all of Swift's notes first appeared. In thePreface to the issue of 1823, the learned editor informs us that Swift'snotes were taken "from his own copy of the history, which had come intothe possession of the first Marquis of Lansdowne. " A note in the editionof 1833 corrects a statement made in the previous edition that Swift'scopy had been burnt. It was not Swift's own copy, but a copy containinga transcript of Swift's notes that was burnt. 

In the preparation of the present text every available reference hasbeen searched. Sir Walter Scott's reprint of Swift's "Notes" was sadlyinadequate. Not only did he misquote the references to Burnet's work, but he could not have consulted the Lansdowne copy, since fully a thirdof the "notes" were altogether ignored by him. It is believed that thetext here given contains every note accurately placed to its properaccount in Burnet's "History. " The references are to the edition infolio issued in 1724-1734. 

In the twenty-seventh volume of the "European Magazine, " and in the twofollowing volumes, a fair proportion of Swift's notes were firstpublished. These were reprinted by Dr. Burnet in 1808, in his "Essay onthe Earlier Part of the Life of Swift. " Both these authorities have beenconsulted. Dr. Routh's modesty forbade him including six of the notes, because they were "not written with the requisite decorum. " These havebeen included here. Mr. Osmund Airy has "thought it unadvisable toencumber the pages with simple terms of abuse"; but an editor of Swift'sworks cannot permit himself this licence. His duty is to includeeverything. 

The text of the "Short Remarks" is taken from vol. Viii. , Part 1, of thequarto edition of Swift's works, edited by Deane Swift, and published in1765. 

[T. S. ]

 SHORT REMARKS ON BISHOP BURNET'S HISTORY. 

This author is in most particulars the worst qualified for an historianthat ever I met with. His style is rough, full of improprieties, inexpressions often Scotch, and often such as are used by the meanestpeople. [1] He discovers a great scarcity of words and phrases, byrepeating the same several hundred times, for want of capacity to varythem. His observations are mean and trite, and very often false. Hissecret history is generally made up of coffeehouse scandals, or at bestfrom reports at the third, fourth, or fifth hand. The account of thePretender's birth, would only become an old woman in a chimney-corner. His vanity runs intolerably through the whole book, affecting to havebeen of consequence at nineteen years old, and while he was a littleScotch parson of forty pounds a year. He was a gentleman born, and, inthe time of his youth and vigour, drew in an old maiden daughter of aScotch earl to marry him. [2] His characters are miserably wrought, inmany things mistaken, and all of them detracting, [3] except of those whowere friends to the Presbyterians. That early love of liberty he boastsof is absolutely false; for the first book that I believe he everpublished is an entire treatise in favour of passive obedience andabsolute power; so that his reflections on the clergy, for asserting, and then changing those principles, come very improperly from him. He isthe most partial of all writers that ever pretended so much toimpartiality; and yet I, who knew him well, am convinced that he is asimpartial as he could possibly find in his heart; I am sure more than Iever expected from him; particularly in his accounts of the Papist andfanatic plots. This work may be more properly called "A History ofScotland during the Author's Time, with some Digressions relating toEngland, " rather than deserve the title he gives it. For I believe twothirds of it relate only to that beggarly nation, and theirinsignificant brangles and factions. What he succeeds best in, is ingiving extracts of arguments and debates in council or Parliament. Nothing recommends his book but the recency of the facts he mentions, most of them being still in memory, especially the story of theRevolution; which, however, is not so well told as might be expectedfrom one who affects to have had so considerable a share in it. Afterall, he was a man of generosity and good nature, and very communicative;but, in his ten last years, was absolutely party-mad, and fancied he sawPopery under every bush. He hath told me many passages not mentioned inthis history, and many that are, but with several circumstancessuppressed or altered. He never gives a good character without oneessential point, that the person was tender to Dissenters, and thoughtmany things in the Church ought to be amended. 

[Footnote 1: "His own opinion, " says my predecessor, Mr Nichols, "wasvery different, as appears by the original MS of his History, whereinthe following lines are legible, though among those which were orderednot to be printed 'And if I have arrived at any faculty of writingclearly and correctly, I owe that entirely to them [Tillotson andLloyd]. For as they joined with Wilkins, in that noble, though despisedattempt, of an _universal character_, and a philosophical language; theytook great pains to observe all the common errors of language ingeneral, and of ours in particular. And in the drawing the tables forthat work, which was Lloyd's province, he looked further into a naturalpurity and simplicity of style, than any man I ever knew; into all whichhe led me, and so helped me to any measure of exactness of writing, which may be thought to belong to me. ' The above was originally designedto have followed the words, 'I know from them, ' vol. I. P. 191, 1. 7, fol. Ed. Near the end of A. D. 1661. " [S]]

[Footnote 2: Lady Margaret Kennedy, daughter to the Earl of Cassilis. [S. ]]

[Footnote 3: A note in Swift's Works, vol. Ix. , pt. Ii. [1775] says:After "detracting, " add "Many of which were stricken through with hisown hand, but left legible in the MS. ; which he ordered, in his lastwill, 'his executor to print faithfully, as he left it, without adding, suppressing, or altering it in any particular. ' In the second volume, Judge Burnet, the Bishop's son and executor, promises that 'the originalmanuscript of both volumes shall be deposited in the Cotton Library. 'But this promise does not appear to have been fulfilled; at least itcertainly was not in 1736, when two letters were printed, addressed toThomas Burnet, Esq. In p. 8 of the Second Letter, the writer [PhilipBeach] asserted, that he had in his own possession 'an authentic andcomplete collection of the castrated passages. '" [T. S. ]]

_Setting up for a maxim, laying down for a maxim, clapt up, decency, _and some other words and phrases, he uses many hundred times. 

_Cut out for a court, a pardoning planet, clapt up, left in the lurch, the mob, outed, a great beauty, went roundly to work:_ All these phrasesused by the vulgar, shew him to have kept mean or illiterate company inhis youth. 

REMARKS ON BURNET'S HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIME. 

PREFACE, p. 3. _Burnet. _

Indeed the peevishness, the ill nature, and the ambition of manyclergymen has sharpened my spirits perhaps too much against them; so I_warn_ my reader to take all that I say on these heads with some grainsof allowance. --_Swift. _ I will take his _warning. _

P. 4. _Burnet. _ Over and over again retouched and polished byme. --_Swift. _ Rarely polished; I never read so ill a style. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ That thereby I may awaken the world to just reflectionson their own errors and follies. --_Swift. _ This I take to be nonsense. 

BOOK I. 

P. 6. _Burnet. _ That king saw that those who were most in his interestswere likewise jealous of his authority, and apt to encroach uponit. --_Swift. _ Nonsense. 

P. 10. _Burnet_ says that competent provision to those who served thecure:--was afterwards in his son's time raised to about fifty pounds ayear. --_Swift. _ Scotch pounds, I suppose. 

P. 11. _Burnet. _ Colonel Titus assured me that he had from King Charlesthe First's own mouth, that he was well assured he [Prince Henry] waspoisoned by the Earl of Somerset's means. --_Swift. _ Titus was thegreatest rogue in England. 

P. 18. _Burnet_ says that Gowry's conspiracy against King James wasconfirmed to him by his father. --_Swift. _ Melvil makes nothing of it. 

P. 20. _Burnet. _ I turn now to the affairs of Scotland, which are butlittle known. --_Swift. _ Not worth knowing. 

P. 23. _Burnet, _ Archbishop Spotswood began:--his journey as heoften did on a Sunday, which was a very odious thing in thatcountry. --_Swift. _ Poor malice. 

P. 24. _Burnet, _ Mr. Steward, a private gentleman, became:--soconsiderable that he was raised by several degrees to be made Earl ofTraquair and Lord-Treasurer [of Scotland], and was in great favour; butsuffered afterwards such a reverse of fortune, that I saw him so lowthat he wanted bread, . .. And it was believed died of hunger. --_Swift. _A strange death: perhaps it was of want of _meat_. 

P. 26. _Burnet. _ My father . .. Carefully preserved the petition itself, and the papers relating to the trial [of Lord Balmerinoch]; of which Inever saw any copy besides those which I have. . .. The whole record . .. Is indeed a very noble piece, full of curious matter. --_Swift. _ Puppy. 

P. 28. _Burnet. _ The Earl of Argyle was a more solemn sort of man, graveand sober, free of all scandalous vices. --_Swift. _ As a man is free of acorporation, he means. 

P. 29. _Burnet. _ The Lord Wharton and the Lord Howard of Escrickundertook to deliver some of these; which they did, and were _clapt up_upon it. --_Swift. _ Dignity of expression. 

P. 30. _Burnet. _ [King Charles I. ] was now in great straits . .. Histreasure was now exhausted; his subjects were highly irritated; theministry were all frighted, being exposed to the anger and justice ofthe Parliament. . .. He loved high and rough methods, but had neither theskill to conduct them, nor the height of genius to managethem. --_Swift. _ Not one good quality named. 

P. 31. _Burnet. _ The Queen [of Charles I. ] was a woman of great vivacityin conversation, and loved all her life long to be _in intrigues of allsorts. _--_Swift. _ Not of love, I hope. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ By the concessions that he made, especially that of thetriennial Parliament, the honest and quiet part of the nation wassatisfied, and thought their religion and liberties were secured: Sothey broke off from those violenter propositions that occasioned thewar. --_Swift. _ Dark, or nonsense. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ He intended not to stand to them any longer than he layunder that force that visibly drew them from him contrary to his owninclinations. --_Swift. _ Sad trash. 

P. 33. _Burnet. _ The first volume of the Earl of Clarendon's "History"gives a faithful representation of the beginnings of the troubles, though writ in favour of the court. --_Swift. _ Writ with the spirit of anhistorian, not of [a raker] into scandal. 

P. 34. _Burnet. _ Dickson, Blair, Rutherford, Baily, Cant, and the twoGillispys . .. Affected great sublimities in devotion: They pouredthemselves out in their prayers with a loud voice, and often with manytears. They had but an ordinary proportion of learning among them;something of Hebrew, and very little Greek: Books of controversy withPapists, but above all with the Arminians, was the height of theirstudy. --_Swift. _ Great nonsense. Rutherford was half fool, half mad. 

P. 40. _Burnet, _ speaking of the bad effects of the Marquess ofMontrose's expedition and defeat, says:--It alienated the Scots muchfrom the King: It exalted all that were enemies to peace. Now theyseemed to have some colour for all those aspersions they had cast on theKing, as if he had been in a correspondence with the Irish rebels, whenthe worst tribe of them had been thus employed by him. --_Swift. _ LordClarendon differs from all this. 

P. 41. _Burnet. _ The Earl of Essex told me, that he had taken all thepains he could to enquire into the original of the Irish massacre, butcould never see any reason to believe the King had any accession toit. --_Swift. _ And who but _a beast_ ever believed it?

P. 42. _Burnet, _ arguing with the Scots concerning the propriety of theKing's death, observes:--Drummond said, "Cromwell had plainly the betterof them at their own weapon. "--_Swift. _ And Burnet thought as Cromwelldid. 

P. 46. _Burnet. _ They [the army] will ever keep the Parliament insubjection to them, and so keep up their own authority. --_Swift. _ Weak. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ Fairfax was much distracted in his mind, and changedpurposes often every day. --_Swift. _ Fairfax had hardly common sense. 

P. 49. _Burnet. _ I will not enter farther into the military part: For Iremember an advice of Marshal Schomberg's, never to meddle in therelation of military matters. --_Swift. _ Very foolish advice, forsoldiers cannot write. 

P. 50. _Burnet. _ [Laud's] defence of himself, writ . .. When he was inthe Tower, is a very mean performance. . .. In most particulars heexcuses himself by this, that he was but one of many, who either incouncil, star-chamber, or high commission voted illegal things. Nowthough this was true, yet a chief minister, and one in high favour, determines the rest so much, that they are generally little better thanmachines acted by him. On other occasions he says, the thing was provedbut by one witness. Now, how strong soever this defence may be in law, it is of no force in an appeal to the world; for if a thing is true, itis no matter how full or how defective the proof is. --_Swift. _ All thisis full of malice and ill judgement. 

Ibid. _Burnet, _ speaking of the "Eikon Basilike, " supposed to be writtenby Charles the First, says:--There was in it a nobleness and justness ofthought with a greatness of style, that made it to be looked on as thebest writ book in the English language. --_Swift. _ I think it a poortreatise, and that the King did not write it. 

P. 51. _Burnet. _ Upon the King's death the Scots proclaimed his sonKing, and sent over Sir George Wincam, _that married my great-aunt_, totreat with him while he was in the Isle of Jersey. --_Swift. _ Was thatthe reason he was sent?

P. 53. _Burnet. _ I remember in one fast-day there were six sermonspreached without intermission. I was there myself, and not a littleweary of so tedious a service. --_Swift. _ Burnet was not then eight yearsold. 

P. 61. _Burnet, _ speaking of the period of the usurpation inScotland:--Cromwell built three citadels, at Leith, Ayr, and Inverness, besides many little forts. There was good justice done, and vice wassuppressed and punished; so that we always reckon those eight years ofusurpation a time of great peace and prosperity. --_Swift. _ No doubt youdo. 

P. 63. _Burnet, _ speaking of the Scotch preachers at sacrament timesduring the civil wars, says:--The crowds were far beyond the capacity oftheir churches, or the reach of their voices. --_Swift. _ I believe thechurch had as much capacity as the minister. 

P. 64. _Burnet. _ The resolutioners sent up one Sharp, who had been longin England, and was an active and eager man. --_Swift. _ Afterwardsarchbishop, and murdered. 

P. 66. _Burnet. _ Thus Cromwell had all the King's party in a net. He letthem dance in it at pleasure. And upon occasions _clapt_ them up for ashort while. --_Swift. _ Pox of his _claps_. 

P. 87. _Burnet, _ speaking of the Restoration:--Of all this Monk had boththe praise and the reward, though I have been told a very small share ofit belonged to him. --_Swift. _ Malice. 

BOOK II. 

P. 92. _Burnet. _ I will therefore enlarge . .. On the affairs ofScotland; both out of the inbred love that all men have for their nativecountry, etc. --_Swift. _ Could not he keep his inbred love to himself?

Ibid. _Burnet. _ Sharp, who was employed by the resolutioners . .. Stuckneither at solemn protestations, . .. Nor at appeals to God of hissincerity in acting for the presbytery both in prayers and on otheroccasions, etc. --_Swift. _ Sure there was some secret personal cause ofall this malice against Sharp. 

P. 93. _Burnet, _ speaking of Charles II. Says:--He was affable and easy, and loved to be made so by all about him. The great art of keeping himlong was, the being easy, and the making everything easy tohim. --_Swift. _ Eloquence. 

P. 99. _Burnet_ says of Bennet, afterwards Earl of Arlington:--His partswere solid, but not quick. --_Swift. _ They were very quick. 

P. 100. _Burnet_ says of the Duke of Buckingham:--Pleasure, frolic, orextravagant diversion was all that he laid to heart. He was true tonothing, for he was not true to himself. --_Swift. _ No consequence. _Burnet. _ He had no steadiness nor conduct: He could keep no secret, norexecute any design without spoiling it. --_Swift. _ Nonsense. 

P. 117. _Burnet. _ It was visible that neither the late King nor thepresent were under any force when they passed . .. Those Acts [bringingin Presbyterian government]. --_Swift. _ Both Kings were under a force. 

P. 118. _Burnet. _ To annul a Parliament was a terrible precedent, whichdestroyed the whole security of government. --_Swift. _ Wrong arguing. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ Distress on his affairs was really equivalent to a forceon his person. --_Swift. _ It was so. 

P. 119. _Burnet. _ We went into it, he said, as knaves, and therefore nowonder if we miscarried in it as fools. --_Swift. _ True. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ No government was so well established, as not to beliable to a revolution. This [the Rescissory Act] would cut off allhopes of peace and submission, if any disorder should happen at any timethereafter. --_Swift. _ Wrong weak reasoning. 

P. 120. _Burnet. _ Such care was taken that no public application shouldbe made in favour of Presbytery. Any attempt that was made on the otherhand met with great encouragement. --_Swift. _ Does the man write like abishop?

P. 126. _Burnet, _ speaking of the execution of the Marquess ofArgyle:--After some time spent in his private devotions he wasbeheaded. --_Swift. _ He was the greatest villain of his age. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ The kirk . .. Asserted all along that the doctrinedelivered in their sermons did not fall under the cognisance of thetemporal courts, till it was first judged by the church. --_Swift. _Popery. 

P. 127. _Burnet. _ The proceedings against Wariston were soondispatched. --_Swift. _ Wariston was an abominable dog. 

P. 135. _Burnet, _ of Bishop Leightoun's character:--The grace andgravity of his pronunciation was such, that few heard him without a verysensible emotion. . .. His style was rather too fine. --_Swift. _ Burnet isnot guilty of that. 

