THE PROSE WORKS OF JONATHAN SWIFT

VOL. IX

GEORGE BELL & SONSLONDON: YORK STREET, COVENT GARDENCAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. 

[Illustration: _Jonathan Swift from the picture by Charles Jervas in theBodlean Library Oxford_]

THE PROSE WORKS OF JONATHAN SWIFT, D. D. 

EDITED BY TEMPLE SCOTT

VOL IX

CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE TATLER, " "THE EXAMINER, " "THE SPECTATOR, " AND"THE INTELLIGENCER"

LONDONGEORGE BELL AND SONS 1902

CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. 

INTRODUCTION

Swift has been styled the Prince of Journalists. Like most titles whoseaim is to express in modern words the character and achievements of a manof a past age, this phrase is not of the happiest. Applied to soextraordinary a man as Jonathan Swift, it is both misleading andinadequate. At best it embodies but a half-truth. It belongs to thatclass of phrases which, in emphasizing a particular side of thecharacter, sacrifices truth to a superficial cleverness, and so doesinjustice to the character as a whole. The vogue such phrases obtain isthus the measure of the misunderstanding that is current; so that itoften becomes necessary to receive them with caution and to test themwith care. 

A prince in his art Swift certainly was, but his art was not the art ofthe journalist. Swift was a master of literary expression, and of allforms of that expression which aim at embodying in language the commonlife and common facts of men and their common nature. He had hislimitations, of course; but just here lies the power of his specialgenius. He never attempted to express what he did not fully comprehend. If he saw things narrowly, he saw them definitely, and there was nomistaking the ideas he wished to convey. "He understands himself, " saidDr. Johnson, "and his reader always understands him. " Within hislimitations Swift swayed a sovereign power. His narrowness of vision, however, did never blind him to the relations that exist between fact andfact, between object and subject, between the actual and the possible. Atthe same time it was not his province, as it was not his nature, tohandle such relations in the abstract. The bent of his mind was towardsthe practical and not the pure reason. The moralist and the statesmanwent hand in hand in him--an excellent example of the eighteenth centurythinker. 

But to say this of Swift is not to say that he was a journalist. Thejournalist is the man of the hour writing for the hour in harmony withpopular opinion. Both his text and his heads are ready-made for him. Hefollows the beaten road, and only essays new paths when conditionshave become such as to force him along them. Such a man Swift certainlywas not. Journalism was not his way to the goal. If anything, it was, asEpictetus might have said, but a tavern by the way-side in which he tookoccasion to find the means by which the better to attain his goal. IfSwift's contributions to the literature of his day be journalism, thendid journalism spring full-grown into being, and its history since histime must be considered as a history of its degeneration. But they weremuch more than journalism. That they took the form they did, incontributions to the periodicals of his day, is but an accident whichdoes not in the least affect the contributions themselves. These, inreality, constitute a criticism of the social and political life of thefirst thirty years of the English eighteenth century. From the time ofthe writing of "A Tale of a Tub" to the days of the Drapier's Letters, Swift dissected his countrymen with the pitiless hand of themaster-surgeon. So profound was his knowledge of human anatomy, individualand social, that we shudder now at the pain he must have inflicted in hisunsparing operations. So accurate was his judgment that we stand amazedat his knowledge, and our amazement often turns to a species of horror aswe see the cuticle flapped open revealing the crude arrangement beneath. Nor is it to argue too nicely, to suggest that our present sympathy forthe past pain, our amazement, and our horror, are, after all, our ownunconscious tributes to the power of the man who calls them up, and ourconfession of the lasting validity of his criticism. 

This is not the power nor is it the kind of criticism that are theelements of the art of the journalist. Perhaps we should be glad that itis not; which is but to say that we are content with things as theyexist. It requires a special set of conditions to precipitate a Swift. Happily, if we will have it so, the conditions in which we find ourselvesask for that kind of journalist whose function is amply fulfilled whenhe has measured the movements of the hour by the somewhat higherstandards of the day. The conditions under which Swift lived demanded ajournalist of an entirely different calibre; and they got him. Theyobtained a man who dissolved the petty jealousies of party power in theacid of satire, and who distilled the affected fears for Church and Statein the alembic of a statesmanship that establishes a nation's majesty anddignity on the common welfare of its free people. When Swift, at thebeginning of the November of 1710, was called in to assist the Tory partyby undertaking the work of "The Examiner, " he found a condition of thingsso involved and so unstable, that it required the very nicestappreciation, the most delicate handling, and the boldest of hearts toreadjust and re-establish, without fearful consequences. Harley and St. John were safely housed, and, apparently, amply protected by asubstantial majority. But majorities are often not the most trustworthyof supports. Apart from the over-confidence which they inspire, andapart from the danger of a too-enthusiastic following, such as foundexpression in the October Club, there was the danger which might comefrom the dissatisfaction of the people at large, should their temper bewrongly gauged; and at this juncture it was not easy to gauge. Thepopularity of Marlborough and his victories, on the one hand, wasundoubted. On the other, however, there was the growing opinion thatthose victories had been paid for at a price greater than England couldafford. If she had gained reputation and prestige, these could not fillthe mouths of the landed class, gradually growing poorer, and the membersof this class were not of a disposition to restrain their feelings asthey noted the growing prosperity of the Whig stock-jobbers--aprosperity that was due to the very war which was beggaring them. If thelanded man cried for peace, he was answered by the Whig stock-jobber thatpeace meant the ultimate repudiation of the National Debt, with thecertainty of the reign of the Pretender. If the landed man spoke for theChurch, the Whig speculator raised the shout of "No Popery!" The war hadtransformed parties into factions, and the ministry stood between aScylla of a peace-at-any-price, on the one side, and a Charybdis of awar-at-any-price on the other; or, if not a war, then a peace soone-sided that it would be almost impossible to bring it about. 

In such troubled waters, and at such a critical juncture, it was given toSwift to act as pilot to the ship of State. His papers to "The Examiner"must bear witness to the skill with which he accomplished the task setbefore him. His appeal to the people of England for confidence in theministry, should be an appeal not alone on behalf of its distinguishedand able members, but also on behalf of a policy by which "the crookedshould be made straight and the rough places plain. " Such was to be thenature of his appeal, and he made it in a series of essays that turnedevery advantage with admirable effect to the side of his clients. Notanother man then living could have done what he did; and we question ifeither Harley or St. John ever realized the service he rendered them. Thelater careers of these two men furnish no doubtful hints of what mighthave happened at this period had Swift been other than the man he was. 

But Swift's "Examiners" did much more than preserve Harley's head on hisshoulders; they brought the nation to a calmer sense of its position, andtutored it to a juster appreciation of the men who were using it forselfish ends. Let us make every allowance for purely special pleadings;for indulgence in personal feeling against the men who had eitherdisappointed, injured, or angered him; for the party man affecting orgenuinely feeling party bitterness, for the tricks and subterfuges of thepaid advocate appealing to the passions and weaknesses of those whosefavour he was seeking to win; allowing for these, there are yet left inthese papers a noble spirit of wide-eyed patriotism, and a distinguishedgrasp of the meaning of national greatness and national integrity. 

The pamphleteers whom he opposed, and who opposed him, were powerlessagainst Swift. Where they pried with the curiosity and meanness of pettydealers, Swift's insight seized on the larger relations, and insisted onthem. Where they "bantered, " cajoled, and sneered, arousing a very mildirritation, Swift's scornful invective, and biting satire silenced intofear the enemies of the Queen's chosen ministers. Where their jejune"answers" gained a simper, Swift's virility of mind, range of power, anddexterity of handling, compelled a homage. His Whig antagonists hadgood reason to dread him. He scoffed at them for an existence that wasfounded, not on a devotion to principles, but on a jealousy for the powerothers enjoyed. "The bulk of the Whigs appears rather to be linked to acertain set of persons, than any certain set of principles. " To thesepersons also he directed his grim attention, Somers, Cowper, Godolphin, Marlborough, and Wharton were each drawn with iron stylus and acid. ToWharton he gave special care (he had some private scores to pay off), andin the character of Verres, he etched the portrait of a profligate, anunscrupulous governor, a scoundrel, an infidel to his religion andcountry, a reckless, selfish, low-living blackguard. In the Letter toMarcus Crassus, Marlborough is addressed in language that the simplestfarm-labourer could understand. The letter is a lay sermon on the vice ofavarice, and every point and illustration are taken from Marlborough'slife with such telling application that Marlborough himself must havetaken thought as he read it. "No man, " Swift finely concludes, "of truevalour and true understanding, upon whom this vice has stolen unawares;when he is convinced he is guilty, will suffer it to remain in his breastan hour. "

But these attentions to the Whigs as a party and as individuals were, after all, but the by-play of the skilled orator preparing the minds ofhis hearers for the true purpose in hand. That purpose may originallyhave been to fix the ministry in the country's favour; but Swift havingfulfilled it, and so discharged his office, turned it, as indeed he couldnot help turning it, and as later in the Drapier's Letters he turnedanother purpose, to the persuasion of an acceptance of those broadprinciples which so influenced political thought during the last years ofthe reign of Queen Anne. It is with these principles in his mind that Dr. Johnson confessed that Swift "dictated for a time the political opinionsof the English nation. " He recalled the nation to a consideration of theConstitution; he attributed to the people (because, of course, they hadelected the new ministry into power) an appreciation of what was best forthe protection of their ancient privileges and rights. The past twentyyears had been a period of mismanagement, in which the Constitution hadbeen ignored; "but the body of the people is wiser; and by the choicethey have made, shew they do understand our Constitution, and would bringit back to the old form. " "The nation has groaned under the intolerableburden of those who sucked her blood for gain. We have carried on wars, that we might fill the pockets of stock-jobbers. We have revised ourConstitution, and by a great and united national effort, have secured ourProtestant succession, only that we may become the tools of a faction, who arrogate to themselves the whole merit of what was a national act. Weare governed by upstarts, who are unsettling the landmarks of our socialsystem, and are displacing the influence of our landed gentry by that ofa class of men who find their profit in our woes. " The rule of thetradesman must be replaced by the rule of those whose lives are bound upwith the land of their country. The art of government was not "theimportation of nutmegs, and the curing of herrings;" but the politicalembodiment of the will of "a Parliament freely chosen, withoutthreatening or corruption, " and "composed of landed men" whose interestsbeing in the soil would be at one with the interests of those who livedon the soil. Whigs and Tories may dispute as they will among themselvesas to the best side from which to defend the country; but the men of thetrue party are the men of the National party--they "whose principles inChurch and State, are what I have above related; whose actions arederived from thence, and who have no attachment to any set of ministers, further than as these are friends to the Constitution in all its parts;but will do their utmost to save their Prince and Country, whoever be atthe Helm". [1]

In this spirit and in such wise did Swift temper his time and championthe cause of those men who had chosen him. This was a kind of "examining"to which neither the Whigs nor the Tories had been accustomed. It shedquite a new light on matters, which the country at large was not slow toappreciate. Throughout the length and breadth of the kingdom "TheExaminer" was welcomed and its appeals responded to. Its success wasnotable, even magnificent; but it was not a lasting success. It did thework that the ministry had intended it to do, and did it unmistakably;but the principles of this National party were for men of a sterner mouldthan either Harley or St. John. Swift had laid a burden on theirshoulders heavier than they could carry, and they fell when they werebereft of his support. But the work Swift did bears witness to-day to avery unusual combination of qualities in the genius of this man, whosepersonality stands out even above his work. It was ever his fate to serveand never his happiness to command; but then he had himself acceptedservitude when he donned the robe of the priest. 

It is deserving of repeated record to note that Dr. Johnson in admittingthat Swift, in "The Examiner, " had the advantage in argument, adds that"with regard to wit, I am afraid none of Swift's papers will be foundequal to those by which Addison opposed him. " To which Monck Masonpertinently remarks: "The Doctor should have told us what these paperswere which Addison wrote in opposition to Swift's 'Examiner;' for thelast 'Whig Examiner, ' written by Addison, was published October 12th, 1710, and Swift's first 'Examiner' on the 2nd November following. "[2]

 * * * * *

In this volume have been collected those writings of Swift which form hiscontributions to the periodicals of his time. Care has been taken to givethe best text and to admit nothing that Swift did not write. In thepreparation of the volume the editor has received such assistance fromMr. W. Spencer Jackson that it might with stricter justice be said thathe had edited it. He collated the texts, revised the proofs, and suppliedmost of the notes. Without his assistance the volume must inevitably havebeen further delayed, and the editor gladly takes this occasion toacknowledge his indebtedness to Mr. Jackson and to thank him for hishelp. 

His further indebtedness must be acknowledged to the researches of thosewriters already named in the previously published volumes of thisedition, and also cited in the notes to the present volume. 

TEMPLE SCOTT. 

GLEN RIDGE, NEW JERSEY, U. S. A. 

_April_ 8, 1902. 

[Footnote 1: "Examiner, " No. 44, p. 290. ]

[Footnote 2: "Hist. St. Patrick's Cathedral, " p. 257, note g. ]

CONTENTS

CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE TATLER"Introductory NoteNo. 32, June 23, 1709 35, " 30, " 59, Aug. 25, " 65, Sept. 3, " 66, " 10, " 67, " 13, " 68, " 15, " 70, " 22, " 71, " 22, " 230, Sept. 28, 1710 258, Dec. 2, "

Note to Harrison's "Tatler"No. 1 (of vol. V. ), Jan. 13, 1710-11 2 ( " ), " 16, " 5 ( " ), " 27, "No. 298 (vol. V. , No. 20), March 6, 1710-11 302 (vol. V. , No. 24), " 15 " 306 (vol. V. , No. 28), " 24 "

CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE EXAMINER"Introductory NoteNo. 14 (13), Nov. 2, 1710 15 (14), " 9, " 16 (15), " 16, " 17 (16), " 23, " 18 (17), " 30, " 19 (18), Dec. 7, " 20 (19), " 14, " 21 (20), " 21, " 22 (21), " 28, " 23 (22), Jan. 4, 1710-11 24 (23), " 11, " 25 (24), " 18, " 26 (25), " 25, " 27 (26), Feb. 1, " 28 (27), " 8, " 29 (28), Feb 15, 1710 11 30 (29), " 22, " 31 (30), March 1, " 32 (31), " 8, " 33 (32), " 15, " 34 (33), " 22, " 35 (34), " 29, 1711 36 (35), April 5, " 37 (36), " 12, " 38 (37), " 19, " 39 (38), " 26, " 40 (39), May 3, " 41 (40), " 10, " 42 (41), " 17, " 43 (42), " 24, " 44 (43), " 31, " 45 (44), June 7, " 46 (45), " 14, "

CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE SPECTATOR" Introductory Note No 50, April 27, 1711 (The Four Indian Kings) Paragraph from No 575, August 2, 1714

CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE INTELLIGENCER" Introductory Note No 1, May 11, 1728 (Introduction) 3, A Vindication of Mr. Gay, and the Beggar's Opera 19, The Hardships of the Irish being deprived of their Silver, and decoyed into America

 * * * * *

CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE TATLER. "

NOTE. 

In the original dedication of the first volume of "The Tatler" to ArthurMaynwaring Richard Steele, its projector and editor, gives characteristicexpression to the motive which prompted him in its establishment. "Thestate of conversation and business in this town, " says Steele, "havingbeen long perplexed with pretenders in both kinds, in order to open men'seyes against such abuses, it appeared no unprofitable undertaking topublish a Paper which should observe upon the manners of the pleasurable, as well as the busy, part of mankind. " He goes on to say that "thegeneral purpose of this Paper is to expose the false arts of life, topull off the disguises of cunning, vanity, and affectation, and torecommend a general simplicity in our dress, our discourse, and ourbehaviour. "

That Steele succeeded in this laudable purpose has been amply madeevident by the effect "The Tatler" had upon his literary successors, both of his own age and of the generations since his time. "The Tatler"was, if we except Defoe's "Weekly Review, " the earliest literaryperiodical which, in the language of Scott, "had no small effect infixing and refining the character of the English nation. "

Steele conducted his periodical under the name of Isaac Bickerstaff. He chose this name purposely because he felt, as he himself expressedit, that "a work of this nature required time to grow into the notice ofthe world. It happened very luckily that a little before I had resolvedupon this design, a gentleman had written predictions, and two or threeother pieces in my name, which had rendered it famous through allparts of Europe; and by an inimitable spirit and humour, raised it to ashigh a pitch of reputation as it could possibly arrive at. " The gentlemanreferred to is, of course, Swift, whose pamphlets on Partridge hadbeen the talk of the town. 

Steele very kindly ascribes the success of the periodical to this "goodfortune;" and though there may be something in what he said, we, in thepresent day, can more justly appreciate the great benefit conferred uponhis countrymen by himself and his co-workers. 

The influence of "The Tatler" on contemporary thought is acknowledged byGay in his "Present State of Wit, " published in 1711. Gay remarks: "Hiswritings have set all our wits and men of letters upon a new way ofthinking, of which they had little or no notion before; and though wecannot yet say that any of them have come up to the beauties of theoriginal, I think we may venture to affirm that every one of them writesand thinks much more justly than they did some time since. "

Among the contributors, in addition to the editor himself, were Swift, Addison, Yalden, John Hughes, William Harrison, and James Greenwood. 

It must always remain to a great extent a matter of conjecture as to theexact authorship of "The Tatler" papers. In the preface to the fourthvolume the authorship of a very few of the articles was admitted. PeterWentworth wrote to his brother, Lord Raby, on May 9th, 1709, saying theTatlers "are writ by a club of wits, who make it their business to pickup all the merry stories they can. .. . Three of the authors are guessedat, viz. : Swift, . .. Yalden, and Steele" ("Wentworth Papers, " 85). 

Swift's first recognized prose contribution to "The Tatler" was in No. 32(June 23rd), and he continued from time to time, as the following reprintwill show, to assist his friend; but, unfortunately, party politicsseparated the two, and Swift retired from the venture. 

A particular meaning was attached to the place from which the articles in"The Tatler" were dated. The following notice appeared in the firstnumber: "All accounts of gallantry, pleasure, and entertainment, shall beunder the article of White's Chocolate-house; poetry, under that ofWill's Coffee-house; learning, under the title of Grecian; foreign anddomestic news, you will have from St. James's Coffee-house; and what elseI have to offer on any other subject shall be dated from my ownApartment. "

"The Tatler" was reprinted in Edinburgh as soon as possible after itspublication in London, commencing apparently with No. 130, as No. 31(Edinburgh, James Watson) is dated April 24th, 1710, and corresponds toNo. 160 of the original edition, April 18th, 1710. [T. S. ]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 32. 

FROM TUESDAY JUNE 21. TO THURSDAY JUNE 23. 1709. 

"To ISAAC BICKERSTAFF ESQ;[1]

_June_ 18. 1709. 

"SIR, "I know not whether you ought to pity or laugh at me; for I am fallendesperately in love with a professed _Platonne_, the most unaccountablecreature of her sex. To hear her talk seraphics, and run over Norris[2]and More, [3] and Milton, [4] and the whole set of Intellectual Triflers, torments me heartily; for to a lover who understands metaphors, all thispretty prattle of ideas gives very fine views of pleasure, which only thedear declaimer prevents, by understanding them literally. Why should shewish to be a cherubim, when it is flesh and blood that makes heradorable? If I speak to her, that is a high breach of the idea ofintuition: If I offer at her hand or lip, she shrinks from the touch likea sensitive plant, and would contract herself into mere spirit. She callsher chariot, vehicle; her furbelowed scarf, pinions; her blue manteau andpetticoat is her azure dress; and her footman goes by the name of Oberon. It is my misfortune to be six foot and a half high, two full spansbetween the shoulders, thirteen inches diameter in the calves; and beforeI was in love, I had a noble stomach, and usually went to bed sober withtwo bottles. I am not quite six and twenty, and my nose is marked trulyaquiline. For these reasons, I am in a very particular manner heraversion. What shall I do? Impudence itself cannot reclaim her. If Iwrite miserable, she reckons me among the children of perdition, anddiscards me her region: If I assume the gross and substantial, she playsthe real ghost with me, and vanishes in a moment. I had hopes in thehypocrisy of the sex; but perseverance makes it as bad as a fixedaversion. I desire your opinion, Whether I may not lawfully play theinquisition upon her, make use of a little force, and put her to the rackand the torture, only to convince her, she has really fine limbs, withoutspoiling or distorting them. I expect your directions, ere I proceed todwindle and fall away with despair; which at present I don't thinkadvisable, because, if she should recant, she may then hate me perhapsin the other extreme for my tenuity. I am (with impatience)

"Your most humble servant, "CHARLES STURDY. "

My patient has put his case with very much warmth, and represented it inso lively a manner, that I see both his torment and tormentor with greatperspicuity. This order of Platonic ladies are to be dealt with in apeculiar manner from all the rest of the sex. Flattery is the generalway, and the way in this case; but it is not to be done grossly. Everyman that has wit, and humour, and raillery, can make a good flatterer forwoman in general; but a _Platonne_ is not to be touched with panegyric:she will tell you, it is a sensuality in the soul to be delighted thatway. You are not therefore to commend, but silently consent to all shedoes and says. You are to consider in her the scorn of you is not humour, but opinion. 

There were some years since a set of these ladies who were of quality, and gave out, that virginity was to be their state of life during thismortal condition, and therefore resolved to join their fortunes, anderect a nunnery. The place of residence was pitched upon; and a prettysituation, full of natural falls and risings of waters, with shadycoverts, and flowery arbours, was approved by seven of the founders. There were as many of our sex who took the liberty to visit thosemansions of intended severity; among others, a famous rake[5] of thattime, who had the grave way to an excellence. He came in first; but uponseeing a servant coming towards him, with a design to tell him, this wasno place for him or his companions, up goes my grave impudence to themaid: "Young woman, " said he, "if any of the ladies are in the way onthis side of the house, pray carry us on the other side towards thegardens: we are, you must know, gentlemen that are travelling England;after which we shall go into foreign parts, where some of us have alreadybeen. " Here he bows in the most humble manner, and kissed the girl, whoknew not how to behave to such a sort of carriage. He goes on; "Now youmust know we have an ambition to have it to say, that we have aProtestant nunnery in England: but pray Mrs. Betty----"--"Sir, " shereplied, "my name is Susan, at your service. "--"Then I heartily beg yourpardon----"--"No offence in the least, " says she, "for I have acousin-german whose name is Betty. "[6]--"Indeed, " said he, "I protest toyou that was more than I knew, I spoke at random: But since it happensthat I was near in the right, give me leave to present this gentleman tothe favour of a civil salute. " His friend advances, and so on, till thatthey had all saluted her. By this means, the poor girl was in the middleof the crowd of these fellows, at a loss what to do, without courage topass through them; and the Platonics, at several peepholes, pale, trembling, and fretting. Rake perceived they were observed, and thereforetook care to keep Sukey in chat with questions concerning their way oflife; when appeared at last Madonella, [7] a lady who had writ a finebook concerning the recluse life, and was the projectrix of thefoundation. She approaches into the hall; and Rake, knowing the dignityof his own mien and aspect, goes deputy from his company. She begins, "Sir, I am obliged to follow the servant, who was sent out to know, Whataffair could make strangers press upon a solitude which we, who are toinhabit this place, have devoted to Heaven and our own thoughts?"--"Madam, " replies Rake, (with an air of great distance, mixed with acertain indifference, by which he could dissemble dissimulation) "yourgreat intention has made more noise in the world than you design itshould; and we travellers, who have seen many foreign institutions ofthis kind, have a curiosity to see, in its first rudiments, this seat ofprimitive piety; for such it must be called by future ages, to theeternal honour of the founders. I have read Madonella's excellent andseraphic discourse on this subject. " The lady immediately answers, "Ifwhat I have said could have contributed to raise any thoughts in you thatmay make for the advancement of intellectual and divine conversation, Ishould think myself extremely happy. " He immediately fell back with theprofoundest veneration; then advancing, "Are you then that admired lady?If I may approach lips which have uttered things so sacred--" He salutesher. His friends followed his example. The devoted within stood inamazement where this would end, to see Madonella receive their addressand their company. But Rake goes on--"We would not transgress rules; butif we may take the liberty to see the place you have thought fit tochoose for ever, we would go into such parts of the gardens as isconsistent with the severities you have imposed on yourselves. "

To be short, Madonella permitted Rake to lead her into the assembly ofnuns, followed by his friends, and each took his fair one by the hand, after due explanation, to walk round the gardens. The conversation turnedupon the lilies, the flowers, the arbours, and the growing vegetables;and Rake had the solemn impudence, when the whole company stood roundhim, to say, "That he sincerely wished men might rise out of the earthlike plants;[8] and that our minds were not of necessity to be sulliedwith carnivorous appetites for the generation, as well as support of ourspecies. " This was spoke with so easy and fixed an assurance, thatMadonella answered, "Sir, under the notion of a pious thought, youdeceive yourself in wishing an institution foreign to that of Providence:These desires were implanted in us for reverend purposes, in preservingthe race of men, and giving opportunities for making our chastity moreheroic. " The conference was continued in this celestial strain, andcarried on so well by the managers on both sides, that it created asecond and a second interview;[9] and, without entering into furtherparticulars, there was hardly one of them but was a mother or father thatday twelvemonth. 

Any unnatural part is long taking up, and as long laying aside; thereforeMr. Sturdy may assure himself, Platonica will fly for ever from a forwardbehaviour; but if he approaches her according to this model, she willfall in with the necessities of mortal life, and condescend to look withpity upon an unhappy man, imprisoned in so much body, and urged by suchviolent desires. 

[Footnote 1: This letter is introduced by the following words:

"White's Chocolate-house, June 22. 

"An Answer to the following letter being absolutely necessary to bedispatched with all expedition, I must trespass upon all that come withhorary questions into my ante-chamber, to give the gentleman my opinion. "

This paper is written in ridicule of some affected ladies of the period, who pretended, with rather too much ostentation, to embrace the doctrinesof Platonic Love. Mrs. Mary Astell, a learned and worthy woman, hadembraced this fantastic notion so deeply, that, in an essay upon thefemale sex, in 1696, she proposed a sort of female college, in which theyoung might be instructed, and 'ladies nauseating the parade of theworld, ' might find a happy retirement. The plan was disconcerted byBishop Burnet, who, understanding that the Queen intended to give £10, 000towards the establishment, dissuaded her, by an assurance, that it wouldlead to the introduction of Popish orders, and be called a nunnery. Thislady is the Madonella of the Tatler. .. . This paper has been censured as agross reflection on Mrs. Astell's character, but on no very justfoundation. Swift only prophesies the probable issue of such a scheme, asthat of the Protestant nunnery; and it is a violent interpretation of hiswords to suppose him to insinuate, that the conclusion had taken placewithout the premises. Indeed, the scourge of ridicule is seldom betteremployed than on that species of _Précieuse_, who is anxious to confoundthe boundaries which nature has fixed for the employments and studies ofthe two sexes. No man was more zealous than Swift for informing thefemale mind in those points most becoming and useful to their sex. His"Letter to a Young Married Lady" and "Thoughts on Education" point outthe extent of those studies. [S. ]

Nichols, in his edition of "The Tatler" (1786), ascribes this paper to"Swift and Addison"; but he thinks the humour of it "certainly originatedin the licentious imagination of the Dean of St. Patrick's. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: John Norris (1657-1711), Rector of Bemerton, author of "TheTheory and Regulation of Love" (1688), and of many other works. Hiscorrespondence with the famous Platonist, Henry More, is appended to this"moral essay. " Chalmers speaks of him as "a man of great ingenuity, learning, and piety"; but Locke refers to him as "an obscure, enthusiastic man. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Henry More (1614-1687), the famous Cambridge Platonist, andauthor of "Philosophicall Poems" (1647), "The Immortality of the Soul"(1659), and other works of a similar nature. Chalmers notes that "Mr. Chishall, an eminent bookseller, declared, that Dr. More's 'Mystery ofGodliness' and his other works, ruled all the booksellers of London fortwenty years together. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The reference here is to Milton's "Apology for Smectymnuus. "Milton and More were, during one year, fellow-students at Christ'sCollege, Cambridge. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Said to refer to a Mr. Repington, a well-known wag of thetime, and a member of an old Warwickshire family, of Amington, nearTamworth. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: The Betty here referred to is the Lady Elizabeth Hastings(1682-1739), daughter of Theophilus, seventh Earl of Huntingdon. InNo. 49 of "The Tatler, " Steele refers to her in the famous sentence:"to love her is a liberal education. " She contributed to Mrs. Astell'splans for the establishment of a "Protestant nunnery. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: See previous note. Mrs. Mary Astell (1668-1731) theauthoress of "A Serious Proposal to the Ladies for the Advancement oftheir true and greatest Interest" (1694), was the friend of LadyElizabeth Hastings and the correspondent of John Norris of Bemerton. There is not the slightest foundation for the gross and cruelinsinuations against her character in this paper. The libel is repeatedin the 59th and 63rd numbers of "The Tatler. " Her correspondence withNorris was published in 1695, with the title, "Letters Concerning theLove of God". Later in life she attacked Atterbury, Locke, and WhiteKennett. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The reference here is to Sir Thomas Browne's "ReligioMedici, " part ii. , section 9. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: M. Bournelle--a pseudonym of William Oldisworth--remarks:"The next interview after a _second_ is still a _second_; there is noprogress in time to lovers" ("Annotations on 'The Tatler'"). Chalmersreads here, "a second and a third interview. " [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 35. 

FROM TUESDAY JUNE 28. TO THURSDAY JUNE 30. 1709. 

"SIR, [1]

"Not long since[2] you were pleased to give us a chimerical account ofthe famous family of _Staffs_, from whence I suppose you would insinuate, that it is the most ancient and numerous house in all Europe. But Ipositively deny that it is either; and wonder much at your audaciousproceedings in this matter, since it is well known, that our mostillustrious, most renowned, and most celebrated Roman family of _Ix_, hasenjoyed the precedency to all others from the reign of good old Saturn. Icould say much to the defamation and disgrace of your family; as, thatyour relations _Distaff_ and _Broomstaff_ were both inconsiderate meanpersons, one spinning, the other sweeping the streets, for their dailybread. But I forbear to vent my spleen on objects so much beneath myindignation. I shall only give the world a catalogue of my ancestors, andleave them to determine which hath hitherto had, and which for the futureought to have, the preference. 

"First then comes the most famous and popular lady _Meretrix_, parent ofthe fertile family of _Bellatrix, Lotrix, Netrix, Nutrix, Obstetrix, Famulatrix, Coctrix, Ornatrix, Sarcinatrix, Fextrix, Balneatrix, Portatrix, Saltatrix, Divinatrix, Conjectrix, Comtrix, Debitrix, Creditrix, Donatrix, Ambulatrix, Mercatrix, Adsectrix, Assectatrix, Palpatrix, Praeceptrix, Pistrix. _

"I am yours, "ELIZ. POTATRIX. "

[Footnote 1: This letter is introduced:

"From my own Apartment, June 29. 

"It would be a very great obligation, and an assistance to my treatiseupon punning, if any one would please to inform me in what class amongthe learned, who play with words, to place the author of the followingletter. "

The proposed work had been promised in the 32nd number of "The Tatler, "where it was stated that, "I shall dedicate this discourse to agentleman, my very good friend, who is the Janus of our times, andwhom, by his years and wit, you would take to be of the last age; butby his dress and morals, of this. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: In the 11th number of "The Tatler, " by Heneage Twisden. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 59. 

FROM TUESDAY AUGUST 23. TO THURSDAY AUGUST 25. 1709. 

_Will's Coffee-house, August 24. _

The author of the ensuing letter, by his name, and the quotations hemakes from the ancients, seems a sort of spy from the old world, whom wemoderns ought to be careful of offending; therefore I must be free, andown it a fair hit where he takes me, rather than disoblige him. 

"SIR, Having a peculiar humour of desiring to be somewhat the better orwiser for what I read, I am always uneasy when, in any profound writer(for I read no others) I happen to meet with what I cannot understand. When this falls out, it is a great grievance to me that I am not able toconsult the author himself about his meaning; for commentators are a sectthat has little share in my esteem. Your elaborate writings have, amongmany others, this advantage, that their author is still alive, and ready(as his extensive charity makes us expect) to explain whatever maybe found in them too sublime for vulgar understandings. This, Sir, makesme presume to ask you, how the Hampstead hero's character could beperfectly new[1] when the last letters came away, and yet Sir JohnSuckling so well acquainted with it sixty years ago? I hope, Sir, youwill not take this amiss: I can assure you, I have a profound respectfor you; which makes me write this, with the same disposition with whichLonginus bids us read Homer and Plato. 

"'When in reading, ' says he, 'any of those celebrated authors, we meetwith a passage to which we cannot well reconcile our reasons, we oughtfirmly to believe, that were those great wits present to answer forthemselves, we should to our wonder be convinced, that we only are guiltyof the mistakes we before attributed to them. ' If you think fit toremove the scruple that now torments me, it will be an encouragement tome to settle a frequent correspondence with you, several things fallingin my way which would not, perhaps, be altogether foreign to yourpurpose, and whereon your thoughts would be very acceptable to

"Your most humble servant, "OBADIAH GREENHAT. "

[Footnote 1: In No. 57 of "The Tatler" Steele wrote: "Letters fromHampstead say, there is a coxcomb arrived there, of a kind which isutterly new. The fellow has courage, which he takes himself to be obligedto give proofs of every hour he lives. He is ever fighting with the men, and contradicting the women. A lady, who sent him to me, superscribedhim with this description out of Suckling:

"'I am a man of war and might, And know thus much, that I can fight, Whether I am i' th' wrong or right. Devoutly. 'No woman under Heaven I fear, New oaths I can exactly swear;And forty healths my brains will bear, Most stoutly. '"

The "description out of Suckling" is from that writer's rondeau, "ASoldier. " As the poet died in 1642, Swift ridicules the statementthat this kind of coxcomb was "utterly new. " [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 63. 

FROM THURSDAY SEPTEMBER I. TO SATURDAY SEPTEMBER 3, 1709. "SIR, [1]

"It must be allowed, that Esquire Bickerstaff is of all authors the mostingenuous. There are few, very few, that will own themselves in amistake, though all the World sees them to be in downright nonsense. You'll be pleased, Sir, to pardon this expression, for the same reasonfor which you once desired us to excuse you when you seemed anythingdull. Most writers, like the generality of Paul Lorrain's[2] saints, seemto place a peculiar vanity in dying hard. But you, Sir, to show a goodexample to your brethren, have not only confessed, but of your own accordmended the indictment. Nay, you have been so good-natured as to discoverbeauties in it, which, I will assure you, he that drew it never dreamedof: And to make your civility the more accomplished, you have honouredhim with the title of your kinsman, [3] which, though derived by the lefthand, he is not a little proud of. My brother (for such Obadiah is) beingat present very busy about nothing, has ordered me to return you hissincere thanks for all these favours; and, as a small token of hisgratitude, to communicate to you the following piece of intelligence, which, he thinks, belongs more properly to you than to any others of ourmodern historians. 

"_Madonella_, who as it was thought had long since taken her flighttowards the ethereal mansions, still walks, it seems, in the regions ofmortality; where she has found, by deep reflections on the revolution[4]mentioned in yours of June the 23rd, that where early instructions havebeen wanting to imprint true ideas of things on the tender souls of thoseof her sex, they are never after able to arrive at such a pitch ofperfection, as to be above the laws of matter and motion; laws which areconsiderably enforced by the principles usually imbibed in nurseries andboarding-schools. To remedy this evil, she has laid the scheme of acollege for young damsels; where, instead of scissors, needles, andsamplers; pens, compasses, quadrants, books, manuscripts, Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, are to take up their whole time. Only on holidays thestudents will, for moderate exercise, be allowed to divert themselveswith the use of some of the lightest and most voluble weapons; and propercare will be taken to give them at least a superficial tincture of theancient and modern Amazonian tactics. Of these military performances, thedirection is undertaken by Epicene, [5] the writer of 'Memoirs from theMediterranean, ' who, by the help of some artificial poisons conveyed bysmells, has within these few weeks brought many persons of both sexesto an untimely fate; and, what is more surprising, has, contrary to herprofession, with the same odours, revived others who had long since beendrowned in the whirlpools of Lethe. Another of the professors is to be acertain lady, who is now publishing two of the choicest Saxon novels[6], which are said to have been in as great repute with the ladies of QueenEmma's Court, as the 'Memoirs from the New Atalantis' are with those ofours. I shall make it my business to enquire into the progress of thislearned institution, and give you the first notice of their'Philosophical Transactions[7], and Searches after Nature. '

"Yours, &c. 

"TOBIAH GREENHAT. "

[Footnote 1: This letter was introduced:

"From my own Apartment, September 2. 

"The following letter being a panegyric upon me for a quality which everyman may attain, an acknowledgment of his faults; I thought it for thegood of my fellow writers to publish it. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: The Rev. Paul Lorrain was ordinary of Newgate Prison from1698 until 1719. He issued the dying speeches and confessions of thecondemned criminals in the form of broadsheets. In these confessions, the penitence of the criminals was most strongly emphasized, hence theterm "Lorrain's saints. " Lorrain died in 1719. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Isaac Bickerstaff, commenting on the letter in No. 59, printed above, says: "I have looked over our pedigree upon the receipt ofthis epistle, and find the Greenhats are a-kin to the Staffs. Theydescend from Maudlin, the left-handed wife of Nehemiah Bickerstaff, in the reign of Harry II. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See No. 32 _ante_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Mrs. Mary de la Rivière Manley, author of "Memoirs ofEurope, towards the Close of the Eighth Century" (1710), which shededicated to Isaac Bickerstaff, and of "Secret Memoirs and Manners . .. From the New Atalantis" (1709). She was associated with Swift in thewriting of several pamphlets In support of the Harley Administration, and in his work on "The Examiner" (see vol. V. , pp. 41, 118, and 171 ofthe present edition of Swift's works). 

Epicene is an allusion to Ben Jonson's comedy, "Epicoene; or, theSilent Woman" (1609). 

Mrs. Manley seems to have credited Steele with this attack on her, forshe attacked him, in turn, in her "New Atalantis, " and printed, in herdedication to the "Memoirs of Europe, " Steele's denial of the authorshipof this paper. This did not, however, prevent her making new chargesagainst him. "The Narrative of Guiscard's Examination, " "A Comment on Dr. Hare's Sermon, " and "The Duke of Marlborough's Vindication, " were writteneither by herself, or at the suggestion of, and with instructions from, Swift. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: Mrs. Elizabeth Elstob (1683-1756), a niece of the learnedDr. Hickes, issued, in 1709, "An English-Saxon Homily on the Birthdayof St. Gregory. " The work was dedicated to Queen Anne. She was a friendof Mary Granville, afterwards Mrs. Pendarves, and better known as Mrs. Delany. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: An allusion to "Useful Transactions in Philosophy, " etc. , January and February, 1708/9, which commenced with an article entitled"An Essay on the Invention of Samplers, " by Mrs. Arabella Manly (_sic_). She had a friend, Mrs. Betty Clavel. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 66. 

FROM THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 8. TO SATURDAY SEPTEMBER 10. 1709. 

_Wills Coffee-house, September_ 9. 

We have been very much perplexed here this evening, by two gentlemen whotook upon them to talk as loud as if it were expected from them toentertain the company. Their subject was eloquence and graceful action. Lysander, who is something particular in his way of thinking andspeaking, told us, "a man could not be eloquent without action: for thedeportment of the body, the turn of the eye, and an apt sound to everyword that is uttered, must all conspire to make an accomplished speaker. Action in one that speaks in public, is the same thing which a goodmien is in ordinary life. Thus, as a certain insensibility in thecountenance recommends a sentence of humour and jest, so it must be avery lively consciousness that gives grace to great sentiments: For thejest is to be a thing unexpected; therefore your undesigning manner is abeauty in expressions of mirth; but when you are to talk on a setsubject, the more you are moved yourself, the more you will move others. 

"There is, " said he, "a remarkable example of that kind: Aeschines, afamous orator of antiquity, had pleaded at Athens in a great causeagainst Demosthenes; but having lost it, retired to Rhodes. Eloquence wasthen the quality most admired among men; and the magistrates of thatplace having heard he had a copy of the speech of Demosthenes, desiredhim to repeat both their pleadings. After his own, he recited also theoration of his antagonist. The people expressed their admiration of both, but more of that of Demosthenes. 'If you are, ' said he, 'thus touchedwith hearing only what that great orator said, how would you have beenaffected had you seen him speak? for he who hears Demosthenes only, losesmuch the better part of the oration. ' Certain it is, that they who speakgracefully, are very lamely represented, in having their speeches read orrepeated by unskilful people; for there is something native to each man, that is so inherent to his thoughts and sentiments, which it is hardlypossible for another to give a true idea of. You may observe in commontalk, when a sentence of any man's is repeated, an acquaintance of hisshall immediately observe, 'That is so like him, methinks I see howhe looked when he said it. ' But of all the people on the earth, there arenone who puzzle me so much as the clergy of Great Britain, who are, Ibelieve, the most learned body of men now in the world; and yet this artof speaking, with the proper ornaments of voice and gesture, is whollyneglected among them; and I will engage, were a deaf man to behold thegreater part of them preach, he would rather think they were reading thecontents only of some discourse they intended to make, than actually inthe body of an oration, even when they are upon matters of such a natureas one would believe it were impossible to think of without emotion. 

"I own there are exceptions to this general observation, and that theDean[1] we heard the other day together, is an orator. He has so muchregard to his congregation, that he commits to his memory what he is tosay to them; and has so soft and graceful a behaviour, that it mustattract your attention. His person it is to be confessed is no smallrecommendation; but he is to be highly commended for not losing thatadvantage, and adding to the propriety of speech (which might pass thecriticism of Longinus)[2] an action which would have been approved byDemosthenes. He has a peculiar force in his way, and has many of hisaudience[3] who could not be intelligent hearers of his discourse, were there not explanation as well as grace in his action. This art ofhis is used with the most exact and honest skill: he never attempts yourpassions, till he has convinced your reason. All the objections which hecan form, are laid before you and dispersed, before he uses the leastvehemence in his sermon; but when he thinks he has your head, he verysoon wins your heart; and never pretends to show the beauty of holiness, till he has convinced you of the truth of it. 

"Would every one of our clergymen be thus careful to recommend truth andvirtue in their proper figures, and show so much concern for them as togive them all the additional force they were able, it is not possiblethat nonsense should have so many hearers as you find it has indissenting congregations, for no reason in the world but because it isspoken _extempore_: For ordinary minds are wholly governed by their eyesand ears, and there is no way to come at their hearts but by power overtheir imagination. There is my friend and merry companion Daniel[4]: heknows a great deal better than he speaks, and can form a proper discourseas well as any orthodox neighbour. But he knows very well, that to bawlout, 'My beloved;' and the words 'grace! regeneration! sanctification! anew light! the day! The day! aye, my beloved, the day!' or rather, 'thenight! The night is coming! and judgment will come, when we least thinkof it!'--and so forth--He knows, to be vehement is the only way to comeat his audience; and Daniel, when he sees my friend Greenhat come in, cangive him a good hint, and cry out, 'This is only for the saints! theregenerated!' By this force of action, though mixed with all theincoherence and ribaldry imaginable, Daniel can laugh at his diocesan, and grow fat by voluntary subscription, while the parson of the parishgoes to law for half his dues. Daniel will tell you, 'It is not theshepherd, but the sheep with the bell, which the flock follows. ' Anotherthing, very wonderful this learned body should omit, is, learning toread; which is a most necessary part of eloquence in one who is to serveat the altar: for there is no man but must be sensible, that the lazytone, and inarticulate sound of our common readers, depreciates the mostproper form of words that were ever extant in any nation or language, tospeak our own wants, or His power from whom we ask relief. 

"There cannot be a greater instance of the power of action than in littleparson Dapper, [5] who is the common relief to all the lazy pulpits intown. This smart youth has a very good memory, a quick eye, and a cleanhandkerchief. Thus equipped, he opens his text, shuts his book fairly, shows he has no notes in his Bible, opens both palms, and shows all isfair there too. Thus, with a decisive air, my young man goes on withouthesitation; and though from the beginning to the end of his prettydiscourse, he has not used one proper gesture, yet at the conclusion, thechurchwarden pulls his gloves from off his head; 'Pray, who is thisextraordinary young man?' Thus the force of action is such, that it ismore prevalent (even when improper) than all the reason and argument inthe world without it. " This gentleman concluded his discourse by saying, "I do not doubt but if our preachers would learn to speak, and ourreaders to read, within six months' time we should not have a dissenterwithin a mile of a church in Great Britain. "

[Footnote 1: In his original preface to the fourth volume, Steeleexplains that "the amiable character of the Dean in the sixty-sixth'Tatler, ' was drawn for Dr. Atterbury. " Steele cites this as a proof ofhis impartiality. Scott thinks that it must have cost him "some effort topermit insertion of a passage so favourable to a Tory divine. " At thetime the character was published Atterbury was Dean of Carlisle and oneof the Queen's chaplains. He was later created Bishop of Rochester. Thereis no doubt that Atterbury was deeply implicated in the various Jacobiteplots for the bringing in of the Pretender. Under a bill of pains andpenalties he was condemned and deprived of all his ecclesiasticaloffices. In 1723 he left England and died in exile in 1732. His body, however, was privately buried in Westminster Abbey. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: "De Sublimitate, " viii. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: For twenty years Atterbury was preacher at the chapel ofBridewell Hospital. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Daniel Burgess (1645-1713), the son of a Wiltshireclergyman, was a schoolmaster in Ireland before he became minister to thePresbyterian meeting-house people in Brydges Street, Covent Garden. Achapel was built for him in New Court, Carey Street, Lincoln's Inn, andthis was destroyed during the Sacheverell riots in 1710. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Dr. Joseph Trapp (1679-1747), professor of poetry at Oxford, where he published his "Praelectiones Poeticae" (1711-15), He assistedSacheverell and became a strong partisan of the High Church party. Swift thought very little of him. To Stella he writes, he is "a sort ofpretender to wit, a second-rate pamphleteer for the cause, whom theypay by sending him to Ireland" (January 7th, 1710/1, see vol. Ii. , p. 96). This sending to Ireland refers to his chaplaincy to Sir ConstantinePhipps, Lord Chancellor of Ireland (1710-12). On July 17th, 1712, Swift again speaks of him to Stella: "I have made Trap chaplain toLord Bolingbroke, and he is mighty happy and thankful for it" (_ibid_. , p. 379). Trapp afterwards held several preferments in and nearLondon. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 67. 

FROM SATURDAY SEPTEMBER 10. TO TUESDAY SEPTEMBER 13. 1709. 

_From my own Apartment, September_ 12. 

No man can conceive, till he comes to try it, how great a pain it is tobe a public-spirited person. I am sure I am unable to express to theworld, how much anxiety I have suffered, to see of how little benefit myLucubrations have been to my fellow-subjects. Men will go on in theirown way in spite of all my labour. I gave Mr. Didapper a privatereprimand for wearing red-heeled shoes, and at the same time was soindulgent as to connive at him for fourteen days, because I would givehim the wearing of them out; but after all this I am informed, heappeared yesterday with a new pair of the same sort. I have no bettersuccess with Mr. Whatdee'call[1] as to his buttons: Stentor[2] stillroars; and box and dice rattle as loud as they did before I writagainst them. Partridge[3] walks about at noon-day, and Aesculapius[4]thinks of adding a new lace to his livery. However, I must still go on inlaying these enormities before men's eyes, and let them answer for goingon in their practice. [5] My province is much larger than at first sightmen would imagine, and I shall lose no part of my jurisdiction, whichextends not only to futurity, but also is retrospect to things past; andthe behaviour of persons who have long ago acted their parts, is as muchliable to my examination, as that of my own contemporaries. 

In order to put the whole race of mankind in their proper distinctions, according to the opinion their cohabitants conceived of them, I have withvery much care, and depth of meditation, thought fit to erect a Chamberof Fame, and established certain rules, which are to be observed inadmitting members into this illustrious society. In this Chamber of Famethere are to be three tables, but of different lengths; the first is tocontain exactly twelve persons; the second, twenty; the third, anhundred. This is reckoned to be the full number of those who have anycompetent share of fame. At the first of these tables are to be placedin their order the twelve most famous persons in the world, not withregard to the things they are famous for, but according to the degree oftheir fame, whether in valour, wit, or learning. Thus if a scholar bemore famous than a soldier, he is to sit above him. Neither must anypreference be given to virtue, if the person be not equally famous. Whenthe first table is filled, the next in renown must be seated at thesecond, and so on in like manner to the number of twenty; as also in thesame order at the third, which is to hold an hundred. At these tables noregard is to be had to seniority: for if Julius Caesar shall be judgedmore famous than Romulus and Scipio, he must have the precedence. Noperson who has not been dead an hundred years, must be offered to a placeat any of these tables: and because this is altogether a lay society, andthat sacred persons move upon greater motives than that of fame, nopersons celebrated in Holy Writ, or any ecclesiastical men whatsoever, are to be introduced here. 

At the lower end of the room is to be a side-table for persons of greatfame, but dubious existence, such as Hercules, Theseus, Aeneas, Achilles, Hector, and others. But because it is apprehended, that there may begreat contention about precedence, the proposer humbly desires theopinion of the learned towards his assistance in placing every personaccording to his rank, that none may have just occasion of offence. 

The merits of the cause shall be judged by plurality of voices. 

For the more impartial execution of this important affair, it is desired, that no man will offer his favourite hero, scholar, or poet; and that thelearned will be pleased to send to Mr. Bickerstaff, at Mr. Morphew's nearStationers' Hall, their several lists for the first table only, and inthe order they would have them placed; after which, the composer willcompare the several lists, and make another for the public, wherein everyname shall be ranked according to the voices it has had. Under thischamber is to be a dark vault for the same number of persons of evilfame. 

It is humbly submitted to consideration, whether the project would not bebetter, if the persons of true fame meet in a middle room, those ofdubious existence in an upper room, and those of evil fame in a lowerdark room. 

It is to be noted, that no historians are to be admitted at any of thesetables, because they are appointed to conduct the several persons totheir seats, and are to be made use of as ushers to the assemblies. 

I call upon the learned world to send me their assistance towards thisdesign, it being a matter of too great moment for any one person todetermine. But I do assure them, their lists shall be examined with greatfidelity, and those that are exposed to the public, made with all thecaution imaginable. 

[Footnote 1: "N. B. Mr. How'd'call is desired to leave off thosebuttons. "--No. 21. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Dr. William Stanley (1647-1731), master of Corpus ChristiCollege, Cambridge, was Dean of St. Asaph in 1706-31. In No. 54 of "TheTatler, " he is described as a person "accustomed to roar and bellow soterribly loud in the responses that . . . One of our petty canons, apunning Cambridge scholar, calls his way of worship a _Bull-offering. _"In the sixty-first number a further reference is made to him: "A personof eminent wit and piety [Dr. R. South] wrote to Stentor: 'BrotherStentor, ' said he, 'for the repose of the Church, hearken to Bickerstaff;and consider that, while you are so devout at St. Paul's, we cannotsleep for you at St. Peter's. '" [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: John Partridge (1644-1715) cobbler, philomath, and quack, was the author of "Merlinus Liberatus, " first issued in 1680. He libelledhis master, John Gadbury, in his "Nebulo Anglicanus" (1693), andquarrelled with George Parker, a fellow-quack and astrologer. It is ofhim that Swift wrote his famous "Predictions" (see vol. I. Of thisedition, p. 298), and issued his broadside, concluding with the lines:

 "Here, five feet deep, lies on his back, A cobler, starmonger, and quack, Who to the stars in pure good will Does to his best look upward still: Weep, all you customers that use His pills, his almanacks, or shoes. "

In No. 59 of "The Tatler, " his death is referred to in harmony withthe tone of Swift's fun: "The late Partridge, who still denies hisdeath. I am informed indeed by several that he walks. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The famous Dr. John Radcliffe (1650-1714) who refused theappointment of physician to King William III. , and offended Anne by hischurlish disregard of her requests to attend on her. He fell in lovewith a Miss Tempest, one of Queen Anne's maids of honour. In the 44thnumber of "The Tatler" Steele ridicules this attachment by making himaddress his mistress in the following words: "O fair! for thee I sitamidst a crowd of painted deities on my chariot, buttoned in gold, clasped in gold, without having any value for that beloved metal, but asit adorns the person and laces the hat of thy dying lover. " Radcliffeattended Swift for his dizziness, but that did not prevent the latterfrom referring to him as "that puppy, " in writing to Stella, forneglecting to attend to Harley's wound. He seems to have had a highstanding for skill as a physician, and probably on that account gavehimself airs. It is told of him that "during a long attendance in thefamily of a particular friend, he regularly refused the fee pressed uponhim at each visit. At length, when the cure was performed, and thedoctor about to give up attendance, the convalescent patient againproffered him a purse containing the fees for every day's visit. Thedoctor eyed it some time in silence, and at length extended his hand, exclaiming, 'Singly, I could have refused them for ever; but altogetherthey are irresistible. '" Radcliffe died at Carshalton in 1714. From hisbequests were founded the Radcliffe Infirmary and Observatory at Oxford. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Scott omits, from his edition, the whole of this paragraphup to this point. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 68. 

FROM TUESDAY SEPTEMBER 13. TO THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 15. 1709. 

_From my own Apartment, September_ 14. 

The progress of our endeavours will of necessity be very muchinterrupted, except the learned world will please to send their lists tothe Chamber of Fame with all expedition. There is nothing can so muchcontribute to create a noble emulation in our youth, as the honourablemention of such whose actions have outlived the injuries of time, andrecommended themselves so far to the world, that it is become learning toknow the least circumstance of their affairs. It is a great incentive tosee, that some men have raised themselves so highly above theirfellow-creatures; that the lives of ordinary men are spent in inquiriesafter the particular actions of the most illustrious. True it is, thatwithout this impulse to fame and reputation, our industry would stagnate, and that lively desire of pleasing each other die away. This opinion wasso established in the heathen world, that their sense of living appearedinsipid, except their being was enlivened with a consciousness, that theywere esteemed by the rest of the world. 

Upon examining the proportion of men's fame for my table of twelve, Ithought it no ill way, since I had laid it down for a rule, that theywere to be ranked simply as they were famous, without regard to theirvirtue, to ask my sister Jenny's advice, and particularly mentioned toher the name of Aristotle. She immediately told me, he was a very greatscholar, and that she had read him at the boarding-school. She certainlymeans a trifle sold by the hawkers, called, "Aristotle's Problems. " [1]But this raised a great scruple in me, whether a fame increased byimposition of others is to be added to his account, or that theseexcrescencies, which grow out of his real reputation, and giveencouragement to others to pass things under the covert of his name, should be considered in giving him his seat in the Chamber? Thispunctilio is referred to the learned. In the mean time, so ill-naturedare mankind, that I believe I have names already sent me sufficient tofill up my lists for the dark room, and every one is apt enough to sendin their accounts of ill deservers. This malevolence does not proceedfrom a real dislike of virtue, but a diabolical prejudice against it, which makes men willing to destroy what they care not to imitate. Thusyou see the greatest characters among your acquaintance, and those youlive with, are traduced by all below them in virtue, who never mentionthem but with an exception. However, I believe I shall not give the worldmuch trouble about filling my tables for those of evil fame, for I havesome thoughts of clapping up the sharpers there as fast as I can lay holdof them. 

At present, I am employed in looking over the several notices which Ihave received of their manner of dexterity, and the way at dice of makingall _rugg_, as the cant is. The whole art of securing a die has latelybeen sent me by a person who was of the fraternity, but is disabled bythe loss of a finger, by which means he cannot, as he used to do, securea die. But I am very much at a loss how to call some of the fair sex, whoare accomplices with the Knights of Industry; for my metaphorical dogs[2]are easily enough understood; but the feminine gender of dogs has soharsh a sound, that we know not how to name it. But I am crediblyinformed, that there are female dogs as voracious as the males, and make advances to young fellows, without any other design but comingto a familiarity with their purses. I have also long lists of persons ofcondition, who are certainly of the same regiment with these banditti, and instrumental to their cheats upon undiscerning men of their own rank. These add their good reputation to carry on the impostures of those, whose very names would otherwise be defence enough against falling intotheir hands. But for the honour of our nation, these shall beunmentioned, provided we hear no more of such practices, and that theyshall not from henceforward suffer the society of such, as they know tobe the common enemies of order, discipline, and virtue. If it prove thatthey go on in encouraging them, they must be proceeded against accordingto severest rules of history, where all is to be laid before the worldwith impartiality, and without respect to persons. 

"So let the stricken deer go weep. "[3]

[Footnote 1: This was not a translation of Aristotle's "Problemata, " butan indecent pamphlet with that title. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: In the 62nd number of "The Tatler" Steele wrote a papercomparing some of the pests of society, such as the gamblers, to dogs, and said: "It is humbly proposed that they may be all togethertransported to America, where the dogs are few, and the wild beastsmany. " Scott notes that when one of the fraternity referred to threatenedSteele with personal vengeance, Lord Forbes silenced him with thesewords: "You will find it safer, sir, in this country, to cut a purse thanto cut a throat. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "Why, let the stricken deer go weep. "--_Hamlet_, iii. 2. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 70. 

FROM SATURDAY SEPTEMBER 17. TO TUESDAY SEPTEMBER 20. 1709. 

"SIR, [1]

"I read with great pleasure in the _Tatler_[2] of Saturday last theconversation upon eloquence; permit me to hint to you one thing the greatRoman orator observes upon this subject, _Caput enim arbitrabaturoratoris_, (he quotes Menedemus[3] an Athenian) _ut ipsis apud quosageret talis qualem ipse optaret videretur, id fieri vitae dignitate_. [4]It is the first rule, in oratory, that a man must appear such as he wouldpersuade others to be, and that can be accomplished only by the force ofhis life. I believe it might be of great service to let our publicorators know, that an unnatural gravity, or an unbecoming levity in theirbehaviour out of the pulpit, will take very much from the force of theireloquence in it. Excuse another scrap of Latin; it is from one of theFathers: I think it will appear a just observation to all, as it may haveauthority with some; _Qui autem docent tantum, nec faciunt, ipsipraeceptis suis detrahunt pondus; Quis enim obtemperet, cum ipsipraeceptores doceant non obtemperare?_[5] I am, "SIR, "Your humble servant, "JONATHAN ROSEHAT. 

"P. S. You were complaining in that paper, that the clergy ofGreat-Britain had not yet learned to speak; a very great defect indeed;and therefore I shall think myself a well-deserver of the church inrecommending all the dumb clergy to the famous speaking doctor[6] atKensington. This ingenious gentleman, out of compassion to those of a badutterance, has placed his whole study in the new-modelling the organs ofvoice; which art he has so far advanced, as to be able even to make agood orator of a pair of bellows. He lately exhibited a specimen of hisskill in this way, of which I was informed by the worthy gentlemen thenpresent, who were at once delighted and amazed to hear an instrument ofso simple an organization use an exact articulation of words, a justcadency in its sentences, and a wonderful pathos in its pronunciation;not that he designs to expatiate in this practice, because he cannot (ashe says) apprehend what use it may be of to mankind, whose benefit heaims at in a more particular manner: and for the same reason, he willnever more instruct the feathered kind, the parrot having been his lastscholar in that way. He has a wonderful faculty in making and mendingechoes, and this he will perform at any time for the use of the solitaryin the country, being a man born for universal good, and for that reasonrecommended to your patronage by, Sir, yours, "PHILALETHES. "

[Footnote 1: This letter appears under the heading: "From my ownApartment, September 19. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: See "The Tatler, " No. 66, _ante_. [T. S, ]]

[Footnote 3: An Athenian rhetorician who died in Rome about 100 B. C. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The quotation is not quite correctly given. It is taken fromCicero, _De Oratore_, i. 19 (87). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "But those who teach, and do not live in accordance withtheir own instructions, take away all the weight from their teaching; forwho will comply with their precepts, when the teachers themselves teachus not to obey them?" [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: James Ford proposed to cure stammerers and even restorespeech to mutes. In the second volume of "The British Apollo" he isreferred to as having "not only recovered several who stammered toa regular speech, but also brought the deaf and dumb to speak. " [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 71. 

FROM TUESDAY SEPTEMBER 20. TO THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 22. 1709. 

"'SQUIRE BICKERSTAFF, [1]

"Finding your advice and censure to have a good effect, I desire youradmonition to our vicar and schoolmaster, who in his preaching to hisauditors, stretches his jaws so wide, that instead of instructing youth, it rather frightens them: likewise in reading prayers, he has such acareless loll, that people are justly offended at his irreverent posture;besides the extraordinary charge they are put to in sending theirchildren to dance, to bring them off of those ill gestures. Another evilfaculty he has, in making the bowling-green his daily residence, insteadof his church, where his curate reads prayers every day. If the weatheris fair, his time is spent in visiting; if cold or wet, in bed, or atleast at home, though within 100 yards of the church. These, out of manysuch irregular practices, I write for his reclamation: but two or threethings more before I conclude; to wit, that generally when his curatepreaches in the afternoon, he sleeps sotting in the desk on a hassock. With all this, he is so extremely proud, that he will go but once to thesick, except they return his visit. "

[Footnote 1: This letter is dated as from Will's Coffee-house, September20. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 230. 

FROM TUESDAY SEPTEMBER 26. TO THURSDAY SEPTEMBER28. 1710. 

_From my own Apartment, September 27. _[1]

The following letter has laid before me many great and manifest evils inthe world of letters[2] which I had overlooked; but they open to me avery busy scene, and it will require no small care and application toamend errors which are become so universal. The affectation of politenessis exposed in this epistle with a great deal of wit and discernment; sothat whatever discourses I may fall into hereafter upon the subjects thewriter treats of, I shall at present lay the matter before the Worldwithout the least alteration from the words of my correspondent. 

"TO ISAAC BICKERSTAFF ESQ;

"SIR, "There are some abuses among us of great consequence, the reformation ofwhich is properly your province, though, as far as I have been conversantin your papers, you have not yet considered them. These are, thedeplorable ignorance that for some years hath reigned among our Englishwriters, the great depravity of our taste, and the continual corruptionof our style. I say nothing here of those who handle particular sciences, divinity, law, physic, and the like; I mean, the traders in history andpolitics, and the _belles lettres;_ together with those by whom booksare not translated, but (as the common expressions are) 'done out ofFrench, Latin, ' or other language, and 'made English. ' I cannot butobserve to you, that till of late years a Grub-Street book was alwaysbound in sheepskin, with suitable print and paper, the price never abovea shilling, and taken off wholly by common tradesmen, or country pedlars, but now they appear in all sizes and shapes, and in all places. They arehanded about from lapfuls in every coffeehouse to persons of quality, areshewn in Westminster-Hall and the Court of Requests. You may see themgilt, and in royal paper, of five or six hundred pages, and ratedaccordingly. I would engage to furnish you with a catalogue of Englishbooks published within the compass of seven years past, which at thefirst hand would cost you a hundred pounds, wherein you shall not be ableto find ten lines together of common grammar or common sense. 

"These two evils, ignorance and want of taste, have produced a third; Imean, the continual corruption of our English tongue, which, without sometimely remedy, will suffer more by the false refinements of twenty yearspast, than it hath been improved in the foregoing hundred: And this iswhat I design chiefly to enlarge upon, leaving the former evils to youranimadversion. 

"But instead of giving you a list of the late refinements crept into ourlanguage, I here send you the copy of a letter I received some time agofrom a most accomplished person in this way of writing, upon which Ishall make some remarks. It is in these terms. 

"'SIR, "'I _couldn't_ get the things you sent for all _about Town. _--I _thôt_ to_ha'_ come down myself, and then _I'd ha' brôut 'umn;_ but I _han'tdon't, _ and I believe I _can't do't, _ that's _pozz. --Tom[3]_ begins to_gi'mself_ airs_ because _he's_ going with the _plenipo's. _--'Tis said, the _French_ King will _bamboozl us agen, _ which _causes manyspeculations_. The _Jacks, _ and others of that _kidney_, are very_uppish_, and _alert upon't_, as you may see by their _phizz's_. --_WillHazzard_ has got the _hipps_, having lost _to the tune of_ five hundr'dpound, _thô_ he understands play very well, _nobody better_. He haspromis't me upon _rep_, to leave off play; but you know 'tis a weakness_he's_ too apt to _give into, thô_ he has as much wit as any man, _nobody more. _ He has lain _incog_ ever since. --The _mobb's_ very quietwith us now. --I believe you _thôt I bantered_ you in my last like a_country put. _--I _sha'n't_ leave Town this month, _&c_. '

"This letter is in every point an admirable pattern of the present politeway of writing; nor is it of less authority for being an epistle. You maygather every flower in it, with a thousand more of equal sweetness, fromthe books, pamphlets, and single papers, offered us every day in thecoffeehouses: And these are the beauties introduced to supply the wantof wit, sense, humour, and learning, which formerly were looked upon asqualifications for a writer. If a man of wit, who died forty years ago, were to rise from the grave on purpose, how would he be able to read thisletter? And after he had gone through that difficulty, how would he beable to understand it? The first thing that strikes your eye is the_breaks_ at the end of almost every sentence; of which I know not theuse, only that it is a refinement, and very frequently practised. Thenyou will observe the abbreviations and elisions, by which consonants ofmost obdurate sound are joined together, without one softening vowel tointervene; and all this only to make one syllable of two, directlycontrary to the example of the Greeks and Romans; altogether of theGothic strain, and a natural tendency towards relapsing into barbarity, which delights in monosyllables, and uniting of mute consonants; as it isobservable in all the Northern languages. And this is still more visiblein the next refinement, which consists in pronouncing the first syllablein a word that has many, and dismissing the rest; such as _phizz, hipps, mobb, [4] poz. , rep. _ and many more; when we are already overloaded withmonosyllables, which are the disgrace of our language. Thus we cram onesyllable, and cut off the rest; as the owl fattened her mice, after shehad bit off their legs to prevent their running away; and if ours be thesame reason for maiming words, it will certainly answer the end; for I amsure no other Nation will desire to borrow them. Some words are hithertobut fairly split, and therefore only in their way to perfection, as_incog_ and _plenipo_: But in a short time it is to be hoped they will befurther docked to _inc_ and _plen_. This reflection has made me of lateyears very impatient for a peace, which I believe would save the lives ofmany brave words, as well as men. The war has introduced abundance ofpolysyllables, which will never be able to live many more campaigns;_Speculations, operations, preliminaries, ambassadors, palisadoes, communication, circumvallation, battalions_, as numerous as they are, ifthey attack us too frequently in our coffeehouses, we shall certainly putthem to flight, and cut off the rear. 

"The third refinement observable in the letter I send you, consists inthe choice of certain words invented by some _pretty fellows_; such as_banter, bamboozle, country put_, and _kidney_, as it is there applied;some of which are now struggling for the vogue, and others are inpossession of it. I have done my utmost for some years past to stop theprogress of _mobb_ and _banter_, but have been plainly borne downby numbers, and betrayed by those who promised to assist me. 

"In the last place, you are to take notice of certain choice phrasesscattered through the letter; some of them tolerable enough, till theywere worn to rags by servile imitators. You might easily find them, though they were not in a different print, and therefore I need notdisturb them. 

"These are the false refinements in our style which you ought to correct:First, by argument and fair means; but if those fail, I think you are tomake use of your authority as Censor, and by an annual _indexexpurgatorius_ expunge all words and phrases that are offensive to goodsense, and condemn those barbarous mutilations of vowels and syllables. In this last point the usual pretence is, that they spell as they speak;a noble standard for language! to depend upon the caprice of everycoxcomb, who, because words are the clothing of our thoughts, cuts themout, and shapes them as he pleases, and changes them oftener than hisdress. I believe, all reasonable people would be content that suchrefiners were more sparing in their words, and liberal in their syllables:And upon this head I should be glad you would bestow some advice uponseveral young readers in our churches, who coming up from the University, full fraught with admiration of our Town politeness, will needs correctthe style of their Prayer-Books. In reading the absolution, they are verycareful to say "_Pardons and absolves;"_ and in the Prayer for the RoyalFamily, it must be, _endue'um, enrich'um, prosper'um, _ and _bring'um_. [5]Then in their sermons they use all the modern terms of art, _sham, banter, mob, bubble, bully, cutting shuffling, _ and _palming_, all which, and many more of the like stamp, as I have heard them often in the pulpitfrom such young sophisters, so I have read them in some of those sermonsthat have made most noise of late. The design, it seems, is to avoid thedreadful imputation of pedantry, to shew us, that they know the Town, understand men and manners, and have not been poring upon oldunfashionable books in the University. 

"I should be glad to see you the instrument of introducing into our stylethat simplicity which is the best and truest ornament of most things inlife, which the politer ages always aimed at in their building and dress, _(simplex munditiis)_ as well as their productions of wit. It ismanifest, that all new, affected modes of speech, whether borrowed fromthe Court, the Town, or the theatre, are the first perishing parts in anylanguage, and, as I could prove by many hundred instances, have been soin ours. The writings of Hooker, [6] who was a country clergyman, and ofParsons[7] the Jesuit, both in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, are in astyle that, with very few allowances, would not offend any presentreader; much more clear and intelligible than those of Sir H. Wotton, [8]Sir Robert Naunton, [9] Osborn, [10] Daniel[11] the historian, and several others who writ later; but being men of the Court, andaffecting the phrases then in fashion, they are often either not to beunderstood, or appear perfectly ridiculous. 

"What remedies are to be applied to these evils I have not room toconsider, having, I fear, already taken up most of your paper. Besides, Ithink it is our office only to represent abuses, and yours to redressthem. 

"I am, with great respect, Sir, "Your, &c. "

[Footnote 1: In his "Journal to Stella, " Swift writes, under date, September 18th, 1710: "Came to town; got home early, and began a letterto 'The Tatler' about the corruptions of style and writing, &c. " OnSeptember 23rd, he writes again: "I have sent a long letter toBickerstaff; let the Bp. Of Clogher smoke if he can. " Again on September29th: "I made a 'Tatler' since I came; guess which it is, and whether theBp. Of Clogher smokes it. " On October 1st, he asks Stella: "Have yousmoked the 'Tatler' that I writ? It is much liked here, and I thinkit a pure one. " On the 14th of the same month he refers still again tothe paper which had evidently pleased him: "The Bp. Of Clogher hassmoked my 'Tatler' about shortening of words, " etc. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Compare Swift's "Proposal for Correcting the EnglishTongue. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Thomas Harley, cousin of the first Earl of Oxford. He wasSecretary of the Treasury, and afterwards minister at Hanover. Hedied in 1737. (T. S. )]

[Footnote 4: It is interesting to note that Swift, who insisted that theword "mob" should never be used for "rabble, " wrote "mob" in the 15thnumber of "The Examiner, " and in Faulkner's reprint of 1741 theword was changed to "rabble. " Scott notes: "The Dean carried onthe war against the word 'mob' to the very last. A lady who died in1788, and was well known to Swift, used to say that the greatest scrapeinto which she got with him was by using the word 'mob. ' 'Why doyou say that?' said he, in a passion; 'never let me hear you say thatword again. ' 'Why, sir, ' said she, 'what am I to say?' 'The "rabble, "to be sure, ' answered he. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5. ] See Swift's Letter to the Earl of Pembroke (Scott'sedition, vol. Xv. , p. 350) where a little more fun is poked at the Bishopof Clogher, in the same strain. [T. S. ]

[Footnote 6: The great Richard Hooker (1554-1600) author of the"Ecclesiastical Polity. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: Robert Parsons (1546-1610) the famous Jesuit missionary, andthe author of a large number of works including the "Conference about thenext Succession" (1594). Several of his books were privately printedby him at a secret printing press, which he set up in East Ham withthe assistance of the poet Campion. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: Sir Henry Wotton (1568-1639) author of "ReliquiaeWottonianae, " and the friend of John Donne. He was Provost of Eton from1624 until his death, and distinguished himself as a diplomatist. To himis ascribed the saying: "An ambassador is an honest man sent to lieabroad for the good of his country. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Sir Robert Naunton (1563-1635), Secretary of State in 1618, and author of "Fragmenta Regalia" published in 1641. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: Francis Osborne (1593-1659) wrote "Advice to a Son"(1656-58), a work that gave him a great reputation. This work was issuedwith his other writings in a collected form in 1673. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: Samuel Daniel (1562-1619) is said to have succeeded Spenseras poet-laureate. In addition to his plays and poems (including a historyof the Civil Wars in eight books, 1595-1609) he wrote a History ofEngland, in two parts (1612-1617). [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 258. 

FROM THURSDAY NOVEMBER 30. TO SATURDAY DECEMBER 2. 1710. 

To ISAAC BICKERSTAFF ESQ;

Nov. 22. 1710. [1]

SIR, Dining yesterday with Mr. _South-British, _ and Mr. _William North-Briton_two gentlemen, who, before you ordered it otherwise, [2] were known by thenames of Mr. _English_ and Mr. _William Scott_. Among other things, themaid of the house (who in her time I believe may have been a_North-British_ warming-pan) brought us up a dish of _North-British_collops. We liked our entertainment very well, only we observed thetable-cloth, being not so fine as we could have wished, was_North-British_ cloth: But the worst of it was, we were disturbed alldinner-time by the noise of the children, who were playing in the pavedcourt at _North-British_ hoppers; so we paid our _North-Briton_[3] soonerthan we designed, and took coach to _North-Britain_ yard, about whichplace most of us live. We had indeed gone a-foot, only we were under someapprehensions lest a _North-British_ mist should wet a _South-British_man to the skin. 

We think this matter properly expressed, according to the accuracy of thenew style settled by you in one of your late papers. You will please togive your opinion upon it to, Sir, Your most humble servants, J. S. M. P. N. R. 

[Footnote 1: This letter appeared originally under the heading: "From myown Apartment, December I. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: In his "Journal to Stella" (December 2, 1710) Swiftwrites: "Steele, the rogue, has done the impudentest thing in the world. He said something in a 'Tatler, ' that we ought to use the word GreatBritain, and not England, in common conversation, as, the finest ladyin Great Britain, &c. Upon this Rowe, Prior, and I, sent him a letter, turning this into ridicule. He has to-day printed the letter, and signedit J. S. , M. P. And N. R. The first letters of our names. Congrevetold me to-day, he smoked it immediately. " The passage referred toby Swift, was a letter, signed Scoto-Britannus, printed in No. 241 of"The Tatler, " in which it was objected that a gentleman ended everysentence with the words, "the best of any man in England, " and calledupon him to "mend his phrase, and be hereafter the wisest of any manin Great Britain. " Writing to Alderman Barber, under date August8, 1738, Swift remarks: "The modern phrase 'Great Britain' isonly to distinguish it from Little Britain where old clothes and oldbooks are to be bought and sold. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: We paid our _scot; i. E. , _ our share of the reckoning. [T. S. ]]

NOTE. 

With No. 271 Steele brought his venture to a close. It was issuedon January 2nd, 1710. "I am now, " he wrote, "come to the end of myambition in this matter, and have nothing further to say to the worldunder the character of Isaac Bickerstaff. " His ostensible reason forthus terminating so successful an undertaking he put down to the factthat Bickerstaff was no longer a disguise, and that he could not hope tohave the same influence when it was known who it was that led themovement. Another reason, however, suggests itself in Steele'srecognition of Harley's kindness in not depriving him of hisCommissionership of Stamps, as well as of his Gazetteership for thesatires Steele permitted to appear against Harley in "The Tatler. " ThatSteele did have something further to say to the world may be gatheredfrom the fact that two months after "The Tatler's" decease he started"The Spectator. "

But "The Tatler" was too good a thing for the publishers to permit todie. Two days after the issue of No. 271, appeared a No. 272, with theimprint of John Baker, of "the Black Boy at Paternoster Row. " It extolledthe "Character of Richard Steele, alias Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq. , " andpromised to continue in his footsteps, and be delivered regularly to itssubscribers "at 5 in the morning. " On January 6th, 1710, No. 273 waspublished by "Isaac Bickerstaff, Jr. " John Baker, however, was not tohave it all his own way, for on January 6th, 1710, Morphew brought out anumber--not a double number, although called "Numbers 272, 273"--andcontinued it without intermission on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, until May 19th, when the final number, No. 330, was issued. The date 1711was first used on March 31st. Meanwhile, on January 13th, A. Baldwinissued a No. 1 of a "Tatler, " in which the public were informed thatIsaac Bickerstaff had had no intention to discontinue the paper, butwould continue to publish it every Tuesday and Saturday. This was the new"Tatler" in which Swift was interesting himself on behalf of WilliamHarrison. Writing to Stella, under date January 11th, he says: "I amsetting up a new 'Tatler, ' little Harrison, whom I have mentioned to you. Others have put him on it, and I encourage him; and he was with me thismorning and evening, showing me his first, which comes out on Saturday. Idoubt he will not succeed, for I do not much approve his manner; but thescheme is Mr. Secretary St. John's and mine, and would have done wellenough in good hands. " When the paper came out he wrote again: "There isnot much in it, but I hope he will mend. You must understand that, uponSteele's leaving off, there were two or three scrub Tatlers came out, andone of them holds on still, and to-day it advertised against Harrison's;and so there must be disputes which are genuine, like the strops forrazors. I am afraid the little toad has not the true vein for it. "Apparently, he hadn't, for later, referring to another number, Swiftwrites: "The jackanapes wants a right taste: I doubt he won't do. "

With all Swift's assistance, Harrison did not hold out. He quarrelledwith Baldwin, and went to Morphew and Lillie, the publishers of theoriginal "Tatler. " Only six numbers bear Baldwin's imprint, namely, Nos. 1-6, dated respectively, January 13th, January 16th, January 20th, January 23rd, January 27th, and February 1st. Harrison's first number, under Morphew, was called No. 285 (February 3rd). For a very exhaustiveand careful research into the publications of "The Tatler" and itsimitators the reader is referred to Aitken's "Life of Sir RichardSteele" (2 vols. , 1889). 

William Harrison (1685-1713) was educated at Winchester College and NewCollege, Oxford. He obtained Addison's favour by his acquaintance with"polite literature, " and was introduced by him to Swift. Swift took tohim very kindly, spoke of the young fellow "we are all fond of, " thoughthim "a pretty little fellow, with a great deal of wit, good sense, andgood nature, " and interested himself in him to the extent that throughhim St. John got Lord Raby to take him to The Hague as his secretary. Hereturned with the Barrier Treaty, but without a penny. He had not beenpaid any of his salary. Swift heard of this, and immediately went aboutcollecting a sum of money for his assistance. When, however, he calledwith the money, at Harrison's lodgings in Knightsbridge, he found thepoor fellow had died an hour before. 

These contributions to the new "Tatler" are printed from the originalperiodical issue with the exception of No. 5, which is taken from thesecond edition of the reprint (1720), as no copy of the original issuehas been met with. 

[T. S. ]

THE TATLER, NUMB. I. 

_Quis ego sum saltem, si non sum Sosia? Te interrogo. _PLAUT. AMPHITR. [1]

SATURDAY, JANUARY 13. 1711. [2]

It is impossible, perhaps, for the best and wisest amongst us, to keep soconstant a guard upon our temper, but that we may at one time or otherlie open to the strokes of Fortune, and such incidents as we cannotforesee. With sentiments of this kind I came home to my lodgings lastnight, much fatigued with a long and sudden journey from the country, andfull of the ungrateful occasion of it. It was natural for me to haveimmediate recourse to my pen and ink; but before I would offer to makeuse of them, I resolved deliberately to tell over a hundred, and when Icame to the end of that sum, I found it more advisable to defer drawingup my intended remonstrance, till I had slept soundly on my resentments. Without any other preface than this, I shall give the world a fairaccount of the treatment I have lately met with, and leave them to judge, whether the uneasiness I have suffered be inconsistent with the characterI have generally pretended to. About three weeks since, I received aninvitation from a kinsman in Staffordshire, to spend my Christmas inthose parts. Upon taking leave of Mr. Morphew, I put as many papers intohis hands as would serve till my return, and charged him at parting to bevery punctual with the town. In what manner he and Mr. Lillie have beentampered with since, I cannot say; they have given me my revenge, if Idesired any, by allowing their names to an idle paper, that in all humanprobability cannot live a fortnight to an end. Myself, and the family Iwas with, were in the midst of gaiety, and a plentiful entertainment, when I received a letter from my sister Jenny, who, after mentioning somelittle affairs I had intrusted to her, goes on thus:--"The inclosed, [2] Ibelieve, will give you some surprise, as it has already astonished everybody here: Who Mr. Steele is, that subscribes it, I do not know, any morethan I can comprehend what could induce him to it. Morphew and Lillie, Iam told, are both in the secret. I shall not presume to instruct you, but hope you will use some means to disappoint the ill nature of thosewho are taking pains to deprive the world of one of its most reasonableentertainments. I am, &c. "

I am to thank my sister for her compliment; but be that as it will, Ishall not easily be discouraged from my former undertaking. In pursuanceof it, I was obliged upon this notice to take places in the coach formyself and my maid with the utmost expedition, lest I should, in a shorttime, be rallied out of my existence, as some people will needs fancy Mr. Partridge has been, and the real Isaac Bickerstaff have passed for acreature of Mr. Steele's imagination. This illusion might have hoped forsome tolerable success, if I had not more than once produced my person ina crowded theatre; and such a person as Mr. Steele, if I am notmisinformed in the gentleman, would hardly think it an advantage to own, though I should throw him in all the little honour I have gained by my"Lucubrations. " I may be allowed, perhaps, to understand pleasantry aswell as other men, and can (in the usual phrase) take a jest withoutbeing angry; but I appeal to the world, whether the gentleman has notcarried it too far, and whether he ought not to make a publicrecantation, if the credulity of some unthinking people should force meto insist upon it. The following letter is just come to hand, and I thinkit not improper to be inserted in this paper. 

"TO ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, ESQ;

"Sir, "I am extremely glad to hear you are come to town, for in your absence wewere all mightily surprised with an unaccountable paper, signed 'RichardSteele, ' who is esteemed by those that know him, to be a man of wit andhonour; and therefore we took it either to be a counterfeit, or a perfectChristmas frolic of that ingenious gentleman. But then, your paperceasing immediately after, we were at a loss what to think: If you wereweary of the work you had so long carried on, and had given this Mr. Steele orders to signify so to the public, he should have said it inplain terms; but as that paper is worded, one would be apt to judge, thathe had a mind to persuade the town that there was some analogy betweenIsaac Bickerstaff and him. Possibly there may be a secret in this which Icannot enter into; but I flatter my self that you never had any thoughtsof giving over your labours for the benefit of mankind, when you cannotbut know how many subjects are yet unexhausted, and how many others, asbeing less obvious, are wholly untouched. I dare promise, not only for myself, but many other abler friends, that we shall still continue tofurnish you with hints on all proper occasions, which is all your geniusrequires. I think, by the way, you cannot in honour have any more to dowith Morphew and Lillie, who have gone beyond the ordinary pitch ofassurance, and transgressed the very letter of the proverb, byendeavouring to cheat you of your Christian and surname too. Wishing you, Sir, long to live for our instruction and diversion, and to the defeatingof all impostors, I remain, "Your most obedient humble servant, "and affectionate kinsman, "HUMPHRY WAGSTAFF. "

[Footnote 1: _Amphitryon_, I. I 282. "Who am I, at all events, if I amnot Sosia? I ask you _that_. "--H. T. RILEY. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: _I. E. _ 1710-11. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: This, no doubt, was Steele's last "Tatler, " No. 271. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, No. 2. 

_Alios viri reverentia, vultusque ad continendum populum mire formatus, alios etiam, quibus ipse interesse non potuit, vis scribendi tamen, et magni nominis autoritas pervicere. _--TULL. EPIST. [1]

FROM SATURD. JAN. 13. TO TUESDAY JAN, l6. 1710. [2]

I remember Ménage, [3] tells a story of Monsieur Racan, who had appointeda day and hour to meet a certain lady of great wit whom he had neverseen, in order to make an acquaintance between them. "Two of Racan'sfriends, who had heard of the appointment, resolved to play him a trick. The first went to the lady two hours before the time, said his name wasRacan, and talked with her an hour; they were both mightily pleased, began a great friendship, and parted with much satisfaction. A fewminutes after comes the second, and sends up the same name; the ladywonders at the meaning, and tells him, Mr. Racan had just left her. Thegentleman says it was some rascally impostor, and that he had beenfrequently used in that manner. The lady is convinced, and they laugh atthe oddness of the adventure. She now calls to mind several passages, which confirm her that the former was a cheat. He appoints a secondmeeting, and takes his leave. He was no sooner gone, but the true Racancomes to the door, and desires, under that name, to see the lady. She wasout of all patience, sends for him up, rates him for an impostor, and, after a thousand injuries, flings a slipper at his head. It wasimpossible to pacify or disabuse her; he was forced to retire, and it wasnot without some time, and the intervention of friends, that they couldcome to an _éclaircissement_. " This, as I take it, is exactly the casewith Mr. S[tee]le, the pretended "TATLER" from Morphew, and myself, only(I presume) the world will be sooner undeceived than the lady in Ménage. The very day my last paper came out, my printer brought me another of thesame date, called "The Tatler, " by Isaac Bickerstaff Esq; and, which wasstill more pleasant, with an advertisement[4] at the end, calling me the"_Female_ TATLER": it is not enough to rob me of my name, but now theymust impose a sex on me, when my years have long since determined me tobe of none at all. There is only one thing wanting in the operation, thatthey would renew my age, and then I will heartily forgive them all therest. In the mean time, whatever uneasiness I have suffered from thelittle malice of these men, and my retirement in the country, thepleasures I have received from the same occasion, will fairly balance theaccount. On the one hand, I have been highly delighted to see my name andcharacter assumed by the scribblers of the age, in order to recommendthemselves to it; and on the other, to observe the good taste of thetown, in distinguishing and exploding them through every disguise, andsacrificing their trifles to the supposed _manes_ of Isaac BickerstaffEsquire. But the greatest merit of my journey into Staffordshire, is, that it has opened to me a new fund of unreproved follies and errors thathave hitherto lain out of my view, and, by their situation, escaped mycensure. For, as I have lived generally in town, the images I had of thecountry were such only as my senses received very early, and my memoryhas since preserved with all the advantages they first appeared in. 

Hence it was that I thought our parish church the noblest structure inEngland, and the Squire's Place-House, as we called it, a mostmagnificent palace. I had the same opinion of the alms-house in thechurchyard, and of a bridge over the brook that parts our parish from thenext. It was the common vogue of our school, that the master was the bestscholar in Europe, and the usher the second. Not happening to correctthese notions, by comparing them with what I saw when I came into theworld, upon returning back, I began to resume my former imaginations, andexpected all things should appear in the same view as I left them whenI was a boy: but to my utter disappointment I found them wonderfullyshrunk, and lessened almost out of my knowledge. I looked with contempton the tribes painted on the church walls, which I once so much admired, and on the carved chimneypiece in the Squire's Hall. I found my oldmaster to be a poor ignorant pedant; and, in short, the whole scene to beextremely changed for the worse. This I could not help mentioning, because though it be of no consequence in itself, yet it is certain, thatmost prejudices are contracted and retained by this narrow way ofthinking, which, in matters of the greatest moment are hardly shook off:and which we only think true, because we were made to believe so, beforewe were capable to distinguish between truth and falsehood. But there wasone prepossession which I confess to have parted with, much to my regret:I mean the opinion of that native honesty and simplicity of manners, which I had always imagined to be inherent in country-people. I soonobserved it was with them and us, as they say of animals; That everyspecies at land has one to resemble it at sea; for it was easy todiscover the seeds and principles of every vice and folly that one meetswith in the more known world, though shooting up in different forms. Itook a fancy out of the several inhabitants round, to furnish the camp, the bar, and the Exchange, and some certain chocolate and coffeehouses, with exact parallels to what, in many instances, they already produce. There was a drunken quarrelsome smith, whom I have a hundred timesfancied at the head of a troop of dragoons. A weaver, within two doors ofmy kinsman, was perpetually setting neighbours together by the ears. Ilamented to see how his talents were misplaced, and imagined what afigure he might make in Westminster-Hall. Goodman Crop of Compton Farm, wants nothing but a plum and a gold chain to qualify him for thegovernment of the City. My kinsman's stable-boy was a gibing companionthat would always have his jest. He would often put cow-itch in themaids' beds, pull stools from under folks, and lay a coal upon theirshoes when they were asleep. He was at last turned off for some notablepiece of roguery, and when I came away, was loitering among theale-houses. Bless me, thought I, what a prodigious wit would this havebeen with us! I could have matched all the sharpers between St. James'sand Covent Garden, with a notable fellow in the same neighbourhood, (since hanged for picking pockets at fairs) could he have had theadvantages of their education. So nearly are the corruptions of thecountry allied to those of the town, with no further difference than whatis made by another turn of thought and method of living!

[Footnote 1: "A reverend aspect, and a countenance formed to command, have power to restrain some people; while others, who pay no regard tothose, are prevailed upon by the dint of writing, and the authority of agreat name. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: _I. E. _ 1710-11. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Gilles Ménage (1613-1692). The story is given in "Menagiana"(vol. Ii. Pp. 49-51, second edition, 1695). C. Sorel, however, in his"Francion" (1623) tells a similar story of a poet named Saluste, whowas fooled in like manner. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Morphew's "Tatler" for January 13th, 1710 (No. 276), contains the following: "Whereas an advertisement was yesterday deliveredout by the author of the late 'Female Tatler, ' insinuating, [according tohis custom] that he is Isaac Bickerstaff Esq. ; This is to give notice, that this paper is continued to be sold by John Morphew as formerly, "etc. 

"The Female Tatler, by Mrs. Crackenthorpe, a Lady that knows every thing, "had been begun July 8th, 1709, but was now defunct. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, No. 5. 

----_Laceratque, trahitque__Molle pecus_ VIR. [1]

FROM TUESDAY JAN. 23. TO SATURDAY JAN. 27. 1710. [2]

Amongst other severities I have met with from some critics, the cruellestfor an old man is, that they will not let me be at quiet in my bed, butpursue me to my very dreams. I must not dream but when they please, norupon long continued subjects, however visionary in their own natures;because there is a manifest moral quite through them, which to produce asa dream is improbable and unnatural. The pain I might have had from thisobjection, is prevented by considering they have missed another, againstwhich I should have been at a loss to defend myself. They should haveasked me, whether the dreams I publish can properly be calledLucubrations, which is the name I have given to all my papers, whether involumes or half-sheets: so manifest a contradiction _in terminis_, that Iwonder no sophister ever thought of it: But the other is a cavil. Iremember when I was a boy at school, I have often dreamed out the wholepassages of a day; that I rode a journey, baited, supped, went to bed, and rose the next morning: and I have known young ladies who could dreama whole contexture of adventures in one night large enough to make anovel. In youth the imagination is strong, not mixed with cares, nortinged with those passions that most disturb and confound it, such asavarice, ambition, and many others. Now as old men are said to growchildren again, so in this article of dreaming, I am returned to mychildhood. My imagination is at full ease, without care, avarice, orambition, to clog it; by which, among many others, I have this advantageof doubling the small remainder of my time, and living four-and-twentyhours in the day. However, the dream I am now going to relate, is as wildas can well be imagined, and adapted to please these refiners upon sleep, without any moral that I can discover. 

"It happened that my maid left on the table in my bedchamber, one of herstory books (as she calls them) which I took up, and found full ofstrange impertinences, fitted to her taste and condition; of poorservants that came to be ladies, and serving-men of low degree, whomarried kings' daughters. Among other things, I met this sageobservation, 'That a lion would never hurt a true virgin. ' With thismedley of nonsense in my fancy I went to bed, and dreamed that a friendwaked me in the morning, and proposed for pastime to spend a few hours inseeing the parish lions, which he had not done since he came to town; andbecause they showed but once a week, he would not miss the opportunity. Isaid I would humour him; though, to speak the truth, I was not fond ofthose cruel spectacles; and if it were not so ancient a custom, founded, as I had heard, upon the wisest maxims, I should be apt to censure theinhumanity of those who introduced it. " All this will be a riddle to thewaking reader, till I discover the scene my imagination had formed uponthe maxim, "That a lion would never hurt a true virgin. " "I dreamed, thatby a law of immemorial time, a he-lion was kept in every parish at thecommon charge, and in a place provided, adjoining to the churchyard:that, before any one of the fair sex was married, if she affirmed herselfto be a virgin, she must on her wedding day, and in her wedding clothes, perform the ceremony of going alone into the den, and stay an hour withthe lion let loose, and kept fasting four-and-twenty hours on purpose. Ata proper height, above the den, were convenient galleries for therelations and friends of the young couple, and open to all spectators. Nomaiden was forced to offer herself to the lion; but if she refused, itwas a disgrace to marry her, and every one might have liberty of callingher a whore. And methought it was as usual a diversion to see the parishlions, as with us to go to a play or an opera. And it was reckonedconvenient to be near the church, either for marrying the virgin if sheescaped the trial, or for burying the bones when the lion had devouredthe rest, as he constantly did. "

To go on therefore with the dream: "We called first (as I remember) tosee St. Dunstan's lion, but we were told they did not shew to-day: Fromthence we went to that of Covent-Garden, which, to my great surprise, wefound as lean as a skeleton, when I expected quite the contrary; but thekeeper said it was no wonder at all, because the poor beast had not gotan ounce of woman's flesh since he came into the parish. This amazed memore than the other, and I was forming to myself a mighty veneration forthe ladies in that quarter of the town, when the keeper went on, andsaid, He wondered the parish would be at the charge of maintaining a lionfor nothing. Friend, (said I) do you call it nothing, to justify thevirtue of so many ladies, or has your lion lost his distinguishingfaculty? Can there be anything more for the honour of your parish, thanthat all the ladies married in your church were pure virgins? That istrue, (said he) and the doctor knows it to his sorrow; for there has notbeen a couple married in our church since his worship has been amongstus. The virgins hereabouts are too wise to venture the claws of the lion;and because nobody will marry them, have all entered into vows ofvirginity. So that in proportion we have much the largest nunnery inthe whole town. This manner of ladies entering into a vow of virginity, because they were not virgins, I easily conceived; and my dream told me, that the whole kingdom was full of nunneries, plentifully stocked fromthe same reason. 

"We went to see another lion, where we found much company met in thegallery; the keeper told us, we should see sport enough, as he called it;and in a little time, we saw a young beautiful lady put into the den, whowalked up towards the lion with all imaginable security in hercountenance, and looked smiling upon her lover and friends in thegallery; which I thought nothing extraordinary, because it was neverknown that any lion had been mistaken. But, however, we were alldisappointed, for the lion lifted up his right paw, which was the fatalsign, and advancing forward, seized her by the arm, and began to tear it:The poor lady gave a terrible shriek, and cried out, 'The lion is just, Iam no true virgin! Oh! Sappho, Sappho. ' She could say no more, for thelion gave her the _coup de grace_, by a squeeze in the throat, and sheexpired at his feet. The keeper dragged away her body to feed the animalwhen the company was gone, for the parish-lions never used to eat inpublic. After a little pause, another lady came on towards the lion inthe same manner as the former; we observed the beast smell her with greatdiligence, he scratched both her hands with lifting them to his nose, andclapping a claw on her bosom, drew blood; however he let her go, and atthe same time turned from her with a sort of contempt, at which she wasnot a little mortified, and retired with some confusion to her friends inthe gallery. Methought the whole company immediately understood themeaning of this, that the easiness of the lady had suffered her to admitcertain imprudent and dangerous familiarities, bordering too much uponwhat is criminal; neither was it sure whether the lover then presenthad not some sharers with him in those freedoms, of which a lady cannever be too sparing. 

"This happened to be an extraordinary day, for a third lady came into theden, laughing loud, playing with her fan, tossing her head, and smilinground on the young fellows in the gallery. However, the lion leaped onher with great fury, and we gave her for gone; but on a sudden he let gohis hold, turned from her as if he were nauseated, then gave her a lashwith his tail; after which she returned to the gallery, not the least outof countenance: and this, it seems, was the usual treatment of coquettes. 

"I thought we had now seen enough, but my friend would needs have us goand visit one or two lions in the city. We called at two or three denswhere they happened not to shew, but we generally found half a scoreyoung girls, between eight and eleven years old, playing with each lion, sitting on his back, and putting their hands into his mouth; some of themwould now and then get a scratch; but we always discovered, uponexamining, that they had been hoydening with the young apprentices. Oneof them was calling to a pretty girl of about twelve years, that stood byus in the gallery, to come down to the lion, and upon her refusal, said, 'Ah! Miss Betty, we could never get you to come near the lion, since youplayed at hoop and hide with my brother in the garret. '

"We followed a couple, with the wedding-folks, going to the church of St. Mary-Axe. The lady, though well stricken in years, extremely crooked anddeformed, was dressed out beyond the gaiety of fifteen; having jumbledtogether, as I imagined, all the tawdry remains of aunts, godmothers, andgrandmothers, for some generations past: One of the neighbours whisperedme, that she was an old maid, and had the clearest reputation of any inthe parish. There is nothing strange in that, thought I, but was muchsurprised, when I observed afterwards that she went towards the lion withdistrust and concern. The beast was lying down, but upon sight of her, snuffed up his nose two or three times, and then giving the sign ofdeath, proceeded instantly to execution. In the midst of her agonies, shewas heard to name the words, 'Italy' and 'artifices, ' with the utmosthorror, and several repeated execrations: and at last concluded, 'Foolthat I was, to put so much confidence in the toughness of my skin. '

"The keeper immediately set all in order again for another customer, which happened to be a famous prude, whom her parents after longthreatenings, and much persuasion, had with the extremest difficultyprevailed on to accept a young handsome goldsmith, that might havepretended to five times her fortune. The fathers and mothers in theneighbourhood used to quote her for an example to their daughters. Herelbows were rivetted to her sides, and her whole person so ordered as toinform everybody that she was afraid they should touch her. She onlydreaded to approach the lion, because it was a he one, and abhorred tothink an animal of that sex should presume to breathe on her. The sightof a man at twenty yards distance made her draw back her head. She alwayssat upon the farther corner of the chair, though there were six chairsbetween her and her lover, and with the door wide open, and her littlesister in the room. She was never saluted but at the tip of her ear, andher father had much ado to make her dine without her gloves, when therewas a man at table. She entered the den with some fear, which we took toproceed from the height of her modesty, offended at the sight of so manymen in the gallery. The lion beholding her at a distance, immediatelygave the deadly sign; at which the poor creature (methinks I see herstill) miscarried in a fright before us all. The lion seemed to besurprised as much as we, and gave her time to make her confession, 'Thatshe was four months gone, by the foreman of her father's shop, that thiswas her third big belly;' and when her friends asked, why she wouldventure the trial? she said, 'Her nurse assured her, that a lion wouldnever hurt a woman with child. '" Upon this I immediately waked, and couldnot help wishing, that the deputy-censors of my late institution wereendued with the same instinct as these parish-lions were. 

[Footnote 1: "Manditque, trahitqueMolle pecus. " _Aeneid_, ix. 340-341. "Devours and tears the peaceful flock. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: _I. E. _ 1710-11. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 298. [1]

_Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, Emollit mores. _ OVID. [2]

FROM SATURDAY MARCH 3. TO TUESDAY MARCH 6. 1710. [3]

_From my own Apartment in Channel-Row, March 5_. 

Those inferior duties of life which the French call _les petitesmorales, _ or the smaller morals, are with us distinguished by the name ofgood manners, [4] or breeding. This I look upon, in the general notion ofit, to be a sort of artificial good sense, adapted to the meanestcapacities, and introduced to make mankind easy in their commercewith each other. Low and little understandings, without some rules ofthis kind, would be perpetually wandering into a thousand indecencies andirregularities in behaviour, and in their ordinary conversation fall intothe same boisterous familiarities that one observes amongst them, when adebauch has quite taken away the use of their reason. In other instances, it is odd to consider, that for want of common discretion the very end ofgood breeding is wholly perverted, and civility, intended to make useasy, is employed in laying chains and fetters upon us, in debarring usof our wishes, and in crossing our most reasonable desires andinclinations. This abuse reigns chiefly in the country, as I found to myvexation, when I was last there, in a visit I made to a neighbour abouttwo miles from my cousin. As soon as I entered the parlour, they forcedme into the great chair that stood close by a huge fire, and kept methere by force till I was almost stifled. Then a boy came in great hurryto pull off my boots, which I in vain opposed, urging that I must returnsoon after dinner. In the mean time the good lady whispered her eldestdaughter, and slipped a key into her hand. She returned instantly witha beer glass half full of _aqua mirabilis_ and syrup of gillyflowers. I took as much as I had a mind for; but Madam vowed I should drink itoff, (for she was sure it would do me good after coming out of the coldair) and I was forced to obey, which absolutely took away my stomach. When dinner came in, I had a mind to sit at a distance from the fire; butthey told me, it was as much as my life was worth, and set me with myback just against it. Though my appetite was quite gone, I resolved toforce down as much as I could, and desired the leg of a pullet. "Indeed, Mr. Bickerstaff, " says the lady, "you must eat a wing to oblige me, " andso put a couple upon my plate. I was persecuted at this rate during thewhole meal. As often as I called for small beer, the master tipped thewink, and the servant brought me a brimmer of October. Some time afterdinner, I ordered my cousin's man who came with me to get ready thehorses; but it was resolved I should not stir that night; and when Iseemed pretty much bent upon going, they ordered the stable door to belocked, and the children hid away my cloak and boots. The next questionwas, what I would have for supper? I said I never eat anything atnight, but was at last in my own defence obliged to name the first thingthat came into my head. After three hours spent chiefly in apology for myentertainment, insinuating to me, "That this was the worst time of theyear for provisions, that they were at a great distance from any market, that they were afraid I should be starved, and they knew they kept me tomy loss, " the lady went, and left me to her husband (for they tookspecial care I should never be alone. ) As soon as her back was turned, the little misses ran backwards and forwards every moment; and constantlyas they came in or went out, made a curtsy directly at me, which in goodmanners I was forced to return with a bow, and "Your humble servantpretty Miss. " Exactly at eight the mother came up, and discovered by theredness of her face, that supper was not far off. It was twice as largeas the dinner, and my persecution doubled in proportion. I desired atmy usual hour to go to my repose, and was conducted to my chamber by thegentleman, his lady, and the whole train of children. They importuned meto drink something before I went to bed, and upon my refusing, at lastleft a bottle of stingo, as they called it, for fear I should wake and bethirsty in the night. I was forced in the morning to rise and dressmyself in the dark, because they would not suffer my kinsman's servant todisturb me at the hour I had desired to be called. I was now resolved tobreak through all measures to get away, and after sitting down to amonstrous breakfast of cold beef, mutton, neats'-tongues, venison-pasty, and stale beer, took leave of the family; but the gentleman would needssee me part of my way, and carry me a short cut through his own grounds, which he told me would save half a mile's riding. This last piece ofcivility had like to have cost me dear, being once or twice in danger ofmy neck, by leaping over his ditches, and at last forced to alight in thedirt, when my horse, having slipped his bridle, ran away, and took us upmore than an hour to recover him again. 

It is evident that none of the absurdities I met with in this visitproceeded from an ill intention, but from a wrong judgment ofcomplaisance, and a misapplication of the rules of it. I cannot so easilyexcuse the more refined critics upon behaviour, who having professed noother study, are yet infinitely defective in the most material parts ofit. Ned Fashion has been bred all his life about Court, and understandsto a tittle all the punctilios of a drawing-room. He visits most of thefine women near St. James's, and upon all occasions says the civilest andsoftest things to them of any man breathing. To Mr. Isaac[5] he owes aneasy slide in his bow, and a graceful manner of coming into a room. Butin some other cases he is very far from being a well-bred person: Helaughs at men of far superior understanding to his own, for not being aswell dressed as himself, despises all his acquaintance that are notquality, and in public places has on that account often avoided takingnotice of some of the best speakers in the House of Commons. He railsstrenuously at both Universities before the members of either, and neveris heard to swear an oath, or break in upon morality or religion, but inthe company of divines. On the other hand, a man of right sense has allthe essentials of good breeding, though he may be wanting in the forms ofit. Horatio has spent most of his time at Oxford. He has a great deal oflearning, an agreeable wit, and as much modesty as serves to adornwithout concealing his other good qualities. In that retired way ofliving, he seems to have formed a notion of human nature, as he has foundit described in the writings of the greatest men, not as he is like tomeet with it in the common course of life. Hence it is, that he gives nooffence, that he converses with great deference, candour, and humanity. His bow, I must confess, is somewhat awkward; but then he has anextensive, universal, and unaffected knowledge, which makes some amendsfor it. He would make no extraordinary figure at a ball; but I canassure the ladies in his behalf, and for their own consolation, that hehas writ better verses on the sex than any man now living, and ispreparing such a poem for the press as will transmit their praises andhis own to many generations. 

[Footnote 1: In the reprint of "The Tatler, " volume v. , this number wascalled No. 20. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: _Epist. Ex Ponto_, II. Ix. 47-48. 

"An understanding in the liberal artsSoftens men's manners. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: _I. E. _ 1710-11. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Compare Swift's "Treatise on Good Manners and GoodBreeding. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: A famous dancing-master in those days. [FAULKNER. ] He diedin 1740. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB, 302. [1]

_O Lycida, vivi pervenimus, advena nostri, (Quod numquam veriti sumus) ut possessor agelliDiceret, Haec mea sunt, veteres migrate coloni. _VIRG. [2]

FROM TUESDAY MARCH 13. TO THURSDAY MARCH 15. 1710. [3]

_From my own Apartment in Channel-Row, March 14. _

The dignity and distinction of men of wit is seldom enough considered, either by themselves or others; their own behaviour, and the usage theymeet with, being generally very much of a piece. I have at this time inmy hands an alphabetical list of the _beaux esprits_ about this town, four or five of whom have made the proper use of their genius, by gainingthe esteem of the best and greatest men, and by turning it to their ownadvantage in some establishment of their fortunes, however unequal totheir merit; others satisfying themselves with the honour of havingaccess to great tables, and of being subject to the call of every manof quality, who upon occasion wants one to say witty things for thediversion of the company. This treatment never moves my indignation somuch, as when it is practised by a person, who though he owes his ownrise purely to the reputation of his parts, yet appears to be as muchashamed of it, as a rich city knight to be denominated from the tradehe was first apprenticed to, and affects the air of a man born to histitles, and consequently above the character of a wit, or a scholar. Ifthose who possess great endowments of the mind would set a just valueupon themselves, they would think no man's acquaintance whatsoever acondescension, nor accept it from the greatest upon unworthy orignominious terms. I know a certain lord that has often invited a setof people, and proposed for their diversion a buffoon player, and aneminent poet, to be of the party; and which was yet worse, thought themboth sufficiently recompensed by the dinner, and the honour of hiscompany. This kind of insolence is risen to such a height, that I my selfwas the other day sent to by a man with a title, whom I had never seen, desiring the favour that I would dine with him and half a dozen of hisselect friends. I found afterwards, the footman had told my maid belowstairs, that my lord having a mind to be merry, had resolved right orwrong to send for honest Isaac. I was sufficiently provoked with themessage; however I gave the fellow no other answer, than that "I believedhe had mistaken the person, for I did not remember that his lord had everbeen introduced to me. " I have reason to apprehend that this abuse hathbeen owing rather to a meanness of spirit in men of parts, than to thenatural pride or ignorance of their patrons. Young students coming upto town from the places of their education, are dazzled with the grandeurthey everywhere meet, and making too much haste to distinguish theirparts, instead of waiting to be desired and caressed, are ready to paytheir court at any rate to a great man, whose name they have seen in apublic paper, or the frontispiece of a dedication. It has not always beenthus: wit in polite ages has ever begot either esteem or fear. The hopesof being celebrated, or the dread of being stigmatized, procured anuniversal respect and awe for the persons of such as were allowed to havethe power of distributing fame or infamy where they pleased. Aretine hadall the princes of Europe his tributaries, and when any of them hadcommitted a folly that laid them open to his censure, they were forced bysome present extraordinary to compound for his silence; of which there isa famous instance on record. When Charles the Fifth had miscarriedin his African expedition, which was looked upon as the weakestundertaking of that great Emperor, he sent Aretine[4] a gold chain, whomade some difficulty of accepting it, saying, "It was too small a presentin all reason for so great a folly. " For my own part, in this point Idiffer from him, and never could be prevailed upon, by any valuableconsideration to conceal a fault or a folly since I first took thecensorship upon me. 

Having long considered with my self the ill application that some make oftheir talents, I have this day erected a Court of Alienation, by thestatutes of which the next a kin is empowered to _beg_ the parts andunderstanding of any such person as can be proved, either by embezzling, making a wrong use, or no use at all of the said parts and understanding, not to know the true value thereof: who shall immediately be put out ofpossession, and disqualified for ever; the said kinsman giving sufficientsecurity that he will employ them as the court shall direct. I have setdown under certain heads the several ways by which men prostitute andabuse their parts, and from thence have framed a table of rules, wherebythe plaintiff may be informed when he has a good title to eject thedefendant. I may in a following paper give the world some account of theproceedings of this court. I have already got two able critics for myassessors upon the bench, who, though they have always exercised theirpens in taking off from the wit of others, have never pretended tochallenge any themselves, and consequently are in no danger of beingengaged in making claims, or of having any suits commence against them. Every writer shall be tried by his peers, throughly versed in that pointwherein he pretends to excel; for which reason the jury can never consistof above half the ordinary number. I shall in general be very tender howI put any person out of his wits; but as the management of suchpossessions is of great consequence to the world, I shall hold my selfobliged to vest the right in such hands as will answer the great purposesthey were intended for, and leave the former proprietors to seek theirfortune in some other way. 

[Footnote 1: Called No. 24 in the reprint of "The Tatler, " vol. V. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: _Eclogues_, ix. 2-4. 

 "O Lycidas, We never thought, yet have we lived to see A stranger seize our farm, and say, 'Tis mine, Begone, ye old inhabitants. "--C. R. KENNEDY. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: _I. E. _ 1710-11. Under date March 14th Swift writes toStella: "Little Harrison the 'Tatler' came to me, and begged me todictate a paper to him, which I was forced in charity to do. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Pietro Aretino (1492-1557), called "the scourge of Princes. "His prose is fiercely satirical, and his poetry as strongly obscene. Hisworks were condemned for their indecency and impiety. He receivednumerous and valuable gifts from those who were afraid of his criticisms. His sonnets, written to accompany engravings by Marc Antonio, fromdesigns by Giulio Romano (1524), largely contributed to his reputationfor obscenity. [T. S. ]]

THE TATLER, NUMB. 306. [1]

 _Morte carent animae; semperque, priore relictâ Sede, novis domibus habitant vivuntque receptae. Ipse ego (nam memini) Trojani tempore belli Panthoides Euphorbus eram_-- OVID. MET. [2]

FROM THURSDAY MARCH 22, TO SATURDAY MARCH 24, 1710. [3]

_From my own Apartment, March 22. _

My other correspondents will excuse me if I give the precedency to alady, whose letter, amongst many more, is just come to hand. 

"DEAR ISAAC, "I burn with impatience to know what and who you are. The curiosity of mywhole sex is fallen upon me, and has kept me waking these three nights. Ihave dreamed often of you within this fortnight, and every time youappeared in a different form. As you value my repose, tell me in which ofthem I am to be

"Your admirer, "SYLVIA. "

It is natural for a man who receives a favour of this kind from anunknown fair, to frame immediately some idea of her person, which beingsuited to the opinion we have of our own merit, is commonly as beautifuland perfect as the most lavish imagination can furnish out. Stronglypossessed with these notions, I have read over Sylvia's billet; andnotwithstanding the reserve I have had upon this matter, am resolved togo a much greater length, than I yet ever did, in making my self known tothe world, and, in particular, to my charming correspondent. In order toit I must premise, that the person produced as mine in the play-houselast winter, did in nowise appertain to me. It was such a one however asagreed well with the impression my writings had made, and served thepurpose I intended it for; which was to continue the awe and reverencedue to the character I was vested with, and, at the same time, to let myenemies see how much I was the delight and favourite of this town. Thisinnocent imposture, which I have all along taken care to carry on, asit then was of some use, has since been of singular service to me, and bybeing mentioned in one of my papers, effectually recovered my egoity outof the hands of some gentlemen who endeavoured to wrest it from me. Thisis saying, in short, what I am not: what I am, and have been for manyyears, is next to be explained. Here it will not be improper to remindSylvia, that there was formerly such a philosopher as Pythagoras, who, amongst other doctrines, taught the transmigration of souls, which, ifshe sincerely believes, she will not be much startled at the followingrelation. 