P. 140. _Burnet. _ Leightoun did not stand much upon it. He did not_think_ orders given without bishops were null and void. He _thought_, the forms of government were not settled by such positive laws as wereunalterable; but only by apostolical practices, which, as he _thought_, authorized Episcopacy as the best form. Yet he did not _think_ itnecessary to the being of a church. But he _thought_ that every churchmight make such rules of ordination as they pleased. --_Swift. Think, thought, thought, think, thought. _

P. 154. _Burnet, _ speaking of a proclamation for shutting up two hundredchurches in one day:--Sharp said to myself, that he knew nothing of it. . .. He was glad that this was done without his having any share in it:For by it he was furnished with somewhat, in which he was no wayconcerned, upon which he might cast all the blame of all that followed. Yet this was suitable enough to a maxim that he and all that sort ofpeople set up, that the execution of laws was that by which allgovernments maintained their strength, as well as theirhonour. --_Swift. _ Dunce, can there be a better maxim?

P. 157. _Burnet, _ speaking of those who enforced church discipline, says:--They had a very scanty measure of learning, and a narrow compassin it. They were little men, of a very indifferent size of capacity, andapt to fly out into great excess of passion and indiscretion. --_Swift. _Strange inconsistent stuff. 

P. 160. _Burnet. _ One Venner . .. Thought it was not enough to believethat Christ was to reign on earth, and to put the saints in thepossession of the kingdom . .. But added to this, that the saints were totake the kingdom themselves. --_Swift. _ This wants grammar. 

P. 163. _Burnet. _ John Goodwin and Milton did also escape all censure, to the surprise of all people. --_Swift. _ He censures even mercy. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ Milton . .. Was . .. Much admired by all at home for thepoems he writ, though he was then blind; chiefly that of "ParadiseLost, " in which there is a nobleness both of contrivance and execution, that, though he affected to write in blank verse without rhyme, and mademany new and rough words, yet it was esteemed the beautifullestand perfectest poem that ever was writ, at least in _our_language. --_Swift. _ A mistake, for it is _in English. _

P. 164. _Burnet. _ The great share he [Sir Henry Vane] had in theattainder of the Earl Strafford, and in the whole turn of affairs to thetotal change of government, but above all the great opinion that was hadof his parts and capacity to embroil matters again, made the court thinkit was necessary to put him out of the way. --_Swift. _ A malicious turn. Vane was a dangerous enthusiastic beast. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ When he [Sir Henry Vane] saw his death was designed, hecomposed himself to it, with a resolution that surprised all who knewhow little of that was natural to him. Some instances of this were veryextraordinary, though they cannot be mentioned with _decency_. --_Swift. _His lady _conceived_ of him the night before his execution. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ Sir Henry Vane died with so much composedness, that itwas generally thought, the government had lost more than it had gainedby his death. --_Swift. _ Vane was beheaded for new attempts, not herementioned. 

P. 179. _Burnet. _ [The Papists] seemed zealous for the Church. But atthe same time they spoke of toleration, as necessary both for the peaceand quiet of the nation, and for the encouragement of trade. --_Swift. _This is inconsistent. 

P. 180. _Burnet_ says that Mr. Baxter:--was a man of great piety; and, if he had not meddled in too many things, would have been esteemed oneof the learned men of the age: He writ near _two hundredbooks. _--_Swift. _ Very sad ones. 

P. 184. _Burnet. _ The Convocation that prepared those alterations, asthey added some new holy days, St. Barnabas, and the Conversion of St. Paul, so they took in more lessons out of the Apocrypha, in particularthe story of Bel and the Dragon. --_Swift. _ I think they acted wrong. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ Reports were spread . .. Of the plots of thePresbyterians in several counties. Many were taken up on those reports:But none were ever tried for them. --_Swift. _ A common practice. 

Ibid. _Burnet, _ writing of the ejection of the Nonconformists on St. Bartholomew's Day, 1662, says:--A severity neither practised by QueenElizabeth in the enacting her Liturgy, nor by Cromwell in ejecting theRoyalists. --_Swift. _ But by King William. 

P. 186. _Burnet, _ speaking of the great fines raised on the churchestates ill applied, proceeds:--If the half had been applied to thebuying of tithes or glebes for small vicarages, here a foundation hadbeen laid down for a great and effectual reformation. --_Swift. _ Hejudges here right, in my opinion. 

Ibid. _Burnet, _ continuing the same subject:--The men of merit andservice were loaded with many livings and many dignities. With thisgreat accession of wealth there broke in upon the Church a great deal ofluxury and high living, on the pretence of hospitality; while othersmade purchases, and left great estates, most of which we have seen meltaway. --_Swift. _ Uncharitable aggravation; a base innuendo. 

P. 189. _Burnet. _ Patrick was a great preacher. He wrote . .. Well, andchiefly on the Scriptures. He was a laborious man in his function, ofgreat strictness of life, but a little too severe against those whodiffered from him. But that was, when he thought their doctrines struckat the fundamentals of religion. He became afterwards moremoderate. --_Swift. _ Yes, for he turned a rank Whig. 

P. 190. _Burnet. _ [Archbishop Tenison] was a very learned man. --_Swift. _The dullest, good-for-nothing man I ever knew. 

P. 191. _Burnet, _ condemning the bad style of preaching beforeTillotson, Lloyd, and Stillingfleet, says their discourses were:--longand heavy, when all was _pie-bald_, full of many sayings of differentlanguages. --_Swift. _ A noble epithet. _Burnet. _ The King . .. Had got aright notion of style. --_Swift. _ How came Burnet not to learn thisstyle?

P. 193. _Burnet, _ speaking of the first formation of the RoyalSociety:--Many physicians, and other ingenious men went into the societyfor natural philosophy. But he who laboured most . .. Was Robert Boyle, the Earl of Cork's youngest son. He was looked on by all who knew him asa very perfect pattern. . .. He neglected his person, despised theworld, and lived abstracted from all pleasures, designs, andinterests. --_Swift. _ Boyle was a very silly writer. 

P. 195. _Burnet. _ Peter Walsh, . .. Who was the honestest and learnedestman I ever knew among [the Popish clergy, often told me] . .. There wasnothing which the whole Popish party feared more than an union of thoseof the Church of England with the Presbyterians. . .. The Papists had twomaxims, from which they never departed: The one was to divide us: Andthe other was to keep themselves united. --_Swift. _ Rogue. 

P. 202. _Burnet. _ The queen-mother had brought over from France one Mrs. Steward, reckoned a very _great beauty. _--_Swift. _ A pretty phrase. 

P. 203. _Burnet. _ One of the first things that was done in this sessionof Parliament [1663] was _the execution of my unfortunate uncle, Wariston. _--_Swift. _ Was he hanged or beheaded? A fit uncle for such abishop. 

P. 211. _Burnet. _ Many were undone by it [religious persecution], andwent over to the Scots in Ulster, where they were well received, and hadall manner of liberty as to their way of religion. --_Swift. _ The morethe pity. 

P. 214. _Burnet. _ The blame of all this was cast upon Sharp. .. .. And theLord Lauderdale, to complete his disgrace with the King, got many of hisletters . .. And laid these before the King; So that the King looked onhim as one of the worst of men. --_Swift. _ Surely there was some secretcause for this perpetual malice against Sharp. 

P. 220. _Burnet. _ Pensionary De Witt had the notions of a commonwealthfrom the Greeks and Romans. And from them he came to fancy, that an armycommanded by officers of their own country was both more in their ownpower, and would serve them with the more zeal, since they themselveshad such an interest in their success. --_Swift. _ He ought to have judgedthe contrary. 

P. 236. _Burnet, _ speaking of the slight rebellion in the west ofScotland, 1666, says:--The rest [of the rebels] were favoured by thedarkness of the night, and the weariness of the King's troops that werenot in case to pursue them. . .. For they were a poor harmless company ofmen, become mad by oppression. --_Swift. _ A fair historian!

P. 237. _Burnet. _ They might all have saved their lives, if they wouldhave renounced the Covenant: So they were really a sort of martyrs forit. --_Swift. _ Decent term. 

P. 238. _Burnet. _ [Sir John Cunningham] was not only very learned in thecivil and canon law . .. [but] was above all, a man of eminent probity, and of a sweet temper, and indeed one of the _piousest_ men of thenation. --_Swift. _ Is that Scotch?

P. 242. _Burnet. _ When the peace of Breda was concluded, the King wroteto the Scottish council, and communicated _that_ to them; and with_that_ signified, _that_ it was his pleasure _that_ the army should bedisbanded. --_Swift. _ Four _thats_ in one line. 

P. 243. _Burnet. _ [Archbishop Burnet] saw Episcopacy was to be pulleddown, and . .. Writ upon these matters a long and sorrowful letter toSheldon: And upon that Sheldon writ a very long one to Sir R. Murray;which I read, and found more temper and moderation in it than I couldhave expected from him. --_Swift. _ Sheldon was a very great and excellentman. 

P. 245. _Burnet. _ [The Countess of Dysert] was a woman of great beauty, but of far greater parts. . .. She had studied not only divinity andhistory, but mathematics and philosophy. She was violent in everythingshe set about, a violent friend, but a much more violent enemy. . .. [When Lauderdale] was prisoner after Worcester fight, she made himbelieve he was in great danger of his life, and that she saved it by herintrigues with Cromwell. --_Swift. _ Cromwell had gallantries with her. 

P. 248. _Burnet. _ The clergy . .. Saw designs were forming to turn themall out: And, hearing that they might be better provided in Ireland, they were in many places bought out, and prevailed on to desert theircures. --_Swift. _ So Ireland was well provided. 

P. 252. _Burnet. _ The King . .. Suspecting that Lord Cornbury was in thedesign, spoke to him as one in a rage that forgot all decency. . .. Inthe afternoon he heard him with more temper, as he himself toldme. --_Swift. _ Who told him?

P. 253. _Burnet, _ speaking of Sheldon's remonstrating with the Kingabout his mistresses, adds:--From that day forward Sheldon could neverrecover the King's confidence. --_Swift. _ Sheldon had refused thesacrament to the King for living in adultery. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ Sir Orlando Bridgman . .. Was a man of great integrity, and had very serious impressions of religion on his mind. He had beenalways on the side of the Church. --_Swift. _ What side should he be of?

P. 256. _Burnet, _ speaking of the Earl of Clarendon's banishment:--Itseemed against the common course of justice, to make allcorresponding with him treason, when he himself was not attainted oftreason. --_Swift. _ Bishop of Rochester's case. 

P. 257. _Burnet. _ Thus the Lord Clarendon fell under the common fate ofgreat ministers, whose employment exposes them to envy, and draws uponthem the indignation of all who are disappointed in their pretensions. Their friends turning as violently against them, as they formerly fawnedabjectly upon them. --_Swift. _ Stupid moralist. 

Ibid. _Burnet, _ speaking of the Earl of Clarendon's eldest son, whoafterwards succeeded him, says:--His judgement was not to be _much_depended on, for he was _much_ carried by vulgar prejudices, and falsenotions. He was _much_ in the Queen's favour. _Swift. _ Much, much, much. 

P. 258. _Burnet, _ speaking of the Earl of Rochester, second son of LordClarendon:--[He] is a man of far greater parts [than his brother]. Hehas a _very good pen_, but speaks not gracefully. --_Swift. _ I suppose itwas of gold or silver. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ [The King] told me, he had a chaplain, that was a veryhonest man, but a very great blockhead, to whom he had given a living inSuffolk, that was full of that sort of people [Nonconformists]. He hadgone about among them from house to house, though he could not imaginewhat he could say to them, for he said he was a very silly fellow. Butthat, he believed, his nonsense suited their nonsense, for he hadbrought them all to church. And, in reward of his diligence, he hadgiven him a bishopric in Ireland. --_Swift. _ Bishop Wolley, of Clonfert. 

P. 259. _Burnet. _ If the sectaries were humble and modest, and wouldtell what would satisfy them, there might be some colour for grantingsome concessions. --_Swift. _ I think so too. 

P. 260. _Burnet. _ The three volumes of the "Friendly Debate, " thoughwrit by a very good man. --_Swift. _ Writ by Bishop Patrick. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ After he [Samuel Parker, afterwards Bishop of Oxford]had for some years entertained the nation with several virulent books, writ with much life, he was attacked by the liveliest droll of the age, etc. --_Swift. _ What is a droll? _Burnet. _ That not only humbled Parker, but the whole party. For the author of "The Rehearsal Transposed, "etc. --_Swift. _ Andrew Marvel. 

P. 263. _Burnet, _ speaking of the King's attachment to Nell Gwyn, says:--But after all he never treated her with the _decencies_ of amistress. --_Swift. _ Pray what _decencies_ are those?

Ibid. _Burnet. _ The King had another mistress, that was managed by LordShaftesbury, who was the daughter of a clergyman, Roberts, in whom herfirst education had so deep a root, that, though she fell into manyscandalous disorders, with very dismal adventures in them all, yet aprinciple of religion was so deep laid in her, that, though it did notrestrain her, yet it kept alive in her such a constant horror at sin, that she was never easy in an ill course, and died with a great sense ofher former ill life. I was _often with her_ the last three months of herlife. --_Swift_. Was she handsome then?

P. 264. _Burnet_. The King loved his [the Earl of Rochester's] companyfor the diversion it afforded, better than his person: And there was nolove lost between them. --_Swift_. A noble phrase. 

P. 265. _Burnet_. Sedley had a more sudden and copious wit, whichfurnished a perpetual run of discourse: But he was not so correct asLord Dorset, nor so sparkling as Lord Rochester. --_Swift_. No better acritic in wit than style. 

P. 266. _Burnet_. Lord Roberts, afterwards made Earl of Radnor, [whosucceeded the Duke of Ormonde in his government of Ireland, ] was amorose man, believed to be severely just, and as wise as a _cynical_humour could allow him to be. --_Swift_. How does that hinder wisdom?

P. 273. _Burnet_. Charles II. Confessed himself a Papist to the Princeof Orange:--The Prince told me, that he never spoke of this to any otherperson, till _after his death_. --_Swift_. That is, _his own death_. 

P. 277. _Burnet_ quotes an exclamation of Archbishop Sharp's, after anattempt to assassinate him, and adds:--This was the single expressionsavouring of piety, that ever fell from him in all the conversation thatpassed between him and me. --_Swift. _ Rank malice. 

P. 285. _Burnet_. No body could ever tell me how the word"Ecclesiastical matters" was put in the Act. Leightoun thought, he wassure it was put in after the draught and form of the Act was agreedon. --_Swift_. Nonsense. 

P. 287. _Burnet_, speaking of Archbishop Burnet, says:--He was not cutout for a court, or for the ministry. --_Swift_. A phrase of dignity. 

_Ibid. Burne_, mentioning his own appointment as Professor of Divinityat Glasgow University, says:--There was no sort of artifice ormanagement to bring this about: It came of themselves: And they did itwithout any recommendation of any person whatsoever. --_Swift_. Modest. 

P. 288. _Burnet_. The Episcopal party thought I intended to make myselfpopular at their cost: So they began that strain of fury and calumnythat has pursued me ever since from _that sort of people_. --_Swift_. Acivil term for all who are Episcopal. 

P. 298. _Burnet_. [In compiling the Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, ] Ifound there materials for a very large history. I writ it with greatsincerity; and concealed none of their errors. I did indeed concealseveral things that related to the King: I left out some passages thatwere in his letters; in some of which was too much weakness. --_Swift. _The letters, if they had been published, could not have given a worsecharacter. 

P. 300. _Burnet, _ speaking of the Scotch clergy refusing to be madebishops, says:--They had an ill opinion of the court, and could not bebrought to leave their retirement. --_Swift. _ For that very reason theyshould have accepted bishoprics. 

P. 301. _Burnet, _ after mentioning the murder of the Duchess of Orleans, says:--I will set down one story of her, that was told me by a person ofdistinction, who had it from some who were well informed of thematter. --_Swift. _ Poor authority. 

P. 303. _Burnet. _ Madame [the Duchess of Orleans] had an intrigue withanother person, whom I knew well, the Count of Tréville. When she was inher agony, she said, "Adieu, Tréville. " He was so struck with thisaccident, that it had a good effect on him; for he went and lived manyyears among the Fathers of the Oratory, and became both a very learned, and devout man. He came afterwards out into the world. I saw him often. He was a man of a very sweet temper, only a little too formal for aFrenchman. But he was very sincere. He was a Jansenist. He hated theJesuits. --_Swift. _ Pretty jumping periods. 

P. 304. _Burnet. _ Lord Shaftesbury laid the blame of this chiefly on theDuke of Buckingham: For he told me, . .. And therefore he blamedhim. --_Swift. _ Who blamed whom. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ The Duke of Savoy was encouraged to make a conquest ofGenoa. --_Swift. _ Geneva. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ When a foreign minister asked the King's leave to treatwith him [Lockhart] in his master's name, the King consented; but withthis severe reflection, That he believed he would be true to anybody buthimself. --_Swift. _ Does he mean, Lockhart would not be true to Lockhart?

P. 305. _Burnet. _ They [the French] so possessed De Groot, then theDutch ambassador at Paris, or they corrupted him into a belief that theyhad no design on them, etc. --_Swift. _ Who on whom?