I will not trouble her, nor my other readers, with the particulars of allthe lives I have successively passed through since my first entrance intomortal being, which is now many centuries ago. It is enough that I havein every one of them opposed myself with the utmost resolution to thefollies and vices of the several ages I have been acquainted with, that Ihave often rallied the world into good manners, and kept the greatestprinces in awe of my satire. There is one circumstance which I shall notomit, though it may seem to reflect on my character, I mean that infinitelove of change which has ever appeared in the disposal of my existence. Since the days of the Emperor Trajan, I have not been confined to thesame person for twenty years together; but have passed from one abode toanother, much quicker than the Pythagorean system generally allows. Bythis means, I have seldom had a body to myself, but have lodged up anddown wherever I found a genius suitable to my own. In this manner Icontinued, some time with the top wit of France, at another with that ofItaly, who had a statue erected to his memory in Rome. Towards the end ofthe 17th century, I set out for England; but the gentleman I came over indying as soon as he got to shore, I was obliged to look out again for anew habitation. It was not long before I met with one to my mind, forhaving mixed myself invisibly with the _literati_ of this kingdom, Ifound it was unanimously agreed amongst them, That nobody was endowedwith greater talents than Hiereus;[4] or, consequently, would be betterpleased with my company. I slipped down his throat one night as he wasfast asleep, and the next morning, as soon as he awaked, he fell towriting a treatise that was received with great applause, though he hadthe modesty not to set his name to that nor to any other of ourproductions. Some time after, he published a paper of predictions, which were translated into several languages, and alarmed some of thegreatest princes in Europe. To these he prefixed the name of IsaacBickerstaff, Esq; which I have been extremely fond of ever since, andhave taken care that most of the writings I have been concerned in shouldbe distinguished by it; though I must observe, that there have been manycounterfeits imposed upon the public by this means. This extraordinaryman being called out of the kingdom by affairs of his own, I resolved, however, to continue somewhat longer in a country where my works hadbeen so well received, and accordingly bestowed myself with Hilario. [5]His natural wit, his lively turn of humour, and great penetration intohuman nature, easily determined me to this choice, the effects of whichwere soon after produced in this paper, called "The Tatler. " I know nothow it happened, but in less than two years' time Hilario grew weary ofmy company, and gave me warning to be gone. In the height of myresentment, I cast my eyes on a young fellow, [6] of no extraordinaryqualifications, whom, for that very reason, I had the more pride intaking under my direction, and enabling him, by some means or other, tocarry on the work I was before engaged in. Lest he should grow too vainupon this encouragement, I to this day keep him under due mortification. I seldom reside with him when any of his friends are at leisure toreceive me, by whose hands, however, he is duly supplied. As I havepassed through many scenes of life, and a long series of years, I chooseto be considered in the character of an old fellow, and take care thatthose under my influence should speak consonantly to it. This account, Ipresume, will give no small consolation to Sylvia, who may rest assured, that Isaac Bickerstaff is to be seen in more forms than she dreamt of;out of which variety she may choose what is most agreeable to her fancy. On Tuesdays, he is sometimes a black, proper, young gentleman, with amole on his left cheek. On Thursdays, a decent well-looking man, of amiddle stature, long flaxen hair, and a florid complexion. On Saturdays, he is somewhat of the shortest, and may be known from others of that sizeby talking in a low voice, and passing through the streets without muchprecipitation. 

[Footnote 1: No. 28 in the reprint of "The Tatler, " vol. V. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: _Metamorphoses_, xv. 158-161. 

 "Nor dies the spirit, but new life repeats In other forms, and only changes seats. Ev'n I, who these mysterious truths declare, Was once Euphorbus in the Trojan war. "

J. DRYDEN. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: I. E. 1710-11. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Swift. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Steele. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: Harrison. [T. S. ]]

 * * * * * *

CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE EXAMINER. "

NOTE. 

The new ministry, which came into power on the fall of the ableadministration of Godolphin in 1710, was the famous Oxford ministryheaded by Harley and St. John. The new leaders were well aware that theywould have to use all the means in their power not only to justifythemselves to the English nation, but successfully to defeat the strongopposition which had such a man as Marlborough for its moving spirit. Theaddress to Queen Anne from the Commons, showing undoubted evidences ofSt. John's hand, was the first employment of a means by which thisministry hoped to appeal to the public. But this remarkable literaryeffort had already been preceded by the establishment of a weeklypolitical paper, entitled "The Examiner, " a few weeks beforeGodolphin's fall. During the months of August, September, andOctober, in which were issued twelve papers, Dr. Freind, Atterbury, Prior and St. John, were the men employed to arouse the nation to anecessary condition of discontent. Now that the ministry was inpower, the necessity for continuing these public appeals was felt to beall the stronger; and Harley's shrewdness in selecting Swift to takethis important matter in hand shows his ability as a party leader. 

The first number of "The Examiner" was issued on August 3rd, 1710, and the paper was continued until July 26th, 1711. On December 6th, 1711, William Oldisworth revived it, and issued it weekly until December18th, 1712, after which date it was published twice a week untilJuly 26th, 1714, though it occasionally happened that only one wasissued in a week. The last number was No. 19 of the sixth volume, sothat Oldisworth edited vols. Ii. , iii. , iv. , v. , and what was publishedof vol. Vi. The death of the Queen put an end to the publication. 

Swift was called to his work about the middle of October of 1710, and his first paper appeared in No. 14. From that number to No. 45, Swift continued with unabated zeal and with masterly effect to carryout the policy of his friends. He also wrote a part of No. 46, and Nos. 16 and 21 of the third volume, which appeared on January 16th andFebruary 2nd, 1712-13. These two last numbers are not included inthe present volume; since they have been printed in the fifth volumeof this edition of Swift's works with the titles "An Appendix to theConduct of the Allies" and "The Vindication of Erasmus Lewis. "

The appearance of "The Examiner" had brought an opposition paper into thefield, entitled "The Whig Examiner, " a periodical that ably maintainedits party's stand in the face of St. John's attacks. But this paper onlylasted for five weeks, and when Swift took charge of the Tory organ, theposition of "The Examiner" was entirely altered. As Mr. Churton Collinsably remarks: "It became a voice of power in every town and in everyhamlet throughout England. It was an appeal made, not to the politicalcliques of the metropolis, but to the whole kingdom; and to the wholekingdom it spoke. .. . No one who will take the trouble to glance atSwift's contributions to 'The Examiner' will be surprised at theireffect. They are masterpieces of polemical skill. Every sentence--everyword--comes home. Their logic, adapted to the meanest capacity, smiteslike a hammer. Their statements, often a tissue of mere sophistry andassumption, appear so plausible, that it is difficult even for the coolhistorian to avoid being carried away by them. At a time when partyspirit was running high, and few men stopped to weigh evidence, they musthave been irresistible. " ("Jonathan Swift, " 1893, p. 81. )

In his "Memoirs relating to that Change" (vol. V. , p 384), Swift givesthe following explanation of the foundation of this paper. "Upon the riseof this ministry the principal persons in power thought it necessary thatsome weekly paper should be published, with just reflections upon formerproceedings, and defending the present measures of Her Majesty. This wasbegun about the time of the Lord Godolphin's removal, under the name of'The Examiner. ' . .. The determination was that I should continue it, which I did accordingly for about eight months. "

Gay remarks in his pamphlet, "The Present State of Wit, in a Letter to aFriend in the Country, " 1711: "'The Examiner' is a paper which all men, who speak without prejudice, allow to be well writ. Though his subjectwill admit of no great variety, he is continually placing it on so manydifferent lights, and endeavouring to inculcate the same thing by so manybeautiful changes of expressions, that men who are concerned in no party, may read him with pleasure. His way of assuming the question in debate isextremely artful; and his 'Letter to Crassus' [No. 28] is, I think, amasterpiece. .. . I presume I need not tell you that 'The Examiner' carriesmuch the more sail as 'tis supposed to be writ by the direction, andunder the eye of some great persons who sit at the helm of affairs, andis consequently looked on as a sort of public notice which way they aresteering us. The reputed author is Dr. S[wif]t, with the assistancesometimes of Dr. Att[erbur]y and Mr. P[rio]r. " With the fall ofBolingbroke on the death of Queen Anne and the accession of George I. , "The Examiner" collapsed. [T. S. ]

THE EXAMINER. 

NUMB. 14. [1]

FROM THURSDAY OCTOBER 26 TO THURSDAY NOVEMBER 2, 1710. 

 --_Longa est injuria, longae Ambages, sed summa sequar fastigia rerum_. [2]

It is a practice I have generally followed, to converse in equal freedomwith the deserving men of both parties; and it was never without somecontempt, that I have observed persons wholly out of employment, affectto do otherwise: I doubted whether any man could owe so much to the sidehe was of, though he were retained by it; but without some great point ofinterest, either in possession or prospect, I thought it was the mark ofa low and narrow spirit. 

It is hard, that, for some weeks past, I have been forced in my owndefence, to follow a proceeding that I have so much condemned in others. But several of my acquaintance among the declining party, are grown soinsufferably peevish and splenetic, profess such violent apprehensionsfor the public, and represent the state of things in such formidableideas, that I find myself disposed to share in their afflictions, thoughI know them to be groundless and imaginary, or, which is worse, purelyaffected. To offer them comfort one by one, would be not only anendless, but a disobliging task. Some of them, I am convinced would beless melancholy, if there were more occasion. I shall therefore, insteadof hearkening to further complaints, employ some part of this paper forthe future, in letting such men see, that their natural or acquired fearsare ill-grounded, and their artificial ones as ill-intended. That allour present inconveniencies, [3] are the consequence of the very counselsthey so much admire, which would still have increased, if those hadcontinued: and that neither our constitution in Church or State, couldprobably have been long preserved, without such methods as have beenlately taken. 

The late revolutions at court, have given room to some speciousobjections, which I have heard repeated by well-meaning men, just as theyhad taken them up on the credit of others, who have worse designs. Theywonder the Queen would choose to change her ministry at this juncture, [4]and thereby give uneasiness to a general who has been so long successfulabroad; and might think himself injured, if the entire ministry were notof his own nomination. That there were few complaints of any consequenceagainst the late men in power, and none at all in Parliament; which onthe contrary, passed votes in favour of the chief minister. That if herMajesty had a mind to introduce the other party, it would have been moreseasonable after a peace, which now we have made desperate, by spiritingthe French, who rejoice at these changes, and by the fall of our credit, which unqualifies us for continuing the war. That the Parliament sountimely dissolved, [5] had been diligent in their supplies, and dutifulin their behaviour. That one consequence of these changes appears alreadyin the fall of the stocks: that we may soon expect more and worse: andlastly, that all this naturally tends to break the settlement of theCrown, and call over the Pretender. 

These and the like notions are plentifully scattered abroad, by themalice of a ruined party, to render the Queen and her administrationodious, and to inflame the nation. And these are what, upon occasion, Ishall endeavour to overthrow, by discovering the falsehood and absurdityof them. 

It is a great unhappiness, when in a government constituted like ours, itshould be so brought about, that the continuance of a war, must be forthe interest of vast numbers (peaceable as well as military) who wouldotherwise have been as unknown as their original. I think our presentcondition of affairs, is admirably described by two verses in Lucan, _Hinc usura vorax, avidumque in tempore foenus, Hinc concussa fides, et multis utile bellum_, [6]

which without any great force upon the words, may be thus translated, "Hence are derived those exorbitant interests and annuities; hence thoselarge discounts for advances and prompt payment; hence public credit isshaken, and hence great numbers find their profit in prolonging the war. "

It is odd, that among a free trading people, as we take ourselves to be, there should so many be found to close in with those counsels, who havebeen ever averse from all overtures towards a peace. But yet there is nogreat mystery in the matter. Let any man observe the equipages in thistown; he shall find the greater number of those who make a figure, to bea species of men quite different from any that were ever known before theRevolution, consisting either of generals and colonels, or of such whosewhole fortunes lie in funds and stocks: so that power, which according tothe old maxim, was used to follow land, is now gone over to money; andthe country gentleman is in the condition of a young heir, out of whoseestate a scrivener receives half the rents for interest, and hath amortgage on the whole, and is therefore always ready to feed his vicesand extravagancies while there is any thing left. So that if the warcontinues some years longer, a landed man will be little better than afarmer at a rack rent, to the army, and to the public funds. 

It may perhaps be worth inquiring from what beginnings, and by what stepswe have been brought into this desperate condition: and in search ofthis, we must run up as high as the Revolution. 

Most of the nobility and gentry who invited over the Prince of Orange, orattended him in his expedition, were true lovers of their country and itsconstitution, in Church and State; and were brought to yield to thosebreaches in the succession of the crown, out of a regard to the necessityof the kingdom, and the safety of the people, which did, and could only, make them lawful; but without intention of drawing such a practice intoprecedent, or making it a standing measure by which to proceed in alltimes to come; and therefore we find their counsels ever tended to keepthings as much as possible in the old course. But soon after, an underset of men, who had nothing to lose, and had neither borne the burthennor heat of the day, found means to whisper in the king's ear, that theprinciples of loyalty in the Church of England, were wholly inconsistentwith the Revolution. [7] Hence began the early practice of caressingthe dissenters, reviling the universities, as maintainers of arbitrarypower, and reproaching the clergy with the doctrines of divine-right, passive obedience and non-resistance. [8] At the same time, in order tofasten wealthy people to the new government, they proposed thosepernicious expedients of borrowing money by vast _premiums_, and atexorbitant interest: a practice as old as Eumenes, [9] one of Alexander'scaptains, who setting up for himself after the death of his master, persuaded his principal officers to lend him great sums, after which theywere forced to follow him for their own security. 

This introduced a number of new dexterous men into business and credit:It was argued, that the war could not last above two or three campaigns, and that it was easier for the subject to raise a fund for payinginterest, than to tax them annually to the full expense of the war. Several persons who had small or encumbered estates, sold them, andturned their money into those funds to great advantage: merchants, aswell as other moneyed men, finding trade was dangerous, pursued the samemethod: But the war continuing, and growing more expensive, taxes wereincreased, and funds multiplied every year, till they have arrived at themonstrous height we now behold them. And that which was at first acorruption, is at last grown necessary, and what every good subject mustnow fall in with, though he may be allowed to wish it might soon have anend; because it is with a kingdom, as with a private fortune, where everynew incumbrance adds a double weight. By this means the wealth of thenation, that used to be reckoned by the value of land, is now computed bythe rise and fall of stocks: and although the foundation of credit bestill the same, and upon a bottom that can never be shaken; and thoughall interest be duly paid by the public, yet through the contrivance andcunning of stock-jobbers, there has been brought in such a complicationof knavery and cozenage, such a mystery of iniquity, and such anunintelligible jargon of terms to involve it in, as were never known inany other age or country of the world. I have heard it affirmed bypersons skilled in these calculations, that if the funds appropriated tothe payment of interest and annuities, were added to the yearly taxes, and the four-shilling aid[10] strictly exacted in all counties of thekingdom, it would very near, if not fully, supply the occasions of thewar, at least such a part, as in the opinion of very able persons, hadbeen at that time prudence not to exceed. For I make it a question, whether any wise prince or state, in the continuance of a war, which wasnot purely defensive, or immediately at his own door, did ever proposethat his expense should perpetually exceed what he was able to imposeannually upon his subjects? Neither if the war lasts many years longer, do I see how the next generation will be able to begin another, which inthe course of human affairs, and according to the various interests andambition of princes, may be as necessary for them as it has been for us. And had our fathers left us as deeply involved as we are like to leaveour children, I appeal to any man, what sort of figure we should havebeen able to make these twenty years past. Besides, neither our enemies, nor allies, are upon the same foot with us in this particular. France andHolland, our nearest neighbours, and the farthest engaged, will muchsooner recover themselves after a war. The first, by the absolute powerof the prince who being master of the lives and fortunes of his subjects, will quickly find expedients to pay his debts: and so will the other, bytheir prudent administration, the greatness of their trade, theirwonderful parsimony, the willingness of their people to undergo all kindof taxes, and their justice in applotting as well as collecting them. Butabove all, we are to consider that France and Holland fight in thecontinent, either upon, or near their own territories, and the greatestpart of the money circulates among themselves; whereas ours crosses thesea either to Flanders, Spain, or Portugal, and every penny of it, whether in specie or returns, is so much lost to the nation for ever. 

Upon these considerations alone, it was the most prudent courseimaginable in the Queen, to lay hold of the disposition of the people forchanging the Parliament and ministry at this juncture, and extricatingherself, as soon as possible, out of the pupillage of those who foundtheir accounts only in perpetuating the war. Neither have we the leastreason to doubt, but the ensuing Parliament will assist her Majesty withthe utmost vigour, [11] till her enemies _again_ be brought to sue forpeace, and _again_ offer such terms as will make it both honourable andlasting; only with this difference, that the Ministry perhaps will not_again_ refuse them. [12]

 _Audiet pugnas vitio parentum Rara Juventus_. [13]

[Footnote 1: No. 13 in the reprint. The No. 13 (from Thursday, October19, to Thursday, October 26, 1710) of the original is omitted from thereprint, and the Nos. From 14 to 48 are slipped back one. No. 49 alsois omitted, and Nos. 50 to 52 slipped back two. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Virgil, "Aeneid, " i. 341-2. 

 "Her whole tale of wrong 'Twere tedious to relate. But I will give The leading facts. "--R. KENNEDY. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "The Observator" of Nov. 8th, commenting on this statement, remarks: "All the inconveniences we labour under at present, are so farfrom being the consequence of the counsels of the late ministry, thatthey are visibly the consequence of those of the 'Examiner's' party, who brought the nation to the brink of Popery and slavery, from whichthey were delivered by the Revolution; and are pursuing the samemeasures again, " etc. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See "Memoirs relating to that Change" (vol. V. , pp. 359-90). The Queen's action in dismissing her ministers and dissolving Parliamentin September was, even to Swift himself, a matter for wonder:"I never remember, " he writes to Stella (Sept. 20th, 1710), "suchbold steps taken by a Court. " And Tindal, commenting on the change, says: "So sudden and so entire a change in the ministry is scarce to befound in our history, especially where men of great abilities had servedwith such zeal and success. " ("Hist. Of England, " iv. 192. ) [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Parliament was dissolved by proclamation on September 21st. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: "Pharsalia, " i. 181-2. 

 "Hence debt unthrifty, careless to repay, And usury still watching for its day: Hence perjuries in every wrangling court; And war, the needy bankrupt's last resort, " N. ROWE. 

Lucan wrote "_et_ concussa, " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: Commenting on this passage, "The Observator" of Nov. 8thremarked: "One would take the author to be some very great man, sincehe speaks so contemptuously of both Houses of Parliament; for theyactually found those doctrines, as then preached up, to be inconsistentwith the Revolution, and declared it loudly to the world withoutwhispering. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: Writing to the Earl of Peterborough (Feb. 1710/1), Swiftrefers to "a pamphlet come out, called 'A Letter to Jacob Banks, ' showingthat the liberty of Sweden was destroyed by the principle of passiveobedience. " The pamphlet was written by one W. Benson, and borethe title, "A Letter to Sir J---- B----, By Birth a S----, . .. Concerningthe late Minehead doctrine, " etc. , 1711. "This dispute, " saysSwift to Peterborough, "would soon be ended, if the dunces who writeon each side, would plainly tell us what the object of this passiveobedience is in our country. " (Scott, vol. Xv. , p. 423. )

See also, on this matter, "Examiner, " Nos. 34 and 40 _post_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Eumenes of Cardia was secretary to Alexander the Great, anddistinguished himself both as a statesman and general. He was killedB. C. 316. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: The land tax at the time was four shillings in the pound. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: In her speech to Parliament on Nov. 27th, 1710, Anne said:"The carrying on the war in all its parts, but particularly in Spain, with the utmost vigour, is the likeliest means, with God's blessing, toprocure a safe and honourable peace for us and all our allies, whosesupport and interest I have truly at heart" ("Journals of House ofLords, " xix, 166). ]

[Footnote 12: This is a dig at the Duke of Marlborough, for what theTories thought an unnecessarily harsh insistence on the inclusion of aclause in the preliminaries of the Gertruydenberg Treaty, which it wasthought he must have known would be rejected by Louis. They suspectedMarlborough did this in order to keep the war going, and so permithimself further opportunities for enriching himself. The treaty forpeace, carried on at Gertruydenberg in 1710, was discussed by Marlboroughand Townshend acting for England, the Marquis de Torcy acting for France, and Buys and Vanderdussen for the States. Several conferences took place, and preliminary articles were even signed, but the Allies demanded asecurity for the delivering of Spain. This Louis XIV. Refused to do, andthe conference broke up in July, 1710. See Swift's "Conduct of the Allies"(vol. V. , pp. 55-123). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Horace, "Odes, " I. Ii. 23, 24. "Our youth will hear, astonished at our crimes, That Roman armies Romans slew;Our youth, alas! will then be few. "--A. MAYNWARING. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 15. [1]

FROM THURSDAY NOVEMBER 2, TO THURSDAY NOVEMBER 9, 1710. 

 _E quibis hi vacuas implent sermonibus aures, Hi narrata ferunt alio: mensuraque ficti Crescit, et auditis aliquid novus adjicit autor, Illic Credulitas, illic temerarius Error, Vanaque Laetitia est, consternatique Timores, Seditioque recens, dubioque autore susurri. _[2]

I am prevailed on, through the importunity of friends, to interrupt thescheme I had begun in my last paper, by an Essay upon the Art ofPolitical Lying. We are told, "the Devil is the father of lies, and was aliar from the beginning"; so that beyond contradiction, the invention isold: And which is more, his first essay of it was purely political, employed in undermining the authority of his Prince, and seducing a thirdpart of the subjects from their obedience. For which he was driven downfrom Heaven, where (as Milton expresseth it) he had been viceroy of agreat western province;[3] and forced to exercise his talent in inferiorregions among other fallen spirits, or poor deluded men, whom he stilldaily tempts to his own sin, and will ever do so till he is chained inthe bottomless pit. 

But though the Devil be the father of lies, he seems, like other greatinventors, to have lost much of his reputation, by the continualimprovements that have been made upon him. 

Who first reduced lying into an art, and adapted it to politics, is notso clear from history, though I have made some diligent enquiries: Ishall therefore consider it only according to the modern system, as ithas been cultivated these twenty years past in the southern part of ourown island. 

The poets tell us, that after the giants were overthrown by the gods, theearth in revenge produced her last offspring, which was Fame. [4] And thefable is thus interpreted; that when tumults and seditions are quieted, rumours and false reports are plentifully spread through a nation. Sothat by this account, _lying_ is the last relief of a routed, earth-born, rebellious party in a state. But here, the moderns have made greatadditions, applying this art to the gaining of power, and preserving it, as well as revenging themselves after they have lost it: as the sameinstruments are made use of by animals to feed themselves when they arehungry, and bite those that tread upon them. 

But the same genealogy cannot always be admitted for _political lying;_ Ishall therefore desire to refine upon it, by adding some circumstances ofits birth and parents. A political lie is sometimes born out of adiscarded statesman's head, and thence delivered to be nursed and dandledby the mob. Sometimes it is produced a monster, and _licked_ into shape;at other times it comes into the world completely formed, and is spoiledin the licking. It is often born an infant in the regular way, andrequires time to mature it: and often it sees the light in its fullgrowth, but dwindles away by degrees. Sometimes it is of noble birth; andsometimes the spawn of a stock-jobber. _Here_, it screams aloud at theopening of the womb; and _there_, it is delivered with a whisper. I knowa lie that now disturbs half the kingdom with its noise, which though tooproud and great at present to own its parents, I can remember in itswhisper-hood. To conclude the nativity of this monster; when it comesinto the world without a _sting_, it is still-born; and whenever it losesits sting, it dies. 

No wonder, if an infant so miraculous in its birth, should be destinedfor great adventures: and accordingly we see it has been the guardianspirit of a prevailing party for almost twenty years. It can conquerkingdoms without fighting, and sometimes with the loss of a battle: Itgives and resumes employments; can sink a mountain to a mole-hill, andraise a mole-hill to a mountain; has presided for many years atcommittees of elections; can wash a blackamoor white; make a saint of anatheist, and a patriot of a profligate; can furnish foreign ministerswith intelligence, and raise or let fall the credit of the nation. Thisgoddess flies with a huge looking-glass in her hands, to dazzle thecrowd, and make them see, according as she turns it, their ruin in theirinterest, and their interest in their ruin. In this glass you will beholdyour best friends clad in coats powdered with _flower-de-luces_[5] andtriple crowns; their girdles hung round with chains, and beads, andwooden shoes: and your worst enemies adorned with the ensigns of liberty, property, indulgence, and moderation, and a cornucopia in their hands. Her large wings, like those of a flying-fish, are of no use but whilethey are moist; she therefore dips them in mud, and soaring aloftscatters it in the eyes of the multitude, flying with great swiftness;but at every turn is forced to stoop in dirty way for new supplies. 

I have been sometimes thinking, if a man had the art of the second sightfor seeing lies, as they have in Scotland for seeing spirits, howadmirably he might entertain himself in this town; to observe thedifferent shapes, sizes, and colours, of those swarms of lies which buzzabout the heads of some people, like flies about a horse's ears insummer: or those legions hovering every afternoon in Popes-head Alley[6], enough to darken the air; or over a club of discontented grandees, andthence sent down in cargoes to be scattered at elections. 

There is one essential point wherein a political liar differs from othersof the faculty; that he ought to have but a short memory, which isnecessary according to the various occasions he meets with every hour, ofdiffering from himself, and swearing to both sides of a contradiction, ashe finds the persons disposed, with whom he has to deal. In describingthe virtues and vices of mankind, it is convenient upon every article, tohave some eminent person in our eye, from whence we copy our description. I have strictly observed this rule; and my imagination this minuterepresents before me a certain great man[7] famous for this talent, tothe constant practice of which he owes his twenty years' reputation ofthe most skilful head in England, for the management of nice affairs. Thesuperiority of his genius consists in nothing else but an inexhaustiblefund of political lies, which he plentifully distributes every minute hespeaks, and by an unparalleled generosity forgets, and consequentlycontradicts the next half-hour. He never yet considered whether anyproposition were true or false, but whether it were convenient for thepresent minute or company to affirm or deny it; so that if you think torefine upon him, by interpreting every thing he says, as we do dreams bythe contrary, you are still to seek, and will find yourself equallydeceived, whether you believe him or no: the only remedy is to supposethat you have heard some inarticulate sounds, without any meaning at all. And besides, that will take off the horror you might be apt to conceiveat the oaths wherewith he perpetually tags both ends of everyproposition: though at the same time I think he cannot with any justicebe taxed for perjury, when he invokes God and Christ, because he hasoften fairly given public notice to the world, that he believes inneither. 

Some people may think that such an accomplishment as this, can be of nogreat use to the owner or his party, after it has been often practised, and is become notorious; but they are widely mistaken: Few lies carry theinventor's mark; and the most prostitute enemy to truth may spread athousand without being known for the author. Besides, as the vilestwriter has his readers, so the greatest liar has his believers; and itoften happens, that if a lie be believed only for an hour, it has doneits work, and there is no farther occasion for it. Falsehood flies, andTruth comes limping after it; so that when men come to be undeceived, itis too late, the jest is over, and the tale has had its effect: like aman who has thought of a good repartee, when the discourse is changed, orthe company parted: or, like a physician who has found out an infalliblemedicine, after the patient is dead. 

Considering that natural disposition in many men to lie, and inmultitudes to believe, I have been perplexed what to do with that maxim, so frequent in every body's mouth, that "Truth will at last prevail. "Here, has this island of ours, for the greatest part of twenty years, lain under the influence of such counsels and persons, whose principleand interest it was to corrupt our manners, blind our understandings, drain our wealth, and in time destroy our constitution both in Church andState; and we at last were brought to the very brink of ruin; yet by themeans of perpetual misrepresentations, have never been able todistinguish between our enemies and friends. We have seen a great part ofthe nation's money got into the hands of those, who by their birth, education and merit, could pretend no higher than to wear our liveries;while others, [8] who by their credit, quality and fortune, were only ableto give reputation and success to the Revolution, were not only laidaside, as dangerous and useless; but loaden with the scandal ofJacobites, men of arbitrary principles, and pensioners to France; whileTruth, who is said to lie in a well, seemed now to be buried there undera heap of stones. But I remember, it was a usual complaint among theWhigs, that the bulk of landed men was not in their interests, which someof the wisest looked on as an ill omen; and we saw it was with the utmostdifficulty that they could preserve a majority, while the court andministry were on their side; till they had learned those admirableexpedients for deciding elections, and influencing distant boroughs by_powerful motives_ from the city. But all this was mere force andconstraint, however upheld by most dexterous artifice and management:till the people began to apprehend their properties, their religion, andthe monarchy itself in danger; then we saw them greedily laying hold onthe first occasion to interpose. But of this mighty change in thedispositions of the people, I shall discourse more at large in somefollowing paper; wherein I shall endeavour to undeceive those deluded ordeluding persons, who hope or pretend, it is only a short madness in thevulgar, from which they may soon recover. Whereas I believe it willappear to be very different in its causes, its symptoms, and itsconsequences; and prove a great example to illustrate the maxim I latelymentioned, that "Truth" (however sometimes late) "will at last prevail. "

[Footnote 1: No. 14 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Ovid, "Metamorphoses, " xii. 56-61. 

"The troubled air with empty sounds they beat. Intent to hear, and eager to repeat. Error sits brooding there, with added trainOf vain Credulity, and Joys as vain:Suspicion, with Sedition joined, are near, And Rumours raised, and Murmurs mixed, and panic Fear. " J. DRYDEN. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "Paradise Lost, " v. 708-710. Milton makes Satan say: "Wepossess the quarters of the North, " and places his throne in "the limitsof the North. " By speaking of a _western_ province Swift intends Ireland, then under the government of the Earl of Wharton. This paper may be readin connection with the 23rd number of "The Examiner, " and the "ShortCharacter of Wharton" (vol. V. , pp. 1-28). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Fama was said to be a daughter of Terra. See Virgil, "Aeneid, " iv. 173-178. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: A reply to the insinuations that the Tories were sympatheticto France, and that the Whigs were the true patriots. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: The reprint has "Exchange Alley. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The Earl of Wharton. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: Refers to the Tories generally, and in particular to SirThomas Osborne, Bart. (1631-1712), who was created Duke of Leeds in 1694. In 1679, as Earl of Danby, he was impeached by the Commons, andimprisoned in the Tower for five years. "He assisted greatly, " saysScott, "in the Revolution, yet continued a steady Tory, and avowed atSacheverell's trial, that, had he known the Prince of Orange designedto assume the crown, he never would have drawn a sword for him. "[T. S. ]]

NUMB. 16. [1]

FROM THURSDAY NOVEMBER 9, TO THURSDAY NOVEMBER 16, 1710. 

 ---_medioque ut limite curras, Icare, ait, moneo: ne si demissior ibis, Unda gravet pennas, si celsior, ignis adurat. _[2]

It must be avowed, that for some years past, there have been few thingsmore wanted in England, than such a paper as this ought to be; and suchas I will endeavour to make it, as long as it shall be found of any use, without entering into the violences of either party. Considering the manygrievous misrepresentations of persons and things, it is highlyrequisite, at this juncture, that the people throughout the kingdom, should, if possible, be set right in their opinions by some impartialhand, which has never been yet attempted: those who have hithertoundertaken it, being upon every account the least qualified of allhuman-kind for such a work. 

We live here under a limited monarchy, and under the doctrine anddiscipline of an excellent Church: We are unhappily divided into twoparties, both which pretend a mighty zeal for our religion andgovernment, only they disagree about the means. [3] The evils we mustfence against are, on one side, fanaticism and infidelity in religion;and anarchy, under the name of a commonwealth, in government: on theother side, popery, slavery, and the Pretender from France. Now to informand direct us in our sentiments, upon these weighty points; here are onone side two stupid, illiterate scribblers, both of them fanatics byprofession; I mean the "Review"[4] and "Observator. "[5] On the other sidewe have an open Nonjuror, [6] whose character and person, as well as goodlearning and sense, discovered upon other subjects, do indeed deserverespect and esteem; but his "Rehearsal, " and the rest of his politicalpapers, are yet more pernicious than those of the former two. If thegenerality of the people know not how to talk or think, till they haveread their lesson in the papers of the week, what a misfortune is it thattheir duty should be conveyed to them through such vehicles as those? Forlet some gentlemen think what they please, I cannot but suspect, that thetwo worthies I first mentioned, have in a degree done mischief among us;the mock authoritative manner of the one, and the insipid mirth of theother, however insupportable to reasonable ears, being of a level withgreat numbers among the lowest part of mankind. Neither was the author ofthe "Rehearsal, " while he continued that paper, less infectious to manypersons of better figure, who perhaps were as well qualified, and muchless prejudiced, to judge for themselves. 

It was this reason, that moved me to take the matter out of those rough, as well as those dirty hands, to let the remote and uninstructed part ofthe nation see, that they have been misled on both sides, by mad, ridiculous extremes, at a wide distance on each side from the truth;while the right path is so broad and plain, as to be easily kept, if theywere once put into it. 

Further, I had lately entered on a resolution to take very little noticeof other papers, unless it were such, where the malice and falsehood, hadso great a mixture of wit and spirit, as would make them dangerous; whichin the present circle of scribbles, from twelvepence to a halfpenny, Icould easily foresee would not very frequently occur. But here again, Iam forced to dispense with my resolution, though it be only to tell myreader, what measures I am like to take on such occasions for the future. I was told that the paper called "The Observator, " was twice filled lastweek with remarks upon a late "Examiner. "[7] These I read with the firstopportunity, and to speak in the news-writers' phrase, they gave meoccasion for many speculations. I observed with singular pleasure, thenature of those things, which the owners of them, usually call _answers_;and with what dexterity this matchless author had fallen into the wholeart and cant of them. To transcribe here and there three or four detachedlines of least weight in a discourse, and by a foolish comment mistakeevery syllable of the meaning, is what I have known many of a superiorclass, to this formidable adversary, entitle an "Answer. "[8] This is whathe has exactly done in about thrice as many words as my whole discourse;which is so mighty an advantage over me, that I shall by no means engagein so unequal a combat; but as far as I can judge of my own temper, entirely dismiss him for the future; heartily wishing he had a matchexactly of his own size to meddle with, who should only have the odds oftruth and honesty; which as I take it, would be an effectual way tosilence him for ever. Upon this occasion, I cannot forbear a short storyof a fanatic farmer who lived in my neighbourhood, and was so great adisputant in religion, that the servants in all the families thereabouts, reported, how he had confuted the bishop and all his clergy. I had then afootman who was fond of reading the Bible, and I borrowed a comment forhim, which he studied so close, that in a month or two I thought him amatch for the farmer. They disputed at several houses, with a ring ofservants and other people always about them, where Ned explained histexts so full and clear, to the capacity of his audience, and showed theinsignificancy of his adversary's cant, to the meanest understanding, that he got the whole country of his side, and the farmer was cured ofhis itch of disputation for ever after. 

The worst of it is, that this sort of outrageous party-writers I haveabove spoke of, are like a couple of make-bates, who inflame smallquarrels by a thousand stories, and by keeping friends at a distancehinder them from coming to a good understanding, as they certainly would, if they were suffered to meet and debate between themselves. For let anyone examine a reasonable honest man of either side, upon those opinionsin religion and government, which both parties daily buffet each otherabout, he shall hardly find one material point in difference betweenthem. I would be glad to ask a question about two great men[9] of thelate ministry, how they came to be Whigs? and by what figure of speech, half a dozen others, lately put into great employments, can be calledTories? I doubt, whoever would suit the definition to the persons, mustmake it directly contrary to what we understood it at the time of theRevolution. 

In order to remove these misapprehensions among us, I believe it will benecessary upon occasion, to detect the malice and falsehood of somepopular maxims, which those idiots scatter from the press twice a week, and draw an hundred absurd consequences from them. 

For example, I have heard it often objected as a great piece of insolencein the clergy and others, to say or hint that the Church was in danger, when it was voted otherwise in Parliament some years ago: and the Queenherself in her last speech, did openly condemn all such insinuations. [10]Notwithstanding which, I did then, and do still believe, the Church has, since that vote, been in very imminent danger; and I think I might thenhave said so, without the least offence to her Majesty, or either of thetwo Houses. The Queen's words, as near as I can remember, mentioned theChurch being in danger from her administration; and whoever says orthinks that, deserves, in my opinion, to be hanged for a traitor. Butthat the Church and State may be both in danger under the best princesthat ever reigned, and without the least guilt of theirs, is such atruth, as a man must be a great stranger to history or common sense, todoubt. The wisest prince on earth may be forced, by the necessity of hisaffairs, and the present power of an unruly faction, or deceived by thecraft of ill designing men: One or two ministers, most in his confidence, may _at first_ have good intentions, but grow corrupted by time, byavarice, by love, by ambition, and have fairer terms offered them, togratify their passions or interests, from _one set of men_ than another, till they are too far involved for a retreat; and so be forced to take"seven spirits more wicked than themselves. " This is a very possiblecase; and will not "the last state of such men be worse than the first"?that is to say, will not the public, which was safe at first, grow indanger by such proceedings as these? And shall a faithful subject, whoforesees and trembles at the consequences, be called _disaffected_, because he delivers his opinion, though the prince declares, as he justlymay, that the danger is not owing to his administration? Or, shall theprince himself be blamed, when in such a juncture he puts his affairsinto other hands, with the universal applause of his people? As to thevote against those who should affirm the Church was in danger, I think itlikewise referred to danger from or under the Queen's administration, (for I neither have it by me, nor can suddenly have recourse to it;) butif it were otherwise, I know not how it can refer to any dangers but whatwere past, or at that time present; or how it could affect the future, unless the senators were all _inspired_, or at least that majority whichvoted it. Neither do I see any crime further than ill manners, to differin opinion from a majority of either or both Houses; and that illmanners, I must confess I have been often guilty of for some years past, though I hope I never shall again. 

Another topic of great use to these weekly inflamers, is the youngPretender[11] in France, to whom their whole party is in a high measureindebted for all their greatness; and whenever it lies in their power, they may perhaps return their acknowledgments, as out of their zeal forfrequent revolutions, they were ready to do to his supposed father:which is a piece of secret history, that I hope will one day see thelight; and I am sure it shall, if ever I am master of it, withoutregarding whose ears may tingle. [12] But at present, the word _Pretender_is a term of art in their possession: A secretary of state cannot desireleave to resign, but the Pretender is at bottom: the Queen cannotdissolve a Parliament, but it is a plot to dethrone herself, and bring inthe Pretender. Half a score stock-jobbers are playing the knave inExchange-Alley, and there goes the Pretender with a sponge. One would beapt to think they bawl out the Pretender so often, to take off theterror; or tell so many lies about him, to slacken our caution, that whenhe is really coming, _by their connivance_, we may not believe them; asthe boy served the shepherds about the coming of the wolf. Or perhapsthey scare us with the Pretender, because they think he may be like somediseases, that come with a fright. Do they not believe that the Queen'spresent ministry love her Majesty, at least as well as _some others_loved the Church? And why is it not as great mark of disaffection now tosay the Queen is in danger, as it was some months ago to affirm the sameof the Church? Suppose it be a false opinion, that the Queen's right ishereditary and indefeasible; yet how is it possible that those who holdand believe that doctrine, can be in the Pretender's interest? His titleis weakened by every argument that strengthens hers. It is as plain asthe words of an Act of Parliament can make it, that her present Majestyis heir to the survivor of the late King and Queen her sister. Is notthat an hereditary right? What need we explain it any further? I haveknown an Article of Faith expounded in much looser and more generalterms, and that by an author whose opinions are very much followed by acertain party. [13] Suppose we go further, and examine the word_indefeasible_, with which some writers of late have made themselves somerry: I confess it is hard to conceive, how any law which the supremepower makes, may not by the same power be repealed: so that I shall notdetermine, whether the Queen's right be indefeasible or no. But this Iwill maintain, that whoever affirms it so, is not guilty of a crime. Forin that settlement of the crown after the Revolution, where her presentMajesty is named in remainder, [14] there are (as near as I can remember)these remarkable words, "to which we bind ourselves and our posterity forever. " Lawyers may explain this, or call them words of form, as theyplease: and reasoners may argue that such an obligation is against thevery nature of government; but a plain reader, who takes the words intheir natural meaning, may be excused, in thinking a right so confirmed, is _indefeasible_; and if there be an absurdity in such an opinion, he isnot to answer for it. 

_P. S. _ When this paper was going to the press, the printer brought me twomore _Observators_, [15] wholly taken up in my _Examiner_ upon lying, which I was at the pains to read; and they are just such an answer, asthe two others I have mentioned. This is all I have to say on thatmatter. 

[Footnote 1: No. 15 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Ovid, "Metamorphoses, " viii. 203-5. 

 "My boy, take care To wing your course along the middle air: If low, the surges wet your flagging plumes; If high, the sun the melting wax consumes. " S. CROXALL. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: See the pamphlets: "The Thoughts of an Honest Tory, " 1710[by Bp. Hoadly]; "Faults on both Sides . .. By way of answer to'The Thoughts of an Honest Tory, '" 1710 [by a Mr. Clements]; and"Faults in the Fault-Finder: or, a Specimen of Errors in . .. 'Faultson Both Sides, '" 1710; etc. , etc. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: "The Review" was edited by Daniel Defoe. He commencedit on February 19th, 1703/4, as "A Weekly Review of the Affairs ofFrance"; but about this time it had lost much of its early spring andverve. It was discontinued after June 11th, 1713. Gay thought, speaking of "The Review, " that Defoe was "a lively instance ofthose wits, who, as an ingenious author says, will endure but oneskimming" ("Present State of Wit"). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "The Observator" was founded by John Tutchin. The firstnumber was issued April 1st, 1702, and it appeared, with some intervals, until July, 1712, though Tutchin himself died in 1707. For hispartisanship for Monmouth poor Tutchin came under the anger of JudgeJeffreys, who sentenced him to several floggings. Pope's couplet inthe "Dunciad" has immortalized him:

 "Earless on high stood unabashed De Foe, And Tutchin flagrant from the scourge below. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: This was the Rev. Charles Leslie, whose periodical, "TheRehearsal, " was avowedly Jacobite. The paper appeared from August5th, 1704, until March 26th, 1709. In 1708-9 all the numbers wererepublished in four volumes folio, with the title: "A View of theTimes, their Principles and Practices: in the First [Second, etc. ]Volume of the Rehearsals, " and under the pseudonym "Philalethes. "Later he engaged in a controversy with Bishop Hoadly. See alsonote on p. 354, vol. V. 

Of Swift's use of the term "Nonjuror, " "The Medley" (June 18th, 1711, No. 38) made the following remarks: "If he speaks of him withrelation to his party, there can be nothing so inconsistent as a Whigand a Nonjuror: and if he talks of him merely as an author, all theauthors in the world are Nonjurors, but the ingenious divine who writ'The Tale of a Tub' . .. For he is the first man who introduced thosefigures of rhetoric we call swearing and cursing in print. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: "The Observator" for November 8th, 1710 (vol. Ix. , No. 85), was filled with _more_ remarks on the fourteenth "Examiner. " Presumablythe issue for November 4th, which is not accessible, commenced theattack. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: A humorous specimen of this kind of an "Answer" was given bySwift in No. 23 of "The Examiner, " _post. _ [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The Duke of Marlborough and Lord Godolphin, who commencedtheir political career as Tories, and only became Whigs through thenecessity of identifying their own principles with that of the partywhich supported their power. [S. ]]

[Footnote 10: On December 6th, 1705, the House of Lords passed thefollowing resolution: "That the Church of England . .. Is now, by God'sblessing, under the happy reign of her Majesty, in a most safe andflourishing condition; and that whoever goes about to suggest andinsinuate, that the Church is in danger under her Majesty'sadministration, is an enemy to the Queen, the Church, and the Kingdom"("Jls. Of House of Lords, " xviii. 43). On December 8th the House ofCommons, by a majority of 212 against 162, agreed to this resolution. Inher speech at the prorogation of Parliament on April 5th, 1710, the Queensaid: "The suppressing immorality . .. Is what I have always earnestlyrecommended; . .. But, this being an evil complained of in all times, itis very injurious to take a pretence from thence, to insinuate that theChurch is in any danger from my administration" ("Jls. Of House ofLords, " xix. 145). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: James, Duke of Cornwall (1688-1766), known as the Chevalierde St. George. At one time the belief was current that the wife of JamesII. Did not give birth to a child, and the "young Pretender" was supposedto be a son of one Mary Grey (see note on p. 409 of vol. V. Of presentedition of Swift's works). See also: "State-Amusements, Serious andHypocritical . .. Birth of the Pretended Prince of Wales, " 1711;"Seasonable Queries relating to the Birth and Birthright of a CertainPerson, " 1714; and other pamphlets. In the Act for the Succession to theCrown (6 Ann. C. 41), he is styled, "the Pretended Prince of Wales. "History afterwards called him the "Old Pretender" to distinguish him fromCharles Edward, the "bonnie Prince Charlie, " the Young Pretender. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Swift kept his word. See "An Enquiry into . .. The Queen'sLast Ministry, " 1715 (Swift's Works, vol. V. , p. 458 _sq. _), and his"History of the Four Last Years of the Queen, " 1758. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: By Bishop Burnet in his "Exposition of the Thirty-NineArticles. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: The reference here is to the Bill of Rights (1 William andMary, Sess. 2, c. 2), where it is said: "And thereunto the said Lordsspiritual and temporal and Commons do, in the name of all the peopleaforesaid, most humbly and faithfully submit themselves, their heirs andposterities, for ever. " In the recital in the Act of Settlement (12 and13 W. III. C. 2) the words "for ever" are omitted. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: "The Observator" of November 11th and 15th (vol. Ix. , Nos. 86 and 87). In No. 86 "The Examiner" is given "a spiritual shove, " and, quoting his statement that a political liar "ought to have but a shortmemory" to meet occasions "of differing from himself, and swearing toboth sides of a contradiction, " adds, "the 'Examiner' has this essentialqualification of a political liar. " It is amusing to find in the sameissue "The Observator" calling Jezebel a Tory, and Elijah and Naboth, Whigs! [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 17. [1]

FROM THURSDAY NOVEMBER 16, TO THURSDAY NOVEMBER 23, 1710. 

_Qui sunt boni cives? Qui belli, qui domi de patriâ bene merentes, nisiqui patriae beneficia meminerunt?_[2]

I will employ this present paper upon a subject, which of late hath verymuch affected me, which I have considered with a good deal ofapplication, and made several enquiries about, among those persons who Ithought were best able to inform me; and if I deliver my sentiments withsome freedom, I hope it will be forgiven, while I accompany it with thattenderness which so nice a point requires. 

I said in a former paper (Numb. 14) that one specious objection to thelate removals at court, was the fear of giving uneasiness to a general, who has been long successful abroad: and accordingly, the common clamourof tongues and pens for some months past, has run against the baseness, the inconstancy and ingratitude of the whole kingdom to the Duke ofM[arlborough], in return of the most eminent services that ever wereperformed by a subject to his country; not to be equalled in history. Andthen to be sure some bitter stroke of detraction against Alexander andCaesar, who never did us the least injury. Besides, the people that readPlutarch come upon us with parallels drawn from the Greeks and Romans, who ungratefully dealt with I know not how many of their most deservinggenerals: while the profounder politicians, have seen pamphlets, whereTacitus and Machiavel have been quoted to shew the danger of tooresplendent a merit. Should a stranger hear these furious outcries ofingratitude against our general, without knowing the particulars, hewould be apt to enquire where was his tomb, or whether he were allowedChristian burial? not doubting but we had put him to some ignominiousdeath. Or, has he been tried for his life, and very narrowly escaped? hashe been accused of high crimes and misdemeanours? has the prince seizedon his estate, and left him to starve? has he been hooted at as he passedthe streets, by an ungrateful mob? have neither honours, offices norgrants, been conferred on him or his family? have not he and they beenbarbarously stripped of them all? have not he and his forces been illpaid abroad? and does not the prince by a scanty, limited commission, hinder him from pursuing his own methods in the conduct of the war?has he no power at all of disposing commissions as he pleases? is he notseverely used by the ministry or Parliament, who yearly call him to astrict account? has the senate ever thanked him for good success, andhave they not always publicly censured him for the least miscarriage?Will the accusers of the nation join issue upon any of these particulars, or tell us in what point, our damnable sin of ingratitude lies? Why, itis plain and clear; for while he is commanding abroad, the Queendissolves her Parliament, and changes her ministry at home: in whichuniversal calamity, no less than two persons[3] allied by marriage to thegeneral, have lost their places. Whence came this wonderful sympathybetween the civil and military powers? Will the troops in Flanders refuseto fight, unless they can have their own lord keeper, their own lordpresident of the council, their own chief Governor of Ireland, and theirown Parliament? In a kingdom where the people are free, how came they tobe so fond of having their councils under the influence of their army, orthose that lead it? who in all well instituted states, had no commercewith the civil power, further than to receive their orders, and obey themwithout reserve. 

When a general is not so popular, either in his army or at home, as onemight expect from a long course of success; it may perhaps be ascribed tohis wisdom, or perhaps to his complexion. The possession of some onequality, or a defect in some other, will extremely damp the people'sfavour, as well as the love of the soldiers. Besides, this is not an ageto produce favourites of the people, while we live under a Queen whoengrosses all our love, and all our veneration; and where, the only wayfor a great general or minister, to acquire any degree of subordinateaffection from the public, must be by all marks of the most entiresubmission and respect, to her sacred person and commands;[4] otherwise, no pretence of great services, either in the field or the cabinet, willbe able to screen them from universal hatred. 

But the late ministry was closely joined to the general, by friendship, interest, alliance, inclination and opinion, which cannot be affirmed ofthe present; and the ingratitude of the nation, lies in the people'sjoining as one man, to wish, that such a ministry should be changed. Isit not at the same time notorious to the whole kingdom, that nothing buta tender regard to the general, was able to preserve that ministry solong, till neither God nor man could suffer their continuance? Yet in thehighest ferment of things, we heard few or no reflections upon this greatcommander, but all seemed unanimous in wishing he might still be at thehead of the confederate forces; only at the same time, in case he wereresolved to resign, they chose rather to turn their thoughts somewhereelse, than throw up all in despair. And this I cannot but add, in defenceof the people, with regard to the person we are speaking of, that in thehigh station he has been for many years past, his real defects (asnothing human is without them) have in a detracting age been verysparingly mentioned, either in libels or conversation, and all hissuccesses very freely and universally applauded. 

There is an active and a passive ingratitude; applying both to thisoccasion, we may say, the first is, when a prince or people returns goodservices with cruelty or ill usage: the other is, when good services arenot at all, or very meanly rewarded. We have already spoke of the former;let us therefore in the second place, examine how the services of ourgeneral have been rewarded; and whether upon that article, either princeor people have been guilty of ingratitude?

Those are the most valuable rewards, which are given to us from thecertain knowledge of the donor, that they _fit our temper best:_ I shalltherefore say nothing of the title of Duke, or the Garter, which theQueen bestowed [on] the general in the beginning of her reign; but Ishall come to more substantial instances, and mention nothing which hasnot been given in the face of the world. [5] The lands of Woodstock, may, I believe, be reckoned worth 40, 000_l_. On the building of BlenheimCastle 200, 000_l_. Have been already expended, though it be not yet nearfinished. The grant of 5, 000_l. Per ann. _ on the post-office, is richlyworth 100, 000_l_. His principality in Germany may be computed at30, 000_l_. Pictures, jewels, and other gifts from foreign princes, 60, 000_l_. The grant at the Pall-Mall, the rangership, &c. For want ofmore certain knowledge, may be called 10, 000, _l_. His own, and hisduchess's employments at five years value, reckoning only the known andavowed salaries, are very low rated at 100, 000_l_. Here is a good dealabove half a million of money, and I dare say, those who are loudest withthe clamour of ingratitude, will readily own, that all this is but atrifle in comparison of what is untold. [6]

The reason of my stating this account is only to convince the world, thatwe are not quite so ungrateful either as the Greeks or the Romans. And inorder to adjust this matter with all fairness, I shall confine myself tothe latter, who were much the more generous of the two. A victoriousgeneral of Rome in the height of that empire, having entirely subdued hisenemy, was rewarded with the larger triumph; and perhaps a statue in theForum, a bull for a sacrifice, an embroidered garment to appear in: acrown of laurel, a monumental trophy with inscriptions; sometimes fivehundred or a thousand copper coins were struck on occasion of thevictory, which doing honour to the general, we will place to his account;and lastly, sometimes, though not very frequently, a triumphal arch. These are all the rewards that I can call to mind, which a victoriousgeneral received after his return from the most glorious expedition, conquered some great kingdom, brought the king himself, his family andnobles to adorn the triumph in chains, and made the kingdom either aRoman province, or at best a poor depending state, in humble alliance tothat empire. Now of all these rewards, I find but two which were of realprofit to the general; the laurel crown, made and sent him at the chargeof the public, and the embroidered garment; but I cannot find whetherthis last were paid for by the senate or the general: however, we willtake the more favourable opinion, and in all the rest, admit the wholeexpense, as if it were ready money in the general's pocket. Now accordingto these computations on both sides, we will draw up two fair accounts, the one of Roman gratitude, and the other of British ingratitude, and setthem together in balance. 

A BILL OF ROMAN GRATITUDE. 

 l. S. D. Imprimis for frankincense and earthen potsto burn it in 4 10 0A bull for sacrifice 8 0 0An embroidered garment 50 0 0A crown of laurel 0 0 2A statue 100 0 0A trophy 80 0 0A thousand copper medals value half pencea piece 2 1 8A triumphal arch 500 0 0A triumphal car, valued as a modern coach 100 0 0Casual charges at the triumph 150 0 0 ------------- Sum total 994 11 10

A BILL OF BRITISH INGRATITUDE. 

 l. S. D. Imprimis Woodstock 40, 000 0 0Blenheim 200, 000 0 0Post-office grant 100, 000 0 0Mildenheim 30, 000 0 0Pictures, jewels, &c. 60, 000 0 0Pall-Mall grant, &c. 10, 000 0 0Employments 100, 000 0 0 ----------------- Sum total[7] 540, 000 0 0

This is an account of the visible profits on both sides; and if the Romangeneral had any private perquisites, they may be easily discounted, andby more probable computations, and differ yet more upon the balance; ifwe consider, that all the gold and silver for safeguards andcontributions, also all valuable prizes taken in the war were openlyexposed in the triumph, and then lodged in the Capitol for thepublic service. 

So that upon the whole, we are not yet quite so bad at _worst_, as theRomans were at _best_. And I doubt, those who raise this hideous cry ofingratitude, may be mightily mistaken in the consequence they proposefrom such complaints. I remember a saying of Seneca, _Multos ingratosinvenimus, plures facimus;_ "We find many ungrateful persons in theworld, but we _make_ more, " by setting too high a rate upon ourpretensions, and under-valuing the rewards we receive. When unreasonablebills are brought in, they ought to be taxed, or cut off in the middle. Where there have been long accounts between two persons, I have known oneof them perpetually making large demands and pressing for payments, whowhen the accounts were cast up on both sides, was found to be creditorfor some hundreds. I am thinking if a proclamation were issued out forevery man to send in his _bill of merits_, and the lowest price he setthem at, what a pretty sum it would amount to, and how many such islandsas this must be sold to pay them. I form my judgment from the practice ofthose who sometimes happen to pay themselves, and I dare affirm, wouldnot be so unjust to take a farthing more than they think is due to theirdeserts. I will instance only in one article. A lady of myacquaintance, [8] appropriated twenty-six pounds a year out of herallowance, for certain uses, which her woman received, and was to pay tothe lady or her order, as it was called for. But after eight years, itappeared upon the strictest calculation, that the woman had paid but fourpound a year, and sunk two-and-twenty for her own pocket. It is butsupposing instead of twenty-six pound, twenty-six thousand, and by thatyou may judge what the pretensions of _modern merit_ are, where ithappens to be its own paymaster. 

[Footnote 1: No. 16 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: "Who are the good citizens? Who are they who--whether atwar or at home--deserve well of their country, but those who bear inmind the benefits she has already conferred upon them?" [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: The Earl of Sunderland and Lord Godolphin. Sunderland wassucceeded by Dartmouth, in June, as Secretary of State, and Godolphinreturned his staff of treasurer in August, the office being placed incommission. Sunderland and Godolphin were both related to Marlboroughby marriage. The former married Anne, and the son of the latterHenrietta, daughters of the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See "Memoirs relating to that Change" (Swift's Works, vol. V. , pp. 367-8). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: The Queen's Message, proposing to grant to the Duke ofMarlborough the Manor of Woodstock and Hundred of Wootton, was readJanuary 17th, 1704/5. A Bill carrying this proposal into effect wasintroduced January 25th, and passed February 3rd. Blenheim House, erectedat the Queen's expense, was settled to go with the dukedom by a Billintroduced in the House of Lords, which passed all its stages in theCommons December 20th, 1706. The pension of £5, 000 per annum upon therevenue of the Post Office, granted by the Queen for her lifetimein December, 1702--at a time when the Commons expressed their "trouble"that they could not comply--was made perpetual by a Bill introducedJanuary 14th, 1706/7, passed January 18th, Royal Assent given January28th (see "Journals of House of Commons, " xiv. And xv. ). [T. S. ] ]

[Footnote 6: A broadside, printed in 1712, entitled, "The D----e and D----s of M----h's Loss; being an Estimate of their former Yearly Income, "reckons the duke's emoluments at £54, 825 per annum, and those of theduchess at £7, 500. In the second edition the following paragraph isadded:

"The following sums have been rec'd since the year 1701:

"Receiv'd on Accompt of Bread and Bread-waggons £63, 319 3 7Receiv'd 10, 000, _l_. By Annual Contingencies 100, 000 0 0Receiv'd by 2 and 1/2 _per cent_, from thepayment of Troops 460, 062 6 7-3/4 ----------------- 623, 381 10 2-3/4" -----------------]

[Footnote 7: In the tenth number of "The Medley" (December 4th, 1710)occurs the following: "'The Examiner, ' having it in his thoughts topublish the falsest, as well as the most impudent paper that ever wasprinted, writ a previous discourse about lying, as a necessaryintroduction to what was to follow. The first paper was the precept, andthe second was the example. By the falsest paper that ever was printed, Imean the 'Examiner' Numb. 17, in which he pretends to give an account ofwhat the Duke of Marlborough has got by his services. " The writer in the"Medley, " admitting even the correctness of the "Examiner's" sum of£540, 000, sets off against this the value of the several battles won bythe Duke, and "twenty seven towns taken, which being reckoned at300, 000_l_. A town (the price that Dunkirk was sold at before it wasfortified) amounts in all, throwing in the battles and thefortifications, to 8, 100, 000_l_. " The balance in favour of the Duke, andpresumably in justification of the gifts made him, gave a net result of£7, 560, 000. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The Duchess of Marlborough, who admitted that the comparisonwas intended for herself, explained the matter thus: "At the Queen'saccession to the government, she . .. Desired me to take out of theprivy-purse 2, 000_l_. A year, in order to some purchase for my advantage. .. I constantly declined it; until the time, that, notwithstanding theuncommon regard I had shown to Her Majesty's interest and honour in theexecution of my trusts, she was pleased to dismiss me from her service. .. By the advice of my friends, I sent the Queen one of her own letters, in which she had pressed me to take the 2, 00_l_. A year; and I wrote atthe same time to ask Her Majesty whether she would allow me to charge inthe privy-purse accounts, which I was to send her, that yearly sum fromthe time of the offer, amounting to 18, 000_l_. Her Majesty was pleased toanswer, that I might charge it. This therefore I did" ("An Account of theConduct of . .. Duchess of Marlborough, " 1742, pp. 293-5). The Duchess ofSomerset and Mrs. Masham superseded the Duchess of Marlborough inJanuary, 1710/1. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 18. [1]

FROM THURSDAY NOVEMBER 23, TO THURSDAY NOVEMBER 30, 1710. 

_Quas res luxuries in flagitus, . .. Avaritia in rapinis, superbia incontumeliis efficere potuisset; eas omnes sese hoc uno praetore pertriennium pertulisse aiebant_. [2]

When I first undertook this paper, I was resolved to concern myself onlywith things, and not with persons. Whether I have kept or broken thisresolution, I cannot recollect; and I will not be at the pains toexamine, but leave the matter to those little antagonists, who may want atopic for criticism. Thus much I have discovered, that it is in writingas in building; where, after all our schemes and calculations, we aremightily deceived in our accounts, and often forced to make use of anymaterials we can find, that the work may be kept a going. Besides, tospeak my opinion, the things I have occasion to mention, are so closelylinked to persons, that nothing but Time (the father of Oblivion) canseparate them. Let me put a parallel case: Suppose I should complain, that last week my coach was within an inch of overturning, in a smooth, even way, and drawn by very gentle horses; to be sure, all my friendswould immediately lay the fault upon John, [3] because they knew, he thenpresided in my coach-box. Again, suppose I should discover someuneasiness to find myself, I knew not how, over head-and-ears in debt, though I was sure my tenants paid their rents very well, and that I neverspent half my income; they would certainly advise me to turn off Mr. Oldfox[4] my receiver, and take another. If, as a justice of peace, Ishould tell a friend that my warrants and mittimuses were never drawn upas I would have them; that I had the misfortune to send an honest man togaol, and dismiss a knave; he would bid me no longer trust Charles andHarry, [5] my two clerks, whom he knew to be ignorant, wilful, assumingand ill-inclined fellows. If I should add, that my tenants made me veryuneasy with their squabbles and broils among themselves; he wouldcounsel me to cashier Will Bigamy, [6] the seneschal of my manor. Andlastly, if my neighbour and I happened to have a misunderstanding aboutthe delivery of a message, what could I do less than strip and discardthe blundering or malicious rascal that carried it?[7]

It is the same thing in the conduct of public affairs, where they havebeen managed with rashness or wilfulness, corruption, ignorance orinjustice; barely to relate the facts, at least, while they are fresh inmemory, will as much reflect upon the persons concerned, as if we hadtold their names at length. 

I have therefore since thought of another expedient, frequently practisedwith great safety and success by satirical writers: which is, that oflooking into history for some character bearing a resemblance to theperson we would describe; and with the absolute power of altering, addingor suppressing what circumstances we please, I conceived we must havevery bad luck, or very little skill to fail. However, some days ago in acoffee-house, looking into one of the politic weekly papers; I found thewriter had fallen into this scheme, and I happened to light on that part, where he was describing a person, who from small beginnings grew (as Iremember) to be constable of France, and had a very haughty, imperiouswife. [8] I took the author as a friend to our faction, (for so with greatpropriety of speech they call the Queen and ministry, almost the wholeclergy, and nine parts in ten of the kingdom)[9] and I said to agentleman near me, that although I knew well enough what persons theauthor meant, yet there were several particulars in the husband'scharacter, which I could not reconcile, for that of the lady was just andadequate enough; but it seems I mistook the whole matter, and applied allI had read to a couple of persons, who were not at that time in thewriter's thoughts. 

Now to avoid such a misfortune as this, I have been for some timeconsulting Livy and Tacitus, to find out a character of a _PrincepsSenatus, _ a _Praetor Urbanus, _ a _Quaestor Aerarius_, a _Caesari abEpistolis_, and a _Proconsul_;[10] but among the worst of them, I cannotdiscover one from whom to draw a parallel, without doing injury to aRoman memory: so that I am compelled to have recourse to Tully. But thisauthor relating facts only as an orator, I thought it would be best toobserve his method, and make an extract from six harangues of his againstVerres, only still preserving the form of an oration. I remember ayounger brother of mine, who deceased about two months ago, presentedthe world with a speech of Alcibiades against an Athenian brewer:[11]Now, I am told for certain, that in those days there was no ale inAthens; and therefore that speech, or at least a great part of it, mustneeds be spurious. The difference between me and my brother is this; hemakes Alcibiades say a great deal more than he really did, and I makeCicero say a great deal less. [12] This Verres had been the Roman governorof Sicily for three years; and on return from his government, theSicilians entreated Cicero to impeach him in the Senate, which heaccordingly did in several orations, from whence I have faithfullytranslated and abstracted that which follows. 

"MY LORDS, [13]

"A pernicious opinion hath for some time prevailed, not only at Rome, butamong our neighbouring nations, that a man who has money enough, thoughhe be ever so guilty, cannot be condemned in this place. But howeverindustriously this opinion be spread, to cast an odium on the Senate, wehave brought before your lordships Caius Verres, a person, for his lifeand actions, already condemned by all men; but as he hopes, and givesout, by the influence of his wealth, to be here absolved. In condemningthis man, you have an opportunity of belying that general scandal, ofredeeming the credit lost by former judgments, and recovering the love ofthe Roman people, as well as of our neighbours. I have brought a man herebefore you, my lords, who is a robber of the public treasure, anoverturner of law and justice, and the disgrace, as well as destruction, of the Sicilian province: of whom, if you shall determine with equity anddue severity, your authority will remain entire, and upon such anestablishment as it ought to be: but if his great riches will be able toforce their way through that religious reverence and truth, which becomeso awful an assembly, I shall, however, obtain thus much, that the defectwill be laid where it ought, and that it shall not be objected that thecriminal was not produced, or that there wanted an orator to accuse him. This man, my lords, has publicly said, that those ought to be afraid ofaccusations who have only robbed enough for their own support andmaintenance; but that _he_ has plundered sufficient to bribe numbers, andthat nothing is so high or so holy which money cannot corrupt. Take thatsupport from him, and he can have no other left. For what eloquence willbe able to defend a man, whose life has been tainted with so manyscandalous vices, and who has been so long condemned by the universalopinion of the world? To pass over the foul stains and ignominy of hisyouth, his corrupt management in all employments he has borne, histreachery and irreligion, his injustice and oppression, he has left oflate such monuments of his villainies in Sicily, made such havoc andconfusion there, during his government, that the province cannot by anymeans be restored to its former state, and hardly recover itself at allunder many years, and by a long succession of good governors. While thisman governed in that island, the Sicilians had neither the benefit of ourlaws, nor their own, nor even of common right. In Sicily, no man nowpossesses more than what the governor's lust and avarice have overlooked, or what he was forced to neglect out of mere weariness and satiety ofoppression. Every thing where he presided, was determined by hisarbitrary will, and the best subjects he treated as enemies. To recounthis abominable debaucheries, would offend any modest ear, since so manycould not preserve their daughters and wives from his lust. I believethere is no man who ever heard his name, that cannot relate hisenormities. We bring before you in judgment, my lords, a public robber, an adulterer, a DEFILER OF ALTARS, [14] an enemy of religion, and of allthat is sacred; he sold all employments in Sicily of judicature, magistracy, and trust, places in the council, and the priesthood itself, to the highest bidder; and has plundered that island of forty millions ofsesterces. And here I cannot but observe to your lordships, in whatmanner Verres passed the day: the morning was spent in taking bribes, andselling employments, the rest of it in drunkenness and lust. Hisdiscourse at table was scandalously unbecoming the dignity of hisstation; noise, brutality, and obsceneness. One particular I cannot omit, that in the high character of governor of Sicily, upon a solemn day, aday set apart for public prayer for the safety of the commonwealth; hestole at evening, in a chair, to a married woman of infamouscharacter, [15] against all decency and prudence, as well as against alllaws both human and divine. Didst thou think, O Verres, the government ofSicily was given thee with so large a commission, only by the power ofthat to break all the bars of law, modesty, and duty, to suppose allmen's fortunes thine, and leave no house free from thy rapine, or lust?&c. "

This extract, to deal ingenuously, has cost me more pains than I think itis worth, having only served to convince me, that modern corruptions arenot to be paralleled by ancient examples, without having recourse topoetry or fable. For instance, I never read in story of a law enacted totake away the force of all laws whatsoever;[16] by which a man may safelycommit upon the last of June, what he would infallibly be hanged for ifhe committed on the first of July; by which the greatest criminals mayescape, provided they continue long enough in power to antiquate theircrimes, and by stifling them a while, can deceive the legislature into anamnesty, of which the enactors do not at that time foresee theconsequence. A cautious merchant will be apt to suspect, when he finds aman who has the repute of a cunning dealer, and with whom he has oldaccounts, urging for a general release. When I reflect on thisproceeding, I am not surprised, that those who contrived a parliamentarysponge for their crimes, are now afraid of a new revolution sponge fortheir money: and if it were possible to contrive a sponge that could onlyaffect those who had need of the other, perhaps it would not be illemployed. 

[Footnote 1: No. 17 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Cicero, "In Q. Caec. " i. 3: "They said that whatever luxurycould accomplish in the way of vice, . .. Avarice in the way of plunder, orarrogance in the way of insult, had all been borne by them for the lastthree years, while this one man was praetor. "--C. D. YONGE. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: John Churchill, Duke of Maryborough, who had beenCaptain-General since 1702. He was dismissed from all his offices, December 31st, 1711. The Duke of Ormonde was appointed Commander-in-Chiefon January 4th. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Godolphin, Lord-Treasurer, nicknamed Volpone. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Charles, Earl of Sunderland, and Henry Boyle (1670-1725), were Secretaries of State. Boyle was created Lord Carleton in 1714. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: William; Earl Cowper (1665-1723), was Lord Chancellor underGodolphin's administration (1707-1710), and also in 1714-1718. The"Biographia Britannica" (second edition, vol. Iv. , p. 389 _n_. ) refers toa story that Cowper went through an informal marriage in the earlypart of his life with a Mrs. Elizabeth Culling, of Hungerfordbury Park. Cowper's first wife was Judith, daughter of Sir Robert Booth, of London;and after her death he married Mary Clavering. See also "Examiner, "No. 23, _post_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: Horatio Walpole, secretary to the English Embassy at thetreaty of Gertruydenberg. See Swift's accusation against him in "TheConduct of the Allies" (vol. V of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: "The Medley" (Nos. 6 and 7, November 6th and 13th, 1710)contains a "Story of the Marquiss D'Ancre and his Wife Galigai, " fromthe French of M. Le Vassor. The Marquis is there described as "thegreatest cheat in the whole world"; and "Galigai had the insolenceto say a thousand offensive things. " The article was intended as areflection on Harley and Mrs. Masham; but Swift takes it as for theDuke and Duchess of Marlborough. Certainly the character of Galigaimay with greater justice be applied to the Duchess. (See "Histoiredu regne de Louis XIII. Par M. Michel Le Vassor. ") Concino Concini, Maréchal D'Ancre, was born at Florence, and died in 1617. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: "The Medley" was constantly deriding this allegedproportion. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: "The Observator" for December 6th remarks: "If the'Examiner' don't find better parallels for his _Princeps Senates, PraetorUrbanus, Quaestor Aerarius_, and _Caesari ab Epistolis_, than he has donefor his Proconsul, Roger, the gentlemen he aims at may sleep withoutdisturbance. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: "The Whig Examiner" (No. 3, September 28th, 1710) prints aspeech alleged to have been made by Alcibiades in a contest with anAthenian brewer named Taureas. The allusion was to the Westminsterelection, when General Stanhope was opposed by a brewer named ThomasCross. "The Whig Examiner" was written by Addison. Five numbers only wereissued (September 14th to October 12th, 1710). "The light and comic styleof Addison's parody, " notes Scott, may be compared "with the fierce, stern, and vindictive tone of Swift's philippic against the Earl ofWharton, under the name of Verres. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: "The Medley" (No. 11, December 11th, 1710) remarks of thisadaptation from Cicero, that the writer "has added more rude reflectionsof his own than are to be found in that author, whose only fault is hisfalling too much into such reflections. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: See also Swift's "Short Character, " etc. (vol. V. , pp. 1-28of present edition), and note _in loco_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Hawkesworth notes: "The story of the Lord Wharton is true;who, with some other wretches, went into a pulpit, and defiled it inthe most filthy manner. " See also "Examiner, " No. 23, _post_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: Probably Mrs. Coningsby. See Swift's "Short Character"(vol. V. , p. 27). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: The "Act for the Queen's most gracious, general, and freepardon" was passed in 1708 (7 Ann. , c. 22). The Earl of Wharton himselfprofited by this Act. A Mr. George Hutchinson gave Wharton £1, 000to procure his appointment to the office of Register of the Seizures. This was proved before the House of Commons in May, 1713, and theHouse resolved that it was "a scandalous corruption, " and that as ittook place "before the Act of Her Majesty's most gracious, general, and free pardon; this House will proceed no further in that matter. "("Journals of House of Commons, " vol. Xvii. , p. 356. ) [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 19. [1]

FROM THURSDAY NOVEMBER 30, TO THURSDAY DECEMBER 7, 1710. 

_Quippe ubi fas versunt atque nefas: tot bella per orbem:Tam multae, scelerum facies_----[2]

I am often violently tempted to let the world freely know who the authorof this paper is; to tell them my name and titles at length; which wouldprevent abundance of inconsistent criticisms I daily hear upon it. Thosewho are enemies to the notions and opinions I would advance, aresometimes apt to quarrel with the "Examiner" as defective in point ofwit, and sometimes of truth. At other times they are so generous andcandid, to allow, it is written by a club, and that very great hands havefingers in it. As for those who only appear its adversaries in print, they give me but very little pain: The paper I hold lies at my mercy, andI can govern it as I please; therefore, when I begin to find the wit toobright, the learning too deep, and the satire too keen for me to dealwith, (a very frequent case no doubt, where a man is constantly attackedby such shrewd adversaries) I peaceably fold it up, or fling it aside, and read no more. It would be happy for me to have the same power overpeople's tongues, and not be forced to hear my own work railed at andcommended fifty times a day, affecting all the while a countenance whollyunconcerned, and joining out of policy or good manners with the judgmentof both parties: this, I confess, is too great a hardship for so bashfuland unexperienced a writer. [3]

But, alas, I lie under another discouragement of much more weight: I wasvery unfortunate in the choice of my party when I set up to be a writer;where is the merit, or what opportunity to discover our wit, our courage, or our learning, in drawing our pens for the defence of a cause, whichthe Queen and both Houses of Parliament, and nine parts in ten of thekingdom, have so unanimously embraced? I am cruelly afraid, we politicauthors must begin to lessen our expenses, and lie for the future at themercy of our printers. All hopes now are gone of writing ourselves intoplaces or pensions. A certain starveling author who worked under the lateadministration, told me with a heavy heart, above a month ago, that heand some others of his brethren had secretly offered their servicedog-cheap to the present ministry, but were all refused, and are nowmaintained by contribution, like Jacobites or fanatics. I have been oflate employed out of perfect commiseration, in doing them good offices:for, whereas some were of opinion that these hungry zealots should not besuffered any longer in their malapert way to snarl at the present courseof public proceedings; and whereas, others proposed, that they should belimited to a certain number, and permitted to write for their masters, inthe same manner as counsel are assigned for _other_ criminals; that is, to say all they can in defence of their client, but not reflect upon thecourt: I humbly gave my advice, that they should be suffered to write on, as they used to do; which I did purely out of regard to their persons:for I hoped it would keep them out of harm's way, and prevent them fromfalling into evil courses, which though of little consequence to thepublic, would certainly be fatal to themselves. If I have room at thebottom of this paper, I will transcribe a petition to the presentministry, sent me by one of these authors, in behalf of himself andfourscore others of his brethren. 

For my own part, notwithstanding the little encouragement to be hoped forat this time from the men in power, I shall continue my paper till eitherthe world or myself grow weary of it: the latter is easily determined;and for the former, I shall not leave it to the partiality of eitherparty, but to the infallible judgment of my printer. One principal end Idesigned by it, was to undeceive those well-meaning people, who have beendrawn unaware into a wrong sense of things, either by the commonprejudices of education and company, the great personal qualities of someparty leaders, or the foul misrepresentations that were constantly madeof all who durst differ from them in the smallest article. I have knownsuch men struck with the thoughts of some late changes, which, as theypretend to think, were made without any reason visible to the world. Inanswer to this, it is not sufficient to allege, what nobody doubts, thata prince may choose his own servants without giving a reason to hissubjects; because it is certain, that a wise and good prince will notchange his ministers without very important reasons; and a good subjectought to suppose, that in such a case there are such reasons, though hebe not apprised of them, otherwise he must inwardly tax his prince ofcapriciousness, inconstancy, or ill-design. Such reasons indeed, may notbe obvious to persons prejudiced, or at great distance, or shortthinkers; and therefore, if they be no secrets of state, nor any illconsequences to be apprehended from their publication; it is nouncommendable work in any private hand to lay them open for thesatisfaction of all men. And if what I have already said, or shallhereafter say of this kind, be thought to reflect upon persons, thoughnone have been named, I know not how it can possibly be avoided. TheQueen in her speech mentions, "with great concern, " that "the navy andother offices are burthened with heavy debts, and desires that the likemay be prevented for the time to come. "[4] And, if it be _now_ possibleto prevent the continuance of an evil that has been so long growing uponus, and is arrived to such a height, surely those corruptions andmismanagements must have been great which first introduced them, beforeour taxes were eaten up by annuities. 

If I were able to rip up, and discover in all their colours, only abouteight or nine thousand of the most scandalous abuses, [5] that have beencommitted in all parts of public management for twenty years past, by acertain set of men and their instruments, I should reckon it some serviceto my country, and to posterity. But to say the truth, I should be gladthe authors' names were conveyed to future times along with theiractions. For though the present age may understand well enough the littlehints we give, the parallels we draw, and the characters we describe, yetthis will all be lost to the next. However, if these papers, reduced intoa more durable form, should happen to live till our grandchildren aremen, I hope they may have curiosity enough to consult annals, and comparedates, in order to find out what names were then intrusted with theconduct of affairs, in the consequences whereof, themselves will sodeeply share; like a heavy debt in a private family, which often lies anincumbrance upon an estate for three generations. 

But leaving the care of informing posterity to better pens, I shall withdue regard to truth, discretion, and the safety of my person from the menof the new-fangled moderation, continue to take all proper opportunitiesof letting the misled part of the people see how grossly they have beenabused, and in what particulars: I shall also endeavour to convince them, that the present course we are in, is the most probable means, with theblessing of God, to extricate ourselves out of all our difficulties. 

Among those who are pleased to write or talk against this paper, I haveobserved a strange manner of reasoning, which I should be glad to hearthem explain themselves upon. They make no ceremony of exclaiming uponall occasions against a change of ministry, in so critical and dangerousa conjuncture. What shall we, who heartily approve and join in thoseproceedings, say in defence of them? We own the juncture of affairs to beas they describe: we are pushed for an answer, and are forced at lastfreely to confess, that the corruptions and abuses in every branch ofthe administration, were so numerous and intolerable, that all thingsmust have ended in ruin, without some speedy reformation. This I havealready asserted in a former paper; and the replies I have read or heard, have been in plain terms to affirm the direct contrary; and not only todefend and celebrate the late persons and proceedings, but to threaten mewith law and vengeance, for casting reflections on so many great andhonourable men, whose birth, virtue and abilities, whose morals andreligion, whose love of their country and its constitution in Church andState, were so universally allowed; and all this set off with odiouscomparisons reflecting on the present choice. Is not this in plain anddirect terms to tell all the world that the Qu[een] has in a mostdangerous crisis turned out a whole set of the best ministers that everserved a prince, without any manner of reason but her royal pleasure, andbrought in others of a character directly contrary? And how so vile anopinion as this can consist with the least pretence to loyalty or goodmanners, let the world determine. 

I confess myself so little a refiner in the politics, as not to be ableto discover, what other motive besides obedience to the Queen, a sense ofpublic danger, and a true love of their country, joined with invinciblecourage, could spirit those great men, who have now under her Majesty'sauthority undertaken the direction of affairs. What can they expect butthe utmost efforts of malice from a set of enraged domestic adversaries, perpetually watching over their conduct, crossing all their designs, andusing every art to foment divisions among them, in order to join with theweakest upon any rupture? The difficulties they must encounter are ninetimes more and greater than ever; and the prospects of interest, afterthe reapings and gleanings of so many years, nine times less. Everymisfortune at home or abroad, though the necessary consequence of formercounsels, will be imputed to them; and all the good success given to themerit of former schemes. A sharper has held your cards all the evening, played booty, and lost your money, and when things are almost desperate, you employ an honest gentleman to retrieve your losses. 

I would ask whether the Queen's speech does not contain her intentions, in every particular relating to the public, that a good subject, a Britonand a Protestant can possibly have at heart? "To carry on the war in allits parts, particularly in Spain, [6] with the utmost vigour, in order toprocure a safe and honourable peace for us and our allies; to find someways of paying the debts on the navy; to support and encourage the Churchof England; to preserve the British constitution according to the Union;to maintain the indulgence by law allowed to scrupulous consciences; andto employ none but such as are for the Protestant succession in the houseof Hanover. "[7] It is known enough, that speeches on these occasions, areever digested by the advice of those who are in the chief confidence, andconsequently that these are the sentiments of her Majesty's ministers, aswell as her own; and we see, the two Houses have unanimously agreed withher in every article. When the least counterpaces[8] are made to any ofthese resolutions, it will then be time enough for our malcontents tobawl out Popery, persecution, arbitrary power, and the Pretender. In themean while, it is a little hard to think, that this island can hold butsix men of honesty and ability enough to serve their prince and country;or that our safety should depend upon their credit, any more than itwould upon the breath in their nostrils. Why should not a revolution inthe ministry be sometimes necessary as well as a revolution in the crown?It is to be presumed, the former is at least as lawful in itself, andperhaps the experiment not quite so dangerous. The revolution of the sunabout the earth was formerly thought a necessary expedient to solveappearances, though it left many difficulties unanswered; tillphilosophers contrived a better, which is that of the earth's revolutionabout the sun. This is found upon experience to save much time andlabour, to correct many irregular motions, and is better suited to therespect due from a planet to a fixed star. 

[Footnote 1: No. 18 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Virgil, "Georgics, " i. 505-6:

"For right and wrong we see perverted here:So many wars arise, such countless formsOf crime and evil agitate the globe. "--R. KENNEDY. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: This remark seems to have tickled the writer of the twelfthnumber of "The Medley, " who professed to be transported at the idea ofthe "Examiner" being a bashful writer. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: In her speech at the opening of Parliament on November 27th, 1710, the Queen said: "I cannot without great concern mention to you, that the Navy and other offices are burthened with heavy debts, which sofar affect the public service, that I most earnestly desire you to findsome way to answer those demands, and to prevent the like for the time tocome. " ("Journals of House of Lords, " vol. Xix. , p. 166. ) [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "The Medley" (No. 13, December 25th, 1710) remarks: "Whenhe . .. Promises to discover 'only about eight or nine thousand of theirmost scandalous abuses, ' without pretending to discover one; and when heaudaciously reviles a general, whose services have been the wonder bothof friends and enemies . .. All this he calls 'defending the cause of theQ---- and both Houses of Parliament, and nine parts in ten of thekingdom. '" [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: It was a general complaint, that the war in Spain had beenneglected, in order to supply that army which was more immediately underthe management of Marlborough. [S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The quotation is not given verbatim, but is substantiallycorrect. See "Journals of House of Lords, " vol. Xix. , p. 166. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The word is defined by Dr. Murray as "a movement in acontrary or reverse direction; a movement or step against something. "[T. S. ]]

NUMB. 20. [1]

FROM THURSDAY DECEMBER 7, TO THURSDAY DECEMBER 14, 1710. 

 _Sunt quibus in Satira videor nimis acer, et ultra Legem tendere opus: sine nervis altera, quicquid Composui, pars esse putat----_[2]

When the printer came last week for his copy, he brought along with him abundle of those papers, [3] which in the phrase of Whig coffee-houses have"swinged off" the "Examiner, " most of which I had never seen nor heard ofbefore. I remember some time ago in one of the "Tatlers" to have read aletter, [4] wherein several reasons are assigned for the presentcorruption and degeneracy of our taste, but I think the writer hasomitted the principal one, which I take to be the prejudice of parties. Neither can I excuse either side of this infirmity; I have heard thearrantest drivellers _pro_ and _con_ commended for their smartness evenby men of tolerable judgment; and the best performances exploded asnonsense and stupidity. This indeed may partly be imputed to policy andprudence; but it is chiefly owing to that blindness, which prejudice andpassion cast over the understanding: I mention this because I think itproperly within my province in quality of _Examiner_. And having grantedmore than is usual for an enemy to do, I must now take leave to say, thatso weak a cause, and so ruined a faction, were never provided with pensmore resembling their condition, or less suited to their occasions. 

 _Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis Tempus eget----_[5]

This is the more to be wondered at, when we consider they have the fullliberty of the press, that they have no other way left to recoverthemselves, and that they want not men of excellent parts to set theirarguments in the best light they will bear. Now if two men would argue onboth sides with fairness, good sense, and good manners, it would be noill entertainment to the town, and perhaps be the most effectual means toreconcile us. But I am apt to think that men of a great genius are hardlybrought to prostitute their pens in a very odious cause; which besides, is more properly undertaken by noise and impudence, by gross railing andscurrility, by calumny and lying, and by little trifling cavils andcarpings in the wrong place, which those whifflers use for arguments andanswers. 

I was well enough pleased with a story of one of these answerers, who ina paper[6] last week found many faults with a late calculation of mine. Being it seems more deep learned than his fellows, he was resolved tobegin his answer with a Latin verse, as well as other folks: His businesswas to look out for something against an "Examiner" that would pretendto _tax_ accounts; and turning over Virgil, he had the luck to find thesewords, ------_fugiant examina taxos;_[7]

so down they went, and out they would have come, if one of his unluckyprompters had not hindered it. 

I here declare once for all, that if these people will not be quiet, Ishall take the bread out of their mouths, and answer the "Examiner"myself;[8] which I protest I have never yet done, though I have beenoften charged with it; neither have those answers been written orpublished with my privity, as malicious people are pleased to give out;nor do I believe the common Whiggish report, that the authors are hiredby the ministry to give my paper a value. 

But the friends of this paper have given me more uneasiness with theirimpatience, than its enemies by their answers. I heard myself censuredlast week by some of the former, for promising to discover thecorruptions in the late administration, but never performing any thing. The latter on the other side, are thundering out their anathemas againstme for discovering so many. I am at a loss how to decide between thesecontraries, and shall therefore proceed after my own way, as I havehitherto done: my design being of more importance than that of writingonly to gratify the spleen of one side, or provoke that of the other, though it may occasionally have both effects. 

I shall therefore go on to relate some facts that in my humble opinionwere no hindrance to the change of the ministry. 

The first I shall mention, was that of introducing certain new phrasesinto the court style, which had been very seldom or never made use of informer times. They usually ran in the following terms: "Madam, I cannotserve you while such a one is in employment: I desire humbly to resign mycommission, if Mr. ------ continues secretary of state: I cannot answerthat the city will lend money, unless my L-- ------ be pr[esiden]t of thec[ounc]il. I must beg leave to surrender, except ------ has the staff. Imust not accept the seals, unless ------ comes into the other office. "This has been the language of late years from subjects to theirprince. [9] Thus they stood upon terms, and must have their own conditionsto ruin the nation. Nay, this dutiful manner of capitulating, had spreadso far, that every understrapper began at length to perk up and assume:he "expected a regiment"; or "his son must be a major"; or "his brothera collector", else he threatened to vote "according to his conscience. "

Another of their glorious attempts, was the clause intended in the billfor the encouragement of learning;[10] for taking off the obligation uponfellows of colleges in both Universities to enter upon holy orders: thedesign of which, as I have heard the undertakers often confess, was toremove the care of educating youth out of the hands of the clergy, whoare apt to infuse into their pupils too great a regard for the Church andthe Monarchy. But there was a farther secret in this clause, which maybest be discovered by the first projectors, or at least the garblers ofit; and these are known to be C[o]ll[i]ns[11] and Tindal, [12] inconjunction with a most pious lawyer their disciple. [13]

What shall we say to their prodigious skill in arithmetic, discovered soconstantly in their decision of elections; where they were able to makeout by the _rule of false_, that three were more than three-and-twenty, and fifteen than fifty? Nay it was a maxim which I never heard any ofthem dispute, that in determining elections, they were not to considerwhere the right lay, but which of the candidates was likelier to be trueto "the cause. " This they used to illustrate by a very apt and decentsimilitude, of gaming with a sharper; if you cannot cheat as well as he, you are certainly undone. 

Another cast of their politics was that of endeavouring to impeach aninnocent l[a]dy, for no reason imaginable, but her faithful and diligentservice to the Q[ueen], [14] and the favour her M[ajesty] bore to her uponthat account, when others had acted contrary in so shameful a manner. What else was the crime? Had she treated her royal mistress withinsolence or neglect? Had she enriched herself by a long practice ofbribery, and obtaining exorbitant grants? Had she engrossed herM[ajest]y's favours, without admitting any access but through her means?Had she heaped employments upon herself, her family and dependants? Hadshe an imperious, haughty behaviour? Or, after all, was it a perfectblunder and mistake of one person for another? I have heard of a man wholay all night on a rough pavement; and in the morning, wondering what itcould possibly be, that made him rest so ill, happened to see a featherunder him, and imputed the uneasiness of his lodging to that. I rememberlikewise the story of a giant in Rabelais, [15] who used to feed uponwind-mills, but was unfortunately choked with a small lump of freshbutter, before a warm oven. 

And here I cannot but observe how very refined some people are in theirgenerosity and gratitude. There is a certain great person[16] (I shallnot say of what sex) who for many years past, was the constant mark andbutt, against which our present malcontents used to discharge theirresentment: upon whom they bestowed all the terms of scurrility, thatmalice, envy and indignation could invent; whom they publicly accused ofevery vice that can possess a human heart: pride, covetousness, ingratitude, oppression, treachery, dissimulation, violence and fury, allin the highest extremes: but of late, they have changed their language ona sudden; that person is now the most faithful and just that ever serveda prince; that person, originally differing from them in principles, asfar as east and west, but united in practice, and falling together, theyare now reconciled, and find twenty resemblances between each other, which they could never discover before. _Tanti est ut placeam tibiperire. _[17]

But to return: How could it be longer suffered in a free nation, that allavenues to preferment should be shut up, except a very few, when one ortwo stood constant sentry, who docked all favours they handed down; orspread a huge invisible net, between the prince and subject, throughwhich nothing of value could pass? And here I cannot but admire at oneconsequence from this management, which is of an extraordinary nature:Generally speaking, princes who have ill ministers are apt to suffer intheir reputation, as well as in the love of the people: but it was not sowith the Q[ueen]. When the sun is overcast by those clouds he exhalesfrom the earth, we still acknowledge his light and influence, and at lastfind he can dispel and drive them down to the horizon. The wisest prince, by the necessity of affairs, the misrepresentations of designing men, orthe innocent mistakes, even of a good predecessor, may find himselfencompassed by a crew of courtiers, whom time, opportunity and success, have miserably corrupted. And if he can save himself and his people fromruin, under the _worst_ administration, what may not his subjects hopefor, when with their universal applause, he changes hands, and makes useof the _best_?

Another great objection with me against the late party, was the crueltyranny they put upon conscience, by a barbarous inquisition, refusing toadmit the least toleration or indulgence. They imposed a hundred tests, but could never be prevailed with to dispense with, or take off thesmallest, nor even admit of _occasional_ conformity;[18] but went ondaily (as their apostle Tindal expresseth it) narrowing their terms ofcommunion; pronouncing nine parts in ten of the kingdom heretics, andshutting them out of the pale of their Church. These very men, who talkso much of a comprehension in religion among us, how came they to allowso little of it in politics, which is _their sole religion?_ You shallhear them pretending to bewail the animosities kept up between theChurch of England and Dissenters, where the differences in opinion are sofew and inconsiderable; yet these very sons of moderation were pleased toexcommunicate every man who disagreed with them in the smallest articleof their _political creed_, or who refused to receive any new article, how difficult soever to digest, which the leaders imposed at pleasure toserve their own interest. 

I will quit this subject for the present, when I have told one story. [19]"There was a great king in Scythia, whose dominions were bounded to thenorth, by the poor, mountainous territories of a petty lord, who paidhomage as the king's vassal. The Scythian prime minister being largelybribed, indirectly obtained his master's consent to suffer this lord tobuild forts, and provide himself with arms, under pretence of preventingthe inroads of the Tartars. This little depending sovereign, finding hewas now in a condition to be troublesome, began to insist upon terms, andthreatened upon every occasion to unite with the Tartars: upon which, the prime minister, who began to be in pain about his head, proposed amatch betwixt his master, and the only daughter of this tributary lord, which he had the good luck to bring to pass: and from that time, valuedhimself as author of a most glorious union, which indeed was grown ofabsolute necessity by his corruption. " This passage, cited literally froman old history of Sarmatia, I thought fit to set down, on purpose toperplex little smattering remarkers, and put them upon the hunt for anapplication. 

[Footnote 1: No. 19 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Horace, "Satires, " II. I. 1-3:

 "There are, to whom too poignant I appear; Beyond the laws of satire too severe. My lines are weak, unsinewed, others say. "--P. FRANCIS. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: One of these papers was "The Observator. " The issue forDecember 6th (vol. Ix. , No. 93) dealt largely with "The Examiner's"attack on Verres (No. 18, _ante_), and the following number returned tothe charge, criticizing the attacks made in Nos. 17 and 18 of "TheExaminer" on the Duke of Marlborough. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: This appears to refer to "The Tatler, " No. 183 (June 10th, 1710), where Steele writes: "The ridicule among us runs strong againstlaudable actions. Nay, in the ordinary course of things, and thecommon regards of life, negligence of the public is an epidemic vice. .. It were to be wished, that love of their country were the first principleof action in men of business. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Virgil, "Aeneid, " ii. 521-2:

 "'Tis not such aid or such defence as thine The time demands. "---R. KENNEDY. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: The paper in all probability was "The Medley, " No. 10(December 4th), which was mainly devoted to a reply to Swift's"calculation" as to the rewards of the Duke of Marlborough. Scott thinksthe answerer may have been Defoe, for in No. 114 (of vol. Vii. ) of his"Review of the State of the British Nation, " he has a passage evidentlydirected at Swift: "I know another, that is an orator in the Latin, awalking index of books, has all the libraries in Europe in his head, fromthe Vatican at Rome, to the learned collection of Dr. Salmon atFleet-Ditch; but at the same time, he is a cynic in behaviour, a fury intemper, impolite in conversation, abusive and scurrilous in language, andungovernable in passion. Is this to be learned? Then may I be still_illiterate_. I have been in my time, pretty well master of fivelanguages, and have not lost them yet, though I write no bill over mydoor, or set _Latin quotations_ in the front of the 'Review. ' But, to myirreparable loss, I was bred but by halves; for my father, forgettingJuno's royal academy, left the language of Billingsgate quite out of myeducation: hence I am perfectly _illiterate_ in the polite style of thestreet, and am not fit to converse with the porters and carmen of quality, who grace their diction with the beauties of calling names, andcurse their neighbour with a _bonne grace_. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: "Eclogues, " ix. 30:

 "So may thy bees the poisonous yew forgo. " ARCHDN. F. WRANGHAM. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: See No. 23, _post. _ [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: See Swift's account of the intrigues of the Duke ofMarlborough and Lord Godolphin to secure Harley's dismissal in his"Memoirs Relating to that Change" (vol. V. , pp. 370-371 of presentedition), and "Some Considerations" (vol. V. , pp. 421-422, _ibid. _). ]

[Footnote 10: The "Bill for the Encouragement of Learning" was introducedin the House of Commons, January 11th, 1709/10, passed March 14th, andobtained royal assent April 5th, 1710. There were several amendments, but the "Journals of the House of Commons" throw no light on theirpurport. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: Anthony Collins (1676-1729), the deist, who wrote "ADiscourse of Free-Thinking" (1713), which received a reply from Swift(see vol. Iii. , pp. 163-192 of present edition). The most thorough reply, however, was made by Bentley, under the pen-name "PhileleutherusLipsiensis. " Collins's controversies with Dr. Samuel Clarke were theoutcome of the former's thinking on Locke's teaching. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Matthew Tindal (1657?-1733) was the author of "The Rightsof the Christian Church Asserted" (1706), a work that created a greatstir at the time, and occasioned many replies. Swift deals with him inhis "Remarks upon a Book, intituled, 'The Rights of the ChristianChurch'" (see vol. Iii. , pp. 79-124, also note on p. 9 of same volumeof present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: The pious lawyer was John Asgill (1659-1738), who wascalled to the bar in 1692. He was elected to Parliament for Bramber(1698-1700 and 1702-1707), but was expelled the House of Commons forblasphemy (see note on p. 9 of vol. Iii, of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Mrs. Masham, when Abigail Hill, was appointedbedchamber-woman to the Princess of Denmark. See vol. V. , p. 365 ofpresent edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: The giant Widenostrils had swallowed every pan, kettle, "dripping-pan, and brass and iron pot in the land, for want of windmills, which, were his daily food. " But he "choked himself with eating a hugelump of fresh butter at the mouth of a hot oven, by the advice ofphysicians. "--RABELAIS, iv. 17; Motteux's translation. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: Daniel Finch, second Earl of Nottingham (1647-1730), wasSecretary of State (1689-1693 and 1702-1704). He is the Don DiegoDismallo of "The Tatler" (No. 21). See also vol. V. , p. 247, of presentedition of Swift's works. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: "It is worth while to perish that I may give you pleasure. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 18: The Occasional Conformity Bill was rejected in 1702, andagain in 1703 and 1704. It was, however, passed in 1711; but repealed in1718. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 19: "The Medley, " No. 14 (January 1st, 1710) [_sic_], translatesthis story into an account of the Union. It is the same story, ineffect, which gave great offence to the Scotch peers when printed in "ThePublic Spirit of the Whigs. " The "Medley's" version runs: "England beingbounded on the north by a poor mountainous people called Scots, who werevassals to that crown, and the English prime minister, being largelybribed, obtained the Q----'s consent for the Scots to arm and exercisethemselves; and they finding they were now in a condition to betroublesome, began to insist upon terms, and threatened upon everyoccasion to join with the French. Upon which the prime minister, whobegan to be in pain about his head, set on foot a treaty to unite the twokingdoms, which he had the good luck to bring to pass, and from that timevalued himself as author of a most glorious union, which indeed was grownof absolute necessity by his corruption. " [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 21. [1]

FROM THURSDAY DECEMBER 14, TO THURSDAY DECEMBER 21, 1710. 

 _----Pugnacem scirent sapiente minorem. _[2]

I am very much at a loss how to proceed upon the subject intended in thispaper, which a new incident has led me to engage in: The subject I mean, is that of soldiers and the army; but being a matter wholly out of mytrade, I shall handle it in as cautious a manner as I am able. 

It is certain, that the art of war hath suffered great changes, almost inevery age and country of the world; however, there are some maximsrelating to it, that will be eternal truths, and which every reasonableman will allow. 

In the early times of Greece and Rome, the armies of those states werecomposed of their citizens, who took no pay, because the quarrel wastheir own; and therefore the war was usually decided in one campaign; or, if it lasted longer, however in winter the soldiers returned to theirseveral callings, and were not distinguished from the rest of the people. The Gothic governments in Europe, though they were of militaryinstitution, yet observed almost the same method. I shall instance onlyhere in England. Those who held lands _in capite_ of the king, wereobliged to attend him in his wars with a certain number of men, whoall held lands from them at easy rents on that condition. These foughtwithout pay, and when the service was over, returned again to theirfarms. It is recorded of William Rufus, that being absent in Normandy, and engaged in a war with his brother, he ordered twenty thousand men tobe raised, and sent over from hence to supply his army;[3] but havingstruck up a peace before they were embarked, he gave them leave todisband, on condition they would pay him ten shillings a man, whichamounted to a mighty sum in those days. 

Consider a kingdom as a great family, whereof the prince is the father, and it will appear plainly that mercenary troops are only servants armed, either to awe the children at home; or else to defend from invaders, thefamily who are otherwise employed, and choose to contribute out of theirstock for paying their defenders, rather than leave their affairs to beneglected in their absence. The art of making soldiery a trade, andkeeping armies in pay, seems in Europe to have had two originals. Thefirst was usurpation, when popular men destroyed the liberties of theircountry, and seized the power into their own hands, which they wereforced to maintain by hiring guards to bridle the people. Such wereanciently the tyrants in most of the small states in Greece, and suchwere those in several parts of Italy, about three or four centuries ago, as Machiavel informs us. The other original of mercenary armies, seems tohave risen from larger kingdoms or commonwealths, which had subduedprovinces at a distance, and were forced to maintain troops upon them, toprevent insurrections from the natives: Of this sort were Macedon, Carthage and Rome of old; Venice and Holland at this day; as well as mostkingdoms of Europe. So that mercenary forces in a free state, whethermonarchy or commonwealth, seem only necessary, either for preservingtheir conquests, (which in such governments it is not prudent to extendtoo far) or else for maintaining a war at distance. 

In this last, which at present is our most important case, there arecertain maxims that all wise governments have observed. 

The first I shall mention is, that no private man should have acommission to be general for life, [4] let his merit and services be everso great. Or, if a prince be unadvisedly brought to offer such acommission in one hand, let him (to save time and blood) deliver up hiscrown with the other. The Romans in the height and perfection of theirgovernment, usually sent out one of the new consuls to be general againsttheir most formidable enemy, and recalled the old one, who often returnedbefore the next election, and according as he had merit was sent tocommand in some other part, which perhaps was continued to him for asecond, and sometimes a third year. But if Paulus Aemilius, [5] orScipio[6] himself, had presumed to move the Senate to continue theircommissions for life, they certainly would have fallen a sacrifice to thejealousy of the people. Caesar indeed (between whom and a certaingeneral, some of late with much discretion have made a parallel) had hiscommand in Gaul continued to him for five years, and was afterwards madeperpetual Dictator, that is to say, general for life, which gave him thepower and the will of utterly destroying the Roman liberty. But in histime the Romans were very much degenerated, and great corruptions creptinto their morals and discipline. However, we see there still were someremains of a noble spirit among them; for when Caesar sent to be chosenconsul, notwithstanding his absence, they decreed he should come inperson, give up his command, and _petere more majorum. _[7]

It is not impossible but a general may desire such a commission out ofinadvertency, at the instigation of his friends, or perhaps of hisenemies, or merely for the benefit and honour of it, without intendingany such dreadful consequences; and in that case, a wise prince or statemay barely refuse it without shewing any marks of their displeasure. Butthe request in its own nature is highly criminal, and ought to be enteredso upon record, to terrify others in time to come from venturing to makeit. 

Another maxim to be observed by a free state engaged in war, is to keepthe military power in absolute subjection to the civil, nor ever sufferthe former to influence or interfere with the latter. A general and hisarmy are servants hired by the civil power to act as they are directedfrom thence, and with a commission large or limited as the administrationshall think fit; for which they are largely paid in profit and honour. The whole system by which armies are governed, is quite alien from thepeaceful institutions of states at home; and if the rewards be soinviting as to tempt a senator to take a post in the army, while he isthere on his duty, he ought to consider himself in no other capacity. Iknow not any sort of men so apt as soldiers are, to reprimand those whopresume to interfere in what relates to their trade. When they hear anyof us in a coffeehouse, wondering that such a victory was not pursued, complaining that such a town cost more men and money than it was worth totake it; or that such an opportunity was lost, of fighting the enemy;they presently reprove us, and often with justice enough, for meddling inmatters out of our sphere, and clearly convince us of our mistakes interms of art that none of us understand. Nor do we escape so; for theyreflect with the utmost contempt of our ignorance, that we who sit athome in ease and security, never stirring from our firesides, shouldpretend from books, and general reason, to argue upon military affairs;which after all, if we may judge from the share of intellectuals in somewho are said to excel that way, is not so very profound or difficult ascience. But if there be any weight in what they offer, as perhaps theremay be a great deal; surely these gentlemen have a much weaker pretenceto concern themselves in matters of the cabinet, which are always eitherfar above, or much beside their capacities. Soldiers may as well pretendto prescribe rules for trade, to determine points in philosophy, to bemoderators in an assembly of divines, or direct in a court of justice, asto misplace their talent in examining affairs of state, especially inwhat relates to the choice of ministers, who are never so likely to beill chosen as when approved by them. It would be endless to shew howpernicious all steps of this nature have been in many parts and ages ofthe world. I shall only produce two at present; one in Rome, and theother in England. The first is of Caesar, when he came to the city withhis soldiers to settle the ministry, there was an end of their libertyfor ever. The second was in the great rebellion against King Charles theFirst. The King and both Houses were agreed upon the terms of a peace, but the officers of the army (as Ludlow relates it) sets a guard upon theHouse of Commons, took a list of the members, and kept all by force outof the House, except those who were for bringing the King to a trial. [8]Some years after, when they erected a military government, and ruled theisland by major-generals, we received most admirable instances of theirskill in politics. To say the truth, such formidable sticklers[9] canhave but two reasons for desiring to interfere in the administration; thefirst is that of Caesar and Cromwell, of which, God forbid, I shouldaccuse or suspect any body; since the second is pernicious enough, andthat is, to preserve those in power who are for perpetuating a war, rather than see others advanced, who they are sure will use all propermeans to promote a safe and honourable peace. 

Thirdly, Since it is observed of armies, that in the present age they arebrought to some degree of humanity, and a more regular demeanour to eachother and to the world, than in former times; it is certainly a goodmaxim to endeavour preserving this temper among them, without whichthey would soon degenerate into savages. To this end, it would be prudentamong other things, to forbid that detestable custom of drinking to thedamnation or confusion of any person whatsoever. 

Such desperate acts, and the opinions infused along with them, into headsalready inflamed by youth and wine, are enough to scatter madness andsedition through a whole camp. So seldom upon their knees to pray, and sooften to curse! This is not properly atheism, but a sort of anti-religionprescribed by the Devil, and which an atheist of common sense would scornas an absurdity. I have heard it mentioned as a common practice lastautumn, somewhere or other, to drink damnation and confusion[10] (andthis with circumstances very aggravating and horrid) to the new ministry, and to those who _had any hand_ in turning out the old; that is to say, to those persons whom her Majesty has thought fit to employ in hergreatest affairs, with something more than a glance against the Qu[een]herself. And if it be true that these orgies were attended with certaindoubtful words of standing by their g[enera]l, who without questionabhorred them; let any man consider the consequence of such dispositions, if they should happen to spread. I could only wish for the honour of theArmy, as well as of the Qu[een] and ministry, that a remedy had beenapplied to the disease, in the place and time where it grew. If men ofsuch principles were able to propagate them in a camp, and were sure of ageneral for life, who had any tincture of ambition, we might soon bidfarewell to ministers and parliaments, whether new or old. 

I am only sorry such an accident has happened towards the close of a war, when it is chiefly the interest of those gentlemen who have posts in thearmy, to behave themselves in such a manner as might encourage thelegislature to make some provision for them, when there will be nofurther need of their services. They are to consider themselves aspersons by their educations unqualified for many other stations of life. Their fortunes will not suffer them to retain to a party after its fall, nor have they weight or abilities to help towards its resurrection. Theirfuture dependence is wholly upon the prince and Parliament, to which theywill never make their way, by solemn execrations of the ministry; aministry of the Qu[een]'s own election, and fully answering the wishes ofher people. This unhappy step in some of their brethren, may pass for anuncontrollable argument, that politics are not their business or theirelement. The fortune of war hath raised several persons up to swellingtitles, and great commands over numbers of men, which they are too apt totransfer along with them into civil life, and appear in all companies asif it were at the head of their regiments, with a sort of deportmentthat ought to have been dropt behind, in that short passage to Harwich. It puts me in mind of a dialogue in Lucian, [11] where Charon wafting oneof their predecessors over Styx, ordered him to strip off his armour andfine clothes, yet still thought him too heavy; "But" (said he) "put offlikewise that pride and presumption, those high-swelling words, and thatvain-glory;" because they were of no use on the other side the water. Thus if all that array of military grandeur were confined to the properscene, it would be much more for the interest of the owners, and lessoffensive to their fellow subjects. [12]

[Footnote: 1: No. 20 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Ovid, "Metamorphoses, " xiii. 353:

"Well assured, that artAnd conduct were of war the better part. " J. DRYDEN. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: A. D. 1093. See Matthew Paris. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Lord Campbell, in his "Lives of the Chancellors" (vol. Iv. , p. 322), states that Marlborough, in order to increase the confidence ofthe allies, proposed "he should receive a patent as commander-in-chieffor life. " On consulting with Lord Chancellor Cowper he was toldthat such a proceeding would be unconstitutional. Marlborough, however, petitioned the Queen, who rejected his application. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Aemilius Paulus, the celebrated Roman general, and conquerorof Macedonia, was twice consul, and died B. C. 160. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: Scipio Africanus, the greatest of Roman generals and theconqueror of Carthage, who died _c. _ B. C. 184. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: Julius Caesar "applied to the Senate to be exempted from theusual law, and to become a candidate in his absence" ("Dict. Of Greek andRoman Biog. "). This was strongly opposed; so that to be a candidate itwas necessary for him "to solicit after the custom of his ancestors. "[T. S. ]

The "Examiner" seems to allude to the remarkable, and, to say the least, imprudent, article in "The Tatler, " No. 37. Such a passage, published byso warm an adherent of Marlborough as Steele, gives credit toMacpherson's assertion, that there really was some intention ofmaintaining the Duke in power, by his influence in the army. It is evenaffirmed, that under pretence his commission under the great seal couldnot be superseded by the Queen's order of dismissal, it was designed thathe should assemble the troops which were in town, and secure the courtand capital. To prevent which, his commission was superseded by anotherunder the great seal being issued as speedily as possible. Theindustrious editor of "The Tatler, " in 1786, is of opinion, that thearticle was written by Addison; but the violent counsels which itintimates seem less congenial to his character than to that of Steele, aless reflecting man, and bred a soldier. It is worthy of notice, thatthe passage is cancelled in all subsequent editions of "The Tatler, "till restored from the original folio in that of 1786. This evidentlyimplies Steele's own sense, that more was meant than met the ear; andit affords a presumptive proof, that very violent measures had at leastbeen proposed, if not agreed upon, by some of Marlborough's adherents. [S. ]]

[Footnote 8: General Ireton and Colonel Pride placed guards outside theentrances to the House of Commons "that none might be permitted to passinto the House but such as had continued faithful to the public interest"(Ludlow's "Memoirs, " vol. I. , p. 270). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The judges of the field, in a formal duel, whose duty it wasto interfere when the rules of judicial combat were violated, were calledsticklers, from the wooden truncheons which they held in their hands. Hence the verb to _stickle_. [S. ]]

[Footnote 10: In his "Journal to Stella" Swift writes, under dateDecember 13th, 1710: "You hear the havoc making in the army: Meredyth, Macartney, and Col. Honeywood, are obliged to sell their commands at halfvalue, and leave the army, for drinking destruction to the presentministry, " etc. (see vol. Ii. , p. 71, of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: "Dialogues of the Dead. X. Charon, Hermes, and a number ofGhosts. " Hermes required Lampichus to leave behind him his pride, folly, insolence, etc. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Of this paper "The Medley, " No. 14 (January 1st, 1710[_sic_]), says: "He not only writes whatever he believes or knows to befalse, but plainly shows 'tis his business and duty to do so, and thatthis alone is the merit of his service. " [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 22. [1]

FROM THURSDAY DECEMBER 21, TO THURSDAY DECEMBER 28, 1710. [2]

_Nam et, majorum instituta tueri sacris, ceremoniisque retinendis, sapientis est. --Ruituraque semper Stat (mirum!) moles--_[3]

Whoever is a true lover of our constitution, must needs be pleased to seewhat successful endeavours are daily made to restore it in every branchto its ancient form, from the languishing condition it hath long lain in, and with such deadly symptoms. 

I have already handled some abuses during the late management, and shallin convenient time go on with the rest. Hitherto I have confined myselfto those of the State; but with the good leave of those who think it amatter of small moment, I shall now take liberty to say something of theChurch. [4]

For several years past, there hath not I think in Europe, been anysociety of men upon so unhappy a foot, as the clergy of England, nor morehardly treated, by those very persons from whom they deserved much betterquarter, and in whose power they chiefly had put it to use them so ill. I would not willingly misrepresent facts; but I think it generallyallowed by enemies and friends, that the bold and brave defences madebefore the Revolution against those many invasions of our rights, proceeded principally from the clergy; who are likewise known to haverejected all advances made them to close with the measures at that timeconcerting; while the Dissenters, to gratify their ambition and revenge, fell into the basest compliances with the court, approved of allproceedings by their numerous and fulsome addresses, and took employmentsand commissions by virtue of the dispensing power, against the directlaws of the land. [5] All this is so true, that if ever the Pretender comesin, they will, next to those of his own religion, have the fairest claimand pretensions to his favour, from their merit and eminent services tohis supposed father, who, without such encouragement, would probablynever have been misled to go the lengths he did. It should likewise beremembered to the everlasting honour of the London divines, that in thosedangerous times, they writ and published the best collection of argumentsagainst Popery, that ever appeared in the world. At the Revolution, thebody of the clergy joined heartily in the common cause (except a few, whose sufferings perhaps have atoned for their mistakes) like men who arecontent to go about, for avoiding a gulf or a precipice, but come intothe old straight road again as soon as they can. But another temper hadnow begun to prevail. For as in the reign of K. Charles the First, several well-meaning people were ready to join in reforming some abuses;while others who had deeper designs, were still calling out for athorough reformation, which ended at last in the ruin of the kingdom; soafter the late king's coming to the throne, there was a restless cry frommen of the same principles, for a thorough revolution, which as some werecarrying it on, must have ended in the destruction of the Monarchy andChurch. 

What a violent humour hath run ever since against the clergy, and fromwhat corner spread and fomented, is, I believe, manifest to all men. Itlooked like a set quarrel against Christianity, and if we call to mindseveral of the leaders, it must in a great measure have been actually so. Nothing was more common in writing and conversation, than to hear thatreverend body charged in gross with what was utterly inconsistent:despised for their poverty, hated for their riches; reproached withavarice, and taxed with luxury; accused for promoting arbitrary power, and resisting the prerogative; censured for their pride, and scorned fortheir meanness of spirit. The representatives of the lower clergy railedat for disputing the power of the bishops, by the known abhorrers ofepiscopacy; and abused for doing nothing in their convocations, by thosevery men who helped to bind up their hands. The vice, the folly, theignorance of every single man, were laid upon the character; theirjurisdiction, censures and discipline trampled under foot, yet mightycomplaints against their excessive power. [6] The men of wit employed toturn the priesthood itself into ridicule. In short, groaning every whereunder the weight of poverty, oppression, contempt and obloquy. A fairreturn for the time and money spent in their education to fit them forthe service of the Altar; and a fair encouragement for worthy men to comeinto the Church. However, it may be some comfort for persons of that holyfunction, that their Divine Founder as well as His harbinger, met withthe like reception. "John came neither eating nor drinking, and they sayhe hath a devil; the Son of Man came eating and drinking, and they say, behold a glutton and a wine-bibber, &c. "

In this deplorable state of the clergy, nothing but the hand ofProvidence, working by its glorious instrument, the QUEEN, could havebeen able to turn the people's hearts so surprisingly in their favour. This Princess, destined for the safety of Europe, and a blessing to hersubjects, began her reign with a noble benefaction to the Church;[7] andit was hoped the nation would have followed such an example, whichnothing could have prevented, but the false politics of a set of men, whoform their maxims upon those of every tottering commonwealth, which isalways struggling for life, subsisting by expedients, and often at themercy of any powerful neighbour. These men take it into theirimagination, that trade can never flourish unless the country becomesa common receptacle for all nations, religions and languages; a systemonly proper for small popular states, but altogether unworthy, and belowthe dignity of an imperial crown; which with us is best upheld by amonarch in possession of his just prerogative, a senate of nobles andof commons, and a clergy established in its due rights with a suitablemaintenance by law. But these men come with the spirit of shopkeepers toframe rules for the administration of kingdoms; or, as if they thoughtthe whole art of government consisted in the importation of nutmegs, andthe curing of herrings. Such an island as ours can afford enough tosupport the majesty of a crown, the honour of a nobility, and the dignityof a magistracy; we can encourage arts and sciences, maintain our bishopsand clergy, and suffer our gentry to live in a decent, hospitable manner;yet still there will remain hands sufficient for trade and manufactures, which do always indeed deserve the best encouragement, but not to adegree of sending every living soul into the warehouse or the workhouse. 