P. 306. _Burnet. _ The Earl of Shaftesbury was the chief man in thisadvice [recommending the King to shut up the exchequer]. --_Swift. _Clifford had the merit of this. 

P. 318. _Burnet, _ after mentioning the death of William II. , Prince ofOrange, says of the Princess:--As she bore her son a week after hisdeath, in the eighth month of her time, so he came into the world undergreat disadvantages. --_Swift. _ A pretty contrast. 

Ibid. _Burnet_ mentions an astrological prediction of the Prince's fate, and adds:--But that which _was_ most particular _was_, that he _was_ tohave a son by a widow, and _was_ to die of the small-pox in thetwenty-fifth year of his age. --_Swift_. Was, was, was, was. 

P. 320. _Burnet_. They set it also up for a maxim. --_Swift_. He can varya phrase; set up for a maxim, and lay down for a maxim. 

P. 321. _Burnet_. His oath was made to them, and by consequence it wasin their power to release the obligation that did arise from it tothemselves. --_Swift_. Bad casuist. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. As soon as he [the Prince of Orange] was brought intothe command of the armies, he told me, he spoke to De Witt, and desiredto live in an entire confidence with him. His answer was cold: So he sawthat he could not depend upon him. When he told me this, he added, thathe was certainly one of the greatest men of the age, and he believed heserved his country faithfully--_Swift_. Yet the Prince contrived that heshould be murdered. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. Now I come to give an account of the fifth crisisbrought on the whole reformation, which has been of the longestcontinuance, since we are yet in the agitations of it. --_Swift_. Underthe Queen and Lord Oxford's ministry. 

P. 322. _Burnet_. [In this famous campaign of Louis XIV. Against theDutch, (1672, )] there was so little heart or judgement shewn in themanagement of that run of success, etc. --_Swift_. A metaphor, but fromgamesters. 

P. 326. _Burnet_, referring to the action of the rabble when Corneliusde Witt was banished, says of the Prince of Orange:--His enemies havetaken advantages from thence to cast the infamy of this on him, and onhis party, to make them all odious; though the Prince spoke of it alwaysto me with the greatest horror possible. --_Swift_. Yet he was guiltyenough. 

P. 328. _Burnet_. Prince Waldeck was their chief general: A man of agreat compass. --_Swift, i. E. _ very fat. 

P. 330. _Burnet_. He broke twice with the Prince, after he came into aconfidence with him. He employed me to reconcile him to him for thethird time--_Swift_. Perspicuity. 

_Ibid. Burnet. _ The actions sinking on the sudden on the breaking out ofa new war, that sunk him into a melancholy, which quite distractedhim. --_Swift_. Eloquent. 

P. 335. _Burnet_. I will complete the transactions of this memorableyear:--P. 337. Thus I have gone far into the state of affairs of Hollandin this memorable year. --_Swift_. Why, you called it so but just nowbefore. 

P. 337. _Burnet_. It seems, the French made no great account of theirprisoners, for they released 25, 000 Dutch for 50, 000 crowns--_Swift_. What! ten shillings a piece! By much too dear for a Dutchman. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. This year [1672] the King declared a new mistress, andmade her Duchess of Portsmouth. She had been maid of honour to Madame, the King's sister, and had come over with her to Dover; where the Kinghad expressed such a regard to her, that the Duke of Buckingham, whohated the Duchess of Cleveland, intended to _put her on theKing_. --_Swift. _ Surely he means the contrary. 

P. 341. _Burnet_. [The Duke of Lauderdale] called for me all on thesudden, and put me in mind of the project I had laid before him, ofputting all the outed ministers by _couples_ into parishes: So thatinstead of wandering about the country to hold conventicles in allplaces, they might be fixed to a certain abode, and every one might havethe half of a benefice. --_Swift. _ A sottish project; instead of feeding_fifty_, you starve a _hundred_. 

BOOK III. 

P. 346. _Burnet_. It was believed, if the design had succeeded, he [LordClifford] had agreed with his wife to take orders, and to aspire to acardinal's hat. --_Swift_. Was he or she to take orders?

P. 362. _Burnet_. I told him, what afterwards happened, that most ofthese would make their own terms, and leave him in the lurch. --_Swift_. True sublime. 

P. 370. _Burnet_. I was ever of Nazianzen's opinion, who never wished tosee any more synods of the clergy. --_Swift_. Dog!

P. 372. _Burnet_, when he was struck out of the list of chaplains, says:--The King said, he was afraid I had been too busy; and wished meto go home to Scotland, and be more quiet. --_Swift_. The King knew himright. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. I preached in many of the churches of London; and was sowell received, that it was probable I might be accepted of in any thatwas to be disposed of by _a popular election. _--_Swift_. Much to hishonour. 

P. 373. _Burnet_. This violent and groundless prosecution lasted somemonths. And during that time I said to some, that Duke Lauderdale hadgone so far in opening some wicked designs to me, that I perceived hecould not be satisfied, unless I was undone. So I told what wasmentioned before of the discourses that passed between him andme. --_Swift_. Scotch dog!

P. 374. _Burnet_. He [Lord Howard] went over in the beginning of thewar, and offered to serve De Witt. But he told me, he found him a dryman. --_Swift_. Who told who? I guess Howard told Burnet. 

P. 378. _Burnet_. At least he [Sir William Temple] thought religion wasfit only for the mob. --_Swift_. A word of dignity for an historian. _Burnet. _ He was a corrupter of all that came near him. And he deliveredhimself up wholly to study, ease, and pleasure. --_Swift_. Sir WilliamTemple was a man of virtue, to which Burnet was a stranger. 

P. 380. _Burnet_, speaking of his being pressed, before Parliament, toreveal what passed between him and the Duke of Lauderdale _in private_;and the Parliament, in case of refusal, threatening him, says:--Uponthis I yielded, and gave an account of the discourse formerlymentioned. --_Swift_. Treacherous villain. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. My love to my country, and my private friendshipscarried me perhaps too far. --_Swift_. Right. 

P. 382. _Burnet_. [Sir Harbottle Grimstone] had always _a tenderness tothe Dissenters_. --_Swift_. Burnet's test of all virtues. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. [Lady Grimstone] was the humblest, the devoutest, andbest tempered person I ever _knew of that sort_ [having high notions forChurch and Crown]. --_Swift_. Rogue. 

P. 384. _Burnet_, the country party maintained that:--if a Parliamentthought any law inconvenient for the good of the whole, they must besupposed still free to alter it: And no previous limitation could bindup their legislature. --_Swift. _ Wrong arguing. 

P. 387. _Burnet_. It was said, a standing Parliament changed theconstitution of England. --_Swift_. The present case under King George. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. It was moved, that an address should be made to the Kingfor dissolving the Parliament. --_Swift. Tempora mutantur_; for nothingnow will do but septennial Parliaments. 

P. 388 _Burnet_. He [Lord Russell] had from his first education aninclination to favour the Non-conformists. --_Swift_. So have all theauthor's favourites. 

P. 392. _Burnet_. But with these good qualities Compton was a weak man, wilful, and strangely wedded to a party. --_Swift. _ He means, to theChurch. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. Bancroft, Dean of St. Paul's, was raised to [the see ofCanterbury]. . .. He was a man of solemn deportment, had a sullen gravityin his looks, and was considerably learned. He had put on a monasticstrictness, and lived abstracted from company. . .. He was a dry, coldman, reserved, and peevish; so that none loved him, and few esteemedhim. --_Swift_. False and detracting. 

P. 396. _Burnet_. My way of writing history pleased him [Sir WilliamJones]. --_Swift_. Very modest. 

P. 399. _Burnet_. Men were now though silent, not quiet. --_Swift_. Nonsense, or printer's mistake. It should be, "Silent, though notquiet. "

_Ibid, Burnet_. One Carstairs, a loose and vicious gentleman. --_Swift_. Epithets well placed. 

P. 404. _Burnet_. It was an extraordinary thing that a random cannonshot should have killed him [Turenne]. --_Swift_. How extraordinary?Might it not kill him as well as another man?

P. 406. _Burnet_, in the battle at St. Omer between the Prince of Orange(afterwards King William) and the Duke of Orleans:--some regiments ofmarines, on whom the Prince depended much, did basely run away. Yet theother bodies fought so well, that he lost not much, besides the _honourof the day_. --_Swift_. He was used to that. 

P. 407. _Burnet_. These leading men did so entangle the debates, andover-reached those on whom he had practised, that they, working on theaversion that the English nation naturally has to a French interest, spoiled the hopefullest session the court had had of a great while, before the court was well aware of it. --_Swift_. Rare style!

P. 409. _Burnet_, Lord Danby, speaking to King Charles II. , said:--Ifthey saw his [the Duke of York's] daughter given to one that was at thehead of the Protestant interest, it would very much soften thoseapprehensions, when it did appear that his religion was only a personalthing, not to be derived to his children after him. With all this theKing was convinced. --_Swift_. Then how was the King for bringing inPopery?

P. 413. _Burnet_. His friend answered, He hoped he did not intend tomake use of him to trepan a man to his ruin. Upon that, with lifted uphands, Sharp promised by the living God, that no hurt should come tohim, if he made a full discovery. --_Swift_. Malice. 

Ibid. _Burnet_, upon the examination of Mitchell before theprivy-council for the intended assassination of Archbishop Sharp, itbeing first proposed to cut off the prisoner's right hand, and then hisleft:--Lord Rothes, who was a pleasant man, said, "How shall he wipe hisbreech then?" This is not very _decent_ to be mentioned in such a work, if it were not necessary. --_Swift_. As decent as a thousand otherpassages; so he might have spared his apology. 

P. 414. _Burnet_, in the last article of the above trial, observes:--But the judge, who hated Sharp, as he went up to the bench, passing bythe prisoner said to him, "Confess nothing, unless you are sure of yourlimbs as well as of your life. "--_Swift_. A rare judge. 

Ibid. _Burnet_, mentioning Mackenzie's appointment as king's advocate, says of him:--He has published many books, some of law, but all full offaults; for he was a slight and superficial man. --_Swift_. Envious andbase. 

P. 416. _Burnet_, speaking of the execution of the above Mitchell forthe attempt against Sharp, says:--Yet Duke Lauderdale had a chaplain, Hickes, afterwards Dean of Worcester, who published a false and partialrelation of this matter, in order to the justifying of it--_Swift_. Alearned, pious man. [4]

[Footnote 4: The "Ravillac [_sic_] Redivivus" of Hickes, is, notwithstanding his learning and piety, in every respect deserving ofthe censures passed upon it by Burnet. [S. ]]

P. 425. _Burnet_. [Titus Oates] got to be a chaplain in one of theking's ships, from which he was dismissed upon complaint of someunnatural practices, not to be named. --_Swift_. Only sodomy. 

P. 434. _Burnet_. He [Staley] was cast. --_Swift. Anglicê_, found guilty. 

P. 441. _Burnet_, on the impeachment of Lord Danby:--Maynard, an ancientand eminent lawyer, explained the words of the statute of 25 Edward III. That the courts of law could not proceed but upon one of the crimesthere enumerated: But the Parliament had still a power, by the clause inthat Act, to declare what they thought was treason. --_Swift_. Yes, by anew Act, but not with a retrospect; therefore Maynard was a _knave or afool, with all his law_. 

P. 442. _Burnet_. This indeed would have justified the King, if it hadbeen demanded above board. --_Swift_. Style of a gamester. 

P. 451. _Burnet_. Yet many thought, that, what doctrines soever menmight by a subtlety of speculation be earned into, the approaches ofdeath, with the seriousness that appeared in their deportment, mustneeds work so much on the probity and candour which seemed footed inhuman nature, etc. --_Swift. _ Credat Judaeus Apella. 

P. 455. _Burnet_, the Bill of Exclusion disinherited:--the next heir, which certainly the King and Parliament might do, as well as any privateman might disinherit his next heir. --_Swift. _ That is not always true. Yet it was certainly in the power of King and Parliament to exclude thenext heir. 

P. 457. _Burnet_. Government was appointed for those that were to begoverned, and not for the sake of governors themselves. --_Swift_. Atrue maxim and infallible. 

P. 458. _Burnet_. It was a maxim among our lawyers, that even an Act ofParliament against _Magna Charta_ was null of itself. --_Swift_. Asottish maxim. 

P. 459. _Burnet_. For a great while I thought the accepting thelimitations [proposed in the Exclusion Bill] was the wisest and bestmethod. --_Swift_. It was the wisest, because it would be less opposed;and the King would consent to it; otherwise an _exclusion_ would havedone better. 

P. 471. _Burnet_. The guards having lost thirty of their number wereforced to run for it. --_Swift_. For what?

P. 475. _Burnet_. Dangerfield, a subtle and dexterous man, who . .. Was afalse coiner, undertook now to coin a plot for the ends of thePapists. --_Swift_. Witty. 

P. 479. _Burnet_. Godolphin . .. Had true principles of religion andvirtue, and was free from all vanity, and never heaped up wealth: Sothat all things being laid together, he was one of the worthiest andwisest men that has been employed in our time. --_Swift_. All this verypartial to my knowledge. 

P. 483. _Burnet_. I laid open the cruelties of the Church of Rome inmany instances that happened in Queen Mary's reign, which were not thenknown: And I _aggravated_, though _very truly_, the danger of fallingunder the power of that religion. --_Swift_. A BULL!

_Ibid. Burnet_. Sprat had studied a polite style much: But there waslittle strength in it: He had the beginnings of learning laid well inhim: But he has allowed himself in a course of some years in much slothand too many liberties. --_Swift_. Very false. 

P. 489. _Burnet_. Here was a justice to be done, and a service to truth, towards the saving a man's life. .. . He advised with all his friends, andwith my self in particular. The much greater number were of opinion thathe ought to be silent. --_Swift_. Damned advice. 

P. 496. _Burnet_. Jones stood upon a point of law, of theunseparableness of the prerogative from the person of theKing. --_Swift_. A lawyer's way of arguing, very weak. 

P. 509. _Burnet_, speaking of the grand juries in the latter end of KingCharles's reign returning _ignoramus_ so frequently on bills ofindictment, states that:--in defence of these _ignoramus juries_ it wassaid, that by the express words of their oath they were bound to maketrue presentments of what should appear true to them: And therefore, ifthey did not believe the evidence, they could not find a bill, thoughsworn to. A book was writ to support that, in which both law and reasonwere brought to confirm it: It passed as writ by Lord Essex, though Iunderstood afterwards it was writ by Somers. --_Swift_. Lord Somers. 

P. 516. _Burnet_ says, on the imposition of a Test Act:--The bishopswere earnest for this, which they thought would secure them for everfrom a Presbyterian Parliament. It was carried in the vote: And thatmade many of the court more zealous than ever for carrying through theAct. --_Swift_. And it was very reasonable. 

P. 519. _Burnet_ mentions that, when the Test Act was passed:--abouteighty of the most learned and pious of their clergy left all ratherthan comply with the terms of this law. .. . About twenty of them came upto England. --_Swift_. Enough to corrupt England. 

P. 523. _Burnet_, describing the death of the Duke of Lauderdale, says--His heart seemed quite spent: There was not left above the bignessof a walnut of firm substance: The rest was spongy, liker the lungs thanthe heart. --_Swift. Anglicé_, more like. 

P. 525. _Burnet_, Home was convicted on the credit of one infamousevidence:--Applications were made to the Duke [of York] for saving hislife: But he was not born under _a pardoning planet_. --_Swift_. Sillyfop. 

P. 526. _Burnet_ All the Presbyterian party saw they were nowdisinherited of a main part of their birth-right. --_Swift_. As much ofPapists as of Presbyterians. 

P. 527. _Burnet_, speaking of the surrender of the charters in 1682:--Itwas said, that those who were in the government in corporations, and hadtheir charters and seals trusted to their keeping, were not theproprietors nor masters of those rights. They could not extinguish thosecorporations, nor part with any of their privileges. Others said, thatwhatever might be objected to the reason and equity of the thing, yet, when the seal of a corporation was put to any deed, such a deed was goodin law. The matter goes beyond my skill in law to determineit. --_Swift_. What does he think of the surrenders of the charters ofabbeys?

P. 528. _Burnet_ The Non-conformists were now persecuted with mucheagerness. This was visibly set on by the Papists: And it was wiselydone of them, for they knew how much the _Non-conformists were setagainst them_. --_Swift_. Not so much as they are against the Church. 

P. 531. _Burnet_ Lord Hyde was the person that disposed the Duke to it:Upon that Lord Halifax and he fell to be in ill terms; for he hated LordSunderland beyond expression, though he had married hissister. --_Swift_. Who married whose sister?

P. 536. _Burnet_ The truth is, juries became at that time the shame ofthe nation, as well as a reproach to religion: For they were packed, andprepared to bring in verdicts as they were directed and not as mattersappeared on the evidence. --_Swift_. So they are now. 

P. 538. _Burnet_ He [Algernon Sidney] was ambassador in Denmark at thetime of the Restoration. --_Swift_. For Cromwell. 

P. 543. _Burnet_, on Rumbold's proposal to shoot the King at Hodsdon, inhis way to Newmarket, adds:--They [the conspirators] ran into much_wicked talk_ about the way of executing that. But nothing was everfixed on: All was _but talk_. --_Swift_. All plots begin with talk. 

P. 548. _Burnet_. At the time of Lord Russell's plot, Baillie beingasked by the King whether they had any design against his person? hefrankly said not; but being asked:--if they had been in anyconsultations with lords or others in England, in order to aninsurrection in Scotland? Baillie faltered at this. For his _conscience_restrained him from _lying_;--_Swift. _ The author and his _cousins_could _not tell lies_, but they _could plot_. 

P. 549. _Burnet. _ Next morning he went with him to the Tower gate, themessenger being again fast asleep. --_Swift. _ Is this a blunder?

P. 553. _Burnet, _ speaking of Lord Essex's suicide (1683)--His man, thinking he stayed longer than ordinary in his _closet_, looked throughthe key hole, and there saw him lying dead. --_Swift. _ He was on theclose stool. 

P. 555. _Burnet, _ on Lord Russell's trial--Finch summed up the evidenceagainst him. But . .. Shewed more of a vicious eloquence, in turningmatters with some subtlety against the prisoners, than of solid orsincere reasoning. --_Swift. _ Afterwards Earl of Aylesford, an arrantrascal. 

P. 562. _Burnet. _ I offered to take my oath, that the speech [of LordRussell] was penned by himself, and not by me. --_Swift. _ Jesuitical. 

P. 567. _Burnet. _ I knew Spanheim particularly, _who was_ envoy from theElector of Brandenburg, _who is_ the greatest critic of the age in allancient learning. --_Swift. Who was--who is_, pure nonsense. 

P. 568. _Burnet. _ All people were apprehensive of very black designs, when they saw Jeffreys made Lord Chief Justice, who . .. Run out upon alloccasions into declamations, that did not become the bar, much less thebench. He was not learned in his profession: And his eloquence, thoughviciously copious, yet was neither correct nor agreeable. --_Swift. _ LikeBurnet's eloquence. 

P. 572. _Burnet, _ on Algernon Sidney's trial, observes, that:--Finchaggravated the matter of the book, as a proof of his intentions, pretending it was an overt act, for he said, _Scribere estagere_. --_Swift. _ Yet this Finch was made Earl of Aylesford by KingGeorge. 

Ibid. _Burnet, _ when Sidney charged the sheriffs who brought him theexecution-warrant with having packed the jury--one of the sheriffs . .. Wept. He told it to a person, from whom Tillotson had it, who told itme. --_Swift. _ Admirable authority. 

P. 577. _Burnet. _ So that it was plain, that after all the story theyhad made of the [Rye-house] Plot, it had gone no further, than that acompany of seditious and inconsiderable persons were framing amongthemselves some treasonable schemes, that were never likely to come toanything. --_Swift. _ Cursed partiality. 

P. 579. _Burnet_. The King [Charles II. ] had published a story all aboutthe court, . .. As the reason of this extreme severity against Armstrong:He said, that he was sent over by Cromwell to murder him beyond sea; . .. And that upon his confessing it he had promised him never to speak of itany more as long as he lived. So the King, counting him now dead in law, thought he was free from that promise. --_Swift_. If the King had a mindto lie, he would have stayed till Armstrong was hanged. 

P. 583. _Burnet_. It ended in dismissing Lord Aberdeen, and making LordPerth chancellor, to which he had been long aspiring in a most indecentmanner. --_Swift. Decent_ and _indecent_, very useful words to thisauthor. 

P. 585. _Burnet_. I saved myself out of those difficulties by saying toall my friends, that I would not be involved in any such confidence; foras long as I thought our circumstances were such that resistance was notlawful, I thought the concealing any design in order to it was likewiseunlawful. --_Swift. _ Jesuitical. 

_Ibid. Burnet_ says, after relating how the thumb-screws were applied toSpence and Carstairs:--Upon what was thus screwed out of these twopersons, etc. --_Swift_. Witty the second time. 

P. 586. _Burnet_, Baillie suffered several hardships and fines for beingsupposed to be in the Rye-house Plot; yet:--seemed all the while socomposed, and even so cheerful, that his behaviour looked like thereviving of the spirit of the noblest of the old Greeks orRomans. --_Swift_. For he was our _cousin_. 

P. 587. _Burnet_, speaking of Baillie's execution, says:--The onlyexcuse that was ever pretended for this infamous prosecution was, thatthey were sure he was guilty. --_Swift_. Bishop of Rochester. 

P. 588. _Burnet_, Lord Perth wanting to see Leightoun, I writ soearnestly to him, that he came to London; and, on--his coming to me, Iwas amazed to see him at above seventy look so fresh and well. .. . [Twodays afterwards] Leightoun sunk so, that both speech and sense went awayof a sudden: And he continued panting about twelve hours; and then diedwithout pangs or convulsions. --_Swift_. Burnet killed him by bringinghim to London. 

_Ibid. Burnet_ Leightoun . .. Retained still a peculiar inclination toScotland. --_Swift_. Yet he chose to live in England. 

P. 589. _Burnet_, speaking of Leightoun's views of the Church ofEngland, says:--As to the administration, both with relation to theecclesiastical courts, and the pastoral care, he looked on it as one ofthe most corrupt he had ever seen. --_Swift_. Very civil. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. There were two remarkable circumstances in his[Leightoun's] death. He used often to say, that if he were to choose aplace to die in, it should be an inn; it looking like a pilgrim's goinghome, to whom this world was all as an inn, and who was weary of thenoise and confusion in it. --_Swift. _ Canting puppy. 

P. 590. _Burnet_. Sterne, Archbishop of York, died in the 86th year ofhis age: He was a sour ill-tempered man, and minded chiefly theenriching his family. --_Swift_. Yet thought author of "The Whole Duty ofMan. "

P. 591. _Burnet_ says of Bishop Mew:--Though he knew very little ofdivinity, or of any other learning, and was weak to a childish degree, yet obsequiousness and zeal raised him through several steps to thisgreat see [Bath and Wells]. --_Swift_. This character is true. 

P. 595. _Burnet_. And now the tables were turned--_Swift. _ Style of agamester. 

P. 596. _Burnet_, being appointed to preach the sermon on the GunpowderPlot, (1684, ) at the Rolls Chapel:--I chose for my text these words:"Save me from the lion's mouth, thou hast heard me from the horns of theunicorns. " I made no reflection in my thoughts on the lion and unicorn, as being the two supporters of the King's scutcheon. --_Swift_. I doubtthat. 

P. 600. _Burnet_ relates a story of a quarrel between three gentlemen, one of whom was killed. He says that one of the others:--was prevailedon to confess the indictment, and to let sentence pass on him formurder; a pardon being promised him if he should do so. [After this hehad to pay £16, 000 for his pardon. ]--_Swift_. The story is wrong told. 

P. 604. _Burnet_ mentions a scheme to raise dissensions between CharlesII. And the Duke of York, and adds:--Mr. May of the privy purse told me, that he was told there was a design to break out, with which he himselfwould be well pleased. --_Swift_. The bishop told me this with many moreparticulars. 

P. 609. _Burnet_, speaking of the suspicion of Charles II. Beingpoisoned, says that:--Lower and Needham, two famous physicians, . .. [noticed some] blue spots on the outside of the stomach. Needham calledtwice to have it opened: but the surgeons seemed not to hear him. Andwhen he moved it the second time, he, as he told me, heard Lower say toone that stood next him, "Needham will undo us, calling thus to have thestomach opened, for he may see they will not do it. " . .. Le Fevre, aFrench physician, told me, he saw a blackness in the shoulder; Uponwhich he made an incision, and saw it was all mortified. Short, anotherphysician, who was a Papist, but after a form of his own, did very muchsuspect foul dealing. --_Swift_. One physician told me this from Shorthimself. 

P. 611. _Burnet_, describing the behaviour of Charles II. When in hidingafter the battle of Worcester, says:--Under all the apprehensions he hadthen upon him, he shewed a temper so careless, and so much turned tolevity, that he was then diverting himself with little household sports, in as unconcerned a manner, as if he had made no loss, and had been inno danger at all. --_Swift. _ This might admit a more favourable turn. 

P. 613. _Burnet, _ in his character of Charles II. , says:--His person andtemper, his vices as well as his fortunes, resemble the character thatwe have given us of Tiberius so much, that it were easy to draw theparallel between them. Tiberius's banishment, and his coming afterwardsto reign, makes the comparison in that respect come pretty near. Hishating of business, and his love of pleasures, his raising offavourites, and trusting them entirely; and his pulling them down, andhating them excessively; his art of covering deep designs, particularlyof revenge, with an appearance of softness, brings them so near alikeness, that I did not wonder much to observe the resemblance of theirface and person. --_Swift. _ Malicious, and in many circumstances false. 

P. 615. _Burnet_ concludes his character of Charles II. With thesewords:--How ungrateful soever this labour has proved to my self, and howunacceptable soever it may be to some, who are either obliged toremember him gratefully, or by the engagement of parties and interestsare under other biasses, yet I have gone through all that I knewrelating to his life and reign with that regard to truth, and what Ithink may be instructive to mankind, which became an impartial writer ofhistory, and one who believes, that he must give an account to God ofwhat he writes, as well as of what he says and does. --_Swift. _ He wascertainly a very bad prince, but not to the degree described in thischaracter, which is poorly drawn, and mingled with malice very unworthyan historian, and the style abominable, as in the whole history, and theobservations trite and vulgar. 

BOOK IV. 

P. 623. _Burnet. _ Because Chudleigh the envoy there had openly brokenwith the Prince [of Orange], (for he not only waited no more on him, butacted openly against him; and once in the Vorhaut had affronted him, while he was driving the Princess upon the snow in a _trainau_, according to the German manner, and pretending they were masked, andthat he did not know them, had ordered his coachman to keep his way, asthey were coming towards the place where he drove;) the King recalledhim. --_Swift. _ A pretty parenthesis. 

P. 626. _Burnet. _ This gave all thinking men a melancholy prospect. England now seemed lost, unless some happy accident should save it. Allpeople saw the way for packing a Parliament now laid open. --_Swift. _Just our case at the Queen's death. 

P. 638. _Burnet_ says that Musgrave and others pretended:--when moneywas asked for just and necessary ends, to be frugal patriots, and to becareful managers of the public treasure. --_Swift. _ A party remark, P. 651. _Burnet. _ Goodenough, who had been under-sheriff of London whenCornish was sheriff, offered to swear against Cornish; and also said, that Rumsey had not discovered all he knew. So Rumsey to save himselfjoined with Goodenough, to swear Cornish guilty of that for which theLord Russell had suffered. And this was driven on so fast, that Cornishwas seized on, tried, and executed within the week. --_Swift. _ Goodenoughwent to Ireland, practised law, and died there. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ It gave a general horror to the body of the nation: Andit let all people see, what might be expected from a reign that seemedto delight in blood. --_Swift. _ The same here since the Queen's death. 

P. 654. _Burnet. _ The Archbishop of Armagh[5] [1685, ] had continued LordChancellor of Ireland, and was in all points so compliant to the court, that even his religion came to be suspected on that account. --_Swift. _False. 

[Footnote 5: Michael Boyle, who, when Archbishop of Dublin, was madechancellor soon after the Restoration (1665), and continued in thatoffice to January, 1686, during which time he was raised to theArchbishopric of Armagh. --SEWARD. ]

Ibid _Burnet, _ and yet this archbishop:--was not thought thorough-paced. So Sir Charles Porter, who was a zealous promoter of everything that theKing proposed, and was a man of ready wit, and being poor was thought aperson fit to be made a tool of, was declared Lord Chancellor ofIreland. --_Swift. _ False and scandalous. 

P. 669. _Burnet. _ Solicitor-general Finch . .. Was presently after turnedout. And Powis succeeded him, who was a compliant young aspiring lawyer, though in himself he was no ill natured man. --_Swift. _ Sir Thomas Powis, a good dull lawyer. 

P. 670. _Burnet, _ speaking of the power claimed for the King to dispensewith the sacramental test, says:--It was an overturning the wholegovernment, . .. To say that laws, . .. Where one of the penalties was anincapacity, which by a maxim of law cannot be taken away even by apardon, should at the pleasure of the prince be dispensed with: A finewas also set by the Act on offenders, but not given to the King, but tothe informer, which thereby became his. So that the King could no morepardon that, than he could discharge the debts of the subjects, and takeaway property. --_Swift. _ Wrong reasoning. 

P. 672. _Burnet. _ Intimations were everywhere given, that the King wouldnot have them [Dissenters], or their meetings, to be disturbed. Some ofthem began to grow insolent upon this shew of favour. --_Swift. _ Thewhole body of them grew insolent, and complying to the King. 

P. 675. _Burnet. _ Sancroft lay silent at Lambeth. He seemed zealousagainst Popery in private discourse: But he was of such a timoroustemper, and _so set on the enriching his nephew, _ that he shewed no sortof courage. --_Swift. _ False as hell. 

P. 681. _Burnet, _ referring to the revived national zeal against Popery, says:--The Episcopal clergy were in many places so sunk into sloth andignorance, that they were not capable of conducting this zeal: . .. Butthe Presbyterians, though they were now freed from the great severitiesthey had long smarted under, yet expressed on all occasions theirunconquerable aversion to Popery. --_Swift. _ Partial dog!

P. 682. _Burnet. _ He made the Earl of Tyrconnell LordLieutenant. --_Swift. _ Lord deputy. 

P. 688. _Burnet. _ Nor were the clergy more diligent in their laboursamong their people, in which respect it must be confessed that theEnglish clergy are the most remiss of any. --_Swift. _ Civil that. 

P. 690. _Burnet, _ speaking of King William's character, says:--he had novice, but of one sort, in which he was very _cautious_ and_secret_. --_Swift. _ It was of two sorts--_male_ and _female_--in the_former_ he was neither cautious nor secret. 

P. 691. _Burnet, _ in a conversation with the Prince of Orange at TheHague, (1686):--When he found I was in my opinion for toleration, hesaid, that was all he would ever desire to bring us to, for quieting ourcontentions at home. --_Swift. _ It seems the Prince even then thought ofbeing King. 

P. 692. _Burnet, _ the advice I gave the Princess of Orange, when sheshould be Queen of England, was, to:--endeavour effectually to get it[the real authority] to be legally vested in him [the Prince] duringlife: This would lay the greatest obligation on him possible, and laythe foundation of a perfect union between them, which had been of late alittle embroiled. --_Swift. _ By Mrs. Villiers, now Lady Orkney; but heproved a _d----d husband for all that. _[6]

[Footnote 6: Lady Orkney was a favourite of Swift, as appears fromseveral passages in the Journal. [S. ]]

P. 693. _Burnet, _ having told the Princess of Orange that her successionto the throne would not make her husband king, and given her the advicejust quoted, says:--she in a very frank manner told him, that she didnot know that the laws of England were so contrary to the laws of God, as I had informed her: she did not think that the husband was ever to beobedient to the wife. --_Swift. _ Foolish. 

P. 693. _Burnet. _ [Penn, the Quaker, ] was a talking vain man, who hadbeen long in the King's favour, he being the vice-admiral's son. . .. Hehad a tedious luscious way, that was not apt to overcome a man's reason, though it might tire his patience. --_Swift. _ He spoke very agreeably, and with much spirit. 

P. 695. _Burnet. _ Cartwright was promoted to Chester. He was a man ofgood capacity, and had made some progress in learning. He was ambitiousand servile, cruel and boisterous: And, by the great liberties heallowed himself, he fell under much scandal of the _worstsort_. --_Swift. _ Only sodomy. 

P. 696. _Burnet. _ [Cartwright] was looked on as a man that would moreeffectually advance the design of Popery, than if he should turn over toit. And indeed, bad as he was, he never made that step, even in the mostdesperate state of his affairs. --_Swift. _ He went to Ireland with KingJames, and there died neglected and poor. 

P. 697. _Burnet. _ In all nations the privileges of colleges anduniversities are esteemed such sacred things, that few will venture todispute these, much less to disturb them. --_Swift. _ Yet in King George'sreign, Oxford was bridled and insulted with troops, for no manner ofcause but their steadiness to the Church. 

P. 699. _Burnet. _ It was much observed, that this university [Oxford], that had asserted the King's prerogative in the highest strains of themost abject flattery possible, etc. --_Swift. _ And their virtue andsteadiness ought equally to be observed. 

P. 701. _Burnet, _ speaking of King James's proceedings against theuniversities, and that several of the clergy wrote over to the Prince ofOrange to engage in their quarrel, adds:--When that was communicated tome, I was still of opinion, that, though this was indeed an act ofdespotical and arbitrary power, yet I did not think it struck at thewhole: So that it was not in my opinion a lawful case ofresistance. --_Swift. _ He was a better _Tory_ than I, if he spoke as hethought. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ The main difference between these [the Presbyterians andthe Independents] was, that the Presbyterians seemed reconcilable to theChurch; _for they loved Episcopal ordination and a liturgy. _--_Swift. _ Adamnable lie. 