This pedantry of republican politics hath done infinite mischief amongus. To this we owe those noble schemes of treating Christianity as asystem of speculative opinions, which no man should be bound to believe;of making the being and the worship of God, a creature of the state. Inconsequence of these, that the teachers of religion ought to hold theirmaintenance at pleasure, or live by the alms and charitable collection ofthe people, and be equally encouraged of all opinions: that they shouldbe prescribed what to teach, by those who are to learn from them; and, upon default, have a staff and a pair of shoes left at their door;[8]with many other projects of equal piety, wisdom, and good nature. 

But, God be thanked, they and their schemes are vanished, and "theirplaces shall know them no more. " When I think of that inundation ofatheism, infidelity, profaneness and licentiousness which were like tooverwhelm us, from what mouths and hearts it first proceeded, and how thepeople joined with the Queen's endeavours to divert this flood, I cannotbut reflect on that remarkable passage in the Revelation, [9] where "theserpent with seven heads cast out of his mouth water after the woman likea flood, that he might cause her to be carried away of the flood: But theearth helped the woman, and the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed upthe flood which the dragon had cast out of his mouth. " For the Queenhaving changed her ministry suitable to her own wisdom, and the wishes ofher subjects, and having called a free Parliament; at the same timesummoned the convocation, by her royal writ, [10] "as in all times hadbeen accustomed, " and soon after their meeting, sent a most graciousletter[11] to the Archbishop of Canterbury, to be communicated to thebishops and clergy of his province; taking notice of "the loose andprofane principles which had been openly scattered and propagated amongher subjects: that the consultations of the clergy were particularlyrequisite to repress and prevent such daring attempts, for which hersubjects, from all parts of the kingdom, have shown their justabhorrence. She hopes, the endeavours of the clergy, in this respect, will not be unsuccessful; and for her part, is ready to give them all fitencouragement, to proceed in the dispatch of such business as properlybelongs to them; and to grant them powers requisite to carry on so good awork. " In conclusion, "earnestly recommending to them, to avoid disputes, and determining to do all that in her lies to compose and extinguishthem. "

It is to be hoped, that this last part of her Majesty's letter, will bethe first she will please to execute; for, it seems, this very lettercreated the first dispute. [12] The fact whereof is thus related: TheUpper House having formed an address to the QUEEN, before they receivedher Majesty's letter, sent both address and letter together, to the LowerHouse, with a message, excusing their not mentioning the letter in theaddress, because this was formed before the other was received:[l3] TheLower House returned them, with a desire, that an address might beformed, with due regard and acknowledgments for the letter. After somedifficulties, the same address was sent down again with a clauseinserted, making some short mention of the said letter. This the LowerHouse did not think sufficient, and sent it back again with the samerequest: whereupon the archbishop, after a short consultation with _some_of his brethren, immediately adjourned the convocation for a month, andno address at all was sent to the QUEEN. 

I understand not ecclesiastical affairs well enough to comment upon thismatter;[14] but it seems to me, that all methods of doing service to theChurch and kingdom, by means of a convocation, may be at any time eluded, if there be no remedy against such an incident. And if this proceeding beagreeable to the institution, spiritual assemblies must needs bestrangely contrived, very different from any lay senate yet known in theworld. Surely, from the nature of such a synod, it must be a very unhappycircumstance, when the majority of the bishops draws one way, and thatof the lower clergy another. The latter, I think, are not at this timesuspected for any principles bordering upon those professed by enemies toepiscopacy; and if they happen to differ from the greater part of thepresent set of bishops, I doubt it will call some things to mind, thatmay turn the scale of general favour on the inferior clergy's side, whowith a profound duty to her Majesty, are perfectly pleased with thepresent turn of affairs. Besides, curious people will be apt to enquireinto the dates of some promotions, to call to mind what designs were thenupon the anvil, and from thence make malicious deductions. Perhaps theywill observe the manner of voting on the bishops' bench, and compare itwith what shall pass in the upper house of convocation. There is, however, one comfort, that under the present dispositions of the kingdom, a dislike to the proceedings of any of their lordships, even to thenumber of a majority, will be purely personal, and not turned to thedisadvantage of the order. And for my part, as I am a true lover of theChurch, I had rather find the inclinations of the people favourable toepiscopacy in general, than see a majority of prelates cried up by thosewho are known enemies to the character. Nor, indeed, hath anything givenme more offence for several years past, than to observe how some of thatbench have been caressed by certain persons; and others of them openlycelebrated by the infamous pens of atheists, republicans and fanatics. 

Time and mortality can only remedy these inconveniencies in the Church, which are not to be cured like those in the State, by a change ofministry. If we may guess the temper of a convocation, from the choice ofa prolocutor, [15] as it is usual to do that of a House of Commons by thespeaker, we may expect great things from that reverend body, who havedone themselves much reputation, by pitching upon a gentleman of so muchpiety, wit and learning, for that office; and one who is so thoroughlyversed in those parts of knowledge which are proper for it. I am sorrythat the three Latin speeches, delivered upon presenting the prolocutor, were not made public;[16] they might perhaps have given us some lightinto the dispositions of each house: and besides, one of them is said tobe so peculiar in the style and matter, as might have made up inentertainment what it wanted in instruction. 

[Footnote 1: No. 21 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Under date January 1st, 1710/1, Swift writes to Stella: "Getthe 'Examiners, ' and read them; the last nine or ten are full of thereasons for the late change, and of the abuses of the last ministry; andthe great men assure me they are all true. They are written by theirencouragement and direction" (vol. Ii. , p. 88, of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3:

"For it is the part of a wise man to defend the institutions of hisforefathers, and uphold the sacred rites and ceremonies. And ever threatening to fall The mass--a marvel--stands. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: A pamphlet, ascribed to W. Wotton, was issued in reply tothis paper. It was entitled, "The Case of the Present ConvocationConsider'd; In Answer to the Examiner's Unfair Representation of it, andUnjust Reflections upon it. " 1711. ]

[Footnote 5: The Dissenters were at firstdisposed to make common cause with the Catholics in favour of thedispensing power claimed by James II. ; and an address from thePresbyterians went so far as to praise the king for having "restored toGod His empire over conscience. " [S. ]]

[Footnote 6: "The Case etc. Consider'd, " remarks: "The boldest, and themost insolent book of that sort, is the 'Rights of the Church' . .. Yethow long was Dr. T[inda]ll, then Fellow of All Souls, suffered at Oxfordafter the 'Rights' appeared?" Dr. Matthew Tindal, author of "The Rightsof the Christian Church" (1706), was a fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, from 1678 till his death in 1733. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: "At this time [February, 1703/4] Queen Anne gave up the_first-fruits_ and _tenths_, which had long been possessed by the crown, to be appropriated to a fund for the increase of small livings. This fundis known as Queen Anne's Bounty" (Lathbury's "Hist. Of Convocation, "second edition, p. 386). The Queen's Message to Parliament was datedFebruary 7th, 1703/4, and the Bill was introduced February 17th, andreceived the royal assent April 3rd, 1704. See also Swift's"Answer" in the following number. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: A hint to withdraw. [T. S. ]This is said to have been the mode in which the governors of a Dutchprovince were wont to give intimation to those who intermeddled withstate affairs, that they would do wisely to withdraw themselves from thestate. [S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Swift notices his own misquotation in the succeeding number(_q. V. _). See a further reference to the subject in No. 26. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: Convocation was assembled on November 25th, and the Latinsermon preached by Kennet. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: Queen Anne's letter was printed in "The Daily Courant" forDecember 19th. It is dated December 12th, and says: "It is withgreat grief of heart we observe the scandalous attempts which of lateyears have been made to infect the minds of our good subjects by looseand profane principles openly scattered and propagated among them. We think the consultations of the clergy particularly requisite torepress these daring attempts and to prevent the like for the future. Thejust abhorrence that our subjects from all parts of the kingdom haveexpressed of such wicked principles and their abettors, give us goodground to hope that the endeavours of the clergy in this respect willnot be unsuccessful. For our part we are ready to give them all fittingencouragement to proceed in the dispatch of such business as properlybelongs to them, and to grant them such powers as shall be thoughtrequisite, " etc. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: The Queen's letter was intended to put an end to disputesin Convocation. She expressed her hope that her royal intentions wouldnot be frustrated "by any unseasonable disputes between the two Houses ofConvocation about unnecessary forms and methods of proceeding. " Sheearnestly recommended that such disputes might cease. The bishopsprepared an address, but the Lower House insisted "on the enlarging thefourth paragraph, and upon answering the several heads of the Queen'sletter" (Chamberlen's "History of Queen Anne, " p. 365, and "DailyCourant, " Dec. 19th). The real reason for the disputes between the twoHouses at this time lay in the fact that the Upper House, owing toTenison's influence, was largely Low Church in sympathy, whereas theLower House, with Atterbury as its leader, was of the High Church party. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Dr. Smalridge (1662-1719) called for the Queen's letter tobe read. The Archbishop prorogued Convocation for two days, and thenagain until January 17th. An address to the Queen was presented onJanuary 26th (Lathbury's "History of Convocation, " second edition, p. 407). Smalridge was Dean of Carlisle, 1711-13, and Bishop ofBristol, 1714-19. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: "The Case etc. Consider'd" quotes on the title-page: "Jude10. But these speak evil of those things which they know not. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: "Dr. Atterbury, in preference to Dr. Kennet, was chosenprolocutor by a great majority. "--TINDAL, iv. 206. [T. S. ]]

Footnote 16: The Latin speeches were made on December 6th, when theprolocutor was presented to the Archbishop, by Dr. Smalridge, Atterbury, and Tenison. The one speech to which Swift refers may have beenTenison's, whose style was fairly dull. [T. S. ]

NUMB. 23. [1]

FROM THURSDAY DECEMBER 28, TO THURSDAY JANUARY 4, 1710. [2]

_Nullae sunt occultiores insidiae, quam eae quae latent in simulationeofficii, aut in aliquo necessitudinis nomine. _[3]

_The following answer is written in the true style, and with the usualcandour of such pieces; which I have imitated to the best of my skill, and doubt not but the reader will be extremely satisfied with it. _

_The Examiner cross-examined, or, A full Answer to the last Examiner. _

If I durst be so bold with this author, I would gladly ask him a familiarquestion; Pray, Sir, who made you an Examiner? He talks in one of hisinsipid papers, of eight or nine thousand corruptions, [4] while _we_ wereat the head of affairs, yet, in all this time, he has hardly producedfifty:

_Parturiunt montes, &c. _[5]

But I shall confine myself, at present, to his last paper. He tells us, "The Queen began her reign with a noble benefaction to the Church. "Here's priestcraft with a witness; this is the constant language of yourhighfliers, to call those who are hired to teach _the religion of themagistrate_ by the name of the Church. [6] But this is not all; for, inthe very next line he says, "It was hoped the nation would have followedthis example. " You see the faction begins already to speak out; this isan open demand for the abbey-lands; this furious zealot would have uspriest-ridden again, like our popish ancestors: but, it is to be hopedthe government will take timely care to suppress such audacious attempts, else we have spent so much blood and treasure to very little purpose, inmaintaining religion and Revolution. But what can we expect from a man, who at one blow endeavours to ruin our trade? "A country" (says he) "mayflourish" (these are his own words) "without being the common receptaclefor all nations, religions, and languages. " What! We must immediatelybanish or murder the Palatines; forbid all foreign merchants, not onlythe Exchange, but the kingdom; persecute the Dissenters with fire andfaggot, and make it high-treason to speak any other tongue but English. In another place he talks of a "serpent with seven heads, " which is amanifest corruption of the text; for the words "_seven heads_" are notmentioned in that verse. [7] However, we know what serpent he would mean;a serpent with fourteen legs; or, indeed, no serpent at all, but sevengreat men, who were the best ministers, the truest Protestants, and themost disinterested patriots that ever served a prince. [8] But nothing isso inconsistent as this writer; I know not whether to call him a Whig ora Tory, a Protestant or a Papist; he finds fault with convocations; says, "they are assemblies strangely contrived;" and yet lays the fault uponus, that we bound their hands: I wish we could have bound their tonguestoo; but as fast as their hands were bound, they could make a shift tohold their pens, and have their share in the guilt of ruining thehopefullest party and ministry that ever prescribed to a crown. Thiscaptious gentleman is angry to "see a majority of prelates cried up bythose who are enemies to the character"; now I always thought, that theconcessions of enemies were more to a man's advantage than the praise ofhis friends. "Time and mortality, " he says, "can only remedy theseinconveniencies in the Church. " That is, in other words, when certainbishops are dead, we shall have others of our own stamp. Not so fast; youare not yet so sure of your game. We have already got one comfortableloss in Spain, though by a G[enera]l of our own. [9] For joy of which, ourJ[un]to had a merry meeting at the house of their great proselyte, on thevery day we received the happy news. One or two more such blows would, perhaps, set us right again, and then we can employ "mortality" as wellas others. He concludes with wishing, that "three letters, spoke when theprolocutor was presented, were made public. " I suppose he would becontent with one, and that is more than we shall humour him to grant. However, I hope he will allow it possible to have grace, without eithereloquence or Latin, which is all I shall say to his malicious innuendo. 

Having thus, I hope, given a full and satisfactory answer to theExaminer's last paper, I shall now go on to a more important affair;which is, to prove, by several undeniable instances, that the latem[inist]ry, and their abettors, were true friends to the Church. It isyet, I confess, a secret to the clergy, wherein this friendship didconsist. For information therefore of that reverend body, that they maynever forget their benefactors, as well as of all others who may beequally ignorant, I have determined to display _our_ merits to the worldupon that weighty article. And I could wish, that what I am to say wereto be written in brass, for an eternal memorial; the rather, because forthe future, the Church must endeavour to stand unsupported by thosepatrons, who expired in doing it their last good office, and will neverrise to preserve it any more. 

Let us therefore produce the pious endeavours of these church-defenders, who were its patrons by their power and authority, as well as ornamentsof it by their exemplary lives. 

First, St. Paul tells us, "there must be heresies in the Church, that thetruth may be manifest"; and therefore, by due course of reasoning, themore heresies there are, the more manifest will the truth be made. Thisbeing maturely considered by these lovers of the Church, they endeavouredto propagate as many heresies as they could, that the light of truthmight shine the clearer. 

Secondly, To shew their zeal for the Church's defence, they took the careof it entirely out of the hands of God Almighty (because that was aforeign jurisdiction) and made it their own creature, dependingaltogether upon them; and issued out their orders to Tindal, and others, to give public notice of it. 

Thirdly, Because charity is the most celebrated of all Christian virtues, therefore they extended theirs beyond all bounds; and instead of shuttingthe Church against Dissenters, were ready to open it to all comers, andbreak down its walls, rather than that any should want room to enter. Thestrength of a state, we know, consists in the number of people, howdifferent soever in their callings; and why should not the strength of aChurch consist in the same, how different soever in their creeds? Forthat reason, they charitably attempted to abolish the test, which tied upso many hands from getting employments, in order to protect the Church. 

I know very well that this attempt is objected to us as a crime, byseveral malignant Tories, and denied as a slander by many unthinkingpeople among ourselves. The latter are apt in their defence to ask suchquestions as these; Was your test repealed?[10] Had we not a majority?Might we not have done it if we pleased? To which the others answer, Youdid what you could; you prepared the way, but you found a fatalimpediment from that quarter, whence the sanction of the law must come, and therefore to save your credit, you condemned a paper to be burntwhich yourselves had brought in. [11] But alas! the miscarriage of thatnoble project for the safety of the Church, had another original; theknowledge whereof depends upon a piece of secret history that I shall nowlay open. 

These church-protectors had directed a Presbyterian preacher to draw up abill for repealing the test; it was accordingly done with great art, andin the preamble, several expressions of civility to the establishedChurch; and when it came to the qualifications of all those who were toenter on any office, the compiler had taken special care to make themlarge enough for all Christians whatsoever, by transcribing the verywords (only formed into an oath) which Quakers are obliged to profess bya former Act of Parliament; as I shall here set them down. [12] "I _A. B. _profess faith in God the Father, and in Jesus Christ His eternal Son, thetrue God, and in the Holy Spirit one God blessed for evermore; and doacknowledge the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be givenby divine inspiration. " This bill was carried to the chief leaders fortheir approbation, with these terrible words turned into an oath: Whatshould they do? Those few among them who fancied they believed in God, were sure they did not believe in Christ, or the Holy Spirit, or onesyllable of the Bible; and they were as sure that every body knew theiropinion in those matters, which indeed they had been always too sincereto disguise; how therefore could they take such an oath as that, withoutruining their reputation with Tindal, Toland, [13] Coward, [14] Collins, Clendon, [15] and all the tribe of free-thinkers, and so give a scandal toweak unbelievers. Upon this nice point of honour and conscience thematter was hushed, the project for repealing the test let fall, and theSacrament left as the smaller evil of the two. 

Fourthly, These pillars of the Church, because "the harvest was great, and the labourers few, " and because they would ease the bishops from thatgrievous trouble of laying on hands: were willing to allow that power toall men whatsoever, to prevent that terrible consequence of unchurchingthose, who thought a hand from under a cloak as effectual as fromlawn-sleeves. And indeed, what could more contribute to the advancementof true religion, than a bill of general naturalization for priesthood?

Fifthly, In order to fix religion in the minds of men, because truthnever appears so fair as when confronted with falsehood; they directedbooks to be published, that denied the being of a God, the divinity ofthe Second and Third Person, the truth of all revelation, and theimmortality of the soul. To this we owe that great sense of religion, that respect and kindness to the clergy, and that true love of virtue somanifest of late years among the youth of our nation. Nor could anythingbe more discreet, than to leave the merits of each cause to such wiseimpartial judges, who might otherwise fall under the slavery of believingby education and prejudice. 

Sixthly, Because nothing so much distracts the thoughts, as too great avariety of subjects; therefore they had kindly prepared a bill, toprescribe the clergy what subjects they should preach upon, and in whatmanner, that they might be at no loss; and this no doubt, was a properwork for such hands, so thoroughly versed in the theory and practice ofall Christian duties. 

Seventhly, To save trouble and expense to the clergy, they contrived thatconvocations should meet as seldom as possible; and when they weresuffered to assemble, would never allow them to meddle with any business;because they said, the office of a clergyman was enough to take up thewhole man. For the same reason they were very desirous to excuse thebishops from sitting in Parliament, that they might be at more leisure tostay at home and look after their clergy. 

I shall mention at present but one more instance of their pious zeal forthe Church. They had somewhere heard the maxim, that _Sanguis martyrumest semen ecclesiae_;[16] therefore in order to sow this seed, they beganwith impeaching a clergyman: and that it might be a true martyrdom inevery circumstance, they proceeded as much as possible against commonlaw, [17] which the long-robe part of the managers knew was in a hundredinstances directly contrary to all their positions, and were sufficientlywarned of it beforehand; but their love of the Church prevailed. Neitherwas this impeachment an affair taken up on a sudden. For, a certain greatperson (whose Character has been lately published by some stupid andlying writer)[18] who very much distinguished himself by his zeal inforwarding this impeachment, had several years ago endeavoured topersuade the late King to give way to just such another attempt. He toldhis Majesty, there was a certain clergyman preached very dangeroussermons, and that the only way to put a stop to such insolence, was toimpeach him in Parliament. The King enquired the character of the man;"O, sir, " said my lord, "the most violent, hot, positive fellow inEngland; so extremely wilful, that I believe he would be heartily glad tobe a martyr. " The King answered, "Is it so? Then I am resolved todisappoint him"; and would never hear more of the matter; by which thathopeful project unhappily miscarried. 

I have hitherto confined myself to those endeavours for the good of theChurch, which were common to all the leaders and principal men of ourparty; but if my paper were not drawing towards an end, I could produceseveral instances of particular persons, who by their exemplary lives andactions have confirmed the character so justly due to the whole body. Ishall at present mention only two, and illustrate the merits of each by amatter of fact. 

That worthy patriot, and true lover of the Church, whom the late"Examiner" is supposed to reflect on under the name of Verres, [19] felt apious impulse to be a benefactor to the Cathedral of Gloucester, but howto do it in the most decent, generous manner, was the question. At lasthe thought of an expedient: One morning or night he stole into theChurch, mounted upon the altar, and there did that which in cleanlyphrase is called disburthening of nature: He was discovered, prosecuted, and condemned to pay a thousand pounds, which sum was all employed tosupport the Church, as, no doubt, the benefactor meant it. 

There is another person whom the same writer is thought to point at underthe name of Will Bigamy. [20] This gentleman, knowing that marriage feeswere a considerable perquisite to the clergy, found out a way ofimproving them _cent. Per cent. _ for the good of the Church. Hisinvention was to marry a second wife while the first was alive, convincing her of the lawfulness by such arguments, as he did not doubtwould make others follow the same example: These he had drawn up inwriting with intention to publish for the general good; and it is hopedhe may now have leisure to finish them. [21]

[Footnote 1: No. 22 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: _I. E. _ 1710-11. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Cicero, "in Verrem, " II. I. 15: "There are no intrigues moredifficult to guard against than those which are concealed under apretence of duty, or under the name of some intimate connexion. "--C. D. YONGE. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See No. 19, _ante_ (not quoted correctly). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Horace, "Ars Poetica, " 139:

"The mountains laboured with prodigious throes. "--P. FRANCIS. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: See No. 22, _ante_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The serpent, or dragon, is said to have seven heads in anearlier verse of the same chapter. See Rev. Xii. , 3, 9, 15. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The Earl of Sunderland and Henry Boyle (Secretaries ofState), Earl of Godolphin (Lord Treasurer), Lord Somers (President of theCouncil), Lord Cowper (Lord Chancellor), Duke of Marlborough(Captain General), and Horatio Walpole (Secretary of War). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: General Stanhope, at Brihuega, was surprised and compelledto surrender on December 9th, 1710. Oldmixon's "Sequel" (p. 452)remarks: "The misfortune which happened to General Stanhope atBrihuega, where he was surrounded by the French and Spanish, armies, and after a most gallant defence, obliged to surrender himself withseveral English battalions prisoners of war, was some relief tohigh-church; . .. They did not stick to rejoice at it. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: The Test Act was passed in 1672 and repealed only in 1828. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: This paper was a pamphlet by Charles Leslie, publishedOctober, 1708, which was condemned to be burnt by the House of Commons inJanuary, 1709/10. It was entitled, "A Letter from a Gentleman inScotland to his Friend in England, against the Sacramental Test. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: This declaration was prescribed by the Act I William andMary, c. 18, s. 13. It was repealed in 1871. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: John Toland, author of "Christianity not Mysterious" (1696)and other works. See note on p. 9 of vol. Iii. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: William Coward (1656-1725), physician, was the author of"Second Thoughts Concerning Human Soul" (1702), and "The Grand Essay;or A Vindication of Reason and Religion" (1703/4). Both these workswere ordered by the House of Commons to be burnt, March 17th, 1703/4. See also note on p. 9 of vol. Iii. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: John Clendon was the author of "A Treatise of the WordPerson" (17-09/10) which the House of Commons ordered to be burnt, March24, 17-09/10. See also note on p. 185 of vol. Iii. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: "The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: For preaching a sermon at St. Paul's on "Perils from falsebrethren" (November 5th, 1709), Dr. Sacheverell was, on the complaintof Mr. Dolben (December 13th), impeached in the House of Commons onDecember 14th, 1709, and in the House of Lords on December 15th. Thesermon was printed and widely circulated, and Sacheverell received for itthe thanks of the Lord Mayor. Mr. Dolben objected to Godolphin beingreferred to as Volpone. Out of this arose the famous Sacheverell trial, so disastrous in its effect on the Whig ministry. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 18: Lord Wharton. See vol. V. , pp. 1-28 of present edition ofSwift's Works. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 19: Lord Wharton. But see correction in No. 25, _post_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 20: See previous note on Lord Cowper. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 21: Cowper was at this time out of office. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 24. [1]

FROM THURSDAY JANUARY 4, TO THURSDAY JANUARY 11, 1710. [2]

_Bellum ita suscipiatur, ut nihil aliud nisi Pax quaesita videatur. _[3]

I am satisfied, that no reasonable man of either party, can justly beoffended at any thing I said in one of my papers relating to the Army;[4]from the maxims I there laid down, perhaps many persons may conclude, that I had a mind the world should think, there had been occasion givenby some late abuses among men of that calling; and they conclude right. For my intention is, that my hints may be understood, and my quotationsand allegories applied; and I am in some pain to think, that in theOrcades on one side, and the western coasts of Ireland on the other, the"Examiner" may want a key in several parts, which I wish I could furnishthem with. As for the French king, I am under no concern at all; I hearhe has left off reading my papers, and by what he has found in them, dislikes our proceedings more than ever, and intends either to make greatadditions to his armies, or propose new terms for a peace: So false isthat which is commonly reported, of his mighty satisfaction in our changeof ministry: And I think it clear that his late letter of "Thanks to theTories of Great Britain, "[5] must either have been extorted from himagainst his judgment, or was a cast of his politics to set the peopleagainst the present ministry, wherein it has wonderfully succeeded. 

But though I have never heard, or never regarded any objections madeagainst that paper, which mentions the army; yet I intended this as asort of apology for it. And first, I declare, (because we live in amistaking world) that in hinting at some proceedings, wherein a fewpersons are said to be concerned, I did not intend to charge them uponthe body of the army. I have too much detested that barbarous injusticeamong the writers of a late party, to be ever guilty of it myself; I meanthe accusing societies for the crimes of a few. On the other side, I musttake leave to believe, that armies are no more exempt from corruptionsthan other numbers of men. The maxims proposed were occasionallyintroduced by the report of certain facts, which I am bound to believe istrue, because I am sure, considering what has passed, it would be a crimeto think otherwise. All posts in the army, all employments at court, andmany others, are (or ought to be) given and resumed at the mere pleasureof the prince; yet when I see a great officer broke, a change made in thecourt or the ministry, and this under the most just and gracious Princessthat ever reigned, I must naturally conclude it is done upon prudentconsiderations, and for some great demerit in the sufferers. But then; isnot the punishment sufficient? Is it generous or charitable to trample onthe unfortunate, and expose their faults to the world in the strongestcolours? And would it not suit better with magnanimity as well as commongood-nature, to leave them at quiet to their own thoughts and repentance?Yes without question, provided it could be so contrived that their verynames, as well as actions, might be forgotten for ever; _such_ an act ofoblivion would be for the honour of our nation, and beget a betteropinion of us with posterity; and then I might have spared the world andmyself the trouble of _examining_. But at present, there is a crueldilemma in the case: The friends and abettors of the late ministry areevery day publishing their praises to the world, and casting reflectionsupon the present persons in power. This is so barefaced an aspersion uponthe Q[ueen], that I know not how any good subject can with patienceendure it, though he were ever so indifferent with regard to the opinionsin dispute. Shall they who have lost all power and love of the people, beallowed to scatter their poison; and shall not those, who are, at least, of the strongest side, be suffered to bring an antidote? And how can weundeceive the deluded remainder, but by letting them see, that thosediscarded statesmen were justly laid aside, and producing as manyinstances to prove it as we can? not from any personal hatred to them, but in justification to the best of queens. The many scurrilities I haveheard and read against this poor paper of mine, are in such a strain, that considering the present state of affairs, they look like a jest. They usually run after the following manner: "What? shall this insolentwriter presume to censure the late ministry, the ablest, the mostfaithful, and truest lovers of their country, and its constitution thatever served a prince? Shall he reflect on the best H[ouse] of C[ommons]that ever sat within those walls? Has not the Queen changed both for aministry and Parliament of Jacobites and highfliers, who are selling usto France, and bringing over the Pretender?" This is the very sum andforce of all their reasonings, and this their method of complainingagainst the "Examiner. " In _them_ it is humble and loyal to reflect uponthe Q[ueen] and the ministry, and Parliament she has chosen with theuniversal applause of her people; in _us_ it is insolent to defend herMajesty and her choice, or to answer their objections, by shewing thereasons why those changes were necessary. 

The same style has been used in the late case relating to some gentlemenin the army;[6] such a clamour was raised by a set of men, who had theboldness to tax the administration with cruelty and injustice, that Ithought it necessary to interfere a little, by shewing the illconsequences that might arise from some proceedings, though withoutapplication to particular persons. And what do they offer in answer?Nothing but a few poor common-places against calumny and informers, whichmight have been full as just and seasonable in a plot against the sacredperson of the Q[ueen]. 

But, by the way; why are these idle people so indiscreet to name thosetwo words, which afford occasion of laying open to the world such aninfamous scene of subornation and perjury, as well as calumny andinforming, as I believe is without example: when a whole cabal attemptedan action, wherein a condemned criminal refused to join with them forthe reward of his life?[7] Not that I disapprove their sagacity, whocould foretell so long before, by what hand they should one day fall, andtherefore thought any means justifiable by which they might prevent it. 

But waiving this at present, it must be owned in justice to the army, that those violences did not proceed so far among them as some havebelieved; nor ought the madness of a few to be laid at their doors. Forthe rest, I am so far from denying the due praises to those victorioustroops, who did their part in procuring so many victories for the allies, that I could wish every officer and private soldier had their full shareof honour in proportion to their deserts; being thus far of theAthenians' mind, who when it was proposed that the statue of Miltiadesshould be set up alone in some public place of the city, said they wouldagree to it, _whenever he conquered alone_, but not before. Neither do Iat all blame the officers of the army, for preferring in their hearts thelate ministry before the present; or, if wishing alone could be of anyuse, to wish their continuance, because then they might be secure of thewar's continuance too: whereas, since affairs have been put into otherhands, they may perhaps lie under some apprehensions of a peace, which noarmy, especially in a course of success, was ever inclined to, and whichall wise states have in such a juncture, chiefly endeavoured. This isa point wherein the civil and military politics have always disagreed. And for that reason, I affirmed it necessary in all free governments, that the latter should be absolutely in subjection to the former;otherwise, one of these two inconveniencies must arise, either to beperpetually in war, or to turn the civil institution into a military. 

I am ready to allow all that has been said of the valour and experienceof our troops, who have fully contributed their part to the greatsuccesses abroad; nor is it their fault, that those important victorieshad no better consequences at home, though it may be their advantage. Waris their trade and business: to improve and cultivate the advantages ofsuccess, is an affair of the cabinet; and the neglect of this, whetherproceeding from weakness or corruption, according to the usualuncertainty of wars, may be of the most fatal consequence to a nation. For, pray let me represent our condition in such a light, as I believeboth parties will allow, though perhaps not the consequences I shalldeduce from it. We have been for above nine years, blessed with a QUEEN, who besides all virtues that can enter into the composition of a privateperson, possesses every regal quality that can contribute to make apeople happy: of great wisdom, yet ready to receive the advice of hercounsellors: of much discernment in choosing proper instruments, when shefollows her own judgment, and only capable of being deceived by thatexcess of goodness which makes her judge of others by herself. Frugal inher management in order to contribute to the public, which in proportionshe does, and that voluntarily, beyond any of her subjects; but from herown nature, generous and charitable to all that want or deserve; and inorder to exercise those virtues, denying herself all entertainments ofexpense which many others enjoy. Then if we look abroad, at least inFlanders, our arms have been crowned with perpetual success in battlesand sieges, not to mention several fortunate actions in Spain. Thesefacts being thus stated, which none can deny, it is natural to ask how wehave improved such advantages, and to what account they have turned? Ishall use no discouraging terms. When a patient grows daily worse by thetampering of mountebanks, there is nothing left but to call in the bestphysicians before the case grows desperate: But I would ask, whetherFrance or any other kingdom, would have made so little use of suchprodigious opportunities, the fruits whereof could never have fallen tothe ground, without the extremist degree of folly and corruption, andwhere those have lain, let the world judge? Instead of aiming at peace, while we had the advantage of the war, which has been the perpetual maximof all wise states, it has been reckoned factious and malignant even toexpress our wishes for it; and such a condition imposed, as was neveroffered to any prince who had an inch of ground to dispute; _Quae enimest conditio pacis; in qua ei cum quo pacem facias, nihil concedipotest?_[8]

It is not obvious to conceive what could move men who sat at home, andwere called to consult upon the good of the kingdom, to be so utterlyaverse from putting an end to a long expensive war, which the victorious, as well as conquered side, were heartily weary of. Few or none of themwere men of the sword; they had no share in the honour; they had madelarge fortunes, and were at the head of all affairs. But they well knewby what tenure they held their power; that the Qu[een] saw through theirdesigns, that they had entirely lost the hearts of the clergy; that thelanded men were against them; that they were detested by the body of thepeople; and that nothing bore them up but their credit with the bank andother stocks, which would be neither formidable nor necessary when thewar was at an end. For these reasons they resolved to disappoint allovertures of a peace, till they and their party should be so deeplyrooted as to make it impossible to shake them. To this end, they began toprecipitate matters so fast, as in a little time must have ruined theconstitution, if the crown had not interposed, and rather ventured theaccidental effects of their malice, than such dreadful consequences oftheir power. And indeed, had the former danger been greater than somehoped or feared, I see no difficulty in the choice, which was the samewith his, who said, "he had rather be devoured by wolves than by rats. " Itherefore still insist that we cannot wonder at, or find fault with thearmy, for concurring with a ministry who was for prolonging the war. Theinclination is natural in them all, pardonable in those who have not yetmade their fortunes, and as lawful in the rest, as love of power or loveof money can make it. But as natural, as pardonable, and as lawful asthis inclination is, when it is not under check of the civil power, orwhen a corrupt ministry joins in giving it too great a scope, theconsequence can be nothing less than infallible ruin and slavery to astate. 

After I had finished this Paper, the printer sent me two small pamphlets, called "The Management of the War, "_[9] written with some plausibility, much artifice, and abundance of misrepresentation, as well as directfalsehoods in point of fact. These I have thought worth _Examining_, which I shall accordingly do when I find an opportunity. 

[Footnote 1: No. 23 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: I. E. 1710-11. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Cicero, "De Officiis, " i. 23: "In the undertaking of a warthere should be such a prospect, as if the only end of it were peace. "--SIR R. L'ESTRANGE. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See "Examiner, " No. 21. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Scott mistakes this as the pretended letter quoted in "TheMedley, " No. 14. Swift refers to a half sheet printed for A. Baldwin inthe latter part of 1710, and entitled: "The French King's Thanks to theTories of Great-Britain. " It was ascribed to Hoadly. 

In this print Louis XIV. Is made to thank the Tories for "what hath givenme too deep and lasting impressions of respect, and gratitude, ever to beforgotten. If I should endeavour to recount all the numerous obligationsI have to you, I should not know where to begin, nor where to make anend. .. . To you and your predecessors I owe that supineness and negligenceof the English court, which, gave me opportunity and ability to form andprosecute my designs. " Alluding to William III. He says: "To you I owedthe impotence of his life and the comfort of his death. At that juncturehow vast were my hopes?. .. But a princess ascended your throne, whom youseemed to court with some personal fondness . .. She had a general whomher predecessor had wrought into the confidence and favour of theAllies. .. . It is with pleasure I have observed, that every victory hehath obtained abroad, hath been retrieved by your management at home. .. . What a figure have your tumults, your addresses, and the progresses ofyour Doctor, made in my Gazettes? What comfort have I received fromthem?. .. And with what impatience do we now wait for that dissolution, with the hopes of which you have so long flattered us ?. .. Blessed be theengines, to which so glorious events are owing. Republican, Antimonarchical, Danger of the Church, Non-resistance, Hereditary andDivine Right, words of force and energy!. .. How great are my obligationsto all these!" In a postscript, King Louis is made to say further: "MyBrother of England [i. E. The Pretender] . .. Thanks you for . .. Your lateloyal addresses; your open avowal in them of that unlimited non-resistanceby which he keeps up his claim, " etc. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: "Lieut. -Gen. Meredith, Major-Gen. Macartney, and BrigadierHoneywood were superseded, upon an information laid before the Q----, that these three gentlemen had, in their cups, drank Damnation andConfusion to the new ministry, and to those who had any hand in turningout of the old. "--TINDAL, iv. 195. See also No. 21 and note, p. 127. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: William Gregg, a clerk in Harley's office, who was convictedof a treasonable correspondence with France. See Swift's "Some Remarks, "etc. , in vol. V. , p. 38, of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: "For what condition of peace is that in which nothing isconceded him with whom you are making peace?" [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The two pamphlets referred to were both written by Dr. Francis Hare, chaplain-general to the Duke of Marlborough, and afterwardsBishop of Chichester. The first was dated November 23rd, 1710, andwas entitled, "The Management of the War. In a Letter to a Tory-Member. "The second was called, "The Management of the War. In a Second Letter toa Tory-Member, " and was dated November 30th, 1710. The pamphlets are againreferred to in the twenty-ninth number of "The Examiner, " where the writerstates that on second thoughts he has decided to deal with them "in adiscourse by itself. " This he did. See note on p. 184. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 25. [1]

FROM THURSDAY JANUARY 11, TO THURSDAY JANUARY 18, 1710. [2]

 _Parva momenta in spem metumque impellunt animos. _[3]

Hopes are natural to most men, especially to sanguine complexions, andamong the various changes that happen in the course of public affairs, they are seldom without some grounds: Even in desperate cases, where itis impossible they should have any foundation, they are often affected, to keep a countenance, and make an enemy think we have some resourcewhich they know nothing of. This appears to have been for some monthspast the condition of those people, whom I am forced, for want of otherphrases, to called the _ruined party_. They have taken up since theirfall, some real, and some pretended hopes. When the E. Of S[underlan]dwas discarded, they _hoped_ her M[ajesty] would proceed no farther in thechange of her ministry, and had the insolence to misrepresent her wordsto foreign states. They _hoped_, nobody durst advise the dissolution ofthe Parliament. When this was done, and further alterations made atCourt, they _hoped_ and endeavoured to ruin the credit of the nation. They likewise _hoped_ that we should have some terrible loss abroad, which would force us to unravel all, and begin again upon their bottom. But, of all their _hopes_, whether real or assumed, there is none moreextraordinary than that which they now would seem to place their wholeconfidence in: that this great turn of affairs was only occasioned by ashort madness of the people, from which they will recover in a littletime, when their eyes are open, and they grow cool and sober enough toconsider the truth of things, and how much they have been deceived. Itis not improbable, that some few of the deepest sighted among thesereasoners, are well enough convinced how vain all such _hopes_ must be:but for the rest, the wisest of them seem to have been very ill judges ofthe people's dispositions, the want of which knowledge was a principaloccasion to hasten their ruin; for surely had they suspected which waythe popular current inclined, they never would have run against it bythat impeachment. I therefore conclude, they generally are so blind, asto imagine some comfort from this fantastical opinion, that the people ofEngland are at present distracted, but will shortly come to their sensesagain. 

For the service therefore of our adversaries and friends, I shall briefly_examine_ this point, by shewing what are the causes and symptoms of apeople's madness, and how it differs from their natural bent andinclination. 

It is Machiavel's observation, that the people when left to their ownjudgment, do seldom mistake their true interests; and indeed theynaturally love the constitution they are born under, never desiring tochange but under great oppressions. However, they are to be deceived byseveral means. It has often happened in Greece, and sometimes in Rome, that those very men who have contributed to shake off a former tyranny, have, instead of restoring the old constitution, deluded the People intoa worse and more ignominious slavery. Besides, all great changes have thesame effect upon commonwealths that thunder has upon liquors, making thedregs fly up to the top: the lowest plebeians rise to the head ofaffairs, and there preserve themselves by representing the nobles andother friends to the old government, as enemies to the public. Theencouraging of new mysteries and new deities, with the pretences offurther purity in religion, hath likewise been a frequent topic tomislead the people. And, not to mention more, the promoting false reportsof dangers from abroad, hath often served to prevent them from fencingagainst real dangers at home. By these and the like arts, in conjunctionwith a great depravity of manners, and a weak or corrupt administration, the madness of the people hath risen to such a height as to break inpieces the whole frame of the best instituted governments. But however, such great frenzies being artificially raised, are a perfect force andconstraint upon human nature, and under a wise steady prince, willcertainly decline of themselves, settling like the sea after a storm, andthen the true bent and genius of the people will appear. Ancient andmodern story are full of instances to illustrate what I say. In our ownisland we had a great example of a long madness in the people, kept up bya thousand artifices like intoxicating medicines, till the constitutionwas destroyed; yet the malignity being spent, and the humour exhaustedthat served to foment it; before the usurpers could fix upon a newscheme, the people suddenly recovered, and peaceably restored the oldconstitution. 

From what I have offered, it will be easy to decide, whether this latechange in the dispositions of the people were a new madness, or arecovery from an old one. Neither do I see how it can be proved that sucha change had in any circumstance the least symptoms of madness, whethermy description of it be right or no. It is agreed, that the truest way ofjudging the dispositions of the people in the choice of theirrepresentatives, is by computing the county-elections; and in these, itis manifest that five in six are entirely for the present measures;although the court was so far from interposing its credit, that there wasno change in the admiralty, not above one or two in the lieutenancy, norany other methods used to influence elections. [4] The free unextortedaddresses[5] sent some time before from every part of the kingdom, plainly shewed what sort of bent the people had taken, and from whatmotives. The election of members for this great city, [6] carried contraryto all conjecture, against the united interest of those two great bodies, the Bank and East India Company, was another convincing argument. Besides, the Whigs themselves have always confessed, that the bulk oflanded men in England was generally of Tories. So that this change mustbe allowed to be according to the natural genius and disposition of thepeople, whether it were just and reasonable in itself or not. 

Notwithstanding all which, you shall frequently hear the partisans of thelate men in power, gravely and decisively pronounce, that the presentministry cannot possibly stand. [7] Now, they who affirm this, if theybelieve themselves, must ground their opinion, upon the iniquity of the_last_ being so far established, and deeply rooted, that no endeavours ofhonest men, will be able to restore things to their former state. Orelse these reasoners have been so misled by twenty years' mismanagement, that they have forgot our constitution, and talk as if our monarchy andrevolution began together. But the body of the people is wiser, and bythe choice they have made, shew they _do_ understand our constitution, and would bring it back to the old form; which if the new ministers takecare to maintain, they will and ought to stand, otherwise they may falllike their predecessors. But I think we may easily foresee what aParliament freely chosen, without threatening or corruption, is likely todo, when no man shall be in any danger to lose his place by the freedomof his voice. 

But, who are those advancers of this opinion, that the present ministrycannot hold? It must be either such as are afraid to be called to anaccount, in case it should hold; or those who keep offices, from whichothers, better qualified, were removed; and may reasonably apprehend tobe turned out, for worthier men to come in their places, since perhapsit will be necessary to make some changes, that the public business ofthe nation may go on: or lastly, stock-jobbers, who industriously spreadsuch reports that actions may fall, and their friends buy to advantage. 

Yet these hopes, thus freely expressed, as they are more sincere, so theyare more supportable, than when they appear under the disguise andpretence of fears. Some of these gentlemen are employed to shake theirheads in proper companies; to doubt where all this will end; to be inmighty pain for the nation; to shew how impossible it is, that the publiccredit can be supported: to pray that all may do well in whatever hands;but very much to doubt that the Pretender is at the bottom. I know notany thing so nearly resembling this behaviour, as what I have often seenamong the friends of a sick man, whose interest it is that he should die:The physicians protest they see no danger; the symptoms are good, themedicines answer expectation; yet still they are not to be comforted;they whisper, he is a gone man; it is not possible he should hold out; hehas perfect death in his face; they never liked this doctor: At last thepatient recovers, and their joy is as false as their grief. 

I believe there is no man so sanguine, who did not apprehend some illconsequences from the late change, though not in any proportion to thegood ones: but it is manifest, the former have proved much fewer andlighter than were expected, either at home or abroad, by the fears of ourfriends, or the hopes of our enemies. Those remedies that stir thehumours in a diseased body, are at first more painful than the maladyitself; yet certain death is the consequence of deferring them too long. Actions have fallen, and the loans are said to come in slowly. Butbeside, that something of this must have been, whether there had been anychange or no; beside, that the surprise of every change, for the betteras well as the worse, is apt to affect credit for a while; there is afurther reason, which is plain and scandalous. When the late party was atthe helm, those who were called the Tories, never put their resentmentsin balance with the safety of the nation, but cheerfully contributed tothe common cause. Now the scene is changed, the fallen party seems to actfrom very different motives: they have _given the word about;_ they willkeep their money and be passive; and in this point stand upon the samefoot with Papists and Nonjurors. What would have become of the public, ifthe present great majority had acted thus, during the lateadministration? Had acted thus, before the others were masters of thatwealth they have squeezed out of the landed men, and with the strength ofthat, would now hold the kingdom at defiance?

Thus much I have thought fit to say, without pointing reflections uponany particular person; which I have hitherto but sparingly done, and thatonly towards those whose characters are too profligate, that the managingof them should be of any consequence: Besides as it is a talent I am notnaturally fond of, so, in the subjects I treat, it is generally needless. If I display the effects of avarice and ambition, of bribery andcorruption, of gross immorality and irreligion, those who are the leastconversant in things, will easily know where to apply them. Not that Ilay any weight upon the objections of such who charge me with thisproceeding: it is notorious enough that the writers of the other sidewere the first aggressors. Not to mention their scurrilous libels manyyears ago, directly levelled at particular persons; how many papers donow come out every week, full of rude invectives against the presentministry, with the first and last letters of their names to preventmistakes? It is good sometimes to let these people see, that we neitherwant spirit nor materials to retaliate; and therefore in this point_alone_, I shall follow their example, whenever I find myselfsufficiently provoked; only with one addition, that whatever charges Ibring, either general or particular, shall be religiously true, eitherupon avowed facts which none can deny, or such as I can prove from my ownknowledge. 

Being resolved publicly to acknowledge any mistakes I have been guiltyof; I do here humbly desire the reader's pardon for one of mightyimportance, about a fact in one of my papers, said to be done in thecathedral of Gloucester. [8] A whole Hydra of errors in two words: For asI am since informed, it was neither in the cathedral, nor city, norcounty of Gloucester, but some other church of that diocese. If I hadever met any other objection of equal weight, though from the meanesthands, I should certainly have answered it. 

[Footnote 1: No. 24 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: I. E. 1710-11. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "The merest trifles affect our spirits, and fill us withhope or fear. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See Swift's "Memoirs Relating to that Change, " etc. , vol. V. , p. 386 of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "The general ferment soon after [1710, summer] broke outinto numerous addresses, of very different style and tenor, that werepresented to the Queen. . .. The high-church addresses not only exceededthe others in number, but were also far better received; as complimentingthe Queen with a more extensive prerogative, and an hereditary title"(Chamberlen's "History of Queen Anne, " p. 347). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: At the general election in October and November, 1710, theCity of London returned four Tories: Sir Wm. Withers, Sir R. Hoare, SirG. Newland, and Mr. John Cass. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: Harley's ministry continued in power until July, 1714. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: This act of Wharton's was alluded to by the Duke of Leeds inthe House of Lords on December 6th, 1705. See Dartmouth's note onBurnet's "Own Times, " vol. Ii. , p. 435, and compare "History ofParliament, " and "Journals of House of Lords. " When the Duke ofLeeds insinuated pretty plainly to Wharton the nature of his offence, Dartmouth remarks that the "Lord Wharton was very silent for therest of that day, and desired no further explanations. " [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 26. [1]

FROM THURSDAY JANUARY 18, TO THURSDAY JANUARY 25, 1710-11. 

[Greek: Dialexamenoi tina haesuchae, to men sumpan epi te tae dunas eiakai kata ton echthron sunomosan. ]

_Summissa quaedam voce collocuti sunt; quorum summa erat de dominationesibi confirmanda, ac inimicis delendis conjuratio. _[2]

Not many days ago I observed a knot of discontented gentlemen cursing theTories to Hell for their uncharitableness, in affirming, that if the lateministry had continued to this time, we should have had neither Churchnor Monarchy left. They are usually so candid as to call that the opinionof a party, which they hear in a coffeehouse, or over a bottle from somewarm young people, whom it is odds but they have provoked to say morethan they believed, by some positions as absurd and ridiculous of theirown. And so it proved in this very instance: for, asking one of thesegentlemen, what it was that provoked those he had been disputing with, toadvance such a paradox? he assured me in a very calm manner, it wasnothing in the world, but that himself and some others of the company hadmade it appear, that the design of the present P[arliamen]t andm[inistr]y, was to bring in Popery, arbitrary power, and the Pretender:which I take to be an opinion fifty times more improbable, as well asmore uncharitable, than what is charged upon the Whigs: because I defyour adversaries to produce one single reason for suspecting such designsin the persons now at the helm; whereas I can upon demand produce twentyto shew, that some late men had strong views towards a commonwealth, andthe alteration of the Church. 

It is natural indeed, when a storm is over, that has only untiled ourhouses, and blown down some of our chimneys, to consider what furthermischiefs might have ensued, if it had lasted longer. However, in thepresent case, I am not of the opinion above-mentioned; I believe theChurch and State might have lasted somewhat longer, though the lateenemies to both had done their worst: I can hardly conceive how thingswould have been so soon ripe for a new revolution. I am convinced, thatif they had offered to make such large and sudden strides, it must havecome to blows, and according to the computation we have now reason tothink a right one, I can partly guess what would have been the issue. Besides, we are sure the Q[uee]n would have interposed before they cameto extremities, and as little as they regarded the regal authority, wouldhave been a check in their career. 

But instead of this question; What would have been the consequence if thelate ministry had continued? I will propose another, which will be moreuseful for us to consider; and that is, What we may reasonably expectthey will do, if ever they come into power again? This, we know, is thedesign and endeavour of all those scribbles that daily fly about in theirfavour; of all the false, insolent, and scandalous libels against thepresent administration; and of all those engines set at work to sink theactions, and blow up the public credit. As for those who shew theirinclinations by writing, there is one consideration, which I wonder doesnot sometimes affect them: for how can they forbear having a good opinionof the gentleness and innocence of those, who permit them to employ theirpens as they do? It puts me in mind of an insolent pragmatical oratorsomewhere in Greece, who railing with great freedom at the chief men inthe state, was answered by one who had been very instrumental inrecovering the liberty of the city, that "he thanked the gods they hadnow arrived to the condition he always wished them, when every man inthat city might securely say what they pleased. " I wish these gentlemenwould however compare the liberty they take with what their masters usedto give: how many messengers and warrants would have gone out against anythat durst have opened their lips, or drawn their pens, against thepersons and proceedings of their juntoes and cabals? How would theirweekly writers have been calling out for prosecution and punishment? Weremember when a poor nickname, [3] borrowed from an old play of BenJonson, and mentioned in a sermon without any particular application, wasmade use of as a motive to spur an impeachment. But after all, it must beconfessed, they had reasons to be thus severe, which their successorshave not: _their_ faults would never endure the light; and to haveexposed them sooner, would have raised the kingdom against the actors, before the time. 

But, to come to the subject I have now undertaken; which is to _examine_, what the consequences would be, upon supposition that the Whigs were nowrestored to their power. I already imagine the present free P[arliamen]tdissolved, and another of a different epithet met, by the force of moneyand management. I read immediately a dozen or two stinging votes againstthe proceedings of the late ministry. The bill now to be repealed wouldthen be re-enacted, and the birthright of an Englishman reduced again tothe value of twelvepence. [4] But to give the reader a strongerimagination of such a scene; let me represent the designs of some men, lately endeavoured and projected, in the form of a paper of votes. 

"Ordered, That a Bill be brought in for repealing the Sacramental Test. 

"A petition of T[in]d[a]l, C[o]ll[in]s, Cl[en]d[o]n, C[o]w[ar]d, T[o]l[a]nd, [5] in behalf of themselves and many hundreds of theirdisciples, some of which are Members of this honourable H[ouse], desiringthat leave be given to bring in a Bill for qualifying Atheists, Deistsand Socinians, to serve their Country in any employment. 

"Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a Bill, according to the prayerof the said petition, and that Mr. L[ec]h[me]re[6] do prepare and bringit in. 

"Ordered, That a Bill be brought in for removing the education of youthout of the hands of the Clergy. 

"Another, to forbid the Clergy preaching certain duties in religion, especially obedience to Princes. 

"Another, to take away the jurisdiction of Bishops. 

"Another, for constituting a General for life; with instructions to thecommittee, that care may be taken to make the war last as long as thelife of the said General. 

"A Bill of Attainder against C[harles] D[uke] of Sh[rewsbury], J[ohn]D[uke] of B[uckingham], L[aurence] E[arl] of R[ochester], Sir S[imon]H[arcourt], k[nigh]t, R[obert] H[arley], H[enry] S[t. John], [7] Esqs;A[bigail] M[asham], spinster, [8] and others, for high treason against thej[u]nto. 

"Resolved, That S[ara]h D[uchess] of M[arlborough] hath been a mostdutiful, just, and grateful servant to Her M[ajest]y. 

"Resolved, That to advise the dissolution of a W[hi]g Parliament, or theremoval of a W[hi]g Ministry, was in order to bring in Popery and thePretender; and that the said advice was high treason. 

"Resolved, That by the original compact the Government of this Realm isby a junto, and a K[ing] or Qu[een]; but the Administration solely in thejunto. 

"Ordered, That a Bill be brought in for further limiting the Prerogative. 

"Ordered, That it be a standing order of this H[ouse] that the merit ofelections be not determined by the number of voices, or right ofelectors, but by weight; and that one Whig shall weigh down ten Tories. 

"A motion being made, and the question being put, that when a Whig isdetected of manifest bribery, and his competitor being a Tory, has ten toone a majority, there shall be a new election; it passed in the negative. 

"Resolved, That for a K[ing] or Q[ueen] of this Realm, to read or examinea paper brought them to be signed by a j[un]to Minister, is arbitrary andillegal, and a violation of the liberties of the people. "

 * * * * *

These and the like reformations would, in all probability, be the firstfruits of the Whigs' resurrection; and what structures such able artistsmight in a short time build upon such foundations, I leave others toconjecture. All hopes of a peace cut off; the nation industriouslyinvolved in further debts to a degree, that none would dare undertakethe management of affairs, but those whose interest lay in ruining theconstitution. I do not see how the wisest prince under such necessitiescould be able to extricate himself. Then, as to the Church, the bishopswould by degrees be dismissed, first from the Parliament, next from theirrevenues, and at last from their office; and the clergy, instead of theiridle claim of independency on the state, would be forced to depend fortheir daily bread on every individual. But what system of futuregovernment was designed; whether it were already digested, or would havebeen left for time and incidents to mature, I shall not now _Examine_. Only upon this occasion I cannot help reflecting on a fact, which it isprobable, the reader knows as well as myself. There was a picture drawnsome time ago, representing five persons as large as the life, sitting atcouncil together like a Pentarchy. A void space was left for a sixth, which was to have been the Qu[een], to whom they intended that honour:but her M[ajest]y having since fallen under their displeasure, they havemade a shift to crowd in two better friends in her place, which makes ita complete Heptarchy. [9] This piece is now in the country, reserved tillbetter times, and hangs in a hall, among the pictures of Cromwell, Bradshaw, Ireton, and some other predecessors. 