P. 702. _Burnet. _ [Both Presbyterians and Independents] were enemies tothis high prerogative, that the King was assuming, and were very averseto Popery. --_Swift. _ Style. 

Ibid. _Burnet. _ So the more considerable among them [the Dissenters]resolved not to stand at too great a distance from the court, norprovoke the King so far, as to give him cause to think they wereirreconcilable to him, lest they should provoke him to make up matterson any terms with the Church party. --_Swift. _ They all complied mostshamefully and publicly, as is well known. 

P. 703. _Burnet. _ The King's choice of Palmer, Earl of Castlemain, wasliable to great exception. --_Swift. _ Duchess of Cleveland's husband. 

P. 705. _Burnet. _ Since what an ambassador says is understood as said bythe prince whose character he bears, this gave the States a right tomake use of all advantages that might offer themselves. --_Swift. _Sophistry. 

P. 710. _Burnet. _ The restless spirit of some of that religion [Popery], and of their clergy in particular, shewed they could not be at quiettill they were masters. --_Swift. _ All sects are of that spirit. 

P. 716. _Burnet, _ speaking of "the fury that had been driven on for manyyears by a Popish party, " adds:--When some of those who had been alwaysmoderate told these, who were putting on another temper, that they wouldperhaps forget this as soon as the danger was over, they promised thecontrary very solemnly. It shall be told afterwards, how well theyremembered this. --_Swift. _ False and spiteful. 

P. 726. _Burnet. _ That which gave the crisis to the King's anger wasthat he heard I was to be married to a considerable fortune at TheHague. --_Swift. _ A phrase of the rabble. 

Ibid. _Burnet, _ when a prosecution was commenced against Burnet inScotland, he obtained naturalization for himself in Holland, after whichhe wrote to the Earl of Middleton, saying that:--being now naturalizedin Holland, my allegiance was, during my stay in these parts, transferred from His Majesty to the States. --_Swift. _ Civilians denythat, but I agree with him. 

P. 727. _Burnet. _ I come now to the year 1688, which proved memorable, and produced an extraordinary and _unheard_-of revolution. --_Swift. _ TheDevil's in that, sure all Europe _heard_ of it. 

P. 730. _Burnet, _after saying that he had been naturalized in Holland, upon marrying one of the subjects of the States, goes on:--The King tookthe matter very ill, and said, it was an affront to him, and a justcause of war. --_Swift. _ Vain fop. 

P. 731. _Burnet. _ I never possessed my own soul in a more perfect calm, and in a clearer cheerfulness of spirit, than I did during all thosethreatenings, and the apprehensions that others were in concerningme. --_Swift. _ A modest account of his own magnanimity. 

P. 746. _Burnet. _ But after all, though soldiers were _bad Englishmenand worse Christians_, yet the court [of James II. ] found them too goodProtestants to trust much to them. --_Swift_. Special doctrine. 

P. 748. _Burnet_, speaking of the Queen's expectation of a child, says:--I will give as full and as distinct an account of all thatrelated to that matter, as I could gather up either at that time orafterwards. --_Swift_. All coffee-house chat. 

P. 751. _Burnet_. Now a resolution was taken for the Queen's lying in atSt. James's. --_Swift_. Windsor would have been more suspicious. 

P. 752. _Burnet_, doubting of the legitimacy of the Pretender, anddescribing the Queen's manner of lying-in, says:--The Queen lay all thewhile a-bed: And, in order to the warming one side of it, a warming-panwas brought. But it was not opened, that it might be seen that there wasfire and nothing else in it. --_Swift_. This, the ladies say, is foolish. 

P. 753. _Burnet_. Hemings, a very worthy man, . .. Was reading in hisparlour late at night, when he heard one coming into the neighbouringparlour, and say with a doleful voice, "The Prince of Walesis dead"; Upon which . .. It was plain, they were in a greatconsternation. --_Swift_. A most foolish story, hardly worthy of acoffee-house. 

Ibid. _Burnet_. It was said, that the child was strangely revived of asudden. Some of the physicians told Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, that itwas not possible for them to think it was the same child. They looked onone another, but durst not speak what they thought. --_Swift_. So hereare three children. 

P. 762. _Burnet_. The Lord Mordaunt was the first of all the Englishnobility that came over openly to see the Prince of Orange. --_Swift_. Now Earl of Peterborough. 

Ibid. _Burnet_. The Earl of Shrewsbury . .. Seemed to be a man of greatprobity, and to have a high sense of honour. --_Swift_. Quite contrary. 

P. 763. _Burnet_. Lord Lumley, who was a late convert from Popery, andhad stood out very firmly all this reign. --_Swift_. He was a knave and acoward. 

Ibid. _Burnet_. Mr. Sidney, [7] brother to the Earl of Leicester and toAlgernon Sidney. He was a graceful man, and had lived long in the court, where he had some adventures that became very public. He was a man of asweet and caressing temper, had no malice in his heart, but too great alove of pleasure. --_Swift_. An idle, drunken, ignorant rake, withoutsense, truth, or honour. 

[Footnote 7: Henry Sidney, afterwards Earl of Romney. [T. S. ]]

P. 764. _Burnet_. But, because he [Mr. Sidney] was lazy, and thebusiness required an active man, who could both run about, and writeover long and full accounts of all matters, I recommended a kinsman ofmy own, Johnstoune, whom I had formed, and knew to be both faithful anddiligent. --_Swift_. An arrant Scotch rogue. 

P. 764. _Burnet_. The Earl of Nottingham . .. Had great credit with thewhole Church party; For he was a man possessed with theirnotions. --_Swift_. That is, Church notions. 

P. 765. _Burnet_. Lord Churchill [afterwards Duke of Marlborough] . .. Was a man of a noble and graceful appearance, bred up in the court withno literature: But he had a solid and clear understanding, with aconstant presence of mind. He knew the arts of living in a court betterthan any man in it. He caressed all people with a soft and obligingdeportment, and was always ready to do good offices. .. . It must beacknowledged, that he is one of the greatest men the age hasproduced. --_Swift_. A composition of perfidiousness and avarice. 

Ibid. _Burnet_, still speaking of Lord Churchill:--He was also verydoubtful as to the pretended birth. So he resolved, when the Princeshould come over, to go in to him; but to betray no post, nor doanything more than the withdrawing himself, with such officers as hecould trust with such a secret. --_Swift_. What could he do more to amortal enemy. 

P. 769. _Burnet_. [Skelton's] rash folly might have procured the orderfrom the court of France, to own this alliance [with England]; Hethought it would terrify the States; And so he pressed this officiously, which they easily granted. --_Swift_. And who can blame him, if in such anecessity he made that alliance?

P. 772. _Burnet_. The King of France thought himself tied by no peace;but that, when he suspected his neighbours were intending to make warupon him, he might upon such a suspicion begin a war on hispart. --_Swift_. The common maxim of princes. 

P. 776. _Burnet_, speaking of the Declaration prepared for Scotland, says that the:--Presbyterians, had drawn it so, that, by many passagesin it, the Prince by an implication declared in favour of Presbytery. Hedid not see what the consequences of those were, till I explained them. So he ordered them to be altered. And by the Declaration that matter wasstill entire. --_Swift_. The more shame for King William, who changed it. 

P. 782. _Burnet_, three days before the Prince of Orange embarked, hevisited the States General, and:--took God to witness, he went toEngland with no other intentions, but those he had set out in hisDeclaration. --_Swift_. Then he was perjured; for he designed to get thecrown, which he denied in the Declaration. 

P. 783. _Burnet_, after describing the storm which put back the Princeof Orange's fleet, observes:--In France and England . .. They triumphednot a little, as if God had fought against us, and defeated the wholedesign. We on our part, who found our selves delivered out of so great astorm and so vast a danger, looked on it as a mark of God's great careof us, Who, . .. Had preserved us. --_Swift_. Then still it must be a_miracle_. 

P. 785. _Burnet_, when matters were coming to a crisis at theRevolution, an order was:--sent to the Bishop of Winchester, to put thePresident of Magdalen College again in possession, . .. [But when thecourt heard] the Prince and his fleet were blown back, it wascountermanded; which plainly shewed what it was that drove the courtinto so much compliance, and how long it was like to last. --_Swift_. TheBishop of Winchester assured me otherwise. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. The court thought it necessary, now in an _after-game_to offer some satisfaction in that point [of the legitimacy of thePrince of Wales]. --_Swift_. And this was the proper time. 

P. 786. _Burnet_. Princess Anne was not present [at the Queen'sdelivery]. She indeed excused herself. She thought she was breeding: Andall motion was forbidden her. None believed that to be the truereason. .. . So it was looked on as a colour that shewed she did notbelieve the thing, and that therefore she would not by her being presentseem to give any credit to it. --_Swift_. I have reason to believe thisto be true of the Princess Anne. 

P. 790. _Burnet_. [The Prince of Orange's army] stayed a week at Exeter, before any of the gentlemen of the country about came in to the Prince. Every day some person of condition came from other parts. The first werethe Lord Colchester the eldest son of the Earl of Rivers, and the LordWharton. --_Swift. _ Famous for his cowardice in the rebellion of 1642. 

P. 791. _Burnet_. Soon after that. Prince George, the Duke of Ormonde, and the Lord Dramlanrig, the Duke of Queensberry's eldest son, left him[King James], and came over to the Prince. --_Swift_. Yet how has he beensince used? [referring to the Duke of Ormonde. ]

P. 792. _Burnet_. In a little while a small army was formed about her[Princess Anne], who chose to be commanded by the Bishop of London; ofwhich he too easily accepted. --_Swift, _ And why should he not?

_Ibid. Burnet_. A foolish ballad was made at that time, treating thePapists, and chiefly the Irish, in a very ridiculous manner, which had aburden, said to be Irish words, "Lero, Lero, Lilibulero, " that made animpression on the army, that cannot be well imagined by those who saw itnot. --_Swift_. They are not Irish words, but better than Scotch. 

P. 795. _Burnet_. The Queen took up a sudden resolution of going toFrance with the child. The midwife, together with all who were assistingat the birth, were also carried over, or so disposed of, that it couldnever be learned what became of them afterwards. --_Swift_ That isstrange and incredible. 

P. 796. _Burnet_, speaking of King James's first attempt to leave thekingdom, says:--With this his reign ended: For this was a plaindeserting his people, and the exposing the nation to the pillage of anarmy, which he had ordered the Earl of Feversham to disband. --_Swift_. Abominable assertion, and false consequence. 

P. 797. _Burnet_, the incident of the King's being retaken at Feversham, and the subsequent stragglings, gave rise to the party ofJacobites:---For, if he had got clear away, by all that could be judged, he would not have had a party left: All would have agreed, that here wasa desertion, and that therefore the nation was free, and at liberty tosecure itself. But what followed upon this gave them a colour to say, that he was forced away, and driven out. --_Swift_. So he certainly was, both now and afterwards. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. None were killed, no houses burnt, nor were anyrobberies committed. --_Swift_. Don Pedro de Ronquillo's house wasplundered and pulled down; he was Spanish ambassador. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. Jeffreys, finding the King was gone, saw what reason hehad to look to himself: And, apprehending that he was now exposed to therage of the people, whom he had provoked with so particular a brutality, he had disguised himself to make his escape. But he fell into the handsof some who knew him. He was insulted by them with as much scorn andrudeness as they could invent. And, after many hours tossing him about, he was carried to the Lord Mayor; whom they charged to commit him to theTower. --_Swift_. He soon after died in the Tower by drinking strongliquors. 

P. 798. _Burnet_, when the Prince heard of King James's flight:--he sentto Oxford, to excuse his not coming thither, and to offer theassociation to them, which was signed by almost all the heads, and thechief men of the University; even by those, who, being disappointed inthe preferments they aspired to, became afterwards his most implacableenemies. --_Swift_. Malice. 

P. 799. _Burnet_, when I heard of King James's flight and capture:--Iwas affected with this dismal reverse of the fortune of a great prince, more than I think fit to express. --_Swift_. Or than I will believe. 

P. 800. _Burnet_, after relating that King James "sent the Earl ofFeversham to Windsor, without demanding any passport, " describes hisreception, and adds:--Since the Earl of Feversham, who had commanded thearmy against the Prince, was come without a passport, he was for somedays put in arrest. --_Swift. _ Base and villainous. 

P. 801. _Burnet_, when it was thought prudent for King James to leaveLondon, the Earl of Middleton suggested that he:--should go toRochester; for "since the Prince was not pleased with his coming up fromKent, it might be perhaps acceptable to him, if he should go thitheragain. " It was very visible, that this was proposed in order to a secondescape. --_Swift_. And why not?

P. 802. _Burnet_. Some said, he [James] was now a prisoner, andremembered the saying of King Charles the First, that the prisons andthe graves of princes lay not far distant from one another: The personof the King was now struck at, as well as his government: And thisspecious undertaking would now appear to be only a disguised anddesigned usurpation. --_Swift. _ All this is certainly true. 

P. 803. _Burnet_. Now that the Prince was come, all the bodies about thetown came to welcome him. .. . Old Serjeant Maynard came with the men ofthe law. He was then near ninety, and yet he said the liveliest thingthat was heard of on that occasion. The Prince took notice of his greatage, and said, "that he had outlived all the men of the law of histime:" He answered, "He had like to have outlived the law itself, if hisHighness had not come over. "--_Swift_. He was an old rogue for all that. 

P. 805. _Burnet_, speaking of the first effects of the Revolution uponthe Presbyterians in Scotland, says:--They generally broke in upon theEpiscopal clergy with great insolence and much cruelty. They carriedthem about the parishes in a mock procession: They tore their gowns, anddrove them from their churches and houses. Nor did they treat those ofthem, who had appeared very zealously against Popery, with anydistinction. --_Swift_. To reward them for which, King William abolishedEpiscopacy. 

_Ibid. Burnet_, The Episcopal party in Scotland saw themselves under agreat cloud: So they resolved all to adhere to the Earl of Dundee, whohad served some years in Holland, and was both an able officer, and aman of good parts, and of some very valuable virtues. --_Swift_. He wasthe best man in Scotland. 

P. 806. _Burnet_, speaking of Londonderry and Inniskilling, says:--Thosetwo small unfurnished and unfortified places, resolved to stand to theirown defence, and at all perils to stay till supplies should come to themfrom England. --_Swift_. He should have mentioned Doctor Walker, whodefended Derry. 

P. 807. _Burnet_. Those, who were employed by Tyrconnell to deceive thePrince, made their applications by Sir William Temple, who had a longand well established credit with him. --_Swift. _ A lie of a Scot; for SirWilliam Temple did not know Tyrconnell. 

P. 807. _Burnet. _ Others thought, that the leaving Ireland in thatdangerous state, might be a mean to bring the convention to a morespeedy settlement of England; and that therefore the Prince ought not tomake too much haste to relieve Ireland. --_Swift. _ That is agreed to bethe true reason, and it was a wicked one. 

P. 810. _Burnet_, speaking of Archbishop Sancroft, says:--He was a poorspirited, and fearful man; and acted a very mean part in all this greattransaction. --_Swift. _ Others think very differently. 

P. 811. _Burnet_, speaking of the proposal to establish a regency, says:--The much greater part of the House of Lords was for this, andstuck long to it: And so was about a third part of the House of Commons. The greatest part of the clergy declared themselves for it. --_Swift. _And it was certainly much the best expedient. 

_Ibid. Burnet. _ The third party was made up of those, who thought thatthere was an original contract between the King and the people ofEngland; by which the kings were bound to defend their people, and togovern them according to law, in lieu of which the people were bound toobey and serve the king. --_Swift. _ I am of this party, and yet I wouldhave been for a regency. 

P. 813. _Burnet_, it was argued that this scheme of a regency was:--bothmore illegal; and more unsafe, than the method they proposed. The law ofEngland had settled the point of the subject's security in obeying theking in possession, in the statute made by Henry the Seventh. So everyman knew he was safe under a king, and so would act with zeal andcourage. But all such as should act under a _prince-regent_, created bythis convention, were upon a bottom that had not the necessary forms oflaw for it. --_Swift. _ There is something in this argument. 

P. 814. _Burnet. _ It was believed, that those of his [King James's]party, who were looked on as men of conscience, had secret orders fromhim to act upon this pretence; since otherwise they offered to actclearly in contradiction to their own oaths and principles, --_Swift. _This is malice. 

_Ibid. Burnet. _ [Others thought] that in our present circumstances theextremity of affairs, by reason of the late ill government, and by KingJames's flying over to the enemy of the nation, rather than submit toreasonable terms, had put the people of England on the necessity ofsecuring themselves upon a legal bottom. --_Swift. _ This was the bestreason. 

P. 815. _Burnet. _ There were good authorities brought, by which itappeared, that when a person did a thing upon which his leaving anyoffice ought to follow, he was said to abdicate. But this was a criticaldispute: And it scarce became the greatness of that assembly, or theimportance of the matter. --_Swift. _ It was a very material point. 

P. 815. _Burnet. _ It was urged, that, by the law, the king did neverdie; but that with the last breath of the dying king the regal authoritywent to the next heir. --_Swift. _ This is certainly true. 

P. 816. _Burnet. _ An heir was one that came in the room of a person thatwas dead: it being a maxim that no man can be the heir of a livingman--_Swift. _ This is sophistry. 

_Ibid. Burnet. _ It was proposed, that the birth of the pretended princemight be examined into. .. . I was ordered to gather together all thepresumptive proofs that were formerly mentioned:. .. . It is true, thesedid not amount to a full and legal proof: Yet they seemed to be suchviolent presumptions, that, when they were all laid together, they weremore convincing than plain and downright evidence: For that was liableto the suspicion of subornation: Whereas the other seemed to carry onthem very convincing characters of truth and certainty. --_Swift. _ Wellsaid, Bishop. 

P. 817. _Burnet. _ If there was no clear and positive proof made of animposture, the pretending to examine into it, and then the not beingable to make it out beyond the possibility of contradiction, wouldreally give more credit to the thing, than it then had, and, instead ofweakening it, would strengthen the pretension of his birth. --_Swift. _Wisely done. 

_Ibid. Burnet. _ [Some people] thought, it would be a good security forthe nation, to have a dormant title to the crown lie as it wereneglected, to oblige our princes to govern well, while they wouldapprehend the danger of a revolt to a Pretender still in theireye. --_Swift. _ I think this was no ill design; yet it hath not succeededin mending kings. 

_Ibid. Burnet. _ I have used more than ordinary care to gather togetherall the particulars that were then laid before me as to that matter [thebirth of the Pretender]. --_Swift. _ And where are they?

P. 818. _Burnet_, after relating a long conversation with Bentinck[afterwards Earl of Portland], adds--Next morning I came to him, anddesired my _congé_. I would oppose nothing in which the Prince seemed tobe concerned, as long as I was his servant. And therefore I desired tobe disengaged, that I might be free to oppose this proposition [to offerhim the crown] with all the strength and credit I had. He answered me, that I might desire that when I saw a step made: But till then he wishedme to stay where I was. --_Swift. _ Is all this true?

P. 819. _Burnet. _ I heard no more of this; in which the Marquess ofHalifax was single among the peers: For I did not find there was any oneof them of his mind; unless it was the Lord Colepeper, who was a viciousand corrupt man, but made a figure in the debates that were now in theHouse of Lords, and died about the end of them. --_Swift. _ Yet was notthe same thing done in effect, while the King had the soleadministration?

P. 819. _Burnet. _ The Princess continued all the while in Holland, beingshut in there during the east winds, by the freezing of the rivers, andby contrary winds after the thaw came. So that she came not to Englandtill all the debates were over. --_Swift. _ Why was she [not] sent fortill the matter was agreed? This clearly shews the Prince's originaldesign was to be king, against what he professed in his Declaration. 

P. 820. _Burnet. _ [The Prince of Orange] said, he came over, beinginvited, to save the nation: He had now brought together a free and truerepresentative of the kingdom: He left it therefore to them to do whatthey thought best for the good of the kingdom: And, when things wereonce settled, he should be well satisfied to go back to Hollandagain. --_Swift. _ Did he tell truth?

_Ibid. Burnet. _ He thought it necessary to tell them, that he would notbe the Regent: So, if they continued in that design, they must look outfor some other person to be put in that post. --_Swift. _ Was not this aplain confession of what he came for?

P. 821. _Burnet. _ In the end he said, that he could not resolve toaccept of a dignity, so as to hold it only the life of another: Yet hethought, that the issue of Princess Anne should be preferred, in thesuccession, to any issue that he might have by any other wife than thePrincess. --_Swift. _ A great concession truly. 

P. 822. _Burnet. _ The poor Bishop of Durham [Lord Crewe], who hadabsconded for some time, . .. Was now prevailed on to come, and by votingthe new settlement to merit at least a pardon for all that he had done:Which, all things considered, was thought very indecent in him, yet notunbecoming the rest of his life and character. --_Swift. _ This is toohard, though almost true. 

_Ibid. Burnet. _ Then the power of the Crown to grant a _non-obstante_ tosome statutes was objected. --_Swift. _ Yet the words continue in patents. 

P. 824. _Burnet. _ A notion was started, which . .. Was laid thus: "ThePrince had a just cause of making war on the King. " In that most of themagreed. In a just war, in which an appeal is made to God, success isconsidered as the decision of Heaven. So the Prince's success againstKing James gave him the right of conquest over him. And by it all hisrights were transferred to the Prince. --_Swift. _ The author wrote apaper to prove this, and it was burnt by the hangman, and is a veryfoolish scheme. [8]

[Footnote 8: "A Pastoral Letter writ by . .. Gilbert, Lord Bishop ofSarum, to the clergy of his Diocess" [dated May 15th, 1689] wascondemned by the House of Commons on Jan. 23rd, 169-2/3, and ordered to"be burnt by the hand of the common hangman. " [T. S. ]]

BOOK VII. 

P. 525 (second volume). _Burnet_, speaking of the Act for the GeneralNaturalization of Protestants, and the opposition made against it by theHigh Church, adds:--This was carried in the House of Commons, with agreat majority; but all those, who appeared for this large andcomprehensive way, were reproached for their coldness and indifferencein the concerns of the Church: And in that I had a largeshare. --_Swift_. Dog. 

P. 526. _Burnet_. The faction here in England found out properinstruments, to set the same humour on foot [in Ireland], during theEarl of Rochester's government, and, as was said, by his directions:. .. So the clergy were making the same bold claim there, that had raisedsuch disputes among us. --_Swift_. Dog, dog, dog. 

P. 580. _Burnet_, speaking of the interruption in the negotiations for apeace consequent on the Earl of Jersey's death, adds:--_One Prior_, whohad been Jersey's secretary, upon his death, was employed to prosecutethat, which the other did not live to finish. Prior had been taken aboy, out of a tavern, by the Earl of Dorset, who accidentally found himreading Horace; and he, being very generous, gave him an education inliterature. --_Swift_. Malice. 

P. 581. _Burnet_. Many mercenary pens were set on work, to justify ourproceedings, and to defame our allies, more particularly the Dutch; thiswas done with much art, but _with no regard to truth_, in a pamphletentitled "The Conduct of the Allies, and of the late Ministry. "--_SwiftIt was all true_. 

_Ibid. Burnet_. The Jacobites did, with the greater joy entertain thisprospect of peace, because the Dauphin had, in a visit to St. Germains, congratulated that court upon it; which made them conclude, that it wasto have a happy effect, with relation to the Pretender'saffairs. --_Swift_. The Queen hated and despised the Pretender, to myknowledge. 

P. 583. _Burnet_, in a conference I had with the Queen on the subject ofpeace. --she hoped bishops would not be against peace: I said, a goodpeace was what we prayed daily for, but . .. Any treaty by which Spainand the West Indies were left to King Philip, must in a little whiledeliver up all Europe into the hands of France; and, if any such peaceshould be made, she was betrayed, and we were all ruined; in less thanthree years' time, she would be murdered, and the fires would be againraised in Smithfield. --_Swift_. A false prophet in every particular. 

P. 589. _Burnet_, the Queen having sent a message to the Lords toadjourn, it was debated:--that the Queen could not send a message to anyone House to adjourn, when the like message was not sent to both Houses:the pleasure of the Prince, in convening, dissolving, proroguing, orordering the adjournment of Parliaments, was always directed to bothHouses; but never to any one House, without the same intimation wasmade, at the same time, to the other. --_Swift_. Modern nonsense. 

P. 591. _Burnet_. The House of Commons, after the recess, entered on theobservations of the commissioners for taking the public accounts; andbegan with [Sir Robert] Walpole, whom they resolved to put out of theway of disturbing them in the House. --_Swift_. He began early, and hasbeen thriving _twenty-seven years_, to January 1739. 

P. 609. _Burnet_. A new set of addresses ran about. .. . Some of theseaddresses mentioned the Protestant succession, and the House of Hanover, with zeal; others did it more coldly; and some made no mention at all ofit. And it was universally believed, that no addresses were soacceptable to the ministers, as those of _the last sort_. --_Swift_. Foolish and factious. 

P. 610. _Burnet_. The Duke of Ormonde had given the States suchassurances, of his going along with them through the whole campaign, that he was let into the secrets of all their counsels, which by thatconfidence were all known to the French: And, if the auxiliary Germantroops had not been prepared to disobey his orders, it was believed he, in conjunction with the French army, would have forced the States tocome into the new measures. --_Swift_. Vile Scot, dare to touch Ormonde'shonour, and so falsely. 

P. 612. _Burnet_, the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mohun were engaged inlitigation; and:--upon a very high provocation, the Lord Mohun sent him[the Duke] a challenge, which he tried to decline: but both beinghurried, by those false points of honour, they fatally went out to HydePark, in the middle of November, and fought with so violent ananimosity, that neglecting the rules of art, they seemed to run on oneanother, as if they tried who should kill first; in which they were bothso unhappily successful, that the Lord Mohun was killed outright, andDuke Hamilton died in a few minutes after. [9]--_Swift_. Wrongly told. 

[Footnote: 9: A footnote to the 1833 edition of Burnet says that "theduke in the belief of some was killed by General Macartney, the LordMohun's second. " See also Chesterfield's letter quoted in Introduction, and Swift's own version in the "Four Last Years, " p. 178. [T. S. ]]

P. 614. _Burnet_ says of the Earl of Godolphin:--After having beenthirty years in the Treasury, and during nine of those Lord Treasurer, as he was never once suspected of corruption, or of suffering hisservants to grow rich under him, so in all that time his estate was notincreased by him to the value of £4, 000. _Swift_. A great lie. 

THE CONCLUSION. 

P. 669. _Burnet_, speaking of the progress of his own life, says:--Thepleasures of sense I did soon nauseate. --_Swift_. Not so soon with thewine of some elections. 

THE LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, BY THOMAS BURNET, ESQ. 

Opposite to the title-page:--_Swift_. A rude violent party jackanapes. 

In the Life, p. 719, is printed a letter from Archbishop Tillotson, dated October 23, 1764 [sic, the volume was printed in 1734, the dateshould be 1694], in which he says: "The account given of Athanasius'sCreed, seems to me no-wise satisfactory; I wish we were well rid ofit. "--_Swift_ has drawn a finger in the margin of his copy of Burnet'sHistory pointing to this passage. 

P. 722. _Thomas Burnet_. The character I have given his wives, willscarce make it an addition to his, that he was a most affectionatehusband. His tender care of the _first_, during a course of sickness, that lasted for many years; and _his fond love to the other two_, andthe deep concern he expressed for their loss, were no more than theirjust due, from one of his humanity, gratitude and discernment. --_Swift_. Three wives. 

P. 723. _Thomas Burnet_. The bishop was a kind and bountiful master tohis servants, whom he never changed, but with regret and throughnecessity: Friendly and obliging to all in employment under him, andpeculiarly happy in the choice of them; especially in that of thesteward to the bishopric and his courts, William Wastefield, Esq. (agentleman of a plentiful fortune, at the time of his accepting thispost) and in that of his domestic steward, Mr. _Mackney_. --_Swift_. AScot, his own countryman. 

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

NOTES ON THE FREE-HOLDER. 

NOTE

"THE FREE HOLDER" was a political periodical written in the form ofessays. It continued for fifty five numbers from Friday, December 23rd, 1715, to Friday, June 29th, 1716. Its purpose was to reconcile theEnglish nation to the Hanoverian succession. "These papers, " notesScott, "while they exhibit the exquisite humour and solid sense peculiarto the author, show also, even amid the strength of party, thatphilanthropy and gentleness of nature, which were equally hisdistinguishing attributes. None of these qualities would haveconciliated his great opponent, Swift, had the field of combat yetremained open to him. But as he withdrew from it in sullen indignation, he seems to have thrown out the following flashes of satire, as briefexamples of what he would have done had the hour of answer been yetcurrent. "

Scott obtained these "notes" from a transcription of the original inSwift's own hand, in a copy of "The Free holder" which belonged to Dr. Bernard, Bishop of Limerick. The present text is a reprint of Scott's, but the text of "The Free holder" has been read with the octavo andduodecimo editions of that periodical issued by Midwinter in 1716. Thetitles to the essays were not given in the original issue, except thatto No. 9. They were added as a "Contents" to the re-issue in volumeform. 

[T. S. ]

NOTES ON THE FREE-HOLDER. [1]

No. 2. _Dec. 26, 1715_. --_Of His Majesty's Character. _

_Addison. _

[Footnote 1: "The Free-holder, " conducted by Addison, was published onMondays and Fridays from December 23rd, 1715, till June 29th, 1716;fifty-five numbers were issued altogether. [T. S. ]]

It was by this [this firmness of mind] that he surmounted those manydifficulties which lay in the way to his succession. --_Swift_. Whatdifficulties were those, or what methods did he take to surmount them?

_Addison_. It is observed by Sir William Temple, that the English areparticularly fond of a king who is valiant: Upon which account HisMajesty has a title to all the esteem that can be paid the most warlikeprince; though at the same time, for the good of his subjects, hestudies to decline all occasions of military glory. --_Swift_. This seemsto be a discovery. 

_Addison_. I might here take notice of His Majesty's more privatevirtues, but have rather chosen to remind my countrymen of the publicparts of his character. --_Swift_. This is prudent. 

_Addison_. But the most remarkable interpositions of Providence, infavour of him, have appeared in removing those seemingly invincibleobstacles to his succession; in taking away, at so critical a juncture, the person who might have proved a dangerous enemy; etc. --_Swift_. False, groundless, invidious, and ungrateful. Was that person the Queen?

No. 3. _Dec. 30, 1715_. --_The Memoirs of a Preston Rebel. _

[_A Ludicrous Account of the Principles of the NorthumberlandInsurgents, and the Causes of their taking Arms_. ]--_Swift_. Could thisauthor, or his party, offer as good reasons for their infamous treatmentof our blessed Queen's person, government, and majesty?

The same. _Addison_. Having been joined by a considerable reinforcementof Roman Catholics, whom we could rely upon, as knowing themto be the best Tories in the nation, and avowed enemies toPresbyterianism. --_Swift_. By this irony, the best Whigs are professedfriends to fanatics. 

The same. _Addison_. But before we could give the word [to retreat], thetrainbands, taking advantage of our delay, fled first. --_Swift_. Anargument for a standing army. 

No. 6. _Jan. 9, 1715-16_. --_The Guilt of Perjury. _

_Addison_. Though I should be unwilling to pronounce the man who isindolent, or indifferent in the cause of his prince, to be absolutelyperjured; I may venture to affirm, that he falls very short of thatallegiance to which he is obliged by oath. --_Swift_. Suppose a kinggrows a beast, or a tyrant, after I have taken an oath: a 'prenticetakes an oath; but if his master useth him barbarously, the lad may beexcused if he wishes for a better. 

No. 7. _Jan. 13, 1715-16_. --_Of Party Lies. _

_Addison_. If we may credit common report, there are several remoteparts of the nation in which it is firmly believed, that all thechurches in London are shut up; and that if any clergyman walks thestreets in his habit, 'tis ten to one but he is knocked down by somesturdy schismatic. --_Swift_. No--but treated like a dog. 

No. 8. _Jan. 16, 1715-16_. --_The Female Association. _

_Addison_. It is therefore to be hoped that every fine woman will makethis laudable use of her charms; and that she may not want to befrequently reminded of this great duty, I will only desire her to thinkof her country every time she looks in her glass. --_Swift_. By no means, for if she loves her country, she will not be pleased with the sight. 

_Addison_. Every wife ought to answer for her man. If the husband beengaged in a seditious club or drinks mysterious healths . .. Let herlook to him, and keep him out of harm's way; etc. --_Swift_. Will theyhang a man for that. 

No. 9. _Jan. 20, 1715-16_. --_Answer of the Free-holders of Great Britainto the Pretender's Declaration. _

_The Declaration of the Free-holders of Great Britain, in Answer to thatof the Pretender_. --_Addison_. Can you in conscience think us to be suchfools as to rebel against the King, for . .. Having removed a general[the Duke of Ormonde] who is now actually in arms against him, etc. --_Swift_. Driven out by tyranny, malice, and faction. 

_Addison_. The next grievance, which you have a mighty mind to redressamong us, is the Parliament of Great Britain, against whom you bring astale accusation which has been used by every minority in the memory ofman; namely, that it was procured by unwarrantable influences andcorruptions. --_Swift. _ The freeholders will never sign this paragraph. 

_Addison_. How comes it to pass that the Electorate of Hanover is becomeall of a sudden one of the most inconsiderable provinces of theempire?--_Swift_. It is indeed grown considerable by draining ofEngland. 

No. 12. _Jan_. 30, 1715-16. --_The Guilt of Rebellion in general, and ofthe late Rebellion in particular_. 