I must now desire leave to say something to a gentleman, who has beenpleased to publish a discourse against a paper of mine relating to theconvocation. [10] He promises to set me right, without any unduereflections or undecent language. I suppose he means in comparison withothers, who pretend to answer the "Examiner": So far he is right; but ifhe thinks he has behaved himself as becomes a candid antagonist, Ibelieve he is mistaken. He says, in his title-page, my "representationsare unfair, and my reflections unjust. " And his conclusion is yet moresevere, [11] where he "doubts I and my friends are enraged against theDutch, because they preserved us from Popery and arbitrary power at theRevolution; and since that time, from being overrun by the exorbitantpower of France, and becoming a prey to the Pretender. " Because thisauthor seems in general to write with an honest meaning, I wouldseriously put to him the question, whether he thinks I and my friendsare for Popery, arbitrary power, France and the Pretender? I omit otherinstances of smaller moment, which however do not suit in my opinion withdue reflection or decent language. The fact relating to the convocation, came from a good hand, and I do not find this author differs from mein any material circumstance about it. My reflections were no more thanwhat might be obvious to any other gentleman, who had heard of their lateproceedings. If the notion be right which this author gives us of a LowerHouse of Convocation, it is a very melancholy one, [12] and to me seemsutterly inconsistent with that of a body of men whom he owns to have anegative; and therefore, since a great majority of the clergy differsfrom him in several points he advances, I shall rather choose to be oftheir opinion than his. I fancy, when the whole synod met in one house, as this writer affirms, they were upon a better foot with their bishops, and therefore whether this treatment so extremely _de haut en bas_, sincetheir exclusion, be suitable to primitive custom or primitive humilitytowards brethren, is not my business to enquire. One may allow the divineor apostolic right of Episcopacy, and their great superiority overpresbyters, and yet dispute the methods of exercising the latter, whichbeing of human institution, are subject to encroachments and usurpations. I know, every clergyman in a diocese has a good deal of dependence uponhis bishop, and owes him canonical obedience: but I was apt to think, when the whole representative of the clergy met in a synod, they wereconsidered in another light, at least since they are allowed to have anegative. If I am mistaken, I desire to be excused, as talking out of mytrade: only there is one thing wherein I entirely differ from thisauthor. Since in the disputes about privileges, one side must recede;where so very few privileges remain, it is a hundred to one odds, theencroachments are not on the inferior clergy's side; and no man can blamethem for insisting on the small number that is left. There is one factwherein I must take occasion to set this author right; that the personwho first moved the QUEEN to remit the first-fruits and tenths to theclergy, was an eminent instrument in the late turn of affairs;[13] and asI am told, has lately prevailed to have the same favour granted for theclergy of Ireland. [14]

But I must beg leave to inform the author, that this paper is notintended for the management of controversy, which would be of very littleimport to most readers, and only misspend time, that I would gladlyemploy to better purposes. For where it is a man's business to entertaina whole room-full, it is unmannerly to apply himself to a particularperson, and turn his back upon the rest of the company. 

[Footnote 1: No. 25 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: "They met and whispered together; and their entire aim wasthe confirmation of their own power and an oath for the destruction oftheir enemies. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: The following is the passage in Sacheverell's sermon inwhich the nickname is used: "What dependence can there be upon a man ofno principles? . .. In what moving and lively colours does the holyPsalmist paint out the crafty insidiousness of such wily Volpones!"Godolphin, in spite of Somers's protest against such action, broughtabout the preacher's impeachment, for this description of himself, as hetook it. See also vol. V. , p. 219 and note of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: An attempt was made to repeal the Act for NaturalizingForeign Protestants (7 Ann. C. 5), which received the royal assent, March23rd, 170-8/9, by a Bill which passed the House of Commons, January 31st, 171-0/1, but was thrown out by the Lords, February 5th. Personsnaturalized under this Act had to pay a fee of one shilling on taking theprescribed oath of allegiance. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: See Nos. 20 and 23, _ante_, and notes pp. 118 and 141. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: Nicholas Lechmere (1675-1727), member for Appleby (1708-10), Cockermouth (1710-17), and Tewkesbury (1717-21), was one of themanagers in the impeachment of Sacheverell. He, with Addison, Hoadly, and Minshull corrected Steele's draft of "The Crisis" forpublication. He was created Lord Lechmere in 1721, after he had heldthe offices of solicitor-general (1714-18) and attorney-general (1718-20). See also vol. V. , p. 326 note, of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: "R. H. H. S. Esqs;" in both editions. In Faulkner's collectedreprint the second name was altered to William Shippen, and Scottfollows Faulkner; but there can be no doubt that the initials wereintended for St. John, since the persons named were those who succeededto the places of the dismissed ministers. Shippen was a prominentmember of the October Club, but he did not hold any public office. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: In No. 19 of "The Medley, " the writer calls "The Examiner"to account for writing Abigail Masham, _spinster_. She was then Mrs. Masham. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: See No. 23, _ante_, and notes p. 138. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: "The Case of the Present Convocation Consider'd; In Answerto the Examiner's Unfair Representation of it, and Unjust Reflectionsupon it. " 1711, See note p. 129. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: "They [the Dutch] have a right to put us in mind, thatwithout their assistance in 1688, Popery and arbitrary power must, withouta miracle, have over-run us; and that even since that time, we must havesunk under the exorbitant power of France, and our Church and Queenmust have been a prey to a Pretender imposed upon us by this exorbitantpower, if that tottering commonwealth . .. Had not heartily joined withus. .. . But I forget my self, and I doubt, allege those very things intheir favour, for which the 'Examiner' and his friends, are the mostenraged against them. " ("The Case, " etc. , p. 24). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: They [_i. E. _ the bishops] say that the prolocutor is "thereferendary of the lower house, _i. E. _ one who is to carry messages andadmonitions from the upper house to the lower, and to represent theirsense, and to carry their petitions to the upper: That originally thesynod met all in one house in this, as it still does in the otherprovince. " ("The Case, " etc. , p. 14). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Bishop Burnet had made a similar proposal to Queen Maryseveral years before, "so that she was fully resolved, if ever she hadlived to see peace and settlement, . .. To have applied it to theaugmentation of small benefices. " He had also laid it very fully beforethe Princess of Denmark in the reign of King William ("Hist. Own Times, "ii. 370). 

"This very project . .. Was first set on foot by a great minister in thelast reign. It was then far advanced, and would have been finished, hadhe stayed but a few months longer in the ministry" ("The Case, " etc. , p. 23). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Swift's own Memorial to Harley, petitioning the Queen tosurrender the first-fruits in Ireland is given in Scott's edition (vol. Xv. , pp. 381-4). It was on behalf of these first-fruits that Swift cameto England, in 1707, on a commission from Archbishop King. Then he madehis application as a Whig to a Whig government, but failing with Somersand Halifax both in this and in his hopes for advancement, he joinedHarley's fortunes. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 27. [1]

FROM THURSDAY JANUARY 25, TO THURSDAY FEBRUARY 1, 1710-11. [2]

_Ea autem est gloria, laus recte factorum, magnorumque in rempublicammeritorum: Quae cum optimi cujusque, tum etiam multitudinis testimoniocomprobatur. _[3]

I am thinking, what a mighty advantage it is to be entertained as awriter to a ruined cause. I remember a fanatic preacher, who was inclinedto come into the Church, and take orders; but upon mature thoughts wasdiverted from that design, when he considered that the collections of the_godly_ were a much heartier and readier penny, than he could get bywrangling for tithes. He certainly had reason, and the two cases areparallel. If you write in defence of a fallen party, you are maintainedby contribution as a necessary person, you have little more to do than tocarp and cavil at those who hold the pen on the other side; you are sureto be celebrated and caressed by all your party, to a man. You may affirmand deny what you please, without truth or probability, since it is butloss of time to contradict you. Besides, commiseration is often on yourside, and you have a pretence to be thought honest and disinterested, foradhering to friends in distress. After which, if your party ever happensto turn up again, you have a strong fund of merit towards making yourfortune. Then, you never fail to be well furnished with materials, everyone bringing in his _quota_, and falsehood being naturally more plentifulthan truth. Not to mention the wonderful delight of libelling men inpower, and hugging yourself in a corner with mighty satisfaction for whatyou have done. 

It is quite otherwise with us, who engage as volunteers in the service ofa flourishing ministry, in full credit with the Q[uee]n, and beloved bythe people, because they have no sinister ends or dangerous designs, butpursue with steadiness and resolution the true interests of both. Uponwhich account they little want or desire our assistance; and we may writetill the world is weary of reading, without having our pretences allowedeither to a place or a pension: besides, we are refused the commonbenefit of the party, to have our works cried up of course; the readersof our own side being as ungentle and hard to please, as if we writagainst them; and our papers never make their way in the world, butbarely in proportion to their merit. The design of _their_ labours whowrite on the conquered side, is likewise of greater importance than ours;they are like cordials for dying men, which must be repeated; whereasours are, in the Scripture phrase, but "meat for babes": at least, all Ican pretend, is to undeceive the ignorant and those at distance; buttheir task is to keep up the sinking spirits of a whole party. 

After such reflections, I cannot be angry with those gentlemen forperpetually writing against me: it furnishes them largely with topics, and is besides, their proper business: neither is it affectation, oraltogether scorn, that I do not reply. But as things are, we both actsuitable to our several provinces: mine is, by laying open somecorruptions in the late management, to set those who are ignorant, rightin their opinions of persons and things: it is theirs to cover withfig-leaves all the faults of their friends, as well as they can: When Ihave produced my facts, and offered my arguments, I have nothing fartherto advance; it is their office to deny and disprove; and then let theworld decide. If I were as they, my chief endeavour should certainly beto batter down the "Examiner, " therefore I cannot but approve theirdesign, Besides, they have indeed another reason for barking incessantlyat this paper: they have in their prints openly taxed a most ingeniousperson as author of it;[4] one who is in great and very deservedreputation with the world, both on account of his poetical works, and histalents for public business. They were wise enough to consider, whata sanction it would give their performances, to fall under theanimadversion of such a pen; and have therefore used all the forms ofprovocation commonly practised by little obscure pedants, who are fond ofdistinguishing themselves by the fame of an adversary. So nice a tastehave these judicious critics, in pretending to discover an author by hisstyle and manner of thinking: not to mention the justice and candour ofexhausting all the stale topics of scurrility in reviling a paper, andthen flinging at a venture the whole load upon one who is entirelyinnocent; and whose greatest fault, perhaps, is too much gentlenesstoward a party, from whose leaders he has received quite contrarytreatment. 

The concern I have for the ease and reputation of so deserving agentleman, hath at length forced me, much against my interest andinclination, to let these angry people know who is _not_ the author ofthe "Examiner. "[5] For, I observed, the opinion began to spread, and Ichose rather to sacrifice the honour I received by it, than letinjudicious people entitle him to a performance, that perhaps he mighthave reason to be ashamed of: still faithfully promising, never todisturb those worthy advocates; but suffer them in quiet to roar on atthe "Examiner, " if they or their party find any ease in it; as physicianssay there is, to people in torment, such as men in the gout, or women inlabour. 

However, I must acknowledge myself indebted to them for one hint, which Ishall now pursue, though in a different manner. Since the fall of thelate ministry, I have seen many papers filled with their encomiums; Iconceive, in imitation of those who write the lives of famous men, where, after their deaths, immediately follow their characters. When I saw thepoor virtues thus dealt at random, I thought the disposers had flungtheir names, like valentines into a hat, to be drawn as fortune pleased, by the j[u]nto and their friends. There, Crassus[6] drew liberty andgratitude; Fulvia, [7] humility and gentleness; Clodius, [8] piety andjustice; Gracchus, [9] loyalty to his prince; Cinna, [10] love of hiscountry and constitution; and so of the rest. Or, to quit this allegory, I have often seen of late, the whole set of discarded statesmen, celebrated by their judicious hirelings, for those very qualities whichtheir admirers owned they chiefly wanted. Did these heroes put off andlock up their virtues when they came into employment, and have they nowresumed them since their dismissions? If they wore them, I am sure it was_under_ their greatness, and without ever once convincing the world oftheir visibility or influence. 

But why should not the present ministry find a pen to praise them as wellas the last? This is what I shall now undertake, and it may be moreimpartial in me, from whom they have deserved so little. I have, _withoutbeing called_, served them half a year in quality of champion, [11] and byhelp of the Qu[een] and a majority of nine in ten of the kingdom, havebeen able to protect them against a routed cabal of hated politicians, with a dozen of scribblers at their head; yet so far have they been fromrewarding me suitable to my deserts, that to this day they never so muchas sent to the printer to enquire who I was; though I have known a timeand a ministry, where a person of half my merit and consideration wouldhave had fifty promises, and in the mean time a pension settled on him, whereof the _first quarter_ should be honestly paid. Therefore myresentments shall so far prevail, that in praising those who are now atthe head of affairs, I shall at the same time take notice of theirdefects. 

Was any man more eminent in his profession than the present l[or]dk[eepe]r, [12] or more distinguished by his eloquence and great abilitiesin the House of Commons? And will not his enemies allow him to be fullyequal to the great station he now adorns? But then it must be granted, that he is wholly ignorant in the speculative as well as practical partof polygamy: he knows not how to metamorphose a sober man into alunatic:[13] he is no freethinker in religion, nor has courage to bepatron of an atheistical book, [14] while he is guardian of the Qu[een]'sconscience. Though after all, to speak my private opinion, I cannot thinkthese such mighty objections to his character, as some would pretend. 

The person who now presides at the council, [15] is descended from a greatand honourable father, not from the dregs of the people; he was at thehead of the treasury for some years, and rather chose to enrich hisprince than himself. In the height of favour and credit, he sacrificedthe greatest employment in the kingdom to his conscience and honour: hehas been always firm in his loyalty and religion, zealous for supportingthe prerogative of the crown, and preserving the liberties of the people. But then, his best friends must own that he is neither Deist norSocinian: he has never conversed with T[o]l[a]nd, to open and enlarge histhoughts, and dispel the prejudices of education; nor was he ever able toarrive at that perfection of gallantry, to ruin and imprison the husband, in order to keep the wife without disturbance. [16]

The present l[or]d st[ewa]rd[17] has been always distinguished for hiswit and knowledge; is of consummate wisdom and experience in affairs; hascontinued constant to the true interest of the nation, which he espousedfrom the beginning, and is every way qualified to support the dignity ofhis office: but in point of oratory must give place to hispredecessor. [18]

The D. Of Sh[rewsbur]y[19] was highly instrumental in bringing about theRevolution, in which service he freely exposed his life and fortune. Hehas ever been the favourite of the nation, being possessed of all theamiable qualities that can accomplish a great man; but in theagreeableness and fragrancy of his person, and the profoundness of hispolitics, must be allowed to fall very short of ----. [20]

Mr. H[arley] had the honour of being chosen Speaker successively to threeParliaments;[21] he was the first of late years, that ventured to restorethe forgotten custom of treating his PRINCE with duty and respect. Easyand disengaged in private conversation, with such a weight of affairsupon his shoulders;[22] of great learning, and as great a favourer andprotector of it; intrepid by nature, as well as by the consciousness ofhis own integrity, and a despiser of money; pursuing the true interest ofhis PRINCE and country against all obstacles. Sagacious to view into theremotest consequences of things, by which all difficulties fly beforehim. A firm friend, and a placable enemy, sacrificing his justestresentments, not only to public good, but to common intercession andacknowledgment. Yet with all these virtues it must be granted, there issome mixture of human infirmity: His greatest admirers must confess hisskill at cards and dice to be very low and superficial: in horse-racinghe is utterly ignorant:[23] then, to save a few millions to the public, he never regards how many worthy citizens he hinders from making up theirplum. And surely there is one thing never to be forgiven him, that hedelights to have his table filled with black coats, whom he uses as ifthey were gentlemen. 

My Lord D[artmouth][24] is a man of letters, full of good sense, goodnature and honour, of strict virtue and regularity in life; but laboursunder one great defect, that he treats his clerks with more civility andgood manners, than others, in his station, have done the Qu[een]. [25]

Omitting some others, I will close this character of the presentministry, with that of Mr. S[t. John], [26] who from his youth applyingthose admirable talents of nature and improvements of art to publicbusiness, grew eminent in court and Parliament at an age when thegenerality of mankind is employed in trifles and folly. It is to belamented, that he has not yet procured himself a busy, importantcountenance, nor learned that profound part of wisdom, to be difficult ofaccess. Besides, he has clearly mistaken the true use of books, which hehas thumbed and spoiled with reading, when he ought to have multipliedthem on his shelves:[27] not like a great man of my acquaintance, whoknew a book by the back, better than a friend by the face, though hehad never conversed with the former, and often with the latter. 

[Footnote 1: No. 26 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Writing to Stella, under date February 3rd, 1710/1, Swiftsays: "They are plaguy Whigs, especially the sister Armstrong [Mrs. Armstrong, Lady Lucy's sister], the most insupportable of all womenpretending to wit, without any taste. She was running down the last'Examiner, ' the prettiest I had read, with a character of the presentministry" (vol. Ii. , p. 112 of present edition. ) [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "For that is true glory and praise for noble deeds thatdeserve well of the state, when they not only win the approval of thebest men but also that of the multitude. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: It was reported that the author of "The Examiner" wasMatthew Prior, late under-secretary of state. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: To Stella Swift wrote in his "Journal, " under date February9th:--"The account you give of that weekly paper [_i. E. _ 'The Examiner, ']agrees with us here. Mr. Prior was like to be insulted in the street forbeing supposed the author of it, but one of the last papers cleared him. Nobody knows who it is, but those few in the secret. I suppose theministry and the printer" (vol. Ii. , p. 116 of present edition). ]

[Footnote 6: The Duke of Marlborough. See "The Examiner, " No. 28, p. 177. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The Duchess of Marlborough. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: Earl of Wharton, notorious for his profligacy. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: This may refer to Godolphin. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: Probably Earl Cowper. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: This applies to the paper. "The Examiner" had existed forsix months, but Swift had written it for only three months, at this time. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Sir Simon Harcourt (1661?-1727) who was lord chancellor, 1713-14. He was made lord keeper, October 19th, 1710, after Cowperresigned the chancellorship. In the Sacheverell trial Harcourt was thedoctor's counsel. He was created Baron Harcourt in 1711. See also note onp. 213 of vol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: This refers to the case of Richard, fifth Viscount Wenman, against whom Cowper, in 1709, granted a commission of lunacy. He wasunder the care of Francis Wroughton, Esq. , whose sister, Susannah, he hadmarried in the early part of 1709. His brother-in-law sued him forpayment of his sister's portion, and asked that trustees be appointed forhis estate. Cowper decided against Wenman, and the commission granted. 

The case is referred to in No. 40 of "The Tatler" (July 12th, 1709). Campbell says ("Chancellors, " iv. 330) the commission "very properlyissued. " Luttrell in his "Diary" (July 30th, 1709) notes that "the juryyesterday brought it in that he [Wenman] was no idiot" (vi. 470). LordWenman died November 28th, 1729. See also Nos. 18 and 23, _ante_, andnote, p. 101. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Tindal dedicated to Cowper "a pious work which was notaltogether orthodox" (Campbell's "Chancellors, " iv. 330). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: Laurence Hyde (1641-1711), created Earl of Rochester in1682, was appointed lord president of the council, September 21st, 1710, succeeding Somers. See also No. 41, _post. _ Swift unkindly sneers atSomers's low birth. See note on Somers on p. 29 of vol. I. Of presentedition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: Mrs. Manley, in her "Memoirs of Europe towards the Close ofthe Eighth Century, " has something very characteristic to say on thissubject. Speaking of Somers under the name Cicero, she says: "Cicero, Madam, is by birth a plebeian" . .. "Cicero himself, an oracle of wisdom, was whirled about by his lusts, at the pleasure of a fantastic worn-outmistress. He prostituted his inimitable sense, reason, and good nature, either to revenge, or reward, as her caprice directed; and what made thiscommerce more detestable, this mistress of his was a wife!" . .. "that shewas the wife of an injured friend! a friend who passionately loved her, and had tenderly obliged him, rather heightened his desires" (i. , 200;ii. , 54, 83). The mistress is said to be Mrs. Blunt, daughter of Sir R. Fanshaw. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: John Sheffield (1647-1721), third Earl of Mulgrave, wascreated Marquess of Normanby, 1694, and Duke of Buckingham and Normanbyin 1702/3. He succeeded the Duke of Devonshire as lord steward of thehousehold on September 21st, 1710. He was the author of a poetical "Essayon Poetry, " and an interesting prose "Account of the Revolution. " Aspatron to Dryden he received the dedication of that poet's "Aurengzebe. "Pope edited his collected works in 1722-23. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 18: William Cavendish (1673?-1729) succeeded his father assecond Duke of Devonshire in 1707. He was lord steward, 1707-10, andlord president, 1716-17. ]

[Footnote 19: Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury, is styled by Swiftelsewhere (Letter to Archbishop King, October 20th, 1713; Scott'sedition, xvi. 71), "the finest gentleman we have" (see note on p. 377 ofvol. V. Of present edition). He was lord chamberlain, 1710-14. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 20: Henry de Grey (1664?-1740) succeeded his father as eleventhEarl of Kent in 1702. He was created Marquess of Kent, 1706, and Dukeof Kent, 1710. He held the office of lord chamberlain of the householdfrom 1704 to 1710. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 21: Harley was first chosen Speaker, February 10th, 1700/1, fora Parliament that lasted nine months; then again, December 30th, 1701, for a Parliament that lasted only six months; and finally October 20th or21st, 1702. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 22: "The Queen dismissed the Earl of Godolphin from being lordtreasurer, and put the treasury in commission: Lord Powlet was the firstin form, but Mr. Harley was the person with whom the secret was lodged"(Burnet, "Own Times, " ii. 552-3). He was appointed August 10th, 1710. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 23: Godolphin was very devoted to the turf. See Swift's poementitled, "The Virtues of Sid Hamet's Rod" (Aldine edition, iii. 10). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 24: William Legge (1672-1750) succeeded his father as secondLord Dartmouth in 1691, and was created Earl of Dartmouth in 1711. OnJune 14th, 1710, he was appointed secretary of state in place of the Earlof Sunderland. See note on p. 229 of vol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 25: The Earl of Sunderland was rude and overbearing in hismanner towards the Queen. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 26: Henry St. John (1678-1751) was created Viscount Bolingbrokein 1712. He was secretary of war, 1704-1708, and secretary of state, 1710-14. In 1715 he was attainted and left England to enter the serviceof the Pretender. See also Swift's "An Enquiry, " etc. (vol. V. , p. 430 ofpresent edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 27: "Those more early acquaintance of yours, your books, whicha friend of ours once wittily said, 'Your L--p had mistaken the true useof, by thumbing and spoiling them with reading'" ("A Letter to theRt. Hon. The Ld. Viscount B--ke, " 1714-15). [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 28. [1]

FROM THURSDAY FEBRUARY 1, TO THURSDAY FEBRUARY 8, 1710-11. 

_Caput est in omni procuratione negotii et muneris publici, utavaritiae pellatur etiam minima suspicio. _[2]

There is no vice which mankind carries to such wild extremes as that ofavarice: Those two which seem to rival it in this point, are lust andambition: but, the former is checked by difficulties and diseases, destroys itself by its own pursuits, and usually declines with old age:and the latter requiring courage, conduct and fortune in a high degree, and meeting with a thousand dangers and oppositions, succeeds too seldomin an age to fall under common observation. Or, is avarice perhaps thesame passion with ambition, only placed in more ignoble and dastardlyminds, by which the object is changed from power to money? Or it may be, that one man pursues power in order to wealth, and another wealth inorder to power; which last is the safer way, though longer about, andsuiting with every period as well as condition of life, is more generallyfollowed. 

However it be, the extremes of this passion are certainly more frequentthan of any other, and often to a degree so absurd and ridiculous, thatif it were not for their frequency, they could hardly obtain belief. The_stage_, which carries other follies and vices beyond nature andprobability, falls very short in the representations of avarice; nor arethere any extravagances in this kind described by ancient or moderncomedies, which are not outdone by an hundred instances, commonly told, among ourselves. 

I am ready to conclude from hence, that a vice which keeps so firm a holdupon human nature, and governs it with so unlimited a tyranny, since itcannot be wholly eradicated, ought at least to be confined to particularobjects, to thrift and penury, to private fraud and extortion, and neversuffered to prey upon the public; and should certainly be rejected as themost unqualifying circumstance for any employment, where bribery andcorruption can possibly enter. 

If the mischiefs of this vice, in a public station, were confined toenriching only those particular persons employed, the evil would be moresupportable; but it is usually quite otherwise. When a steward defraudshis lord, he must connive at the rest of the servants, while they arefollowing the same practice in their several spheres; so that in somefamilies you may observe a subordination of knaves in a link downwards tothe very helper in the stables, all cheating by concert, and withimpunity: And even if this were all, perhaps the master could bear itwithout being undone; but it so happens, that for every shilling theservant gets by his iniquity, the master loses twenty; the perquisitesof servants being but small compositions for suffering shopkeepers tobring in what bills they please. [3] It is exactly the same thing in astate: an avaricious man in office is in confederacy with the whole_clan_ of his district or dependence, which in modern terms of art iscalled, "To live, and let live;" and yet _their_ gains are the smallestpart of the public's loss. Give a guinea to a knavish land-waiter, andhe shall connive at the merchant for cheating the Queen of an hundred. Abrewer gives a bribe to have the privilege of selling drink to the Navy;but the fraud is ten times greater than the bribe, and the public is atthe whole loss. [4]

Moralists make two kinds of avarice; that of Catiline, _alieni appetens, sui profusus;_[5] and the other more generally understood by that name;which is, the endless desire of hoarding: But I take the former to bemore dangerous in a state, because it mingles well with ambition, which Ithink the latter cannot; for though the same breast may be capable ofadmitting both, it is not able to cultivate them; and where the love ofheaping wealth prevails, there is not in my opinion, much to beapprehended from ambition. The disgrace of that sordid vice is sooner aptto spread than any other, and is always attended with the hatred andscorn of the people: so that whenever those two passions happen to meetin the same subject, it is not unlikely that Providence hath placedavarice to be a check upon ambition; and I have reason to think, somegreat ministers of state have been of my opinion. 

The divine authority of Holy Writ, the precepts of philosophers, thelashes and ridicule of satirical poets, have been all employed inexploding this insatiable thirst of money, and all equally controlled bythe daily practice of mankind. Nothing new remains to be said upon theoccasion, and if there did, I must remember my character, that I am an_Examiner_ only, and not a Reformer. 

However, in those cases where the frailties of particular men do nearlyaffect the public welfare, such as a prime minister of state, or a greatgeneral of an army; methinks there should be some expedient contrived, tolet them know impartially what is the world's opinion in the point:Encompassed with a crowd of depending flatterers, they are many degreesblinder to their own faults than the common infirmities of human naturecan plead in their excuse; Advice dares not be offered, or is whollylost, or returned with hatred: and whatever appears in public againsttheir prevailing vice, goes for nothing; being either not applied, orpassing only for libel and slander, proceeding from the malice and envyof a party. 

I have sometimes thought, that if I had lived at Rome in the time of thefirst Triumvirate, I should have been tempted to write a letter, as froman unknown hand, to those three great men, who had then usurped thesovereign power; wherein I would freely and sincerely tell each of themthat fault which I conceived was most odious, and of most consequenceto the commonwealth: That, to Crassus, should have been sent to him afterhis conquests in Mesopotamia, and in the following terms. [6]

"_To Marcus Crassus, health. _

"_If you apply as you ought, what I now write, [7] you will be moreobliged to me than to all the world, hardly excepting your parents oryour country. I intend to tell you, without disguise or prejudice, theopinion which the world has entertained of you: and to let you see Iwrite this without any sort of ill will, you shall first hear thesentiments they have to your advantage. No man disputes the gracefulnessof your person; you are allowed to have a good and clear understanding, cultivated by the knowledge of men and manners, though not by literature. You are no ill orator in the Senate; you are said to excel in the art ofbridling and subduing your anger, and stifling or concealing yourresentments. You have been a most successful general, of long experience, great conduct, and much personal courage. You have gained many importantvictories for the commonwealth, and forced the strongest towns inMesopotamia to surrender, for which frequent supplications have beendecreed by the Senate. Yet with all these qualities, and this merit, giveme leave to say, you are neither beloved by the patricians, or plebeiansat home, nor by the officers or private soldiers of your own army abroad:And, do you know, Crassus, that this is owing to a fault, of which youmay cure yourself, by one minutes reflection? What shall I say? You arethe richest person in the commonwealth; you have no male child, yourdaughters are all married to wealthy patricians; you are far in thedecline of life; and yet you are deeply stained with that odious andignoble vice of covetousness:[8] It is affirmed, that you descend even tothe meanest and most scandalous degrees of it; and while you possess somany millions, while you are daily acquiring so many more, you aresolicitous how to save a single sesterce, of which a hundred ignominiousinstances are produced, and in all men's mouths. I will only mention thatpassage of the buskins, [9] which after abundance of persuasion, you wouldhardly suffer to be cut from your legs, when they were so wet and cold, that to have kept them on, would have endangered your life. 

"Instead of using the common arguments to dissuade you from this weakness, I will endeavour to convince you, that you are really guilty of it, andleave the cure to your own good sense. For perhaps, you are not yetpersuaded that this is your crime, you have probably never yet beenreproached for it to your face, and what you are now told, comes from oneunknown, and it may be, from an enemy. You will allow yourself indeed tobe prudent in the management of your fortune; you are not a prodigal, like Clodius[10] or Catiline, but surely that deserves not the name ofavarice. I will inform you how to be convinced. Disguise your person; goamong the common people in Rome; introduce discourses about yourself;inquire your own character; do the same in your camp, walk about it inthe evening, hearken at every tent, and if you do not hear every mouthcensuring, lamenting, cursing this vice in you, and even you for thisvice, conclude yourself innocent. If you are not yet persuaded, send forAtticus, [11] Servius Sulpicius, Cato or Brutus, they are all yourfriends; conjure them to tell you ingenuously which is your great fault, and which they would chiefly wish you to correct; if they do not allagree in their verdict, in the name of all the gods, you are acquitted. 

"When your adversaries reflect how far you are gone in this vice, they aretempted to talk as if we owed our success, not to your courage orconduct, but to those veteran troops you command, who are able to conquerunder any general, with so many brave and experienced officers to leadthem. Besides, we know the consequences your avarice hath oftenoccasioned. The soldier hath been starving for bread, surrounded withplenty, and in an enemy's country, but all under safeguards andcontributions; which if you had sometimes pleased to have exchanged forprovisions, might at the expense of a few talents in a campaign, have soendeared you to the army, that they would have desired you to lead themto the utmost limits of Asia. But you rather chose to confine yourconquests within the fruitful country of Mesopotamia, where plenty ofmoney might be raised. How far that fatal greediness of gold may haveinfluenced you, in breaking off the treaty[12] with the old Parthian KingOrodes, [13] you best can tell; your enemies charge you with it, yourfriends offer nothing material in your defence; and all agree, there isnothing so pernicious, which the extremes of avarice may not be able toinspire. 

"The moment you quit this vice, you will be a truly great man; and stillthere will imperfections enough remain to convince us, you are not a god. Farewell. "_

Perhaps a letter of this nature, sent to so reasonable a man as Crassus, might have put him upon _Examining_ into himself, and correcting thatlittle sordid appetite, so utterly inconsistent with all pretences to ahero. A youth in the heat of blood may plead with some shew of reason, that he is not able to subdue his lusts; An ambitious man may use thesame arguments for his love of power, or perhaps other arguments tojustify it. But, excess of avarice hath neither of these pleas to offer;it is not to be justified, and cannot pretend temptation for excuse:Whence can the temptation come? Reason disclaims it altogether, and itcannot be said to lodge in the blood, or the animal spirits. So that Iconclude, no man of true valour and true understanding, upon whom thisvice has stolen unawares, when he is convinced he is guilty, will sufferit to remain in his breast an hour. 

[Footnote 1: No. 27 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: "It is of the greatest importance in the discharge of everyoffice of trade, or of the public treasury, that the least suspicion ofavarice should be avoided. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: The Commissioners for examining the public accounts reportedto the House of Commons (December 21st, 1711) that the Duke ofMarlborough had received from Sir Solomon de Medina (army contractorfor bread) and his predecessor, during the years 1702 to 1711, a sum of £63, 319 3s. 7d. "In this report was contained the depositionof Sir Solomon Medina, charging the Duke of Marlborough andAdam Cardonell, his secretary, of various peculations, with regard tothe contracts for bread and bread-wagons for the army in Flanders. "The Duke admitted the fact in a letter to the Queen, dated November10th, 1711, but said that the whole sum had "been constantly employedfor the service of the public, in keeping secret correspondence, and in getting intelligence of the enemy's motions and designs"(Macpherson's "Great Britain, " ii. 512; Tindal's "History, " iv. 232; and "Journals of House of Commons, " xvii. 16). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See the remarks in No. 39, _post_, p. 250. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Sallust, "Catiline, " 5. "Greedy of what was not his own, lavish of what was. " Catiline was extravagant and profligate, and quiteunscrupulous in the pursuit of his many pleasures. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: A most severe censure on the Duke of Marlborough. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: Commenting on this "The Medley" (No. 20, February 12th, 1711) remarks: "Of all that ever made it their business to defame, there never was such a bungler sure as my friend. He writes a letternow to Crassus, as a man marked out for destruction, because that hintwas given him six months ago; and does not seem to know yet that heis still employed, and that in attacking him, he affronts the Q[uee]n. "

Writing to Stella, under date February 18th, Swift says: "Lord Rivers, talking to me the other day, cursed the paper called 'The Examiner, ' forspeaking civilly of the Duke of Marlborough: this I happened to talk ofto the Secretary [St. John], who blamed the warmth of that lord, and someothers, and swore, that, if their advice were followed, they would beblown up in twenty-four hours" (vol. Ii. , p. 123 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: To Stella Swift writes somewhat later (March 7th): "Yes, Ido read the 'Examiners, ' and they are written very finely as you judge. I do not think they are too severe on the Duke; they only tax him ofavarice, and his avarice has ruined us. You may count upon all things inthem to be true. The author has said, it is not Prior; but perhaps it maybe Atterbury" (vol. Ii. , p. 133 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Wet stockings. [FAULKNER. ]]

[Footnote 10: Clodius Albinus, the Roman general, died 197 A. D. Thereference here is to the Earl of Wharton (see No. 27, _ante_, p. 169). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: T. Pomponius Atticus, the friend and correspondent ofCicero. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: The Treaty of Gertruydenberg (see No. 14, _ante_, and noteon p. 77; see also note on pp. 201-2 of vol. V. Of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Orodes I. (Arsaces XIV. ), King of Parthia, defeatedCrassus, B. C. 53. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 29. [1]

FROM THURSDAY FEBRUARY 8, TO THURSDAY FEBRUARY 15, 1710-11. 

_Inultus ut tu riseris Cotyttia?_[2]

An Answer to the "Letter to the Examiner. "[3]

London, Feb. 15, 1710/11. 

Sir, Though I have wanted leisure to acknowledge the honour of a letter youwere pleased to write to me about six months ago; yet I have been verycareful in obeying some of your commands, and am going on as fast as Ican with the rest. I wish you had thought fit to have conveyed them to meby a more private hand, than that of the printing-house: for though I waspleased with a pattern of style and spirit which I proposed to imitate, yet I was sorry the world should be a witness how far I fell short inboth. 

I am afraid you did not consider what an abundance of work you have cutout for me; neither am I at all comforted by the promise you are so kindto make, that when I have performed my task, [4] "D[olbe]n shall blush inhis grave among the dead, W[alpo]le among the living, and even Vol[pon]eshall feel some remorse. " How the gentleman in his grave may have kepthis countenance, I cannot inform you, having no acquaintance at all withthe sexton; but for the other two, I take leave to assure you, there havenot yet appeared the least signs of blushing or remorse in either, thoughsome very good opportunities have offered, if they had thought fit toaccept them; so that with your permission, I had rather engage tocontinue this work till they are in their graves too, which I am surewill happen much sooner than the other. 

You desire I would collect "some of those indignities offered last yearto her M[ajest]y. " I am ready to oblige you; and have got a prettytolerable collection by me, which I am in doubt whether to publish byitself in a large volume in folio, or scatter them here and thereoccasionally in my papers. Though indeed I am sometimes thinking tostifle them altogether; because such a history will be apt to giveforeigners a monstrous opinion of our country. But since it is yourabsolute opinion, the world should be informed; I will with the firstoccasion pick out a few choice instances, and let them take their chancein the ensuing papers. I have likewise in my cabinet certain quires ofpaper filled with facts of corruption, mismanagement, cowardice, treachery, avarice, ambition, and the like, with an alphabetical table, to save trouble. And perhaps you will not wonder at the care I take to beso well provided, when you consider the vast expense I am at: I feedweekly two or three wit-starved writers, who have no other visiblesupport; besides several others that live upon my offals. In short, I amlike a nurse who suckles twins at one time, and has likewise one or twowhelps constantly to draw her breasts. 

I must needs confess, (and it is with grief I speak it) that I have beenthe innocent cause of a great circulation of dullness: at the same time, I have often wondered how it has come to pass, that these industriouspeople, after poring so constantly upon the "Examiner, "[5] a paper writwith plain sense, and in a tolerable style, have made so littleimprovement. I am sure it would have fallen out quite otherwise with me;for, by what I have seen of their performances (and I am crediblyinformed they are all of a piece) if I had perused them till now, Ishould have been fit for little but to make an advocate in the samecause. 

You, Sir, perhaps will wonder, as most others do, what end these angryfolks propose, in writing perpetually against the "Examiner": it is notto beget a better opinion of the late ministry, or with any hope toconvince the world that I am in the wrong in any one fact I relate; theyknow all that to be lost labour; and yet their design is importantenough: they would fain provoke me by all sort of methods, within thelength of their capacity, to answer their papers; which would render minewholly useless to the public; for if it once came to rejoinder and reply, we should be all upon a level, and then their work would be done. 

There is one gentleman indeed, who has written three small pamphlets upon"the Management of the War, " and "the Treaty of Peace:"[6] These I hadintended to have bestowed a paper in _Examining_, and could easily havemade it appear, that whatever he says of truth, relates nothing at all tothe evils we complain of, or controls one syllable of what I have everadvanced. Nobody that I know of did ever dispute the Duke ofM[arlboroug]h's courage, conduct or success, they have been alwaysunquestionable, and will continue to be so, in spite of the malice of hisenemies, or, which is yet more, the _weakness of his advocates_. Thenation only wished to see him taken out of ill hands, and put intobetter. But, what is all this to the conduct of the late m[i]n[i]stry, the shameful mismanagements in Spain, or the wrong steps in the treaty ofpeace, the secret of which will not bear the light, and is consequentlyby this author very poorly defended? These and many other things Iwould have shewn; but upon second thoughts determined to have done it ina discourse by itself, [7] rather than take up room here, and break intothe design of this paper, from whence I have resolved to banishcontroversy as much as possible. But the postscript to his third pamphletwas enough to disgust me from having any dealings at all with such awriter; unless that part was left to some footman[8] he had picked upamong the boys who follow the camp, whose character it would suit muchbetter than that of the supposed author. [9] At least, the foul language, the idle impotent menace, and the gross perverting of an innocentexpression in the 4th "Examiner, "[10] joined to that respect I shall everhave for the function of a divine, would incline me to believe so. Butwhen he turns off his footman, and disclaims that postscript, I will tearit out, and see how far the rest deserves to be considered. 

But, Sir, I labour under a much greater difficulty, upon which I shouldbe glad to hear your advice. I am worried on one side by the Whigs forbeing too severe, and by the Tories on the other for being too gentle. Ihave formerly hinted a complaint of this; but having lately received twopeculiar letters, among many others, I thought nothing could betterrepresent my condition, or the opinion which the warm men of both sideshave of my conduct, than to send you a transcript of each. The former isexactly in these words. 

"_To the 'Examiner. '_

"_MR. EXAMINER, _

"_By your continual reflecting upon the conduct of the late m[i]n[i]stry, and by your encomiums on the present, it is as clear as the sun at noon-day, that your are a Jesuit or Nonjuror, employed by the friends of thePretender, to endeavour to introduce Popery, and slavery, and arbitrarypower, and to infringe the sacred Act of Toleration of Dissenters. Now, Sir, since the most ingenious authors who write weekly against you, arenot able to teach you better manners, I would have you to know, thatthose great and excellent men, as low as you think them at present, donot want friends that will take the first proper occasion to cut yourthroat, as all such enemies to moderation ought to be served. It is wellyou have cleared another person[11] from being author of your cursedlibels; though d--mme, perhaps after all, that may be a bamboozle too. However I hope we shall soon ferret you out. Therefore I advise you as afriend, to let fall your pen, and retire betimes; for our patience is nowat an end. It is enough to lose our power and employments, withoutsetting the whole nation against us. Consider three years is the life ofa party; and d--mme, every dog has his day, and it will be our turn next;therefore take warning, and learn to sleep in a whole skin, or wheneverwe are uppermost, by G--d you shall find no mercy. _"

The other letter was in the following terms. 

"_To the 'Examiner. '_

"_SIR, _, "_I am a country member, and constantly send a dozen of your papers downto my electors. I have read them all, but I confess not with thesatisfaction I expected. It is plain you know a great deal more than youwrite; why will you not let us have it all out? We are told, that theQu[een] has been a long time treated with insolence by those she hasmost obliged; Pray, Sir, let us have a few good stories upon that head. We have been cheated of several millions; why will you not set a mark onthe knaves who are guilty, and shew us what ways they took to rob thepublic at such a rate? Inform us how we came to be disappointed of peaceabout two years ago: In short, turn the whole mystery of iniquityinside-out, that every body may have a view of it. But above all, explainto us, what was at the bottom of that same impeachment: I am sure I neverliked it; for at that very time, a dissenting preacher in ourneighbourhood, came often to see our parson; it could be for no good, forhe would walk about the barns and stables, and desire to look into thechurch, as who should say, These will shortly be mine; and we allbelieved he was then contriving some alterations against he got intopossession: And I shall never forget, that a Whig justice offered me thenvery high for my bishop's lease. I must be so bold to tell you, Sir, thatyou are too favourable: I am sure, there was no living in quiet for uswhile they were in the saddle. I was turned out of the commission, andcalled a Jacobite, though it cost me a thousand pound in joining withthe Prince of Orange at the Revolution. The discoveries I would have youmake, are of some facts for which they ought to be hanged; not that Ivalue their heads, but I would see them exposed, which may be done uponthe owners' shoulders, as well as upon a pole, &c. "_

These, Sir, are the sentiments of a whole party on one side, and ofconsiderable numbers on the other: however, taking the _medium_ betweenthese extremes, I think to go on as I have hitherto done, though I amsensible my paper would be more popular, if I did not lean too much tothe favourable side. For nothing delights the people more than to seetheir oppressors humbled, and all their actions, painted with propercolours, set out in open view. _Exactos tyrannos densum humeris bibitaure vulgus. _[12]

But as for the Whigs, I am in some doubt whether this mighty concern theyshew for the honour of the late ministry, may not be affected, at leastwhether their masters will thank them for their zeal in such a cause. Itis I think, a known story of a gentleman who fought another for callinghim "son of a whore;" but the lady desired her son to make no morequarrels upon that subject, _because it was true_. For pray, Sir; does itnot look like a jest, that such a pernicious crew, after draining ourwealth, and discovering the most destructive designs against our Churchand State, instead of thanking fortune that they are got off safe intheir persons and plunder, should hire these bullies of the pen to defendtheir reputations? I remember I thought it the hardest case in the world, when a poor acquaintance of mine, having fallen among sharpers, where helost all his money, and then complaining he was cheated, got a goodbeating into the bargain, for offering to affront gentlemen. I believethe only reason why these purloiners of the public, cause such a clutterto be made about their reputations, is to prevent inquisitions, thatmight tend towards making them refund: like those women they callshoplifters, who when they are challenged for their thefts, appear to bemighty angry and affronted, for fear of being searched. 

I will dismiss you, Sir, when I have taken notice of one particular. Perhaps you may have observed in the tolerated factious papers of theweek, that the E[arl] of R[ochester][13] is frequently reflected on forhaving been ecclesiastical commissioner and lord treasurer, in the reignof the late King James. The fact is true; and it will not be denied tohis immortal honour, that because he could not comply with the measuresthen taking, he resigned both those employments; of which the latter wasimmediately supplied by a commission, composed of two popish lords andthe present E[ar]l of G[o]d[o]l[phi]n. [14]

[Footnote 1: No. 28 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Horace, "Epodes, " xvii. 56. 

 "Safely shalt thou Cotytto's rites Divulge?"--J. DUNCOMBE. 

 [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "A Letter to the Examiner. Printed in the year, 1710, "appeared shortly after the issue of the second number of "The Examiner. "It was attributed to St. John. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The writer of the "Letter" invited the "Examiner" to "paint. .. The present state of the war abroad, and expose to public view thoseprinciples upon which, of late, it has been carried on . .. Collect somefew of the indignities which have been this year offered to herMajesty. .. . When this is done, D----n shall blush in his grave among thedead, W----le among the living, and even Vol----e shall feel someremorse. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "The Medley" treated "The Examiner" with scant courtesy, andnever failed to cast ridicule on its work. In No. 21 (February 19th, 1711) the writer says: "No man of common sense ever thought any bodywrote the paper but Abel Roper, or some of his allies, there being notone quality in 'The Examiner' which Abel has not eminently distinguishedhimself by since he set up for a political writer. 'Tis true, Abel is themore modest of the two, and it never entered into his head to say, as myfriend does of his paper, 'Tis writ with plain sense and in a tolerablestyle. '" In No. 23 (March 5th) he says: "There is indeed a greatresemblance between his brother Abel and himself; and I find a greatdispute among the party, to which of them to give the preference. Theyare both news writers, as they utter things which no body ever heard of_but from their papers_. "

Abel Roper conducted the Tory paper called "The Post Boy. " (See note onp. 290 of vol. V. Of present edition. ) [T. S. ] ]

[Footnote 6: Two of these pamphlets were already referred to in apostscript to No. 24 of "The Examiner" (see note, p. 151). The third was"The Negotiations for a Treaty of Peace, in 1709. Consider'd, In a ThirdLetter to a Tory-Member. Part the First. " Dated December 22nd, 1710, The"Fourth Letter" was dated January 10th, 1710/11. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: It may be that Swift's intention was carried out in twopamphlets, one entitled, "An Examination of the Management of the War. Ina Letter to My Lord * * *, " published March 3rd, 1710/1; and the otherstyled, "An Examination of the Third and Fourth Letters to a ToryMember, relating to the Negociations for a Treaty of Peace in 1709. Ina Second Letter to My Lord * * *" [With a Postscript to the Medley'sFootman], published March 15th of the same year. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The postscript to "An Examination of the Third and FourthLetters" mentions a pamphlet, "An Answer to the Examination of theManagement of the War, " by the Medley's Footman. "The Medley, " No. 21(February 19th), remarks: "He could also prove there were wrong steps inthe Treaty of Peace, the Allies would have all; but he won't do it, because he is treated like a footman. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: _I. E. _ Dr. Francis Hare. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: Dr. Hare, in the postscript to his third pamphlet, said:"The Examiner is extremely mistaken, if he thinks I shall enter the listswith so prostitute a writer, who can neither speak truth, nor knows whenhe hears it. " He calls the writer "a mercenary scribbler, " and speaks ofhis paper as "weekly libels. " He then quotes an expression from thefourth number (published before Swift undertook "The Examiner"), andconcludes by saying that he had met more than his match in theingenious writer of "The Medley, " even were he much abler than he is. 

The fourth "Examiner" had printed a "Letter from the Country, " in whichthe following passage occurs: "Can any wise people think it possible, that the Crown should be so mad as to choose ministers, who would notsupport public credit? . .. This is such a wildness as is never . .. To bemet with in the Roman story; except in a devouring Sejanus at home, or anambitious Catiline at the head of a mercenary army. "

The writer of "An Examination of the Third and Fourth Letters, " says:"The words indeed are in the paper quoted, that is, 'The Examiner, ' No. 4, but the application is certainly the proper thought of the author ofthe postscript" (p. 28). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: _I. E. _ Prior. See No. 27, p. 168. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Horace, "Odes, " II. Xiii. 31-2. "Tyrants slain, In thicker crowds the shadowy throngDrink deeper down the martial song. "--P. FRANCIS. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Laurence Hyde, Earl of Rochester, was lord treasurer from168 4/5 to 168 6/7, when five commissioners were appointed: LordBelasyse, Lord Godolphin, Lord Dover, Sir John Ernle (chancellor of theexchequer), and Sir Stephen Foxe. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: "The Medley, " No. 22 (February 26th, 1711) remarks on this:"He might have said with as much truth, 'twas supplied by my Lord G----and two Protestant knights, Sir Stephen Fox and Sir John Ernle. " [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 30. [1]

FROM THURSDAY FEBRUARY 15, TO THURSDAY FEBRUARY 22, 1710-11. 

_Laus summa in fortunae bonis, non extulisse se in potestate, non fuisseinsolentem in pecuniâ, non se praetulisse aliis propter abundantiamfortunae. _[2]

I am conscious to myself that I write this paper with no other intentionbut that of doing good: I never received injury from the late ministry, nor advantage from the present, further than in common with every goodsubject. There were among the former one or two, who must be allowed tohave possessed very valuable qualities; but proceeding by a system ofpolitics, which our constitution could not suffer; and discovering acontempt of all religion, but especially of that which hath been sohappily established among us ever since the Reformation, they seem tohave been justly suspected of no very good inclinations to either. 

It is possible, that a man may speculatively prefer the constitution ofanother country, or an Utopia of his own, before that of the nation wherehe is born and lives; yet from considering the dangers of innovation, thecorruptions of mankind, and the frequent impossibility of reducing ideasto practice, he may join heartily in preserving the present order ofthings, and be a true friend to the government already settled. So inreligion; a man may perhaps have little or none of it at heart; yet if heconceals his opinions, if he endeavours to make no proselytes, advancesno impious tenets in writing or discourse: if, according to the commonatheistical notion, he believes religion to be only a contrivance ofpoliticians for keeping the vulgar in awe, and that the present model isbetter adjusted than any other to so useful an end: though the conditionof such a man as to his own future state be very deplorable; yetProvidence, which often works good out of evil, can make even such aman an instrument for contributing toward the preservation of the Church. 

On the other side, I take a state to be truly in danger, both as to itsreligion and government, when a set of ambitious politicians, bred up ina hatred to the constitution, and a contempt for all religion, are forcedupon exerting these qualities in order to keep or increase their power, by widening their bottom, and taking in (like Mahomet) some principlesfrom every party, that is any way discontented at the present faith andsettlement; which was manifestly our case. Upon this occasion I rememberto have asked some considerable Whigs, whether it did not bring adisreputation upon their body, to have the whole herd of Presbyterians, Independents, Atheists, Anabaptists, Deists, Quakers and Socinians, openly and universally listed under their banners? They answered, thatall this was absolutely necessary, in order to make a balance againstthe Tories, and all little enough: for indeed, it was as much as theycould possibly do, though assisted with the absolute power of disposingevery employment; while the bulk of English gentry kept firm to their oldprinciples in Church and State. 

But notwithstanding whatever I have hitherto said, I am informed, severalamong the Whigs continue still so refractory, that they will hardly allowthe heads of their party to have entertained any designs of ruining theconstitution, or that they would have endeavoured it, if they hadcontinued in power, I beg their pardon if I have discovered a secret; butwho could imagine they ever intended it should be one, after those overtacts with which they thought fit to conclude their farce? But perhapsthey _now_ find it convenient to deny vigorously, that the question mayremain; "Why was the old ministry changed?" which they urge on withoutceasing, as if no occasion in the least had been given, but that all wereowing to the insinuations of crafty men, practising upon the weakness ofan easy pr[inc]e. I shall therefore offer among a hundred, one reason forthis change, which I think would justify any monarch that ever reigned, for the like proceeding. 

It is notorious enough, how highly princes have been blamed in thehistories of all countries, particularly of our own; upon the account ofminions; who have been ever justly odious to the people, for theirinsolence and avarice, and engrossing the favour of their masters. Whoever has been the least conversant in the English story cannot buthave heard of Gaveston[3], the Spencers[4], and the Earl of Oxford[5];who by the excess and abuse of their power, cost the princes they served, or rather governed, their crowns and lives. However, in the case ofminions, it must at least be acknowledged that the prince is pleased andhappy, though his subjects be aggrieved; and he has the plea offriendship to excuse him, which is a disposition of generous minds. Besides, a wise minion, though he be haughty to others, is humble andinsinuating to his master, and cultivates his favour by obedience andrespect. But _our_ misfortune has been a great deal worse: we havesuffered for some years under the oppression, the avarice and insolenceof those, for whom the Qu[ee]n had neither esteem nor friendship; whorather seemed to snatch their own dues, than receive the favour of theirsovereign, and were so far from returning respect, that they forgotcommon good manners. They imposed on their prince, by urging thenecessity of affairs of their own creating: they first raiseddifficulties, and then offered them as arguments to keep themselves inpower. They united themselves against nature and principle, to a partythey had always abhorred, and which was now content to come in upon anyterms, leaving them and their creatures in full possession of the court. Then they urged the formidable strength of that party, and the dangerswhich must follow by disobliging of it. So that it seems almost amiracle, how a prince, thus besieged on all sides, could _alone_ havecourage and prudence enough to extricate herself. 

And indeed there is a point of history relating to this matter, whichwell deserves to be considered. When her M[ajest]y came to the crown, shetook into favour and employment, several persons who were esteemed thebest friends of the old constitution; among whom none were reckonedfurther gone in the high church principles (as they are usually called)than two or three, who had at that time most credit, and ever since, tillwithin these few months, possessed all power at court. So that the firstumbrage given to the Whigs, and the pretences for clamouring againstFrance and the Pretender, were derived from them. And I believe nothingappeared then more unlikely, than that such different opinions shouldever incorporate; that party having upon former occasions treated thosevery persons with enmity enough. But some l[or]ds then about court, andin the Qu[een]'s good graces, not able to endure those growingimpositions upon the prince and people, presumed to interpose, and wereconsequently soon removed and disgraced: However, when a most exorbitantgrant was proposed, [6] antecedent to any visible merit, it miscarried inParliament, for want of being seconded by those who had most credit inthe House, and who having always opposed the like excesses in a formerreign, thought it their duty to do so still, to shew the world that thedislike was not against persons but things. But this was to cross theoligarchy in the tenderest point, a point which outweighed allconsiderations of duty and gratitude to their prince, or regard to theconstitution. And therefore after having in several private meetingsconcerted measures with their old enemies, and granted as well asreceived conditions, they began to change their style and theircountenance, and to put it as a maxim in the mouths of their emissaries, that England must be saved by the Whigs. This unnatural league wasafterwards cultivated by another incident; I mean the Act of Security, [7]and the consequences of it, which every body knows; when (to use thewords of my correspondent)[8] "the sovereign authority was parcelled outamong a faction, and made the purchase of indemnity for an offendingM[iniste]r:" Thus the union of the two kingdoms improved that between theministry and the j[u]nto, which was afterwards cemented by their mutualdanger in that storm they so narrowly escaped about three years ago;[9]but however was not quite perfected till the Prince's death;[10] and thenthey went lovingly on together, both satisfied with their several shares, at full liberty to gratify their predominant inclinations; the first, their avarice and ambition; the other, their models of innovation inChurch and State. 

Therefore, whoever thinks fit to revive that baffled question, "Why wasthe late ministry changed?" may receive the following answer; That it wasbecome necessary by the insolence and avarice of some about the Qu[een], who in order to perpetuate their tyranny had made a monstrous alliancewith those who profess principles destructive to our religion andgovernment: If this will not suffice, let him make an abstract of all theabuses I have mentioned in my former papers, and view them together;after which if he still remains unsatisfied, let him suspend his opiniona few weeks longer. Though after all, I think the question as trifling asthat of the Papists, when they ask us, "where was our religion beforeLuther?" And indeed, the ministry was changed for the same reason thatreligion was reformed, because a thousand corruptions had crept into thediscipline and doctrine of the state, by the pride, the avarice, thefraud, and the ambition of those who administered to us in secularaffairs. 

I heard myself censured the other day in a coffee-house, for seeming toglance in the letter to Crassus, [11] against a great man, who is still inemployment, and likely to continue so. What if I had really intended thatsuch an application should be given it? I cannot perceive how I could bejustly blamed for so gentle a reproof. If I saw a handsome young fellowgoing to a ball at court with a great smut upon his face, could he takeit ill in me to point out the place, and desire him with abundance ofgood words to pull out his handkerchief and wipe it off; or bring him toa glass, where he might plainly see it with his own eyes? Does any manthink I shall suffer my pen to inveigh against vices, only because theyare charged upon persons who are no longer in power? Every body knows, that certain vices are more or less pernicious, according to the stationsof those who possess them. For example, lewdness and intemperanceare not of so bad consequences in a town rake as a divine. Cowardice in alawyer is more supportable than in an officer of the army. If I shouldfind fault with an admiral because he wanted politeness, or an aldermanfor not understanding Greek; that indeed would be to go out of my way, for an occasion of quarrelling; but excessive avarice in a g[enera]l, isI think the greatest defect he can be liable to, next to those of courageand conduct, and may be attended with the most ruinous consequences, asit was in Crassus, who to that vice alone owed the destruction of himselfand his army. [12] It is the same thing in praising men's excellencies, which are more or less valuable, as the person you commend has occasionto employ them. A man may perhaps mean honestly, yet if he be not able tospell, he shall never have my vote for a secretary: Another may have witand learning in a post where honesty, with plain common sense, are ofmuch more use: You may praise a soldier for his skill at chess, becauseit is said to be a military game, and the emblem of drawing up an army;but this to a tr[easure]r would be no more a compliment, than if youcalled him a gamester or a jockey. [13]

P. S. I received a letter relating to Mr. Greenshields; the person whosent it may know, that I will say something to it in the next paper. 