_Addison_. The present rebellion [1715] is formed against a king, . .. Who has not been charged with one illegal proceeding. --_Swift_ Are youserious?

No. 13. _Feb_. 3, 1715-16. --_Of those who are indifferent in a time ofRebellion_, _Addison_. In such a juncture [a rebellion], though a man may beinnocent of the great breach which is made upon government, he is highlyculpable, if he does not use all the means that are suitable to hisstation for reducing the community into its former state of peace andgood order. --_Swift_. He speaks at his ease, but those who are ill usedwill be apt to apply what the boy said to his mother, who told him theenemy was approaching. 

_Addison_. This law [one of Solon's] made it necessary for every citizento take his party, because it was highly probable the majority would beso wise as to espouse that cause which was most agreeable to the publicweal. --_Swift_. No--for, in England, a faction that governs a weak, orhonours a wicked prince, will carry all against a majority in thekingdom, as we have seen by sad experience. 

No. 14. _Feb. _ 6, 1715-16. --_The Political Creed of a Tory Malcontent. _

_Addison_. Article XIII, That there is an unwarrantable faction in thisisland, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons. --_Swift_. This articleis too true, with a little alteration. 

The same. _Addison_. Article XV. That an Act of Parliament to empowerthe King to secure suspected persons in times of rebellion, is the meansto establish the sovereign on the throne, and consequently a greatinfringement of the liberties of the subject. --_Swift_. No--but todestroy liberty. 

No. 21. _Mar_. 2, 1715-16. --_The Birthday of Her Royal Highness thePrincess of Wales_. 

_Addison_. When this excellent princess was yet in her father's court, she was so celebrated for the beauty of her person, etc. --_Swift_. Ihave bad eyes. 

_Addison_. There is no part of her Royal Highness's character which weobserve with greater pleasure, than that behaviour by which she has somuch endeared herself to His Majesty. --_Swift. _ What would he saynow?[2]

[Footnote: 2: The prince and his father, George I. , were now [1727, justbefore George I. Died] at variance. [S. ]]

No. 24. _Mar_. 12, 1715-16. --_The Designs of His Majesty's Enemiesimpracticable_. 

_Addison_. To this we may add . .. That submissive deference of his RoyalHighness both from duty and inclination to all the measures of his Royalfather. --_Swift_. Which still continues. 

_Addison_. There is no question but His Majesty will be as generallyvalued and beloved in his British as he is in his German dominions, whenhe shall have time to make his royal virtues equally known amongus. --_Swift. _ How long time does he require?

No. 26. _Mar_. 19, 1715-16. --_Considerations offered to the disaffectedpart of the Fair Sex_. 

_Addison_. Several inconveniencies which those among them undergo, whohave not yet surrendered to the government. --_Swift_. Would he pimp forthe court?

No. 29. _Mar_. 30, 1716. --_The Practice of Morality necessary to make aParty flourish_. 

_Addison_. Those of our fellow-subjects, who are sensible of thehappiness they enjoy in His Majesty's accession to the throne, areobliged, by all the duties of gratitude, to adore that Providence whichhas so signally interposed in our behalf, by clearing a way to theProtestant succession through such difficulties as seemedinsuperable--_Swift_. I wish he had told us any one of thosedifficulties. 

_Addison_. It is the duty of an honest and prudent man, to sacrifice adoubtful opinion to the concurring judgement of those whom he believesto be well intentioned to their country, and who have betteropportunities of looking into all its most complicated interests. --_Swift_. A motion to make men go every length with their party. I am sorry tosee such a principle in this author. 

No. 31. _Apr_. 6, 1716. --_Answer to a celebrated Pamphlet entitled "AnArgument to prove the Affections of the People of England to be the bestSecurity of the Government; etc. "_

_Addison_. This middle method [of tempering justice with mercy] . .. Hashitherto been made use of by our sovereign. --_Swift_. In trifles. 

_Addison_. Would it be possible for him [the reader] to imagine, that ofthe several thousands openly taken in arms, and liable to death by thelaws of their country, not above forty have yet suffered?--_Swift. _ Atrifle!

_Addison_. Has not His Majesty then shewn the least appearance of gracein that generous forgiveness which he has already extended to such greatnumbers of his rebellious subjects, who must have died by the laws oftheir country, had not his mercy interposed in their behalf?--_Swift_. Prodigious clemency, not to hang all the common soldiers who followedtheir leaders!

_Addison_. Those who are pardoned would not have known the value ofgrace, if none had felt the effects of justice. --_Swift. _ And onlyhanging the lords and gentlemen, and some of the rabble. 

_Addison_. Their [the last ministry's] friends have ever since made useof the most base methods to infuse those groundless discontents into theminds of the common people, etc. --_Swift. _ Hath experience shown thosediscontents groundless?

_Addison_. If the removal of these persons from their posts has producedsuch popular commotions, the continuance of them might have producedsomething much more fatal to their king and country. --_Swift_. Veryfalse reasoning. 

_Addison_. No man would make such a parallel, [between the treatment ofthe rebels, and that of the Catalans under King Philip, ] unless his mindbe so blinded with passion and prejudice, as to assert, in the languageof this pamphlet, "That no instances can be produced of the least lenityunder the present administration from the first hour it commenced tothis day. "--_Swift_. Nor to this, 1727. 

_Addison_. God be thanked we have a king who punishes withreluctancy. --_Swift_. A great comfort to the sufferers!

_Addison_. It would be well if all those who . .. Are clamorous at theproceedings of His present Majesty, would remember, that notwithstandingthat rebellion [the Duke of Monmouth's] . .. Had no tendency . .. Todestroy the national religion, etc. --_Swift_. To introduce fanaticism, and destroy monarchy. 

_Addison_. No prince has ever given a greater instance of hisinclinations to rule without a standing army. --_Swift_. We find thistrue by experience. 

_Addison_. What greater instances could His Majesty have given of hislove to the Church of England, than those he has exhibited by his mostsolemn declarations; by his daily example; and by his promotions of themost eminent among the clergy to such vacancies as have happened in hisreign. --_Swift. _ Most undeniable truth, as any in Rabelais. 

No. 44. _May_ 21, 1716. --_Tory Foxhunter's Account of the Masquerade onthe Birth of the Arch-Duke. _

_Addison_. What still gave him greater offence was a drunken bishop, whoreeled from one side of the court to the other, and was very sweet uponan Indian Queen. --_Swift_. Then, that story is true?

No. 45. _May_ 25, 1716. --_The Use and Advantage of Wit and Humour underproper Regulations_. 

_Addison_. I have lately read with much pleasure, the "Essays uponseveral Subjects" published by Sir Richard Blackmore. --_Swift_. Iadmire to see such praises from this author to so insipid a scoundrel, whom I know he despised. 

No. 51. _June_ 15, 1716. --_Cautions to be observed in the reading ofancient Greek and Roman Historians_. 

_Addison_. "History of Free-thinking. "--_Swift_. Writ by Collins. 

_Addison_. The greatest theorists . .. Among those very people [theGreeks and Romans, ] have given the preference to such a form ofgovernment, as that which obtains in this kingdom. --_Swift_. Yet, thiswe see is liable to be wholly corrupted. 

No. 52. _June_ 18, 1716. --_Of State Jealousy_. 

_Addison_. It is plain, . .. That such a base ungenerous race of mencould rely upon nothing for their safety in this affront to His Majesty, [wearing a mark on the Pretender's birth-day, ] but the known gentlenessand lenity of his government. --_Swift_. Then the devil was in them. 

No. 54. _June_ 25, 1716. --_Preference of the Whig Scheme to that of theTories_. 

_Addison_. The Whigs tell us . .. That the Tory scheme would terminate inPopery and arbitrary government. --_Swift. _ But Tories never writ orspoke so gently and favourably of Popery, as Whigs do of Presbytery. Witness a thousand pamphlets on both sides. 

_Addison_. I shall not impute to any Tory scheme the administration ofKing James the Second, on condition that they do not reproach the Whigswith the usurpation of Oliver. --_Swift_. I will not accept thatcondition, nor did I ever see so unfair a one offered. 

No. 55. _June_ 29, 1716. --_Conclusion_. 

_Addison_. The enemies of His present Majesty . .. Find him in acondition to visit his dominions in Germany, without any danger tohimself, or to the public; whilst his dutiful subjects would be in noordinary concern upon this occasion, had they not the consolation tofind themselves left under the protection of a prince who makes it hisambition to copy out his Royal Father's example. --_Swift_ Then, why washe never trusted a second time?

_Addison_. It would indeed have been an unpardonable insolence for afellow-subject to treat in a vindictive and cruel style, those personswhom His Majesty has endeavoured to reduce to obedience by gentlemethods, which he has declared from the throne to be most agreeable tohis inclinations. --_Swift_. And is that enough?

_Addison_. May we not hope that all of this kind, who have the leastsentiments of honour or gratitude, will be won over to their duty by somany instances of Royal clemency?--_Swift_ Not one instance produced. 

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INDEX. 

ABINGDON, Earl of, character of, 279. Addison, Joseph, Swift and, 15; Swift's Notes on the Freeholder, 371-377. Aglionby, Mr. , character of, 284. Albemarle, Earl of, defeated at Denain, 169, 175; character of, 276. Allies, the, unfair treatment of England by, 104 _et seq_. Ancaster, Duke of, character of, 279. Anne, the Princess, her behaviour at the birth of the Pretender, 360. _See_ Anne, Queen. Anne, Queen, her treatment of Swift, 10 and _n_. , 15; offers a reward for discovery of author of the "Public Spirit of the Whigs, " 15; her change of ministry, 19, 31; her overtures with regard to peace, 31, 50; creates twelve new peers, 38, 39; stated to have pressed Marlborough to become general for life, 40; dismisses Marlborough, 48, 49; her conduct of the peace negotiations, _see_ Utrecht, Congress of; speech on the terms of peace with France, 151 _et seq_. Argyle, the family of, Swift on, 293, 300, 306, 308, 312, 313, 314, 317, 318, 319, 332, 335. Argyle, Archibald, Duke of, character of, 286. Arlington, Earl of, character of, 334. Assiento, the, demanded by England, 63, 67, 136, 144, 145, 153; the Dutch demand a share in, 130, 138, 140, 141. Aylesford, Earl of, Swift on, 350. Aylmer, Colonel Matthew (Lord), character of, 284. 

Baillie, Robert, 349-350; his execution, 351. Barrier Treaty, the, 41, 80-82; inquiry into, 99; laid before the House, 100; interests of Great Britain sacrificed by, 110-114; peace proposals affecting, 134, 135, 138, 140, 143; new treaty signed, 180-182. Bavaria, Elector of, peace proposals affecting, 79, 171, 176, 179, 183, 184, 188. Baxter, Richard, 337. Berkeley, Earl of, character of, 279. Berry, Duke of, declared heir to the French throne, 152, 174. Blackmore, Sir Richard, 376. Blackwell, Sir Lambert, character of, 284. Blunt, Sir John, on the National Debt, 91, 92. Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Lord, his estrangement from Harley, 13, 16; information given to Swift by, 18 _n_. ; and the Duke of Somerset, 33; his interview with Bothmar, 43; introduces Prince Eugene to the Queen, 43; hated by Eugene, 45; his attacks on Walpole, 84 and _n_. ; his energy in instituting an enquiry into the war, 119; his negotiations with Buys, 130; orders Ormonde not to fight, 150 _n_. , 156 _n_. ; letter to Thomas Harley on the conduct of the Dutch, 160 _n_. ; his opinion of Rebellion, 166 _n_. ; created Viscount, 170; his indignation at not being made an Earl, 170 _n_. ; his mission to France, 171, 172; mentioned, 76, 77, 121. Bolton, Charles, Duke of, character of, 274;Bothmar, M. , Hanover Envoy, memorial of, 42, 43, 129, 167; his interview with Bolingbroke, 43, 45, 48; deceives his master by false representations, 166. Boyle, Archbishop Michael, 354. Boyle, Hon. Henry (Lord Carleton), character of, 281. Boyle, Robert, 338. Bristol, John Digby, 3rd Earl of, 27 _n_. Bromley, William, 121. Brydges, Mr. (Duke of Chandos), character of, 280. Buckingham, Duke of, character of, 334, 335. Buckinghamshire, John Duke of, character of, 273. Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, 16, the originator of the National Debt, 88; character of, 282; Swift's remarks on his "History, " 325-368; appointed Professor of Divinity at Glasgow, 341; his "Lives of the Dukes of Hamilton, " 341; settled in Holland, 357; and the Earl of Portland, 364; his "Pastoral Letter, " 365, 366; his criticism of "The Conduct of the Allies, " 366; his opinion on the peace, 366, 367; his wives, 368. Burnet, Thomas, his life of Bishop Burnet, 368. Butler of Weston, Lord, character of, 281. Buys, Pensionary, Dutch envoy in London, 38, 41-43, 48, 60, 74-76, 80-82, 129; account of, 41, 42; on national debts, 88; his unreasonable proposals, 130; goes to Utrecht, 136; his hostile attitude to England, 136-139, 144; his altered behaviour, 187; charges all delays to Heinsius, 187. 

Cadogan, General, 164. Cardonnell, Adam, secretary to the Duke of Marlborough, expelled the house, 87. Carstairs, William, character of, 287, 345. Carstares, Rev. W. , 117, 118 _n_. Cartwright, Bishop, 356. Chandos, Lord, character of, 280. Charles II. , his mistresses, 339, 340, 344; Burnet's character of, 353. Charles VI. , Emperor, averse from ending the war, 42; his proposals, 43, 44; how affected by Treaty of Utrecht, 188; does not sign the Treaty, 190. Charles XII. , King of Sweden, Swift's veneration for, 195. Chesterfield, Earl of, character of, 279. Cholmondeley, Earl of, 19; character of, 280. Church of Rome, the, usurpations of, 207. Churches, suggestion for building fifty new, 20. Clarendon, Earl of, 16; Swift's remarks on his "History of the Rebellion, " 291-323, 332; Burnet on his banishment, 339, 340. Congreve, William, Swift and, 15. Cowper, Lord, character of, 28, 29. Craggs, father of the Secretary, 40. 

Crewe, Lord, Bishop of Durham, 365. Croissy, Chevalier de, 54. Cromwell, Oliver, Swift on, 314, 316, 333, 334; and the Countess of Dysert, 339. Cutts, Lord, character of, 284. 

Dartmouth, Earl of, 129; character of, 278. D'Avenant, Charles, character of, 282. D'Avenant, Mr. , agent at Frankfort, character of, 284. De La Warr, Lord, character of, 280. Denain, battle of, 52, 169. Derby, Earl of, character of, 276. De Witt, Pensionary, 338; the Prince of Orange and, 343. Disney, Colonel, 165. Dorislaus, Dr. , 317. Dorset, Earl of, character of, 276. Dundee, Earl of, Swift on, 362. Dunkirk, proposed demolition of, 62, 67, 68, 70, 74, 135, 153; Hill takes possession of, 161, 163, 165. Dutch, the, the French affect resentment against, 55 and _n. _; negotiate secretly with France, 55 _n. _, 60, 61, 139, 143, 145; their answer to the French proposals, 59; French and English preliminaries submitted to, 71; their object in sending M. Buys to London, 76; agree to Congress of Utrecht, 79; their treaty with England, 80-82, 129; fail to observe their agreements, 104, 105; unreasonable demands of, 130; misled by factions in England, 131, 137, 142, 145, 158, 161, 175; the Queen's indignation with, 131; hostile attitude of, to England, 138, 139, 144, 145; English concessions to, 143; protest against Ormonde's refusal to fight, 159, 160, 162; refuse Ormonde passage through their towns, 163; refuse to join England in the armistice, 168; their consequent losses, 175; discover they have been deceived, 176, 184; their proposals, 176; last English offers to, 179; new Succession and Barrier treaty concluded with, 180, 181, 182; convinced of the Queen's sincerity, 184. Dysert, Countess of, and Cromwell, 339. 

"Eikon Basilike, " Swift on, 333. England, Abstract of the History of, 195-270. Essex, Earl of, 276, 303, 305; Swift on, 305; suicide of, 350. Eugene, Prince, in England, 43; design of his visit, 44, 45, 132; his hatred of Bolingbroke, 45; his action in Flanders, 147; deserts Ormonde, 162. 

Fairfax, Lord, 333. Falkland, Lord, and Prince Rupert, 300;his discourses against the Roman Catholic religion, 303;character of, 303. Feversham, Earl of, character of, 279; Burnet on, 361. Fitzgerald, Percy, his collation of the "Four Last Years, " xxi; his collation of Swift's remarks on Clarendon, 290. "Four Last Years of the Queen, " History of the, editor's advertisement to, 5; editor's motives in publishing, 7; editor's criticism of Swift, 8-11; Swift's reasons for writing, 13, 14; Swift's materials for, 14. _See also_ Introduction. Fletcher, Andrew, of Saltoun, character of, 287. France, offers terms of peace, 51; refuses the British demands, 51, 53; anxious for peace, 53; affects resentment against the Dutch, 55 and _n. _; negotiations between the Allies and, 56 _et seq. , see_ Utrecht, Congress of; renounces the succession In Spain, 152, 173, 174. Frankland, Sir Thomas, character of, 281. "Free Thoughts on the Present State of Affairs, " publication of, delayed by Bolingbroke, 21 _n_. 