[Footnote 1: No. 29 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: "Tractanda in laudationibus etiam haec sunt naturae etfortunae bona, in quibus est summa laus: non extulisse, " etc. --CICERO, _De Oratore_ ii. 84. 

"These blessings of nature and fortune fall within the province ofpanegyric, the highest strain of which is, that a man possessed powerwithout pride, riches without insolence, and the fullness of fortunewithout the arrogance of greatness. "--W. GUTHRIE. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Piers Gaveston, Earl of Cornwall, the favourite of EdwardII. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Hugh le Despencer, Earl of Winchester, and his son of thesame name, both favourites of Edward II. , and both hanged in 1326. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, favourite of Richard II. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: See No. 17, _ante_, and note, p. 95. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The Bill of Security passed the Scottish Parliament in 1703, but was refused the Royal Assent. It provided for the separation of theCrowns of England and Scotland unless security was given to the latterfor full religious and commercial independence. It was again passedin 1704. (See also note in vol. V. , p. 336 of present edition. ) [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The writer of the "Letter" does not ascribe this result tothe Act of Security, but to the Queen raising some of her servants to thehighest degree of power who were unable "to associate with, men ofhonester principles than themselves, " which led to "subjection to thewill of an arbitrary junto and to the caprice of an insolent woman. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The Duke of Marlborough and Lord Godolphin threatened toresign in February, 1707/8, unless Harley was dismissed. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: Prince George died October 28th, 1708. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: "The Medley, " No. 20 (February 12th) was largely taken upwith remarks on this letter, which appeared in "The Examiner, " No. 28. See passage there quoted in the note, p. 177. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Crassus was defeated by Orodes, King of Parthia, throughthe treachery of Ariamnes. After Crassus was beheaded Orodes causedmolten gold to be poured into his mouth. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Godolphin. See No. 27, _ante_, p. 172. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 31. [1]

FROM THURSDAY FEBRUARY 22, TO THURSDAY MARCH 1, 1710-11. 

_Quae enim domus tam stabilis, quae tam firma civitas est, quae non odiisatque discidiis funditus possit everti?_[2]

If we examine what societies of men are in closest union amongthemselves, we shall find them either to be those who are engaged in someevil design, or who labour under one common misfortune: Thus the troopsof _banditti_ in several countries abroad, the knots of highwaymen in ourown nation, the several tribes of sharpers, thieves and pickpockets, withmany others, are so firmly knit together, that nothing is more difficultthan to break or dissolve their several gangs. So likewise those who arefellow-sufferers under any misfortune, whether it be in reality oropinion, are usually contracted into a very strict union; as we mayobserve in the Papists throughout this kingdom, under those realdifficulties which are justly put on them; and in the several schisms ofPresbyterians, and other sects, under that grievous persecution of themodern kind, called want of power. And the reason why such confederacies, are kept so sacred and inviolable, is very plain, because in each ofthose cases I have mentioned, the whole body is moved by one commonspirit, in pursuit of one general end, and the interest of individuals isnot crossed by each other, or by the whole. 

Now, both these motives are joined to unite the high-flying Whigs atpresent: they have been always engaged in an evil design, and of latethey are faster rivetted by that terrible calamity, the loss of power. Sothat whatever designs a mischievous crew of dark confederates maypossibly entertain, who will stop at no means to compass them, may bejustly apprehended from these. 

On the other side, those who wish well to the public, and would gladlycontribute to its service, are apt to differ in their opinions about themethods of promoting it, and when their party flourishes, are sometimesenvious at those in power, ready to overvalue their own merit, and beimpatient till it is rewarded by the measure they have prescribed forthemselves. There is a further topic of contention, which a ruling partyis apt to fall into, in relation to retrospections, and enquiry into pastmiscarriages; wherein some are thought too warm and zealous; others toocool and remiss; while in the meantime these divisions are industriouslyfomented by the discarded faction; which though it be an old practice, hath been much improved in the schools of the Jesuits, who when theydespaired of perverting this nation to popery, by arguments or plotsagainst the state, sent their emissaries to subdivide us into schisms. [3]And this expedient is now with great propriety taken up by our men ofincensed moderation, because they suppose themselves able to attack thestrongest of our subdivisions, and so subdue us one after another. Nothing better resembles this proceeding, than that famous combat betweenthe Horatii and Curiatii, [4] where two of the former being killed, thethird, who remained entire and untouched, was able to kill his threewounded adversaries, after he had divided them by a stratagem. I wellknow with how tender a hand all this should be touched; yet at the sametime I think it my duty to warn the friends as well as expose the enemiesof the public weal, and to begin preaching up union upon the firstsuspicion that any steps are made to disturb it. 

But the two chief subjects of discontent, which, in most great changes, in the management of public affairs, are apt to breed differences amongthose who are in possession, are what I have just now mentioned; a desireof punishing the corruptions of former managers; and the rewarding merit, among those who have been any way instrumental or consenting to thechange. The first of these is a point so nice, that I shall purposelywaive it; but the latter I take to fall properly within my district: Bymerit I here understand that value which every man puts upon his owndeservings from the public. And I believe there could not be a moredifficult employment found out, than that of paymaster general to thissort of merit; or a more noisy, crowded place, than a court ofjudicature, erected to settle and adjust every man's claim upon thatarticle. I imagine, if this had fallen into the fancy of the ancientpoets, they would have dressed it up after their manner into an agreeablefiction, and given us a genealogy and description of merit, perhaps notvery different from that which follows. 

_A Poetical Genealogy and Description of_ MERIT. 

That true Merit, was the son of Virtue and Honour; but that there waslikewise a spurious child who usurped the name, and whose parents wereVanity and Impudence. That, at a distance, there was a great resemblancebetween them, and they were often mistaken for each other. That thebastard issue had a loud shrill voice, which was perpetually employed incravings and complaints; while the other never spoke louder than awhisper, and was often so bashful that he could not speak at all. That inall great assemblies, the false Merit would step before the true, andstand just in his way; was constantly at court, or great men's levees, orwhispering in some minister's ear. That the more you fed him, the morehungry and importunate he grew. That he often passed for the true son ofVirtue and Honour, and the genuine for an impostor. That he was borndistorted and a dwarf, but by force of art appeared of a handsome shape, and taller than the usual size; and that none but those who were wise andgood, as well as vigilant, could discover his littleness or deformity. That the true Merit had been often forced to the indignity of applying tothe false, for his credit with those in power, and to keep himself fromstarving. That he filled the antechambers with a crew of his dependantsand creatures, such as projectors, schematises, occasional converts to aparty, prostitute flatterers, starveling writers, buffoons, shallowpoliticians, empty orators, and the like, who all owned him for theirpatron, and grew discontented if they were not immediately fed. 

This metaphorical description of false Merit, is, I doubt, calculated for most countries in Christendom; and as toour own, I believe it may be said with a sufficient reserve of charity, that we are fully able to reward every man among us according to his realdeservings. And I think I may add, without suspicion of flattery, thatnever any prince had a ministry with a better judgment to distinguishbetween false and real merit, than that which is now at the helm; orwhose inclination as well as interest it is to encourage the latter. Andit ought to be observed, that those great and excellent persons we see atthe head of affairs, are of the Qu[een]'s own personal voluntary choice;not forced upon her by any insolent, overgrown favourite; or by thepretended necessity of complying with an unruly faction. 

Yet these are the persons whom those scandals to the press, in theirdaily pamphlets and papers, openly revile at so ignominious a rate, as Ibelieve was never tolerated before under any government. For surely nolawful power derived from a prince, should be so far affronted, as toleave those who are in authority exposed to every scurrilous libeller. Because in this point I make a mighty difference between those who are_in_, and those who are _out_ of power; not upon any regard to theirpersons, but the stations they are placed in by the sovereign. And if mydistinction be right, I think I might appeal to any man, whether if astranger were to read the invectives which are daily published againstthe present ministry, and the outrageous fury of the authors against mefor censuring the _last_; he would not conclude the Whigs to be at thistime in full possession of power and favour, and the Tories entirely atmercy? But all this now ceases to be a wonder, since the Qu[een] herselfis no longer spared; witness the libel published some days ago under thetitle of "A Letter to Sir J[aco]b B[an]ks, "[5] where the reflections uponher sacred Majesty are much more plain and direct, than ever the"Examiner" thought fit to publish against the most obnoxious persons in am[inistr]y, discarded for endeavouring the ruin of their prince andcountry. Caesar indeed threatened to hang the pirates for presuming todisturb him while he was their prisoner aboard their ship. [6] But it wasCaesar who did so, and he did it to a crew of public robbers; and itbecame the greatness of his spirit, for he lived to execute what he hadthreatened. Had _they_ been in his power, and sent such a message, itcould be imputed to nothing but the extremes of impudence, folly ormadness. 

I had a letter last week relating to Mr. Greenshields[7] an Episcopalclergyman of Scotland, and the writer seems to be a gentleman of thatpart of Britain. I remember formerly to have read a printed account ofMr. Greenshields's case, who has been prosecuted and silenced for noother reason beside reading divine service, after the manner of theChurch of England, to his own congregation, who desired it: though, asthe gentleman who writes to me says, there is no law in Scotland againstthose meetings; and he adds, that the sentence pronounced against Mr. Greenshields, "will soon be affirmed, if some care be not taken toprevent it. " I am altogether uninformed in the particulars of this case, and besides to treat it justly, would not come within the compass of mypaper; therefore I could wish the gentleman would undertake it in adiscourse by itself; and I should be glad he would inform the public inone fact, whether Episcopal assemblies are freely allowed in Scotland? Itis notorious that abundance of their clergy fled from thence some yearsago into England and Ireland, as from a persecution; but it was allegedby their enemies, that they refused to take the oaths to the government, which however none of them scrupled when they came among us. It issomewhat extraordinary to see our Whigs and fanatics keep such a stirabout the sacred Act of Toleration, while their brethren will not allow aconnivance in so near a neighbourhood; especially if what the gentlemaninsists on in his letter be true, that nine parts in ten of the nobilityand gentry, and two in three of the commons, be Episcopal; of which oneargument he offers, is the present choice of their representatives inboth Houses, though opposed to the utmost by the preachings, threateningsand anathemas of the kirk. Such usage to a majority, may, as he thinks, be of dangerous consequence; and I entirely agree with him. If these bethe principles of high kirk, God preserve at least the southern partsfrom their tyranny!

[Footnote 1: No. 30 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Cicero, "De Amicitiâ, " vii. "For what family is so firmlyrooted, what state so strong, as not to be liable to complete overthrowfrom hatred and strife. "--G. H. Wells. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Refers to the October Club. See Swift's "Memoirs Relating tothat Change, " etc. (vol. V. , pp. 385-6 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The contest is the subject of one of Macaulay's "Lays. "Three brothers named Horatius fought with three named Curiatius, and thefight resulted in Publius Horatius being the sole survivor. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: In his letter to the Earl of Peterborough, dated February, 1710/1 (Scott, vol. Xv. , pp. 422-3), Swift speaks more favourably of thispamphlet. His remarks to the Earl throw considerable light on Swift's ownposition as a Tory: "The piece is shrewdly written; and, in my opinion, not to be answered, otherwise than by disclaiming that sort of passiveobedience which the Tories are charged with. This dispute would soon beended, if the dunces who write on each side would plainly tell us what theobject of this passive obedience is in our country; for I dare swear ninein ten of the Whigs will allow it to be the legislature, and as many ofthe Tories deny it to the prince alone; and I hardly ever saw a Whigand a Tory together, whom I could not immediately reconcile on thatarticle when I made them explain themselves. "

The pamphlet was written by a Mr. Benson in reply to Sir Jacob Banks, who, as member for Minehead, had, in 1709-10 presented an address fromhis constituents in which it was pretty broadly avowed that subjects mustobey their monarch, since he was responsible to God alone. The writer ofthe letter institutes a clever parallel between England and Sweden. Seenote to No. 14, _ante_, and No. 34, _post_, pp. 75 and 216. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: Julius Caesar was captured by pirates off the coast ofMiletus (_c. _ 75 B. C. ) and held to ransom. The threat of crucifixion hethen held out to his captors he afterwards fulfilled. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The Rev. James Greenshields was imprisoned (September 15th, 1709) for conducting in Edinburgh the service according to the EnglishPrayer Book. He appealed to the House of Lords, and the judgment againsthim was reversed, March 1st. 1710/1 ("Journals of House of Lords, " xix). [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 32. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MARCH 1, TO THURSDAY MARCH 8, 1710-11. 

 _----Garrit aniles Ex re fabellas_. [2]

I had last week sent me by an unknown hand, a passageout of Plato, [3] with some hints how to apply it. That author puts afable into the mouth of Aristophanes, with an account of the original oflove. That, mankind was at first created with four arms and legs, and allother parts double to what they are now; till Jupiter, as a punishment forhis sins, cleft him in two with a thunderbolt, since which time we arealways looking for our _other half_; and this is the cause of love. ButJupiter threatened, that if they did not mend their manners, he would givethem t'other slit, and leave them to hop about in the shape of figures in_basso relievo_. The effect of this last threatening, my correspondentimagines, is now come to pass; and that as the first splitting was theoriginal of love, by inclining us to search for our t'other half, so thesecond was the cause of hatred, by prompting us to fly from our other side, and dividing the same body into two, gave each slice the name of a party. 

I approve the fable and application, with this refinement upon it. Forparties do not only split a nation, but every individual among them, leaving each but half their strength, and wit, and honesty, and goodnature; but one eye and ear for their sight and hearing, and equallylopping the rest of the senses: Where parties are pretty equal in astate, no man can perceive one bad quality in his own, or good one in hisadversaries. Besides, party being a dry disagreeable subject, it rendersconversation insipid or sour, and confines invention. I speak not here ofthe leaders, but the insignificant crowd of followers in a party, whohave been the instruments of mixing it in every condition andcircumstance of life. As the zealots among the Jews bound the law abouttheir foreheads, and wrists, and hems of their garments; so the womenamong us have got the distinguishing marks of party in their muffs, theirfans, and their furbelows. The Whig ladies put on their patches in adifferent manner from the Tories. [4] They have made schisms in theplayhouse, and each have their particular sides at the opera: and when aman changes his party, he must infallibly count upon the loss of hismistress. I asked a gentleman the other day, how he liked such a lady?but he would not give me his opinion till I had answered him whether shewere a Whig or a Tory. Mr. ----[5] since he is known to visit the presentm[inist]ry, and lay some time under a suspicion of writing the"Examiner, " is no longer a man of wit; his very poems have contracted astupidity many years after they were printed. 

Having lately ventured upon a metaphorical genealogy of Merit, I thoughtit would be proper to add another of Party, or rather, of Faction, (toavoid mistake) not telling the reader whether it be my own or aquotation, till I know how it is approved; but whether I read or dreamedit, the fable is as follows. 

"_Liberty, the daughter of Oppression, after having brought forth severalfair children, as Riches, Arts, Learning, Trade, and many others, was atlast delivered of her youngest daughter, called Faction; whom Juno, doingthe office of the midwife, distorted in its birth, out of envy to themother, from whence it derived its peevishness and sickly constitution. However, as it is often the nature of parents to grow most fond of theiryoungest and disagreeablest children, so it happened with Liberty, whodoted on this daughter to such a degree, that by her good will she wouldnever suffer the girl to be out of her sight. As Miss Faction grew up, she became so termagant and froward, that there was no enduring her anylonger in Heaven. Jupiter gave her warning to be gone; and her motherrather than forsake her, took the whole family down to earth. She landedat first in Greece, was expelled by degrees through all the Cities by herdaughter's ill-conduct; fled afterwards to Italy, and being banishedthence, took shelter among the Goths, with whom she passed into mostparts of Europe; but driven out every where, she began to lose esteem, and her daughter's faults were imputed to herself. So that at this time, she has hardly a place in the world to retire to. One would wonder whatstrange qualities this daughter must possess, sufficient to blast theinfluence of so divine a mother, and the rest of her children: She alwaysaffected to keep mean and scandalous company; valuing nobody, but justas they agreed with her in every capricious opinion she thought fit totake up; and rigorously exacting compliance, though she changed hersentiments ever so often. Her great employment was to breed discord amongfriends and relations, and make up monstrous alliances between thosewhose dispositions least resembled each other. Whoever offered tocontradict her, though in the most insignificant trifle, she would besure to distinguish by some ignominious appellation, and allow them tohave neither honour, wit, beauty, learning, honesty or common sense. Sheintruded into all companies at the most unseasonable times, mixed atballs, assemblies, and other parties of pleasure; haunted every coffee-house and bookseller's shop, and by her perpetual talking filled allplaces with disturbance and confusion. She buzzed about the merchant inthe Exchange, the divine in his pulpit, and the shopkeeper behind hiscounter. Above all, she frequented public assemblies, where she sat inthe shape of an obscene, ominous bird, ready to prompt her friends asthey spoke_. "

If I understand this fable of Faction right, it ought to be applied tothose who set themselves up against the true interest and constitution oftheir country; which I wish the undertakers for the late m[inistr]y wouldplease to take notice of; or tell us by what figure of speech theypretend to call so great and _unforced_ a majority, with the Qu[een] atthe head, by the name of "the Faction": which is unlike the phrase of theNonjurors, who dignifying one or two deprived bishops, and half a scoreclergymen of the same stamp, with the title of the "Church of England, "exclude all the rest as schismatics; or like the Presbyterians, layingthe same accusation, with equal justice, against the establishedreligion. 

And here it may be worth inquiring what are the true characteristics of afaction, or how it is to be distinguished from that great body of thepeople who are friends to the constitution? The heads of a faction, areusually a set of upstarts, or men ruined in their fortunes, whom somegreat change in a government, did at first, out of their obscurityproduce upon the stage. They associate themselves with those who dislikethe old establishment, religious and civil. They are full of new schemesin politics and divinity; they have an incurable hatred against the oldnobility, and strengthen their party by dependants raised from the lowestof the people; they have several ways of working themselves into power;but they are sure to be called when a corrupt administration wants to besupported, against those who are endeavouring at a reformation; and theyfirmly observe that celebrated maxim of preserving power by the same artsit is attained. They act with the spirit of those who believe their _timeis but short;_ and their first care is to heap up immense riches at thepublic expense; in which they have two ends, beside that common one ofinsatiable avarice; which are, to make themselves necessary, and to keepthe Commonwealth in dependence: Thus they hope to compass their design, which is, instead of fitting their principles to the constitution, toalter and adjust the constitution to their own pernicious principles. 

It is easy determining by this test, to which side the name of factionmost properly belongs. But however, I will give them any system of law orregal government, from William the Conqueror to this present time, to trywhether they can tally it with their late models; excepting only that ofCromwell, whom perhaps they will reckon for a monarch. 

If the present ministry, and so great a majority in the Parliament andKingdom, be only a faction, it must appear by some actions which answersthe idea we usually conceive from that word. Have they abused theprerogatives of the prince, or invaded the rights and liberties of thesubject? Have they offered at any dangerous innovations in Church orState? Have they broached any doctrines of heresy, rebellion or tyranny?Have any of them treated their sovereign with insolence, engrossed andsold all her favours, or deceived her by base, gross misrepresentationsof her most faithful servants? These are the arts of a faction, andwhoever has practised them, they and their followers must take up withthe name. 

It is usually reckoned a Whig principle to appeal to the people; but thatis only when they have been so wise as to poison their understandingsbeforehand: Will they now stand to this appeal, and be determined bytheir _vox populi_, to which side their title of faction belongs? Andthat the people are now left to the natural freedom of theirunderstanding and choice, I believe our adversaries will hardly deny. They will now refuse this appeal, and it is reasonable they should; and Iwill further add, that if our people resembled the old Grecians, theremight be danger in such a trial. A pragmatical orator told a great man atAthens, that whenever the people were in their rage, they would certainlytear him to pieces; "Yes, " says the other, "and they will do the same toyou, whenever they are in their wits. " But God be thanked, our populaceis more merciful in their nature, and at present under better direction;and the orators among us have attempted to confound both prerogative andlaw, in their sovereign's presence, and before the highest court ofjudicature, without any hazard to their persons. 

[Footnote 1: No. 31 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Horace, "Satires, " II. Vi. 77-8. "To club his part in pithy tales. "--P. FRANCIS. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: The "Symposium, " 189-192. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See "The Spectator, " No. 81 (June 2nd, 1711): "Their patcheswere placed in those different situations, as party signals todistinguish friends from foes. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Matthew Prior. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 33. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MARCH 8, TO THURSDAY MARCH 15, 1710-11. [2]

_Non ea est medicina, cum sanae parti corporis scalpellum adhibetur, atque integrae; carnificina est ista, et crudelitas. Hi medenturReipublicae qui exsecant pestem aliquam, tanquam strumam Civitatis_. [3]

I am diverted from the general subject of my discourses, to reflect uponan event of a very extraordinary and surprising nature: A great minister, in high confidence with the Queen, under whose management the weight ofaffairs at present is in a great measure supposed to lie; sitting incouncil, in a royal palace, with a dozen of the chief officers of thestate, is stabbed at the very board, [4] in the execution of his office, by the hand of a French Papist, then under examination for high treason. The assassin redoubles his blow, to make sure work; and concluding thechancellor was dispatched, goes on with the same rage to murder aprincipal secretary of state: and that whole noble assembly are forced torise, and draw their swords in their own defence, as if a wild beast hadbeen let loose among them. 

This fact hath some circumstances of aggravation not to be paralleled byany of the like kind we meet with in history. Caesar's murder beingperformed in the Senate, comes nearest to the case; but that was anaffair concerted by great numbers of the chief senators, who werelikewise the actors in it, and not the work of a vile, single ruffian. Harry the Third of France was stabbed by an enthusiastic friar, [5] whomhe suffered to approach his person, while those who attended him stood atsome distance. His successor met the same fate in a coach, where neitherhe nor his nobles, in such a confinement, were able to defend themselves. In our own country we have, I think, but one instance of this sort, whichhas made any noise, I mean that of Felton, about fourscore years ago: buthe took the opportunity to stab the Duke of Buckingham in passing througha dark lobby, from one room to another:[6] The blow was neither seen norheard, and the murderer might have escaped, if his own concern andhorror, as it is usual in such cases, had not betrayed him. Besides, thatact of Felton will admit of some extenuation, from the motives he is saidto have had: but this attempt of Guiscard seems to have outdone them allin every heightening circumstance, except the difference of personsbetween a king and a great minister: for I give no allowance at all tothe difference of success (which however is yet uncertain and depending)nor think it the least alleviation to the crime, whatever it may be tothe punishment. 

I am sensible, it is ill arguing from particulars to generals, and thatwe ought not to charge upon a nation the crimes of a few desperatevillains it is so unfortunate to produce: Yet at the same time it must beavowed, that the French have for these last centuries, been somewhat tooliberal of their daggers, upon the persons of their greatest men; suchas the Admiral de Coligny, [7] the Dukes of Guise, [8] father and son, andthe two kings I last mentioned. I have sometimes wondered how a people, whose genius seems wholly turned to singing and dancing, and prating, tovanity and impertinence; who lay so much weight upon modes and gestures;whose essentialities are generally so very superficial; who are usuallyso serious upon trifles, and so trifling upon what is serious, have beencapable of committing such solid villanies; more suitable to the gravityof a Spaniard, or silence and thoughtfulness of an Italian: unless it be, that in a nation naturally so full of themselves, and of so restlessimaginations, when any of them happen to be of a morose and gloomyconstitution, that huddle of confused thoughts, for want of evaporating, usually terminates in rage or despair. D'Avila[9] observes, that JacquesClément was a sort of buffoon, whom the rest of the friars used to makesport with: but at last, giving his folly a serious turn, it ended inenthusiasm, and qualified him for that desperate act of murdering hisking. 

But in the Marquis de Guiscard there seems to have been a complication ofingredients for such an attempt: He had committed several enormities inFrance, was extremely prodigal and vicious; of a dark melancholycomplexion, and cloudy countenance, such as in vulgar physiognomy iscalled an ill look. For the rest, his talents were very mean, having asort of inferior cunning, but very small abilities; so that a great manof the late m[inist]ry, by whom he was invited over, [10] and with muchdiscretion raised at first step from a profligate popish priest to alieutenant-general, and colonel of a regiment of horse, was forced atlast to drop him for shame. [11]

Had such an accident happened[12] under that m[inis]try, and to soconsiderable a member of it, they would have immediately charged it uponthe whole body of those they are pleased to call "the faction. " Thiswould have been styled a high-church principle; the clergy would havebeen accused as promoters and abettors of the fact; com[mittee]s wouldhave been sent to promise the criminal his life provided they might haveliberty to direct and dictate his confession: and a black list would havebeen printed of all those who had been ever seen in the murderer'scompany. But the present men in power hate and despise all suchdetestable arts, which they might now turn upon their adversaries withmuch more plausibility, than ever these did their honourable negotiationswith Gregg. [13]

And here it may be worth observing how unanimous a concurrence there isbetween some persons once in great power, and a French Papist; bothagreeing in the great end of taking away Mr. Harley's life, thoughdiffering in their methods: the first proceeding by subornation, theother by violence; wherein Guiscard seems to have the advantage, asaiming no further than his life; while the others designed to destroy atonce both that and his reputation. The malice of both against thisgentleman seems to have risen from the same cause, his discoveringdesigns against the government. It was Mr. Harley who detected thetreasonable correspondence of Gregg, and secured him betimes; when acertain great man who shall be nameless, had, out of the depth of hispolitics, sent him a caution to make his escape; which would certainlyhave fixed the appearance of guilt[14] upon Mr. Harley: but when that wasprevented, they would have enticed the condemned criminal with promise ofa pardon, to write and sign an accusation against the secretary. But touse Gregg's own expression, "His death was nothing near so ignominious, as would have been such a life that must be saved by prostituting hisconscience. " The same gentleman lies now stabbed by his other enemy, aPopish spy, whose treason he has discovered. God preserve the rest ofher Majesty's ministers from such Protestants, and from such Papists!

I shall take occasion to hint at some particularities in this surprisingfact, for the sake of those at distance, or who may not be thoroughlyinformed. [15] The murderer confessed in Newgate, that his chief designwas against Mr. Secretary St. John, who happened to change seats with Mr. Harley, for more convenience of examining the criminal:[16] and beingasked what provoked him to stab the chancellor? he said, that not beingable to come at the secretary, as he intended, it was some satisfactionto murder the person whom he thought Mr. St. John loved best. [17]

And here, if Mr. Harley has still any enemies left, whom his blood spiltin the public service cannot reconcile, I hope they will at least admirehis magnanimity, which is a quality esteemed even in an enemy: and Ithink there are few greater instances of it to be found in story. Afterthe wound was given, he was observed neither to change his countenance, nor discover any concern or disorder in his speech: he rose up, andwalked along the room while he was able, with the greatest tranquillity, during the midst of the confusion. When the surgeon came, he took himaside, and desired he would inform him freely whether the woundwere mortal, because in that case, he said, he had some affairs tosettle, relating to his family. The blade of the penknife, broken by theviolence of the blow against a rib, within a quarter of an inch of thehandle, was dropt out (I know not whether from the wound, or his clothes)as the surgeon was going to dress him; he ordered it to be taken up, andwiping it himself, gave it some body to keep, saying, he thought "it nowproperly belonging to him. " He shewed no sort of resentment, or spoke oneviolent word against Guiscard, but appeared all the while the leastconcerned of any in the company--a state of mind, which in such anexigency, nothing but innocence can give, and is truly worthy of aChristian philosopher. 

If there be really so great a difference in principle between thehigh-flying Whigs, and the friends of France, I cannot but repeat thequestion, how come they to join in the destruction of the same man? Canhis death be possibly for the interest of both? or have they both thesame quarrel against him, that he is perpetually discovering andpreventing the treacherous designs of our enemies? However it be, thisgreat minister may now say with St. Paul, that he hath been "in perils byhis own countrymen, and in perils by strangers. "

In the midst of so melancholy a subject, I cannot but congratulate withour own country, that such a savage monster as the Marquis de Guiscard, is none of her production; a wretch perhaps more detestable in his ownnature, than even this barbarous act has been yet able to represent himto the world. For there are good reasons to believe, from severalcircumstances, that he had intentions of a deeper dye, than those hehappened to execute;[18] I mean such as every good subject must trembleto think on. He hath of late been frequently seen going up the backstairs at court, and walking alone in an outer room adjoining to herMa[jest]y's bed-chamber. He has often and earnestly pressed for some timeto have access to the Qu[een], even since his correspondence with France;and he has now given such a proof of his disposition, as leaves it easyto guess what was before in his thoughts, and what he was capable ofattempting. 

It is humbly to be hoped, that the legislature[19] will interpose on soextraordinary an occasion as this, and direct a punishment[20] some wayproportionable to so execrable a crime. 

 _Et quicunque tuum violavit vulnere corpus, Morte luat merita_----[21]

[Footnote 1: No. 32 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: To this number the writer of "The Political State of GreatBritain" made a pretty tart reply. In the issue for April, 1711, pp. 315-320 he says: "One of the Tory writers, shall I call him? or ratherlibellers--one who presumptuously sets up for an Examiner--who, in order, as he fondly expects, to make his court to some men in power, with equalinsolence and malice, makes it his weekly business to slander themoderate party; who, without the least provocation, brandishes hisvirulent pen against the best men . .. Instances in the murders of Caesar, Henry III. And Henry IV. Of France, and of the Duke of Buckingham; andhaving extenuated the last, 'from the motives Felton is said to havehad, ' he concludes, " etc. The writer further goes on to say: "As to theimputation of villanous assassinations, which the Examiner charges sohome on the French nation, I am heartily sorry he has given them so fairan opportunity to retort the unfair and unjust argument from particularsto generals. For, without mentioning Felton, whose crime this writer hasendeavoured _to extenuate_, no foreign records can afford a greaternumber of murders, parricides, and, to use the Examiner's expression, solid villanies, than our English history. " Swift retorted on this writerin No. 42, _post_, pp. 276, 277. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Cicero, "Pro Sestio, " 65. "But that is not a remedy when theknife is applied to some sound and healthy part of the body; that is theact of an executioner and mere inhumanity. Those are the men who reallyapply healing remedies to the republic, who cut out some pestilence as ifit were a wen on the person of the state. "--C. D. YONGE. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: This refers to the attempted assassination of Harley and St. John by the Marquis de Guiscard. See Swift's "Memoirs Relating to thatChange, " etc. (vol. V. , pp. 387-9 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Henri III. Was assassinated by Jacques Clément, a Dominicanfriar, August 1st, 1589. Henri IV. Was assassinated by FrançoisRavaillac, May 14th, 1610. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: George Villiers, fourth Duke of Buckingham, was stabbed byLieut. John Felton, August 23rd, 1628. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: Admiral de Coligny was assassinated August 23rd, 1572. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: Francois de Lorraine, Due de Guise, was shot in 1563. Hisson and successor (Henri le Balafré) was killed December 23rd, 1588. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Davila was the author of "Historia delle Guerre Civili diFrancia" (_c. _ 1630). He was assassinated in 1631. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: "The first thing I would beg of this libeller, " asks "TheMedley" (No. 25, March 19th, 1711), "is to make out what he affirms ofhis being 'invited over. ' If he would but prove that one particular, Iwould forgive him all his lies past and yet to come. "

Of course. Swift's extreme phrase of "invited over" referred to the factthat Guiscard had a Whig commission in the army. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: Antoine de Guiscard, at one time Abbé de la Bourlie, wasborn in 1658. For misconduct he was compelled, in 1703, to forsake hisbenefice and his country, and he undertook the cause of the ProtestantCamisards in the Cevennes, in their insurrection against Louis XIV. It isknown that he had been envoy to Turin, and had received a pension fromHolland. On taking refuge in England he obtained a pension from thegovernment, and by means of the influence of the Duke of Ormonde, who washis brother's friend, became a frequenter in fashionable circles. Thedeath, however, of his friend Count Briançon seems to have deprived himof means. He fell into bad ways, became poor, and solicited a pensionfrom the Queen, through St. John whose acquaintance he had made. Apension of £500 was granted him; but this sum Harley reduced. Afraid thateven this means of a livelihood would be taken from him he opened atreasonable correspondence with one Moreau, a Parisian banker. The restof the story of this poor wretch's life may be gathered from theexcellent account of the Harley-Guiscard incident given by W. Sichel inhis "Bolingbroke and his Times" (pp. 308-313). 

N. Luttrell has several entries in his Diary relating to Guiscard and theattempted assassination of Harley, and there is a long account of him inBoyer's "Political State" (vol. I. , pp. 275-314). See also PortlandMS. , vol. Iv. , Wentworth Papers, and Swift's "Journal to Stella, " and"Some Remarks, " etc. (vol. V. Of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: "Had such an accident . .. Against the secretary. " Thewriter of "A Letter to the Seven Lords" (1711) quotes this passage, andremarks that "The Examiner" "intended seriously to charge you all, withsubornation, in order to proceed to murder. " See also Swift's "SomeRemarks, " etc. (vol. V. , pp. 29-53 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: See note on p. 263. Also note on p. 30 of vol. V. Ofpresent edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: William Gregg declared in his last confession that Mr. Harley "was not privy to my writing to France, directly nor indirectly, "and he thanked God for touching his "conscience so powerfully . .. As toprevent my prostituting the same to save my life. "--"William Gregg'sPaper, " "Published by Authority, " 1708. Gregg told the Rev. PaulLorrain "that he was profferred his life, and a great reward, if hewould accuse his master" (F. Hoffman's "Secret Transactions, " 1711, p. 8). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: Swift furnished Mrs. Manley with hints for her pamphletentitled, "A True Narrative Of what pass'd at the Examination Of theMarquis De Guiscard, " 1711. See note on p. 41 of vol. V. Of presentedition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: "The matter was thus represented in the weekly paper called'The Examiner'; which Mr. St. John perused before it was printed, butmade no alteration in that passage. " Swift's "Memoirs Relating tothat Change, " etc. (vol v. , p. 389 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: Guiscard could hardly have been aware of St. John's truesentiments towards Harley. In 1717 Bolingbroke, writing in his "Letter toSir William Windham, " says: "I abhorred Oxford to that degree, that Icould not bear to be joined with him in any case" (edit. 1753, p. 94). And yet, when it was feared that Harley might die from his wound, St. John remarked to Swift that "he was but an ill dissembler" andHarley's life was "absolutely necessary. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 18: "It was thought he had a design against the Queen's person, for he had tried by all the ways that he could contrive to be admitted tospeak with her in private. " (BURNET'S "Own Times, " ii. , 566). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 19: An Act to make an Attempt on the Life of a Privy Councillorin the Execution of his Office to be Felony without Benefit of Clergy (9Ann. C. 21). This Act, which indemnified all those who had causedGuiscard's death, was recommended in a Royal Message, March 14th, introduced April 5th, passed the House of Commons, April 19th, andreceived the Royal Assent, May 16th, 1711. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 20: Writing to Stella, under date March 15th, Swift says: "Iam sorry he [Guiscard] is dying; for they had found out a way to hanghim. He certainly had an intention to murder the Queen. " Two days laterhe says: "The coroner's inquest have found that he was killed by bruisesreceived from a messenger, so to clear the cabinet counsellors from whomhe received his wounds. " (Vol. Ii. , p. 139 of present edition. ) [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 21:"He who profaned thy body by a woundMust pay the penalty of death. "[T. S. ]]

NUMB. 34. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MARCH 15, TO THURSDAY MARCH 22, 1710-11. 

_De Libertate retinenda, qua certe nihil est dulcius, tibi assentior. _[2]

The apologies of the ancient Fathers are reckoned to have been the mostuseful parts of their writings, and to have done greatest service to theChristian religion, because they removed those misrepresentations whichhad done it most injury. The methods these writers took, was openly andfreely to discover every point of their faith, to detect the falsehood oftheir accusers, and to charge nothing upon their adversaries but whatthey were sure to make good. This example has been ill followed of latertimes; the Papists since the Reformation using all arts to palliate theabsurdities of their tenets, and loading the Reformers with a thousandcalumnies; the consequence of which has been only a more various, wide, and inveterate separation. It is the same thing in civil schisms: a Whigforms an image of a Tory, just after the thing he most abhors, and thatimage serves to represent the whole body. 

I am not sensible of any material difference there is between those whocall themselves the Old Whigs, and a great majority of the presentTories; at least by all I could ever find, from examining several personsof each denomination. But it must be confessed that the present body ofWhigs, as they now constitute that party, is a very odd mixture ofmankind, being forced to enlarge their bottom by taking in everyheterodox professor either in religion or government, whose opinions theywere obliged to encourage for fear of lessening their number; while thebulk of the landed men and people were entirely of the old sentiments. However, they still pretended a due regard to the monarchy and theChurch, even at the time when they were making the largest steps towardsthe ruin of both: but not being able to wipe off the many accusationslaid to their charge, they endeavoured, by throwing of scandal, to makethe Tories appear blacker than themselves, that so the people might joinwith _them_, as the smaller evil of the two. 

But among all the reproaches which the Whigs have flung upon theiradversaries, there is none hath done them more service than that of_passive obedience_, as they represent it, with the consequences ofnon-resistance, arbitrary power, indefeasible right, tyranny, popery, andwhat not? There is no accusation which has passed with more plausibilitythan this, nor any that is supported with less justice. In ordertherefore to undeceive those who have been misled by falserepresentations, I thought it would be no improper undertaking to setthis matter in a fair light, which I think has not yet been done. A Whigasks whether you hold passive obedience? you affirm it: he thenimmediately cries out, "You are a Jacobite, a friend of France and thePretender;" because he makes you answerable for the definition he hasformed of that term, however different it be from what you understand. Iwill therefore give two descriptions of passive obedience; the first asit is falsely charged by the Whigs; the other as it is really professedby the Tories, at least by nineteen in twenty of all I ever conversedwith. 

Passive Obedience as charged by the Whigs. 

_The doctrine of passive obedience is to believe that a king, even in alimited monarchy, holding his power only from God, is only answerable toHim. That such a king is above all law, that the cruellest tyrant must besubmitted to in all things; and if his commands be ever so unlawful, youmust neither fly nor resist, nor use any other weapons than prayers andtears. Though he should force your wife or daughter, murder your childrenbefore your face, or cut off five hundred heads in a morning for hisdiversion, you are still to wish him a long prosperous reign, and to bepatient under all his cruelties, with the same resignation as under aplague or a famine; because to resist him would be to resist God in theperson of His vicegerent. If a king of England should go through thestreets of London, in order to murder every man he met, passive obediencecommands them to submit. All laws made to limit him signify nothing, though passed by his own consent, if he thinks fit to break them. Godwill indeed call him to a severe account, but the whole people, united toa man, cannot presume to hold his hands, or offer him the least activedisobedience. The people were certainly created for him, and not he forthe people. His next heir, though worse than what I have described, though a fool or a madman, has a divine undefeasible right to succeedhim, which no law can disannul; nay though he should kill his father uponthe throne, he is immediately king to all intents and purposes, thepossession of the crown wiping off all stains. But whosoever sits on thethrone without this title, though never so peaceably, and by consent offormer kings and parliaments, is an usurper, while there is any where inthe world another person who hath a nearer hereditary right, and thewhole kingdom lies under mortal sin till that heir be restored; becausehe has a divine title which no human law can defeat. _

This and a great deal more hath, in a thousand papers[3] and pamphlets, been laid to that doctrine of passive obedience, which the Whigs arepleased to charge upon us. This is what they perpetually are instillinginto the people to believe, as the undoubted principles by which thepresent ministry, and a great majority in Parliament, do at this timeproceed. This is what they accuse the clergy of delivering from thepulpits, and of preaching up as doctrines absolutely necessary tosalvation. And whoever affirms in general, that passive obedience is dueto the supreme power, he is presently loaden by our candid adversarieswith such consequences as these. Let us therefore see what this doctrineis, when stripped of such misrepresentations, by describing it as reallytaught and practised by the Tories, and then it will appear what groundsour adversaries have to accuse us upon this article. 

Passive Obedience, as professed and practised by the Tories. 

_They think that in every government, whether monarchy or republic, thereis placed a supreme, absolute, unlimited power, to which passiveobedience is due. That wherever is entrusted the power of making laws, that power is without all bounds, can repeal or enact at pleasurewhatever laws it thinks fit, and justly demands universal obedience andnon-resistance. That among us, as every body knows, this power is lodgedin the king or queen, together with the lords and commons of the kingdom;and therefore all decrees whatsoever, made by that power, are to beactively or passively obeyed. That the administration or executive partof this power is in England solely entrusted with the prince, who inadministering those laws, ought to be no more resisted than thelegislative power itself. But they do not conceive the same absolutepassive obedience to be due to a limited prince's commands, when they aredirectly contrary to the laws he has consented to, and sworn to maintain. The crown may be sued as well as a private person; and if an arbitraryking of England should send his officers to seize my lands or goodsagainst law, I can lawfully resist them. The ministers by whom he actsare liable to prosecution and impeachment, though his own person besacred. But if he interposes his royal authority to support theirinsolence, I see no remedy, till it grows a general grievance, or tillthe body of the people have reason to apprehend it will be so; afterwhich it becomes a case of necessity, and then I suppose a free peoplemay assert their own rights, yet without any violation to the person orlawful power of the prince. But although the Tories allow all this, anddid justify it by the share they had in the Revolution, yet they see noreason for entering upon so ungrateful a subject, or raising controversiesupon it, as if we were in daily apprehensions of tyranny, under the reignof so excellent a princess, and while we have so many laws[4] of lateyears made to limit the prerogative; when according to the judgment ofthose who know our constitution best, things rather seem to lean to theother extreme, which is equally to be avoided. As to the succession; theTories think an hereditary right to be the best in its own nature, andmost agreeable to our old constitution; yet at the same time they allowit to be defeasible by Act of Parliament, and so is_ Magna Charta _too, if the legislature thinks fit; which is a truth so manifest, that no manwho understands the nature of government, can be in doubt concerning it. _

These I take to be the sentiments of a great majority among the Tories, with respect to passive obedience: and if the Whigs insist, from thewritings or common talk of warm and ignorant men, to form a judgment ofthe whole body, according to the first account I have here given, I willengage to produce as many of their side, who are utterly against passiveobedience even to the legislature; who will assert the last resort ofpower to be in the people, against those whom they have chosen andtrusted as their representatives, with the prince at the head; and whowill put wild improbable cases to shew the reasonableness and necessityof resisting the legislative power, in such imaginary junctures. Thanwhich however nothing can be more idle; for I dare undertake in anysystem of government, either speculative or practic, that was ever yet inthe world, from Plato's "Republic" to Harrington's "Oceana, "[5] to putsuch difficulties as cannot be answered. 

All the other calumnies raised by the Whigs may be as easily wiped off;and I have charity to wish they could as fully answer the justaccusations we have against them. Dodwell, Hicks, and Lesley, [6] aregravely quoted, to prove that the Tories design to bring in thePretender; and if I should quote them to prove that the same thing isintended by the Whigs, it would be full as reasonable, since I am surethey have at least as much to do with Nonjurors as we. But our objectionsagainst the Whigs are built upon their constant practice for many years, whereof I have produced a hundred instances, against any single one ofwhich no answer hath yet been attempted, though I have been curiousenough to look into all the papers I could meet with that are writagainst the "Examiner"; such a task as I hope no man thinks I wouldundergo for any other end, but that of finding an opportunity to own andrectify my mistakes; as I would be ready to do upon call of the meanestadversary. Upon which occasion, I shall take leave to add a few words. 

I flattered myself last Thursday, from the nature of my subject, and theinoffensive manner I handled it, that I should have one week's respitefrom those merciless pens, whose severity will some time break my heart;but I am deceived, and find them more violent than ever. They charge mewith two lies and a blunder. The first lie is a truth, that Guiscard wasinvited over:[7] but it is of no consequence; I do not tax it as a fault;such sort of men have often been serviceable: I only blamed theindiscretion of raising a profligate abbot, at the first step, to alieutenant-general and colonel of a regiment of horse, without stayingsome reasonable time, as is usual in such cases, till he had given someproofs of his fidelity, as well as of that interest and credit hepretended to have in his country: But that is said to be another lie, forhe was a Papist, and could not have a regiment. However this other lie isa truth too; for a regiment he had, and paid by us, to his agent MonsieurLe Bas, for his use. The third is a blunder, that I say Guiscard's designwas against Mr. Secretary St. John, and yet my reasonings upon it, are, as if it were personal against Mr. Harley. But I say no such thing, andmy reasonings are just; I relate only what Guiscard said in Newgate, because it was a particularity the reader might be curious to know (andaccordingly it lies in a paragraph by itself, after my reflections)[8]but I never meant to be answerable for what Guiscard said, or thought itof weight enough for me to draw conclusions from thence, when I had theAddress of both Houses to direct me better; where it is expresslysaid, [9] "That Mr. Harley's fidelity to her Majesty, and zeal for herservice, have drawn upon him the hatred of all the abettors of Popery andfaction. "[10] This is what I believe, and what I shall stick to. 

But alas, these are not the passages which have raised so much furyagainst me. One or two mistakes in facts of no importance, or a singleblunder, would not have provoked them; they are not so tender of myreputation as a writer. All their outrage is occasioned by those passagesin that paper, which they do not in the least pretend to answer, and withthe utmost reluctancy are forced to mention. They take abundance of painsto clear Guiscard from a design against Mr. Harley's life, but offer notone argument to clear their other friends, who in the business of Gregg, were equally guilty of the same design against the same person; whosetongues were very swords, and whose penknives were axes. 

[Footnote 1: No. 33 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Cicero, "Ep. Ad Att. , " xv. 13. "As to the maintenance ofliberty--surely the most precious thing in the world--I agree withyou. "--E. S. SHUCKBURGH. ]

[Footnote 3: The following pamphlets may be instanced:--"Julian theApostate, " [by S. Johnson], 1682; "[Passive Obedience] A Sermon preachedbefore the . .. Lord Mayor, " etc. , by B. Calamy, 1683; "Passive ObedienceStated and Asserted, " by T. Pomfret, 1683; "The Doctrine ofNon-Resistance, " [by E. Bohun], 1689; "History of Passive Obedience, " [byA. Seller], 1689; "A Discourse concerning the Unreasonableness, " etc. [byE. Stillingfleet], 1689; "Christianity, a Doctrine of the Cross, " [by J. Kettlewell], 1691; and "The Measures of Submission, " by B. Hoadly, 1706. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The Act declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject(1 Will. And Mary, Sess. 2, c. 2), and the Act for the Further Limitationof the Crown (12 and 13 Will. III. C. 2), limited the power of the Crownin various respects. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "The Commonwealth of Oceana, " by James Harrington, 1656. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: Henry Dodwell (1641-1711), non-juror, and author of "AnAdmonitory Discourse . .. Schism" (1704), "Occasional Communion" (1705), etc. 

George Hickes (1642-1715), non-juror. Dean of Worcester (1683-91), andauthor of "The Pretences of the Prince of Wales Examined, and Rejected"(1701). 

Charles Leslie, see No. 16, _ante_, and note, p. 85. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: "Such, a vile slanderer is the 'Examiner, ' who says: 'he wasinvited over by the late ministry, preferred to a regiment, and madelieut. -general, ' when there is an Act of Parliament against Papists beingso. "--"The Medley, " No. 25 (March 19th). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: See No. 33, _ante_, p. 212. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: This is fairly quoted, changing the person. See Swift'sremarks in the following number. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: "A Letter to the Seven Lords" says: "The Examiner knows_you_ are as much intended by 'faction, ' as Guiscard was by 'Popery. '"[T. S. ]]

NUMB. 35. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MARCH 22, TO THURSDAY MARCH 29, 1711. 

 _--Sunt hic etiam sua praemia laudi; Sunt lacrimae rerum, et mentem mortalia tangunt. _[2]

I begin to be heartily weary of my employment as _Examiner_; which I wishthe m[inist]ry would consider, with half so much concern as I do, andassign me some other with less pains, and a larger pension. There maysoon be a vacancy, either on the bench, in the revenue, or the army, andI am _equally_ qualified for each: but this trade of _Examining_, Iapprehend may at one time or other go near to sour my temper. I didlately propose that some of those ingenious pens, which are engaged onthe other side, might be employed to succeed me, and I undertook tobring them over for _t'other crown;_ but it was answered, that thosegentlemen do much better service in the stations where they are. It wasadded, that abundance of abuses yet remained to be laid open to theworld, which I had often promised to do, but was too much diverted byother subjects that came into my head. On the other side, the advice ofsome friends, and the threats of many enemies, have put me uponconsidering what would become of me if _times should alter. _ This I havedone very maturely, and the result is, that I am in no manner of pain. Igrant, that what I have said upon occasion, concerning the late men inpower, may be called satire by some unthinking people, as long as thatfaction is down; but if ever they come into play again, I must give themwarning beforehand, that I shall expect to be a favourite, and that thosepretended advocates of theirs, will be pilloried for libellers. For Iappeal to any man, whether I ever charged that party, or its leaders, with one single action or design, which (if we may judge by their formerpractices) they will not openly profess, be proud of, and score up formerit, when they come again to the head of affairs? I said, they wereinsolent to the Qu[een]; will they not value themselves upon that, as anargument to prove them bold assertors of the people's liberty? I affirmedthey were against a peace; will they be angry with me for setting forththe refinements of their politics, in pursuing the _only_ method left topreserve them in power? I said, they had involved the nation in debts, and engrossed much of its money; they go beyond me, and boast they havegot it all, and the credit too. I have urged the probability of theirintending great alterations in religion and government: if they destroyboth at their next coming, will they not reckon my foretelling it, ratheras a panegyric than an affront? I said, [3] they had formerly a designagainst Mr. H[arle]y's life: if they were now in power, would they notimmediately cut off his head, and thank me for justifying the sincerityof their intentions? In short, there is nothing I ever said of thoseworthy patriots, which may not be as well excused; therefore, as soon asthey resume their places, I positively design to put in my claim; and, Ithink, may do it with much better grace, than many of that party whonow make their court to the present m[inist]ry. I know two or three greatmen, at whose levees you may daily observe a score of the most forwardfaces, which every body is ashamed of, except those that wear them. But Iconceive my pretensions will be upon a very different foot: Let me offera parallel case. Suppose, King Charles the First had entirely subdued therebels at Naseby, and reduced the kingdom to his obedience: whoever hadgone about to reason, from the former conduct of those _saints_, that ifthe victory had fallen on their side, they would have murdered theirprince, destroyed monarchy and the Church and made the king's partycompound for their estates as delinquents; would have been called afalse, uncharitable libeller, by those very persons who afterwardsgloried in all this, and called it the "work of the Lord, " when theyhappened to succeed. I remember there was a person fined and imprisonedfor _scandalum magnatum_, because he said the Duke of York was a Papist;but when that prince came to be king, and made open profession of hisreligion, he had the justice immediately to release his prisoner, who inhis opinion had put a compliment upon him, and not a reproach: andtherefore Colonel Titus, [4] who had warmly asserted the same thing inParliament, was made a privy-councillor. 

By this rule, if that which, for some politic reasons, is now calledscandal upon the late m[inist]ry, proves one day to be only an abstractof such a character as they will assume and be proud of; I think I mayfairly offer my pretensions, and hope for their favour. And I am the moreconfirmed in this notion by what I have observed in those papers, thatcome weekly out against the "Examiner. " The authors are perpetuallytelling me of my ingratitude to my masters, that I blunder, and betraythe cause; and write with more bitterness against those that hire me, than against the Whigs. Now I took all this at first only for so manystrains of wit, and pretty paradoxes to divert the reader; but uponfurther thinking I find they are serious. I imagined I had complimentedthe present ministry for their dutiful behaviour to the Queen; for theirlove of the old constitution in Church and State; for their generosityand justice, and for their desire of a speedy, honourable peace: but itseems I am mistaken, and they reckon all this for satire, because it isdirectly contrary to the practice of all those whom they set up todefend, and utterly against all their notions of a good ministry. Therefore I cannot but think they have reason on their side: for supposeI should write the character of an honest, a religious, and a learnedman; and send the first to Newgate, the second to the GrecianCoffee-house, and the last to White's;[5] would they not all pass forsatires, and justly enough, among the companies to whom they were sent?

Having therefore employed several papers in such sort of panegyrics, andbut very few on what they understand to be satires; I shall henceforthupon occasion be more liberal of the latter, of which they are like tohave a taste, in the remainder of this present paper. 

Among all the advantages which the kingdom hath received by the latechange of ministry, the greatest must be allowed to be the calling of thepresent Parliament, upon the dissolution of the last. It is acknowledged, that this excellent assembly hath entirely recovered the honour ofP[arliamen]ts, which had been unhappily prostituted for some years pastby the factious proceedings of an unnatural majority, in concert with amost corrupt administration. It is plain, by the present choice ofmembers, that the electors of England, when left to themselves, dorightly understand their true interest. The moderate Whigs begin to beconvinced that we have been all this while in wrong hands, and thatthings are now as they should be. And as the present House of Commons isthe best representative of the nation that hath ever been summoned in ourmemories; so they have taken care in their first session, by that nobleBill of Qualification, [6] that future Parliaments should be composed oflanded men, and our properties lie no more at mercy of those who havenone themselves, or at least only what is transient or imaginary. Ifthere be any gratitude in posterity, the memory of this assembly will bealways celebrated; if otherwise, at least we, who share in the blessingsthey derive to us, ought with grateful hearts to acknowledge them. 

I design, in some following papers, to draw up a list (for I can do nomore) of the great things this Parliament hath already performed, themany abuses they have detected; their justice in deciding electionswithout regard of party; their cheerfulness and address in raisingsupplies for the war, and at the same time providing for the nation'sdebts; their duty to the Queen, and their kindness to the Church. In themean time I cannot forbear mentioning two particulars, which in myopinion do discover, in some measure, the temper of the presentParliament; and bear analogy to those passages related by Plutarch, inthe lives of certain great men; which, as himself observes, "Though theybe not of actions which make any great noise or figure in history, yetgive more light into the characters of persons, than we could receivefrom an account of their most renowned achievements. "

Something like this may be observed from two late instances of decencyand good nature, in that illustrious assembly I am speaking of. The firstwas, when after that inhuman attempt upon Mr. Harley, they were pleasedto vote an Address to the Queen, [7] wherein they express their utmostdetestation of the fact, their high esteem and great concern for thatable minister, and justly impute his misfortunes to that zeal for herMajesty's service, which had "drawn upon him the hatred of all theabettors of Popery and faction. " I dare affirm, that so distinguishing amark of honour and good will from such a Parliament, was more acceptableto a person of Mr. H[arle]y's generous nature, than the most bountifulgrant that was ever yet made to a subject; as her Majesty's answer, filled with gracious expressions in his favour, adds more to his realglory, than any _titles_ she could bestow. The prince and representativesof the whole kingdom, join in their concern for so important a life. These are the true rewards of virtue, and this is the commerce betweennoble spirits, in a coin which the giver knows where to bestow, and thereceiver how to value, though neither avarice nor ambition would be ableto comprehend its worth. 

The other instance I intended to produce of decency and good nature, inthe present House of Commons, relates to their most worthy Speaker;[8]who having unfortunately lost his eldest son, [9] the assembly, moved witha generous pity for so sensible an affliction, adjourned themselves for aweek, that so good a servant of the public, might have some interval towipe away a father's tears: And indeed that gentleman has too just anoccasion for his grief, by the death of a son, who had already acquiredso great a reputation for every amiable quality, and who might have livedto be so great an honour and an ornament to his ancient family. 

Before I conclude, I must desire one favour of the reader, that when hethinks it worth his while to peruse any paper writ against the"Examiner, " he will not form his judgment by any mangled quotation out ofit which he finds in such papers, but be so just to read the paragraphreferred to; which I am confident will be found a sufficient answer toall that ever those papers can object. At least I have seen above fiftyof them, and never yet observed one single quotation transcribed withcommon candour. 