Gallas, Count, Austrian Ambassador, 44, 54; forbidden the Court, 77, 78. Galway, Earl of, character of, 284. Gaultier, Abbé, employed in peace negotiations, 53 and _n_. , 54 _et seq_. , 78, 142. George I. , Addison on, 374, 375, 376, 377. Gertruydenberg, conference at, 54, 55, 56, 59, 76. Gibraltar, to be annexed to Britain, 136, 140, 141, 153. Godolphin, Earl of, character of, 26, 27; nicknamed "Volpone, " 27; his treatment of the Duke of Somerset, 33; in need of protection, 41; debt incurred under his administration, 92, 93, 96; at the head of the Junto, 129; Burnet on, 348, 368. Goodenough, under-sheriff of London, 354. Grafton, Duke of, character of, 275. Grand Alliance, the, 70, 83. Grantham, Earl of, character of, 279. Greenvil, Sir Richard, Swift on, 309. Grey of Werke, Lord, character of, 280. Griffin, Lord, character of, 280. Guernsey, Heneage Finch, Lord, 30. Guilford, Lord, character of, 280. Guiscard, Marquis de, 97, 120. Gyllenborg, Count de, the "Abstract of the History of England, " dedicated to, 194, 195. 

Hague, The, conference at, 51, 54, 55, 59, 65. Halifax, Lord, character of, 275. 

Hamilton, 3rd Marquess, afterwards Duke of, Swift on, 293, 305, 306, 317, 321. Hamilton, James Douglas, 4th Duke of, his duel with Lord Mohun, 178, 179, 286, 367; character of, 286. Hanmer, Sir Thomas, his "Representation, " 100. Hanover, the Elector of, 34, 42; his "Memorial to the Queen, " 42, 43 and _n_. ; deceived by Robethon and Bothmar, 166, 167; T. Harley's mission to, 167, 168. Hanover, House of, Bill for fixing the precedence of the, 98, 99. Harley, Robert, Earl of Oxford, his estrangement from Bolingbroke, 13, 16; information given to Swift by, 18 _n_. ; his financial measures, 20, 96-98; blamed in connection with Nottingham's amendment to the address, 38; advises the Queen to create new peers, 38; character of, 93-96, 281. Harley, Thomas, his mission to Utrecht, 140; sent to Hanover, 166, 167, 168. Hartington, Marquess of, character of, 275. Hedges, Sir Charles, 86. Heinsius, Pensionary, 60; charged by Bays with all delays, 187. Henderson, Alexander, "a cursed fanatic, " 294. Henry I. , history of reign of, 217-237; his character and person, 236. Henry II. , history of the reign of, 265-268; character of, 269. Hickes, Dean, 346, 347. Hill, John, takes Dunkirk, 161, 163, 165. Hill, Richard, character of, 283. Hoffman, the Emperor's Resident in England, 129, 132. Holland, Earl of, Swift on, 304. Hompesch, Count, Dutch General, 164, 175. Hurry, Colonel, character of, 302, 303, 307. 

Ingoldsby, Colonel, 323. Ireland, "a most obscure disagreeable country, " 196; slow growth of civilization in, 267, 268. 

James II, the "abdicated king, " 10, 11, 26; flight and capture of, 361. Jeffreys, Judge, his death in the Tower, 361. Jersey, Earl of, 35; and the Abbe Gaultier, 54. Johnstoun, James, character of, 287. Junto, Lords of the, 32, 39, 129. 

Kennedy, Lady Margaret, married Bishop Burnet, 328. Kent, Earl (afterwards Duke) of, character of, 279. 

Land, Bill appointing Commissioners to examine into Crown grants of, 121. Lauderdale, Earl of, Swift on, 317. Leightoun, Bishop, Burnet on, 335; death of, 351, 352. Leopold, the Emperor, fails to observe his agreements, 105. Lewis, Erasmus, letter of, to Swift, on the "Four Last Years, " quoted, x, 25 _n_. , 30 _n_. , 33 _n_. , 42 _n_. , 45 _n_. Lexington, Lord, appointed Ambassador in Spain, 178, 190; character of, 280;Lindsey, Earl of _See_ Ancaster, Duke of. Louis XIV. , King of France, his negotiations for peace, 51 _et seq_. , _See_ Utrecht, Congress of. Lorraine, Duke of, 61. Lucas, Dr. Charles, Editor of the "Four Last Years, " 5 _n_. Lucas, Lord; character of, 277. Lumley, Lord, character of, 358. 

Macartney, General, kills the Duke of Hamilton, 178, 179, 286. Macky, John, account of, 272; "Memoirs of the Secret Services of, " 272; his characters of the Court of Queen Anne, 273, 288. Mansell, Thomas (afterwards Lord), character of, 281. Mar, Earl of, character of, 287. March Club, the, 121. Marlborough, Duke of, 19, 58; character of, 24, 25, 273; insinuations against his courage, 25 and _n_. , 48; fears an inquiry, 40; his demand to be made general for life, 40, 41; fall of, 46, 49; accused of corruption, 84, 86; his deduction of 2-1/2 per cent from the pay of foreign troops, 85, 116; at the head of the Junto, 129; endeavours to dissuade the Dutch from concluding peace, 187, 188; "detestably covetous, " 273; Burnet on, 359. Marlborough, Duchess of, character of, 25, 26. Masham, Mrs. , her hostility to the Duke of Marlborough, 87. Maynard, Sir John, 347, 362. Mesnager, M. , his mission to London, 66, 67; appointed plenipotentiary at Utrecht, 80; favours the Dutch, 165; quarrels with Count Rechteren, 177, 181, 182; his unreasonable attitude, 182, 183, 189. Methuen, Sir Paul, character of, 283. Mew, Bishop, character of, 352. Middleton, Earl of, character of, 287. Milton's "Paradise Lost, " Burnet's criticism of, 336. Mohun, Lord, his duel with the Duke of Hamilton, 178, 367; character of, 278. Molo, Dutch agent, 139, 166. Montagu, Duke of, character of, 275. Monteleon, Marquis of, Spanish ambassador in London, 190. Montrevil, M. , 310, 311. Montrose, Marquess (afterwards Duke) of, character of, 286, 311, 318, 333. Munster, Treaty of, 112. 

Nassau, Count, 164. National Debt, the, origin of, 87. Newcastle, Duke of, 35; character of, 274. Newfoundland, to be restored to England, 63, 68, 136, 153; French fishing rights in, 68. Northumberland, George, Duke of, character of, 274. Nottingham, Earl of, character of, 29, 30; his nicknames, 30 _n_. ; his amendment to the address with reference to the peace, 34 _n_. , 36, 129, 131; out of favour at Court, 34; his disappointment, 35; goes over to the Whigs, 35, 48, 129; his bill against Occasional Conformity, 35, 37, 39, 40; votes against the Bill for appointing Commissioners to examine into Crown grants of land, 122; character of, 274. 

Occasional Conformity, Bill against, 35, 37, 39, 40. October Club, the, 120. O'Hara, Sir Charles. _See_ Tyrawley, Lord. Orange, Prince of. _See_ William III. Orkney, Earl of, character of, 284. Orkney, Lady, 355. Ormonde, Duke of, succeeds Marlborough in Flanders, 46, 143; ordered to avoid fighting, 146, 150 _n_. , 156 and _n_. ; refuses to fight, 147; anger of the Dutch against, 147, 148; why unable to take Dunkirk, 159; deserted by the allies, 162; declares an armistice, 163; refused passage through Dutch towns, 163; takes possession of Ghent and Bruges, 164, 165; character of, 273; Burnet on, 360, 367; Addison on, 372. Ossuna, Duke d', 190. Oxford, Countess of, "cheated by her father, " 274. Oxford, Earl of. _See_ Harley. 

Palatines, the, 115. Parker, Chief Justice, 38. Parliament, origin of, in England, 225-227. Patrick, Bishop, character of, 337, 340. Peace, desire for, 19, 20; the Queen's overtures in favour of, 31, 50; amendment to the address with reference to, carried, 36; history of the negotiations for, 51 _et seq. See_ Utrecht, Congress of. Penn, William, Swift on, 356. Petecum, M. , 56 _n_. ; his negotiations with Torcy, 60. Peterborough, Earl of, a spy in the service of, 77; character of, 277. Philip V. , King of Spain, renounces the Kingdom of France, 142, 143, 146, 151, 157. Polignac, Abbé de, one of the plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, 79, 82, 166; made a cardinal, 182. Porter, Sir Charles, 354. Portland, Earl of, character of, 276. Poulett, Lord, character of, 278. Powis, Sir Thomas, 354. Press, licence of the, 124; Bill for regulation of, not passed, 126. Pretender, the, sent out of France, 189; Burnet on the birth of, 358, 364; taken to France, 360, 361; hated by the Queen, 366. Prior, M. , his "History of his own Time, " quoted, 55 _n_. , 61; mission to Versailles, 56 _n_. , 61, 63; his return, 66; mission to France with Bolingbroke, 172, 176, 184; character of, 282; Burnet on, 366. Protestant religion, meaning of the words, 296. Protestants, Act for naturalizing foreign, 114. Pym, John, Swift on the death of, 306. 

Quakers, their objection to oaths, 127, 128. Queen Elizabeth's Day, 47 and _n_. 

Raby, Lord. _See_ Strafford, Earl of. Rechteren, Count, his quarrel with M. Mesnager, 177, 181, 182. Report of the Commissioners for inspecting public accounts, 84-87. "Representation, " the, on the war presented to the Queen, 100-114, 118; Dutch memorial in answer to, 119. Richmond, Duke of, character of, 274. Rivers, Earl, his mission to Hanover, 166, 167; character of, 276. Robethon, a Frenchman in the Elector of Hanover's service, 166. Robinson, Dr. , Bishop of Bristol, made Lord Privy Seal, 20, 35; plenipotentiary at Utrecht, 31, 82; goes to Holland, 132; opens the Congress, 138 _et seq_. Rochester, Earl of, 32, 35; Burnet on, 340, 341. Romney, Henry, Earl of, character of, 274, 358. Ronquillo, Don Pedro de, Spanish Ambassador, his house pulled down, 361. Rothes, Earl of, character of, 294; a remark of, quoted, 346. Rouille, M. , 52. Roxburgh, Duke of, and the Earl of Nottingham, 35. 

Sacheverell, Dr. , trial of, 20, 24, 53; nicknames Godolphin "Volpone, " 27. St. John, George, 191 _n_. St. John, Henry. _See_ Bolingbroke. St. John, Oliver, 294, 295, 296. Sancroft, Archbishop, Burnet on, 345, 355, 363. Sandwich, Earl of, character of, 277. Savoy, Duke of, peace proposals affecting, 62, 63, 76, 78, 79, 135, 155, 171, 178, 180. Scarborough, Earl of, 36. Scotch, the, Swift's hatred of. _See_ Remarks on Clarendon's History and Burnet's History, 291-368 _passim_. Scotland, Act of Toleration with, regard to the Episcopal Church of, 116, 117, 118 _n_. ; Act restoring Patronage in the Church of, 117, 118, and _n_. Shaftesbury (Sir A. A. Cooper), Earl of, character of, 303, 306. Sharp, Archbishop, 334, 336, 338, 341, 346. Sheldon, Archbishop, character of, 339. Shrewsbury, Earl of, character of, 358. Shrewsbury, Duke of, 54; appointed Ambassador at Paris, 181 _et seq_. ; Swift's opinion of, 186 _n_. Shower, Rev. Mr. , letter to Harley from, 39. Sichel, Walter, his "Bolingbroke and his Times, " quoted, 77 _n_. Sidney, Henry. _See_ Romney, Earl of. Smith, Rt. Hon. John, character of, 282. Somers, Lord, character of, 22-24, 275. Somerset, Duke of, 19, 48; the hope of the Whigs, 31; in favour with the Queen, 32; and Lord Godolphin, 32, 33; his breach with the Tories, 33; at the head of the Junto, 129. Somerset, Duke of, character of, 273. Spain, the war in, 106; peace proposals affecting, 134, 135; not represented at the Congress of Utrecht, 190; treaty between Great Britain and, 190. Sprat, Bishop, Burnet on, 348. Stamford, Earl of, character of, 277, 301. Stanhope, Colonel, character of, 284. Stanhope, Earl, character of, 284. Steele, Sir R. , Swift and, 15 and _n_. Stephen, King, history of the reign of, 238-264; his character and person, 262. Stepney, George, character of, 283. Sterne, Archbishop, character of, 352. Strafford, Earl of, attainder of, 295, 296. Strafford (Lord Raby), Earl of, plenipotentiary at Utrecht, 31, 82, 131 _et seq_. ; his negotiations at the Hague, 57, 58, 71; character of, 283. Sunderland, Earl of, character of, 27, 28; his library, 27 and _n_. ; character of, 277. Sutherland, Earl of, character of, 286. Swift, Jonathan, avowal of his independence, 15; endeavours to reconcile Harley and Bolingbroke, 16; on the Hanoverian succession, 16, 17; his suggestion for building new churches in London, 20 _n_. ; his definition of Whig and Tory, 21 _n_. ; helped Sir Thos. Hanmer with the "Representation, " 100; his remarks on characters of the court of Queen Anne, 273-288; his remarks on Clarendon's "History of the Rebellion, " 291-323, 330; his remarks on Burnet's "History, " 323-368; his notes on the "Free-holder, " 371-377. 

_Tacking_, explained, 123. Temple, Sir William, Burnet on, 344, 345, 362. Tenison, Archbishop, character of, 282, 337. Thanet, Earl of, character of, 277. Titus, Colonel, Swift on, 331. Torcy, Marquis de, his conduct of the peace negotiations, 51 _et seq_. , 142, 146, 147; his opinion of the British army, 169; suggests that the Queen should join with France in compelling the Dutch to a peace, 170; the prime mover in favour of peace, 183; testimony to his candour and integrity, 183, 184. Tory principles, Swift's definition of, 21 _n_. Townshend, Lord, on Dr. Lucas, 5 _n_. ; and the Barrier Treaty, 41, 58, 99; declared an enemy to the Queen and kingdom, 100, 113; character of, 278. Trimnel, Dr. , Bishop of Norwich, 27 _n_. Tyrawley, Lord, character of, 284. 

Utrecht, Congress at, 20, 31, 50; negotiations leading to, 51-82; French overtures to England, 56; transmitted to Holland, 57; the Dutch reply, 59; English preliminary demands sent to France, 62; the French reply, 67; preliminaries signed by France and England, 69; communicated to Holland, 71; Dutch objections, 74; the Congress agreed to, 79; instructions of the English plenipotentiaries, 133; opening of the Congress, 138; Dutch obstruction, 139 _et seq. _; result of Ormonde's refusal to fight, 148, 149; England declares herself under no obligation to the Dutch, 149, 150; terms of peace between England and France, 151-155; proposed armistice, 157; anger of the Dutch, 158; the conference resumed, 172; difficulties caused by dissensions with the Dutch, 175; the Dutch change their attitude, 176, 184; English ultimatum, 185; the French yield, 186; further delay caused by French "litigious manner of treating, " 188; Treaty of Utrecht signed, 190. Uxelles, Marechal d', one of the plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, 79; favours the Dutch, 165, 183. 

Vanderdussen, M. , 60. Vane, Sir Harry, the younger, character of, 305, 316; execution of, 336, 337. Villars, Marechal de, 147, 156, 159, 165, 169. 

Walker, Dr. , defended Londonderry, 362. Walker, Sir Edward, 306. Wallis, Count, 163. Walpole, Horatio, 52. Walpole, Sir Robert, 37; committed to the Tower, 84; attacked by Bolingbroke, 84 _n_. Walsh, Peter, 338. Wariston, Swift on, 335-338. Weems, Earl of, character of, 288. Wharton, Earl of, 38; character of, 28, 278; his Irish administration, 41. "Whigs, Public Spirit of the, " a reward offered by the Queen for discovery of the author of, 15. Whig and Tory, distinction between, 20, 21 _n_. Wild Serjeant, 316. William Rufus, history of the reign of, 202, 216; his character and person, 214. William III. , King, character of, 355; his Declaration, 359; comes to England, 359, 360, 365; Addison on, 371. Williams, Archbishop, 292, 296, 297, 298. Wincam, Sir George, married Burnet's great aunt, 333. Winchilsea, Earl of, character of, 277. Wolley, Bishop, of Clonfert, 340. Wright, Sir Nathan, character of, 275. 

York, Duke of (afterwards James II. ), Swift on, 312, 314, 315, 320, 321, 322, 323. 

Zinzendorf, Count, Austrian Envoy at the Hague, 77, 78; sows jealousies between England and Holland, 158; deludes the Dutch with promises, 168, 176, 180.