[Footnote: 1 No. 34 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote: 2 Virgil, "Aeneid, " i. 461-2. "Even hereHas merit its reward. Woe wakens tears, And mortal sufferings touch the heart of man. "--R. KENNEDY. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: See No. 33, _ante_, p. 211. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Silas Titus (1622-1704) was the author of "Killing noMurder, " published in 1657. He sat in Parliament successively forLudgershall, Lostwithiel, Hertfordshire, Huntingdonshire, and Ludlow, In1688 he was made a privy councillor. In his notes on Burnet Swift says:"Titus was the greatest rogue in England" (Burnet's "Own Times, "i. 11). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: For the signification of these coffee-houses see the remarksprefixed to the "Tatlers" in this volume, p. 4. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: An Act for Securing the Freedom of Parliaments (9 Ann. C. 5)provided that English members should show a land qualification. It wasintroduced December 13th, 1710, and received the Royal Assent, February28th. See also No. 45, _post_, p. 294. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The Address to the Queen was presented on March 13th, Swiftsomewhat strengthens the language of the address, the original wordsstating that the Houses had "to our great concern been informed, " etc. ;and "we cannot but be most deeply affected to find such an instance ofinveterate malice, against one employed in your Majesty's council, " etc. The Queen, in her reply, referred to "that barbarous attempt on Mr. Harley, whose zeal and fidelity in my service must appear yet moreeminently by that horrid endeavour, " etc. --"Journals of House of Lords, "xix. ; "Journals of House of Commons, " xvi. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: William Bromley (1664-1732) was Speaker from 1710 till1713. See note on p. 334 of vol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Clobery Bromley (1688-1711) was elected M. P. For Coventry, December, 1710. Only a few days before his death he had been appointedone of the commissioners to examine the public accounts. "The House beinginformed [March 20th] that Clobery Bromley, Esq. , son to the Speaker, died that morning; out of respect to the father, and to give him time, both to perform the funeral rites, and to indulge his just affliction, they thought fit to adjourn to" the 26th. --"Hist. And Proc. Of House ofCommons, " iv. 199. 

Swift wrote to Stella on the matter under date March 20th, 1711: "TheSpeaker's eldest son is just dead of the small pox, and the House isadjourned a week, to give him time to wipe off his tears. I think itvery handsomely done; but I believe one reason is, that they want Mr. Harley so much" (vol. Ii. , p. 141 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 36. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MARCH 29, TO THURSDAY APRIL 5, 1711. 

_Nullo suo peccato impediantur, quo minus alterius peccata demonstrarepossint. _[2]

I have been considering the old constitution of this kingdom, comparingit with the monarchies and republics whereof we meet so many accounts inancient story, and with those at present in most parts of Europe: I haveconsidered our religion, established here by the legislature soon afterthe Reformation: I have likewise examined the genius and disposition ofthe people, under that reasonable freedom they possess: Then I haveturned my reflections upon those two great divisions of Whig and Tory, (which, some way or other, take in the whole kingdom) with the principlesthey both profess, as well as those wherewith they reproach one another. From all this, I endeavour to determine, from which side her presentM[ajest]y may reasonably hope for most security to her person andgovernment, and to which she ought, in prudence, to trust theadministration of her affairs. If these two rivals were really no morethan _parties_, according to the common acceptation of the word, I shouldagree with those politicians who think, a prince descends from hisdignity by putting himself at the head of either; and that his wisestcourse is, to keep them in a balance; raising or depressing either as itbest suited with his designs. But when the visible interest of his crownand kingdom lies on one side, and when the other is but a faction, raisedand strengthened by incidents and intrigues, and by deceiving the peoplewith false representations of things; he ought, in prudence, to take thefirst opportunity of opening his subjects' eyes, and declaring himself infavour of those, who are for preserving the civil and religious rights ofthe nation, wherewith his own are so interwoven. 

This was certainly our case: for I do not take the heads, advocates, andfollowers of the Whigs, to make up, strictly speaking, a national party;being patched up of heterogeneous, inconsistent parts, whom nothingserved to unite but the common interest of sharing in the spoil andplunder of the people; the present dread of their adversaries, by whomthey apprehended to be called to an account, and that general conspiracy, of endeavouring to overturn the Church and State; which, however, if theycould have compassed, they would certainly have fallen out amongthemselves, and broke in pieces, as _their predecessors_ did, afterthey destroyed the monarchy and religion. For, how could a Whig, who isagainst all discipline, agree with a Presbyterian, that carries it higherthan the Papists themselves? How could a Socinian adjust his models toeither? Or how could any of these cement with a Deist or Freethinker, when they came to consult upon settling points of faith? Neither wouldthey have agreed better in their systems of government, where some wouldhave been for a king, under the limitations of a Duke of Venice; othersfor a Dutch republic; a third party for an aristocracy, and most of themall for some new fabric of their own contriving. 

But however, let us consider them as a party, and under those generaltenets wherein they agreed, and which they publicly owned, withoutcharging them with any that they pretend to deny. Then let us _Examine_those principles of the Tories, which their adversaries allow them toprofess, and do not pretend to tax them with any actions contrary tothose professions: after which, let the reader judge from which of thesetwo parties a prince hath most to fear; and whether her M[ajest]y did notconsider the ease, the safety and dignity of her person, the security ofher crown, and the transmission of monarchy to her Protestant successors, when she put her affairs into the present hands. 

Suppose the matter were now entire; the Qu[een] to make her choice, andfor that end, should order the principles on both sides to be fairly laidbefore her. First, I conceive the Whigs would grant, that they havenaturally no very great veneration for crowned heads; that they allow, the person of the prince may, upon many occasions, be resisted by arms;and that they do not condemn the war raised against King Charles theFirst, or own it to be a rebellion, though they would be thought to blamehis murder. They do not think the prerogative to be yet sufficientlylimited, and have therefore taken care (as a particular mark of theirveneration for the illustrious house of Hanover) to clip it closeragainst next reign; which, consequently, they would be glad to see donein the present: not to mention, that the majority of them, if it were putto the vote, would allow, that they prefer a commonwealth before amonarchy. As to religion; their universal, undisputed maxim is, that itought to make no distinction at all among Protestants; and in the wordProtestant they include every body who is not a Papist, and who will, byan oath, give security to the government. Union in discipline anddoctrine, the offensive sin of schism, the notion of a Church and ahierarchy, they laugh at as foppery, cant and priestcraft. They see nonecessity at all that there should be a national faith; and what weusually call by that name, they only style the "religion of themagistrate. "[3] Since the Dissenters and we agree in the main, why shouldthe difference of a few speculative points, or modes of dress, incapacitate them from serving their prince and country, in a juncturewhen we ought to have all hands up against the common enemy? And whyshould they be forced to take the sacrament from our clergy's hands, andin our posture, or indeed why compelled to receive it at all, whenthey take an employment which has nothing to do with religion?

These are the notions which most of that party avow, and which they donot endeavour to disguise or set off with false colours, or complain ofbeing misrepresented about, I have here placed them on purpose, in thesame light which themselves do, in the very apologies they make for whatwe accuse them of; and how inviting even these doctrines are, for such amonarch to close with, as our law, both statute and common, understands aKing of England to be, let others decide. But then, if to these we shouldadd other opinions, which most of their own writers justify, and whichtheir universal practice has given a sanction to, they are no more thanwhat a prince might reasonably expect, as the natural consequence ofthose avowed principles. For when such persons are at the head ofaffairs, the low opinion they have of princes, will certainly tempt themto violate that respect they ought to bear; and at the same time, theirown want of duty to their sovereign is largely made up, by exactinggreater submissions to themselves from their fellow-subjects: it beingindisputably true, that the same principle of pride and ambition makes aman treat his equals with insolence, in the same proportion as heaffronts his superiors; as both Prince and people have sufficiently feltfrom the late m[inist]ry. 

Then from their confessed notions of religion, as above related, I see noreason to wonder, why they countenanced not only all sorts of Dissenters, but the several gradations of freethinkers among us (all which wereopenly enrolled in their party); nor why they were so very averse fromthe present established form of worship, which by prescribing obedienceto princes from the topic of conscience, would be sure to thwart alltheir schemes of innovation. 

One thing I might add, as another acknowledged maxim in that party, andin my opinion, as dangerous to the constitution as any I have mentioned;I mean, that of preferring, on all occasions, the moneyed interest beforethe landed; which they were so far from denying, that they would gravelydebate the reasonableness and justice of it; and at the rate they wenton, might in a little time have found a majority of representatives, fitly qualified to lay those heavy burthens on the rest of the nation, which themselves would not touch with one of their fingers. 

However, to deal impartially, there are some motives which might compel aprince, under the necessity of affairs, to deliver himself over to thatparty. They were _said_ to possess the great bulk of cash, andconsequently of credit in the nation, and the heads of them had thereputation of presiding over those societies who have the great directionof both:[4] so that all applications for loans to the public service, upon any emergency, must be made through them; and it might prove highlydangerous to disoblige them, because in that case, it was not to bedoubted, that they would be obstinate and malicious, ready to obstructall affairs, not only by shutting their own purses, but by endeavouringto sink credit, though with some present imaginary loss to themselves, only to shew, it was a creature of their own. 

From this summary of Whig-principles and dispositions, we find what aprince may reasonably fear and hope from that party. Let us now verybriefly consider, the doctrines of the Tories, which their adversarieswill not dispute. As they prefer a well-regulated monarchy before allother forms of government; so they think it next to impossible to alterthat institution here, without involving our whole island in blood anddesolation. They believe, that the prerogative of a sovereign ought, atleast, to be held as sacred and inviolable as the rights of his people, if only for this reason, because without a due share of power, he willnot be able to protect them. They think, that by many known laws ofthis realm, both statute and common, neither the person, nor lawfulauthority of the prince, ought, upon any pretence whatsoever, to beresisted or disobeyed. Their sentiments, in relation to the Church, areknown enough, and will not be controverted, being just the reverse towhat I have delivered as the doctrine and practice of the Whigs upon thatarticle. 

But here I must likewise deal impartially too, and add one principle as acharacteristic of the Tories, which has much discouraged some princesfrom making use of them in affairs. Give the Whigs but power enough toinsult their sovereign, engross his favours to themselves, and to oppressand plunder their fellow-subjects; they presently grow into good humourand good language towards the crown; profess they will stand by it withtheir lives and fortunes; and whatever rudenesses they may be guilty ofin private, yet they assure the world, that there never was so gracious amonarch. But to the shame of the Tories, it must be confessed, thatnothing of all this hath been ever observed in them; in or out of favour, you see no alteration, further than a little cheerfulness or cloud intheir countenances; the highest employments can add nothing to theirloyalty, but their behaviour to their prince, as well as theirexpressions of love and duty, are, in all conditions, exactly the same. 

Having thus impartially stated the avowed principles of Whig and Tory;let the reader determine, as he pleases, to which of these two a wiseprince may, with most safety to himself and the public, trust his personand his affairs; and whether it were rashness or prudence in herM[ajest]y to make those changes in the ministry, which have been sohighly extolled by some, and condemned by others. 

[Footnote 1: No. 35 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: "None are prevented by their own faults from pointing outthe faults of another. "--H. T. RILEY. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: See Swift's "Letter Concerning the Sacramental Test" (vol. Iv. , p. 11 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The Bank and the East India Company. The former was sodecidedly in the Whig interest, that the great Doctor Sacheverell, onappearing to give his vote for choosing governors and directors for theBank, was very rudely treated. Nor were the ministry successful in anattempt made about that time to put these great companies under Torymanagement. [S. ] And see No. 25, _ante_, pp. 154-5. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 37. [1]

FROM THURSDAY APRIL 5, TO THURSDAY APRIL 12, 1711. 

 _Tres species tam dissimiles, tria talia texta Una dies dedit exitio----_[2]

I write this paper for the sake of the Dissenters, whom I take to be themost spreading branch of the Whig party, that professeth Christianity, and the only one that seems to be zealous for any particular system ofit; the bulk of those we call the Low Church, being generallyindifferent, and undetermined in that point; and the other subdivisionshaving not yet taken either the Old or New Testament into their scheme. By the Dissenters therefore, it will easily be understood, that I meanthe Presbyterians, as they include the sects of Anabaptists, Independents, and others, which have been melted down into them since theRestoration. This sect, in order to make itself national, having gone sofar as to raise a Rebellion, murder their king, destroy monarchy and theChurch, was afterwards broken in pieces by its own divisions; which madeway for the king's return from his exile. However, the zealous among themdid still entertain hopes of recovering the "dominion of grace;" whereofI have read a remarkable passage, in a book published about the year 1661and written by one of their own side. As one of the regicides was goingto his execution, a friend asked him, whether he thought the cause wouldrevive? He answered, "The cause is in the bosom of Christ, and as sure asChrist rose from the dead, so sure will the cause revive also. "[3] Andtherefore the Nonconformists were strictly watched and restrained bypenal laws, during the reign of King Charles the Second; the court andkingdom looking on them as a faction, ready to join in any design againstthe government in Church or State: And surely this was reasonable enough, while so many continued alive, who had voted, and fought, and preachedagainst both, and gave no proof that they had changed their principles. The Nonconformists were then exactly upon the same foot with ourNonjurors now, whom we double tax, forbid their conventicles, and keepunder hatches; without thinking ourselves possessed with a persecutingspirit, because we know they want nothing but the power to ruin us. This, in my opinion, should altogether silence the Dissenters' complaints ofpersecution under King Charles the Second; or make them shew us whereinthey differed, at that time, from what our Jacobites are now. 

Their inclinations to the Church were soon discovered, when King Jamesthe Second succeeded to the crown, with whom they unanimously joined inits ruin, to revenge themselves for that restraint they had most justlysuffered in the foregoing reign; not from the persecuting temper of theclergy, as their clamours would suggest, but the prudence and caution ofthe legislature. The same indulgence against law, was made use of by themand the Papists, and they amicably employed their power, as in defence ofone common interest. 

But the Revolution happening soon after, served to wash away the memoryof the rebellion; upon which, the run against Popery, was, no doubt, asjust and seasonable, as that of fanaticism, after the Restoration: andthe dread of Popery, being then our latest danger, and consequently themost fresh upon our spirits, all mouths were open against that; theDissenters were rewarded with an indulgence by law; the rebellion andking's murder were now no longer a reproach; the former was only a civilwar, and whoever durst call it a rebellion, was a Jacobite, and friend toFrance. This was the more unexpected, because the Revolution being whollybrought about by Church of England hands, they hoped one good consequenceof it, would be the relieving us from the encroachments of Dissenters, aswell as those of Papists, since both had equally confederated towards ourruin; and therefore, when the crown was new settled, it was hoped atleast that the rest of the constitution would be restored. But thisaffair took a very different turn; the Dissenters had just made a shiftto save a tide, and joined with the Prince of Orange, when they found allwas desperate with their protector King James. And observing a party, then forming against the old principles in Church and State, under thename of Whigs and Low-Churchmen, they listed themselves of it, where theyhave ever since continued. 

It is therefore, upon the foot they now are, that I would apply myself tothem, and desire they would consider the different circumstances atpresent, from what they were under, when they began their designs againstthe Church and monarchy, about seventy years ago. At that juncture theymade up the body of the party, and whosoever joined with them fromprinciples of revenge, discontent, ambition, or love of change, were allforced to shelter under their denomination; united heartily in thepretences of a further and purer Reformation in religion, and ofadvancing the "great work" (as the cant was then) "that God was aboutto do in these nations, " received the systems of doctrine and disciplineprescribed by the Scots, and readily took the Covenant;[4] so that thereappeared no division among them, till after the common enemy was subdued. 

But now their case is quite otherwise, and I can hardly think it worthbeing of a party, upon the terms they have been received of late years;for suppose the whole faction should at length succeed in their design ofdestroying the Church; are they so weak to imagine, that the newmodelling of religion, would be put into their hands? Would theirbrethren, the Low-Churchmen and Freethinkers, submit to their discipline, their synods or their classes, and divide the lands of bishops, or deansand chapters, among them? How can they help observing that their allies, instead of pretending more sanctity than other men, are some of them forlevelling all religion, and the rest for abolishing it? Is it notmanifest, that they have been treated by their confederates, exactlyafter the same manner, as they were by King James the Second, madeinstruments to ruin the Church, not for their sakes, but under apretended project of universal freedom in opinion, to advance the darkdesigns of those who employ them? For, excepting the anti-monarchicalprinciple, and a few false notions about liberty, I see but littleagreement betwixt them; and even in these, I believe, it would beimpossible to contrive a frame of government, that would please them all, if they had it now in their power to try. But however, to be sure, thePresbyterian institution would never obtain. For, suppose they should, inimitation of their predecessors, propose to have no King but our SaviourChrist, the whole clan of Freethinkers would immediately object, andrefuse His authority. Neither would their Low-Church brethren use thembetter, as well knowing what enemies they are to that doctrine ofunlimited toleration, wherever they are suffered to preside. So that uponthe whole, I do not see, as their present circumstances stand, where theDissenters can find better quarter, than from the Church of England. 

Besides, I leave it to their consideration, whether, with all their zealagainst the Church, they ought not to shew a little decency, and how farit consists with their reputation, to act in concert with suchconfederates. It was reckoned a very infamous proceeding in the presentmost Christian king, to assist the Turk against the Emperor: policy, andreasons of state, were not allowed sufficient excuses, for taking partwith an infidel against a believer. It is one of the Dissenters' quarrelsagainst the Church, that she is not enough reformed from Popery; yet theyboldly entered into a league with Papists and a popish prince, to destroyher. They profess much sanctity, and object against the wicked lives ofsome of our members; yet they have been long, and still continue, instrict combination with libertines and atheists, to contrive our ruin. What if the Jews should multiply, and become a formidable party among us?Would the Dissenters join in alliance with them likewise, because theyagree already in some general principles, and because the Jews areallowed to be a "stiffnecked and rebellious people"?

It is the part of wise men to conceal their passions, when they are notin circumstances of exerting them to purpose: the arts of getting power, and preserving indulgence, are very different. For the former, thereasonable hopes of the Dissenters, seem to be at an end; their comrades, the Whigs and Freethinkers, are just in a condition proper to beforsaken; and the Parliament, as well as the body of the people, will bedeluded no longer. Besides, it sometimes happens for a cause to beexhausted and worn out, as that of the Whigs in general, seems at presentto be: the nation has had enough of it. It is as vain to hope restoringthat decayed interest, as for a man of sixty to talk of entering on a newscene of life, that is only proper for youth and vigour. Newcircumstances and new men must arise, as well as new occasions, which arenot like to happen in our time. So that the Dissenters have no game left, at present, but to secure their indulgence: in order to which, I will beso bold to offer them some advice. 

First, That until some late proceedings are a little forgot, they wouldtake care not to provoke, by any violence of tongue or pen, so great amajority, as there is now against them, nor keep up any longer thatcombination with their broken allies, but disperse themselves, and liedormant against some better opportunity: I have shewn, they could havegot no advantage if the late party had prevailed; and they will certainlylose none by its fall, unless through their own fault. They pretend amighty veneration for the Queen; let them give proof of it, by quittingthe ruined interest of those who have used her so ill; and by a duerespect to the persons she is pleased to trust at present with heraffairs: When they can no longer hope to govern, when struggling can dothem no good, and may possibly hurt them, what is left but to be silentand passive?

Secondly, Though there be no law (beside that of God Almighty) against_occasional conformity_, [5] it would be prudence in the Dissenters to useit as tenderly as they can: for, besides the infamous hypocrisy of thething itself, too frequent practice would perhaps make a remedynecessary. And after all they have said to justify themselves in thispoint, it still continues hard to conceive, how those consciences canpretend to be scrupulous, upon which an employment has more power thanthe love of unity. 

In the last place, I am humbly of opinion, That the Dissenters would dowell to drop that lesson they have learned from their directors, ofaffecting to be under horrible apprehensions, that the Tories are in theinterests of the Pretender, and would be ready to embrace the firstopportunity of inviting him over. It is with the worst grace in theworld, that they offer to join in the cry upon this article: as if those, who alone stood in the gap against all the encroachments of Popery andarbitrary power, are not more likely to keep out both, than a set ofschismatics, who to gratify their ambition and revenge, did, by themeanest compliances, encourage and spirit up that unfortunate prince, tofell upon such measures, as must, at last, have ended in the ruin of ourliberty and religion. 

_I wish those who give themselves the trouble to write to the "Examiner"would consider whether what they send be proper for such a paper to takenotice of: I had one letter last week, written, as I suppose, by adivine, to desire I would offer some reasons against a Bill now beforethe Parliament for Ascertaining the Tithe of Hops;[6] from which thewriter apprehends great damage to the clergy, especially the poorervicars: If it be, as he says, (and he seems to argue very reasonably uponit) the convocation now sitting, will, no doubt, upon due application, represent the matter to the House of Commons; and he may expect alljustice and favour from that great body, who have already appeared sotender of their rights. 

A gentleman, likewise, who hath sent me several letters, relating topersonal hardships he received from some of the late ministry; is advisedto publish a narrative of them, they being too large, and not proper forthis paper. _

[Footnote 1: No. 36 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2:"Three different forms, of threefold threads combined, The selfsame day in common ruin joined. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: It is recorded in "The Speeches and Prayers of . .. Mr. JohnCarew, " 1660, and in "Rebels no Saints, " 1661, that at the execution ofJohn Carew, on October 15th, 1660: "One asked him if he thought therewould be a resurrection of the cause? He answered, he died in the faithof that, as much as he did that his body should rise again. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The Scotch General Assembly approved the "Solemn League andCovenant" on August 17th, 1643; it was publicly taken by the House ofCommons at St. Margaret's, Westminster, on September 25th. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Such a law was passed December 20th, 1711. It was entitled"An Act for preserving the Protestant Religion" (10 Ann, c. 6), andrequired persons appointed to various offices to conform to the Church ofEngland for one year and to receive the Sacrament three times. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: Leave was given for a Bill for Ascertaining the Tithe ofHops, March 26th, 1711, and the Bill was presented May 10th. It does notappear to have gone any further. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 38. [1]

FROM THURSDAY APRIL 12, TO THURSDAY APRIL 19, 1711. 

 _Semper causae eventorum magis movent quam ipsa eventa. [2]_

I am glad to observe, that several among the Whigs have begun very muchto change their language of late. The style is now among the reasonablepart of them, when they meet a man in business, or a Member ofParliament; "Well, gentlemen, if you go on as you have hitherto done, weshall no longer have any pretence to complain. " They find, it seems, thatthere have been yet no overtures made to bring in the Pretender, nor anypreparatory steps towards it. They read no enslaving votes, nor billsbrought in to endanger the subject. The indulgence to scrupulousconsciences, [3] is again confirmed from the throne, inviolably preserved, and not the least whisper offered that may affect it. All care is takento support the war; supplies cheerfully granted, and funds readilysubscribed to, in spite of the little arts made use of to discredit them. The just resentments of some, which are laudable in themselves, and whichat another juncture it might be proper to give way to, have been softenedor diverted by the calmness of others. So that upon the article ofpresent management, I do not see how any objection of weight can well beraised. 

However, our adversaries still allege, that this great success was whollyunexpected, and out of all probable view. That in public affairs, weought least of all others, to judge by events; that the attempt ofchanging a ministry, during the difficulties of a long war, was rash andinconsiderate: That if the Qu[een] were disposed by her inclinations, orfrom any personal dislike, for such a change, it might have been donewith more safety, in a time of peace: That if it had miscarried by any ofthose incidents, which in all appearance might have intervened, theconsequences would perhaps have ruined the whole confederacy; and, therefore, however it hath now succeeded, the experiment was toodangerous to try. 

But this is what we can by no means allow them. We never will admitrashness or chance to have produced all this harmony and order. It isvisible to the world, that the several steps towards this change wereslowly taken, and with the utmost caution. The movers observed as theywent on, how matters would bear, and advanced no farther at first, thanso as they might be able to stop or go back, if circumstances were notmature. Things were grown to such a height, that it was no longer thequestion, whether a person who aimed at an employment, were a Whig or aTory, much less, whether he had merit or proper abilities for what hepretended to: he must owe his preferment only to the favourites; and thecrown was so far from nominating, that they would not allow it anegative. This, the Qu[een] was resolved no longer to endure, and beganto break into their prescription, by bestowing one or two places ofconsequence, [4] without consulting her ephori; after they had fixed themfor others, and concluded as usually, that all their business was tosignify their pleasure to her M[ajest]y. But though the persons theQu[een] had chosen, were such as no objection could well be raisedagainst upon the score of party; yet the oligarchy took the alarm;[5]their sovereign authority was, it seems, called in question; they grewinto anger and discontent, as if their undoubted rights were violated. All former obligations to their sovereign now became cancelled; and theyput themselves upon the foot of people, who were hardly used after themost eminent services. 

I believe all men, who know any thing in politics, will agree, that aprince thus treated, by those he has most confided in, and perpetuallyloaded with his favours, ought to extricate himself as soon as possible;and is then only blamable in his choice of time, when he defers oneminute after it is in his power; because, from the monstrousencroachments of exorbitant avarice and ambition, he cannot tell how longit may continue to be so. And it will be found, upon enquiring intohistory, that most of those princes, who have been ruined by favourites, have owed their misfortune to the neglect of early remedies; deferring tostruggle till they were quite sunk. 

The Whigs are every day cursing the ungovernable rage, the haughty pride, and unsatiable covetousness of a certain person, [6] as the cause of theirfall; and are apt to tell their thoughts, that one single removal mighthave set all things right. But the interests of that single person, werefound, upon experience, so complicated and woven with the rest, by love, by awe, by marriage, by alliance, that they would rather confound heavenand earth, than dissolve such an union. 

I have always heard and understood, that a king of England, possessed ofhis people's hearts, at the head of a free Parliament, and in fullagreement with a great majority, made the true figure in the world thatsuch a monarch ought to do, and pursued the real interest of himself andhis kingdom. Will they allow her M[ajest]y to be in those circumstancesat present? And was it not plain by the addresses sent from all parts ofthe island, [7] and by the visible disposition of the people, that such aParliament would undoubtedly be chosen? And so it proved, without thecourt's using any arts to influence elections. 

What people then, are these in a corner, to whom the constitution musttruckle? If the whole nation's credit cannot supply funds for the war, without humble application from the entire legislature to a few retailersof money, it is high time we should sue for a peace. What new maximsare these, which neither we nor our forefathers ever heard of before, andwhich no wise institution would ever allow? Must our laws fromhenceforward pass the Bank and East India Company, or have their royalassent before they are in force?

To hear some of those worthy reasoners talking of credit, that she is sonice, so squeamish, so capricious; you would think they were describing alady troubled with vapours or the colick, to be only removed by a courseof steel, and swallowing a bullet. By the narrowness of their thoughts, one would imagine they conceived the world to be no wider than ExchangeAlley. It is probable they may have such a sickly dame among them, and itis well if she has no worse diseases, considering what hands she passesthrough. But the national credit is of another complexion; of soundhealth, and an even temper, her life and existence being a quintessencedrawn from the vitals of the whole kingdom. And we find thesemoney-politicians, after all their noise, to be of the same opinion, bythe court they paid her, when she lately appeared to them in the form of a_lottery_. [8]

As to that mighty error in politics, they charge upon the Qu[een], forchanging her ministry in the height of a war, I suppose, it is onlylooked upon as an error under a Whiggish administration; otherwise, thelate King has much to answer for, who did it pretty frequently. And itis well known, that the late ministry of famous memory, was brought induring this present war, [9] only with this circumstance, that two orthree of the chief, did first change their own principles, and then tookin suitable companions. 

But however, I see no reason why the Tories should not value their wisdomby events, as well as the Whigs. Nothing was ever thought a moreprecipitate rash counsel, than that of altering the coin at the junctureit was done;[10] yet the prudence of the undertaking was sufficientlyjustified by the success. Perhaps it will be said, that the attempt wasnecessary, because the whole species of money, was so grievously clippedand counterfeit. And, is not her Majesty's authority as sacred as hercoin? And has not that been most scandalously clipped and mangled, andoften counterfeited too?

It is another grievous complaint of the Whigs, that their late friends, and the whole party, are treated with abundance of severity in print, andin particular by the "Examiner. " They think it hard, that when they arewholly deprived of power, hated by the people, and out of all hope ofre-establishing themselves, their infirmities should be so oftendisplayed, in order to render them yet more odious to mankind. This iswhat they employ their writers to set forth in their papers of the week;and it is humoursome enough to observe one page taken up in railing at the"Examiner" for his invectives against a discarded ministry; and the otherside filled with the falsest and vilest abuses, against those who are nowin the highest power and credit with their sovereign, and whose leastbreath would scatter them into silence and obscurity. However, though Ihave indeed often wondered to see so much licentiousness taken andconnived at, and am sure it would not be suffered in any other country ofChristendom; yet I never once invoked the assistance of the gaol or thepillory, which upon the least provocation, was the usual style duringtheir tyranny. There hath not passed a week these twenty years withoutsome malicious paper, scattered in every coffee-house by the emissariesof that party, whether it were down or up. I believe, they will notpretend to object the same thing to us. Nor do I remember any constantweekly paper, with reflections on the late ministry or j[u]nto. They havemany weak, defenceless parts, they have not been used to a regularattack, and therefore it is that they are so ill able to endure one, whenit comes to be their turn. So that they complain more of a few months'truths from us, than we did of all their scandal and malice, for twice asmany years. 

I cannot forbear observing upon this occasion, that those worthy authorsI am speaking of, seem to me, not fairly to represent the sentiments oftheir party; who in disputing with us, do generally give up several ofthe late m[inist]ry, and freely own many of their failings. They confessthe monstrous debt upon the navy, to have been caused by most scandalousmismanagement; they allow the insolence of some, and the avarice ofothers, to have been insupportable: but these gentlemen are most liberalin their praises to those persons, and upon those very articles, wheretheir wisest friends give up the point. They gravely tell us, that such aone was the most faithful servant that ever any prince had; another themost dutiful, a third the most generous, and a fourth of the greatestintegrity. So that I look upon these champions, rather as retained by acabal than a party, which I desire the reasonable men among them wouldplease to consider. 

[Footnote 1: No. 37 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Cicero, "Ep. Ad Att. , " ix. 5. "I am always more affected bythe causes of events than by the events themselves. "--E. S. SHUCKBURGH. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "I am resolved . .. To maintain the indulgence by lawallowed to scrupulous consciences" (Queen Anne's Speech, November 27th, 1710). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The Queen appointed Earl Rivers to the lieutenancy of theTower without the Duke of Marlborough's concurrence. See "MemoirsRelating to that Change, " etc. (vol. V. , pp. 375-7 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "Upon the fall of that great minister and favourite[Godolphin], that whole party became dispirited, and seemed to expect theworst that could follow". (Swift's "Memoirs Relating to that Change, "etc. , vol v. , p. 378 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: The Duchess of Marlborough. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: "The bulk of the high-church, or Tory-party . .. Were bothvery industrious in procuring addresses, which, under the pretence ofexpressing their loyalty to the Queen, and affection to the Churchestablished, were mainly levelled, like so many batteries, against theministry and Parliament, " etc. (Boyer's "Annals of Queen Anne, " ix. 158-9). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: An Act for reviving . .. Certain Duties (9 Ann. , c. 6), provided that £1, 500, 000 should be raised "by way of a lottery. " It wasintroduced February 15th, and received the Royal Assent March 6th, 1710/1[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The Queen appointed a ministry with Lord Godolphin aslord treasurer in the first months of her reign, May-July, 1702. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: The clipping of coin had become so widespread that it wasabsolutely imperative that steps should be taken to readjust matters. Itwas resolved, therefore, in 1695, to call in all light money and recoinit. The matter was placed in charge of the then chancellor of theexchequer, Charles Montague, afterwards Earl of Halifax, and he, with the assistance of Sir Isaac Newton, successfully accomplished thevery arduous task. It cost the nation about £2, 200, 000, and aconsiderable inconvenience owing to lack of coins. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 39. [1]

FROM THURSDAY APRIL 19, TO THURSDAY APRIL 26, 1711. 

_Indignum est in ed civitate, quae legibus continetur, discedi alegibus. _[2]

I[3] have been often considering how it comes to pass, that the dexterityof mankind in evil, should always outgrow, not only the prudence andcaution of private persons, but the continual expedients of the wisestlaws contrived to prevent it. I cannot imagine a knave to possess agreater share of natural wit or genius, than an honest man. I have knownvery notable sharpers at play, who upon all other occasions, were asgreat dunces, as human shape can well allow; and I believe, the samemight be observed among the other knots of thieves and pickpockets, aboutthis town. The proposition however is certainly true, and to be confirmedby an hundred instances. A scrivener, an attorney, a stock-jobber, andmany other retailers of fraud, shall not only be able to overreachothers, much wiser than themselves, but find out new inventions, to eludethe force of any law made against them. I suppose, the reason of thismay be, that as the aggressor is said to have generally the advantage ofthe defender; so the makers of the law, which is to defend our rights, have usually not so much industry or vigour, as those whose interestleads them to attack it. Besides, it rarely happens that men are rewardedby the public for their justice and virtue; neither do those who act uponsuch principles, expect any recompense till the next world: whereasfraud, where it succeeds, gives present pay; and this is allowed thegreatest spur imaginable both to labour and invention. When a law is madeto stop some growing evil, the wits of those, whose interest it is tobreak it with secrecy or impunity, are immediately at work; and evenamong those who pretend to fairer characters, many would gladly findmeans to avoid, what they would not be thought to violate. They desire toreap the advantage, if possible, without the shame, or at least, withoutthe danger. This art is what I take that dexterous race of men, sprungup soon after the Revolution, to have studied with great application eversince, and to have arrived at great perfection in it. According to thedoctrine of some Romish casuists, they have found out _quam propè adpeccatum sine peccato possint accedere_. [3] They can tell how to gowithin an inch of an impeachment, and yet come back untouched. They knowwhat degree of corruption will just forfeit an employment, and whetherthe bribe you receive be sufficient to set you right, and put somethingin your pocket besides. How much to a penny, you may safely cheat theQu[ee]n, whether forty, fifty or sixty _per cent. _ according to thestation you are in, and the dispositions of the persons in office, belowand above you. They have computed the price you may securely take or givefor a place, or what part of the salary you ought to reserve. They candiscreetly distribute five hundred pounds in a small borough, withoutany danger from the statutes, against bribing elections. They can managea bargain for an office, by a third, fourth or fifth hand, so that youshall not know whom to accuse; and win a thousand guineas at play, inspite of the dice, and send away the loser satisfied: They can pass themost exorbitant accounts, overpay the creditor with half his demands, andsink the rest. 

It would be endless to relate, or rather indeed impossible to discover, the several arts which curious men have found out to enrich themselves, by defrauding the public, in defiance of the law. The military men, bothby sea and land, have equally cultivated this most useful science:neither hath it been altogether neglected by the other sex; of which, onthe contrary, I could produce an instance, that would make ours blush tobe so far outdone. 

Besides, to confess the truth, our laws themselves are extremelydefective in many articles, which I take to be one ill effect of our bestpossession, liberty. Some years ago, the ambassador of a great prince wasarrested, [4] and outrages committed on his person in our streets, withoutany possibility of redress from Westminster-Hall, or the prerogative ofthe sovereign; and the legislature was forced to provide a remedy againstthe like evils in times to come. A commissioner of the stamped paper[5]was lately discovered to have notoriously cheated the public of greatsums for many years, by counterfeiting the stamps, which the law had madecapital. But the aggravation of his crime, proved to be the cause thatsaved his life; and that additional heightening circumstance of betrayinghis trust, was found to be a legal defence. I am assured, that thenotorious cheat of the brewers at Portsmouth, [6] detected about twomonths ago in Parliament, cannot by any law now in force, be punished inany degree, equal to the guilt and infamy of it. Nay, what is almostincredible, had Guiscard survived his detestable attempt upon Mr. Harley's person, all the inflaming circumstances of the fact, would nothave sufficed, in the opinion of many lawyers, to have punished him withdeath;[7] and the public must have lain under this dilemma, either tocondemn him by a law, _ex post facto_ (which would have been of dangerousconsequence, and form an ignominious precedent) or undergo themortification to see the greatest villain upon earth escape unpunished, to the infinite triumph and delight of Popery and faction. But even thisis not to be wondered at, when we consider, that of all the insolencesoffered to the Qu[een] since the Act of Indemnity, (at least, that evercame to my ears) I can hardly instance above two or three, which, by theletter of the law could amount to high treason. 

From these defects in our laws, and the want of some discretionary powersafely lodged, to exert upon emergencies; as well as from the greatacquirements of able men, to elude the penalties of those laws theybreak, it is no wonder, the injuries done to the public, are so seldomredressed. But besides, no individual suffers, by any wrong he does tothe commonwealth, in proportion to the advantage he gains by doing it. There are seven or eight millions who contribute to the loss, while thewhole gain is sunk among a few. The damage suffered by the public, is notso immediately or heavily felt by particular persons, and the zeal ofprosecution is apt to drop and be lost among numbers. 

But imagine a set of politicians for many years at the head of affairs, the game visibly their own, and by consequence acting with greatsecurity: may not these be sometimes tempted to forget their caution, bylength of time, by excess of avarice and ambition, by the insolence orviolence of their nature, or perhaps by a mere contempt for theiradversaries? May not such motives as these, put them often upon actionsdirectly against the law, such as no evasions can be found for, and whichwill lay them fully open to the vengeance of a prevailing interest, whenever they are out of power? It is answered in the affirmative. Andhere we cannot refuse the late m[inistr]y their due praises, whoforeseeing a storm, provided for their own safety, by two admirableexpedients, by which, with great prudence, they have escaped thepunishments due to pernicious counsels and corrupt management. The first, was to procure, under pretences hardly specious, a general Act ofIndemnity, [8] which cuts off all impeachments. The second, was yet morerefined: suppose, for instance, a counsel is to be pursued, which isnecessary to carry on the dangerous designs of a prevailing party, topreserve them in power, to gratify the immeasurable appetites of a fewleaders, civil and military, though by hazarding the ruin of the wholenation: this counsel, desperate in itself, unprecedented in the nature ofit, they procure a majority to form into an address, [9] which makes itlook like the sense of the nation. Under that shelter they carry on theirwork, and lie secure against after-reckonings. 

I must be so free to tell my meaning in this, that among other things, Iunderstand it of the address made to the Qu[een] about three years ago, to desire that her M[ajest]y would not consent to a peace, without theentire restitution of Sp[ai]n. [10] A proceeding, which to people abroad, must look like the highest strain of temerity, folly, and gasconade. Butwe at home, who allow the promoters of that advice to be no fools, caneasily comprehend the depth and mystery of it. They were assured by thismeans, to pin down the war upon us, consequently to increase their ownpower and wealth, and multiply difficulties on the Qu[een] and kingdom, till they had fixed their party too firmly to be shaken, whenever theyshould find themselves disposed to reverse their address, and give usleave to wish for a peace. 

If any man entertains a more favourable opinion of this monstrous step inpolitics; I would ask him what we must do, in case we find it impossibleto recover Spain? Those among the Whigs who believe a God, will confess, that the events of war lie in His hands; and the rest of them, whoacknowledge no such power, will allow, that Fortune hath too great ashare in the good or ill success of military actions, to let a wise manreason upon them, as if they were entirely in his power. If Providenceshall think fit to refuse success to our arms, with how ill a grace, withwhat shame and confusion, shall we be obliged to recant that precipitateaddress, unless the world will be so charitable to consider, thatparliaments among us, differ as much as princes, and that by the fatalconjunction of many unhappy circumstances, it is very possible for ourisland to be represented sometimes by those who have the leastpretensions to it. So little truth or justice there is in what somepretend to advance, that the actions of former senates, ought always tobe treated with respect by the latter; that those assemblies are allequally venerable, and no one to be preferred before another: by whichargument, the Parliament that began the rebellion against King Charlesthe First, voted his trial, and appointed his murderers, ought to beremembered with respect. 

But to return from this digression; it is very plain, that consideringthe defectiveness of our laws, the variety of cases, the weakness of theprerogative, the power or the cunning of ill-designing men, it ispossible, that many great abuses may be visibly committed, which cannotbe legally punished: especially if we add to this, that some enquiriesmight probably involve those, whom upon other accounts, it is notthought convenient to disturb. Therefore, it is very false reasoning, especially in the management of public affairs, to argue that men areinnocent, because the law hath not pronounced them guilty. 

I am apt to think, it was to supply such defects as these, that satirewas first introduced into the world; whereby those whom neither religion, nor natural virtue, nor fear of punishment, were able to keep within thebounds of their duty, might be withheld by the shame of having theircrimes exposed to open view in the strongest colours, and themselvesrendered odious to mankind. Perhaps all this may be little regarded bysuch hardened and abandoned natures as I have to deal with; but, next totaming or binding a savage animal, the best service you can do theneighbourhood, is to give them warning, either to arm themselves, or notcome in its way. 

Could I have hoped for any signs of remorse from the leaders of thatfaction, I should very gladly have changed my style, and forgot or passedby their million of enormities. But they are every day more fond ofdiscovering their impotent zeal and malice: witness their conduct in thecity about a fortnight ago, [11] which had no other end imaginable, besidethat of perplexing our affairs, and endeavouring to make thingsdesperate, that themselves may be thought necessary. While they continuein this frantic mood, I shall not forbear to treat them as they deserve;that is to say, as the inveterate, irreconcilable enemies to our countryand its constitution. 

[Footnote 1: No. 38 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: "It is a shameful thing in a state which is governed bylaws, that there should be any departure from them. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: This paper called forth a reply which was printed in twoforms, one with the title: "A Few Words upon the Examiner's ScandalousPeace" (London, 1711), and the other, "Reflections upon theExaminer's Scandalous Peace" (London: A. Baldwin, 1711). A carefulcomparison of these pamphlets shows that the text correspondspage for page. The author commences: "Though 'The Examiner' be certainlythe most trifling, scurrilous, and malicious writer that ever appeared, yet, in spite of all his gross untruths and absurd notions, by assumingto himself an air of authority, and speaking in the person of oneemployed by the ministry, he sometimes gives a kind of weight to what hesays, so as to make impressions of terror upon honest minds. " Then, afterquoting several of the Queen's Speeches to Parliament, and the Addressesin reply, he observes: "The 'Examiner' is resolved to continue sofaithful to his principal quality of speaking untruths, that he hasindustriously taken care not to recite truly the very Address he makes ithis business to rail at;" and he points out that it was not the"restitution of Spain, " but the restoration of the Spanish Monarchy tothe House of Austria that was desired. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "How near to sin they can go without actually sinning. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The Muscovite Ambassador (A. A. Matveof) was arrested andtaken out of his coach by violence. A Bill was brought into the Houseof Commons "for preserving the Privileges of Ambassadors, " February7th, 1708/9, and obtained the Royal Assent, April 21st, 1709 (7 Ann. C. 12). 

Matveof, it seemed, was arrested by his creditors, who feared that, since he had taken leave at Court, they would never be paid. Peterthe Great was angry at the indignity thus offered his representative, and was only unwillingly pacified by the above Act. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Richard Dyet, J. P. , "is discovered to have counterfeitedstamped paper, in which he was a commissioner; and, with his accomplices, has cheated the Queen of £100, 000" (Swift's "Journal to Stella, " October3rd, 1710, vol. Ii. , p. 20 of present edition). He was tried for felonyat the Old Bailey, January 13th, 1710/1, and was acquitted, because hisoffence was only a breach of trust. He was, however, re-committedfor trial on the charge of misdemeanour. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: "Some very considerable abuses, " the chancellor of theexchequer informed the House of Commons on January 3rd, 1710/1, "havebeen discovered in the victualling. " It appears that the seamen in thenavy were allowed seven pints of beer per day, during the time they wereon board. In port, of course the sailors were permitted to go ashore, butthe allowance was still charged to the ship's account; and became aperquisite of the purser. It often happened that the contractors did notsend in the full amount of beer paid for, but gave the purser money inexchange for the difference. The scandal was brought to the attentionof the House as stated, and a committee was appointed to inquire intothe abuse. On February 15th the House considered the committee's report, and it was found that Thomas Ridge, Member for Portsmouth, contracted tosupply 5, 513 tons of beer, and had delivered only 3, 213. Several otherbrewers of Portsmouth had been guilty of the same fraud. Mr. Ridge wasexpelled the House the same day. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: See Swift's "Journal, " quoted in notes to No. 33, _ante_, p. 214. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: This Act was passed in 1708. See No. 18, _ante_, and note, p. 105. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The Address from both Houses, presented to the Queen, February 18th, 1709/10, prayed that she "would be pleased to order theDuke of Marlborough's immediate departure for Holland, where his presencewill be equally necessary, to assist at the negotiations of peace, and tohasten the preparations for an early campaign, " etc. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: The Address of both Houses to the Queen, presented onDecember 23rd, 1707, urged: "That nothing could restore a just balance ofpower in Europe, but the reducing the whole Spanish monarchy to theobedience of the House of Austria; and . .. That no peace can behonourable or safe, for your Majesty or your allies, if Spain, the WestIndies, or any part of the Spanish Monarchy, be suffered to remain underthe power of the House of Bourbon. " The resolutions as carried in theHouse of Lords on December 19th did not include the words "or any part ofthe Spanish Monarchy"; these words were introduced on a motion by Somerswho was in the chair when the Select Committee met on December 20th toembody the resolutions in proper form. The altered resolution was quicklyhurried through the Lords and agreed to by the Commons, and the Addressas amended was presented to the Queen. By this bold move Somers prolongedthe war indefinitely. See also note at the commencement of this number. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: This refers to the election of the governor and directorsof the Bank of England on April 12th and 13th. All the Whig candidateswere returned, and Sir H. Furnese was on the same day chosen Alderman forBridge Within. See also No. 41, _post_, p. 267, [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 40. [1]

FROM THURSDAY APRIL 26, TO THURSDAY MAY 3, 1711. 

 _Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes?_[2]

There have been certain topics of reproach, liberally bestowed for someyears past, by the Whigs and Tories, upon each other. We charge theformer with a design of destroying the established Church, andintroducing fanaticism and freethinking in its stead. We accuse them asenemies to monarchy; as endeavouring to undermine the present form ofgovernment, and to build a commonwealth, or some new scheme of their own, upon its ruins. On the other side, their clamours against us, may besummed up in those three formidable words, Popery, Arbitrary Power, andthe Pretender. Our accusations against them we endeavour to make good bycertain overt acts; such as their perpetually abusing the whole body ofthe clergy; their declared contempt for the very order of priesthood;their aversion for episcopacy; the public encouragement and patronagethey gave to Tindall, Toland, and other atheistical writers; theirappearing as professed advocates, retained by the Dissenters, excusingtheir separation, and laying the guilt of it to the obstinacy of theChurch; their frequent endeavours to repeal the test, and their settingup the indulgence to scrupulous consciences, as a point of greaterimportance than the established worship. The regard they bear to ourmonarchy, hath appeared by their open ridiculing the martyrdom of KingCharles the First, in their Calves-head Clubs, [3] their common discoursesand their pamphlets: their denying the unnatural war raised against thatprince, to have been a rebellion; their justifying his murder in theallowed papers of the week; their industry in publishing and spreadingseditious and republican tracts; such as Ludlow's "Memoirs, " Sidney "OfGovernment, "[4] and many others; their endless lopping of theprerogative, and mincing into nothing her M[ajest]y's titles to thecrown. 

What proofs they bring for our endeavouring to introduce Popery, arbitrary power, and the Pretender, I cannot readily tell, and would beglad to hear; however, those important words having by dexterousmanagement, been found of mighty service to their cause, though appliedwith little colour, either of reason or justice; I have been consideringwhether they may not be adapted to more proper objects. 

As to Popery, which is the first of these, to deal plainly, I can hardlythink there is any set of men among us, except the professors of it, whohave any direct intention to introduce it among us: but the question is, whether the principles and practices of us, or the Whigs, be most likelyto make way for it? It is allowed, on all hands, that among the methodsconcerted at Rome, for bringing over England into the bosom of theCatholic Church; one of the chief was, to send Jesuits and otheremissaries, in lay habits, who personating tradesmen and mechanics, should mix with the people, and under the pretence of a further and purerreformation, endeavour to divide us into as many sects as possible, whichwould either put us under the necessity of returning to our old errors, to preserve peace at home; or by our divisions make way for some powerfulneighbour, with the assistance of the Pope's permission, and aconsecrated banner, to convert and enslave us at once. If this hath beenreckoned good politics (and it was the best the Jesuit schools couldinvent) I appeal to any man, whether the Whigs, for many years past, havenot been employed in the very same work? They professed on all occasions, that they knew no reason why any one system of speculative opinions (asthey termed the doctrines of the Church) should be established by lawmore than another; or why employments should be confined to the religionof the magistrate, and that called the Church established. The grandmaxim they laid down was, That no man, for the sake of a few notions andceremonies, under the names of doctrine and discipline, should be deniedthe liberty of serving his country: as if places would go a begging, unless Brownists, Familists, Sweet-singers, Quakers, Anabaptists andMuggletonians, would take them off our hands. 

I have been sometimes imagining this scheme brought to perfection, andhow diverting it would look to see half a dozen Sweet-singers on thebench in their ermines, and two or three Quakers with their white stavesat court. I can only say, this project is the very counterpart of thelate King James's design, which he took up as the best method forintroducing his own religion, under the pretext of an universal libertyof conscience, and that no difference in religion, should make any in hisfavour. Accordingly, to save appearances, he dealt some employments amongDissenters of most denominations; and what he did was, no doubt, inpursuance of the best advice he could get at home or abroad; and theChurch thought it the most dangerous step he could take for herdestruction. It is true, King James admitted Papists among the rest, which the Whigs would not; but this is sufficiently made up by a materialcircumstance, wherein they seem to have much outdone that prince, and tohave carried their liberty of conscience to a higher point, havinggranted it to all the classes of Freethinkers, which the nice conscienceof a Popish prince would not give him leave to do; and was thereinmightily overseen; because it is agreed by the learned, that there isbut a very narrow step from atheism, to the other extreme, superstition. So that upon the whole, whether the Whigs had any real design of bringingin Popery or no, it is very plain, that they took the most effectual steptowards it; and if the Jesuits had been their immediate directors, theycould not have taught them better, nor have found apter scholars. 

Their second accusation is, That we encourage and maintain arbitrarypower in princes, and promote enslaving doctrines among the people. Thisthey go about to prove by instances, producing the particular opinions ofcertain divines in King Charles the Second's reign; a decree of OxfordUniversity, [5] and some few writers since the Revolution. What they mean, is the principle of passive obedience and non-resistance, which those whoaffirm, did, I believe, never intend should include arbitrary power. However, though I am sensible that it is not reckoned prudent in adispute, to make any concessions without the last necessity; yet I doagree, that in my own private opinion, some writers did carry that tenetof passive obedience to a height, which seemed hardly consistent with theliberties of a country, whose laws can be neither enacted nor repealed, without the consent of the whole people. I mean not those who affirm itdue in general, as it certainly is to the Legislature, but such as fix itentirely in the prince's person. This last has, I believe, been done by avery few; but when the Whigs quote authors to prove it upon us, theybring in all who mention it as a duty in general, without applying it toprinces, abstracted from their senate. 

By thus freely declaring my own sentiments of passive obedience, it willat least appear, that I do not write for a party: neither do I, upon anyoccasion, pretend to speak their sentiments, but my own. The majority ofthe two Houses, and the present ministry (if those be a party) seem to mein all their proceedings, to pursue the real interest of Church andState: and if I shall happen to differ from particular persons amongthem, in a single notion about government, I suppose they will not, uponthat account, explode me and my paper. However, as an answer once forall, to the tedious scurrilities of those idle people, who affirm, I amhired and directed what to write;[6] I must here inform them, that theircensure is an effect of their principles: The present m[inistr]y areunder no necessity of employing prostitute pens; they have no darkdesigns to promote, by advancing heterodox opinions. 

But (to return) suppose two or three private divines, under King Charlesthe Second, did a little overstrain the doctrine of passive obedience toprinces; some allowance might be given to the memory of that unnaturalrebellion against his father, and the dismal consequences of resistance. It is plain, by the proceedings of the Churchmen before and at theRevolution, that this doctrine was never designed to introduce arbitrarypower. [7]

I look upon the Whigs and Dissenters to be exactly of the same politicalfaith; let us, therefore, see what share each of them had in advancingarbitrary power. It is manifest, that the fanatics made Cromwell the mostabsolute tyrant in Christendom:[8] The Rump abolished the House of Lords;the army abolished the Rump; and by this army of _saints_, he governed. The Dissenters took liberty of conscience and employments from the lateKing James, as an acknowledgment of his dispensing power; which makes aKing of England as absolute as the Turk. The Whigs, under the late king, perpetually declared for keeping up a standing army, in times of peace;which has in all ages been the first and great step to the ruin ofliberty. They were, besides, discovering every day their inclinations todestroy the rights of the Church; and declared their opinion, in allcompanies, against the bishops sitting in the House of Peers: whichwas exactly copying after their predecessors of 'Forty-one. I need notsay their real intentions were to make the king absolute, but whatever bethe designs of innovating men, they usually end in a tyranny: as we maysee by an hundred examples in Greece, and in the later commonwealths ofItaly, mentioned by Machiavel. 

In the third place, the Whigs accuse us of a design to bring in thePretender; and to give it a greater air of probability, they suppose theQu[een] to be a party in this design; which however, is no veryextraordinary supposition in those who have advanced such singularparadoxes concerning Gregg and Guiscard. Upon this article, their chargeis general, without ever offering to produce an instance. But I verilythink, and believe it will appear no paradox, that if ever he be broughtin, the Whigs are his men. For, first, it is an undoubted truth, that ayear or two after the Revolution, several leaders of that party had theirpardons sent them by the late King James, [9] and had entered uponmeasures to restore him, on account of some disobligations they receivedfrom King William. Besides, I would ask, whether those who are under thegreatest ties of gratitude to King James, are not at this day become themost zealous Whigs? And of what party those are now, who kept a longcorrespondence with St. Germains?

It is likewise very observable of late, that the Whigs upon alloccasions, profess their belief of the Pretender's being no impostor, buta real prince, born of the late Queen's body:[10] which whether it betrue or false, is very unseasonably advanced, considering the weight suchan opinion must have with the vulgar, if they once thoroughly believe it. Neither is it at all improbable, that the Pretender himself puts hischief hopes in the friendship he expects from the Dissenters and Whigs, by his choice to invade the kingdom when the latter were most in credit:and he had reason to count upon the former, from the gracious treatmentthey received from his supposed father, and their joyful acceptanceof it. But further, what could be more consistent with the Whiggishnotion of a revolution-principle, than to bring in the Pretender? Arevolution-principle, as their writings and discourses have taught us todefine it, is a principle perpetually disposing men to revolutions: andthis is suitable to the famous saying of a great Whig, "That the morerevolutions the better"; which how odd a maxim soever in appearance, Itake to be the true characteristic of the party. 

A dog loves to turn round often; yet after certain revolutions, he liesdown to rest: but heads, under the dominion of the moon, are forperpetual changes, and perpetual revolutions: besides, the Whigs owe alltheir wealth to wars and revolutions; like the girl at Bartholomew-fair, who gets a penny by turning round a hundred times, with swords in herhands. [11]

To conclude, the Whigs have a natural faculty of bringing in pretenders, and will therefore probably endeavour to bring in the great one at last:How many _pretenders_ to wit, honour, nobility, politics, have theybrought in these last twenty years? In short, they have been sometimesable to procure a majority of pretenders in Parliament; and wantednothing to render the work complete, except a Pretender at their head. 

[Footnote 1: No. 39 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Juvenal, "Satires, " ii. 24. 

 "Who his spleen could rein, And hear the Gracchi of the mob complain?"--W. GIFFORD. 

 [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: The Calves-Head Club "was erected by an impudent set ofpeople, who have their feast of calves-heads in several parts of thetown, on the 30th of January; in derision of the day, and defiance ofmonarchy" ("Secret History of the Calves-Head Club, " 1703). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: These works can hardly be called "tracts. " Algernon Sidney's"Discourses concerning Government" (1698), is a portly folio of 467pages, and Ludlow's "Memoirs" (1698-9) occupy three stout octavo volumes. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: On July 21st, 1683, the University of Oxford passed a decreecondemning as "false, seditious, and impious, " a series of twenty-sevenpropositions, among which were the following:

"All civil authority is derived originally from the people. "

"The King has but a co-ordinate power, and may be over-ruled by the Lordsand Commons. "

"Wicked kings and tyrants ought to be put to death. "

"King Charles the First was lawfully put to death. "

The decree was reprinted in 1709/10 with the title, "An EntireConfutation of Mr. Hoadley's Book, of the Original of Government. " It wasburnt by the order of the House of Lords, dated March 23rd, 1709/10. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: In a letter to Dr. Chenevix, Bishop of Waterford (dated May23rd, 1758), Lord Chesterfield, speaking of Swift's "Last Four Years, "says that it "is a party pamphlet, founded on the lie of the day, which, as Lord Bolingbroke who had read it often assured me, _wascoined and delivered out to him, to write 'Examiners' and otherpolitical papers upon_" (Chesterfield's "Works, " ii. 498, edit. 1777). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: From this and many previous passages it is obvious, that, injoining the Tories, Swift reserved to himself the right of putting hisown interpretation upon the speculative points of their political creed. [S. ]]

[Footnote 8: See Swift's "Presbyterians' Plea of Merit, " and note, vol. Iv. , p. 36, of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: James II. Sent a Declaration to England, dated April 20th, 1692, in which he promised to pardon all those who should return to theirduty. He made a few exceptions, and among these were Ormonde, Sunderland, Nottingham, Churchill, etc. It is said that of Churchill James remarkedthat he never could forgive him until he should efface the memory of hisingratitude by some eminent service. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: "The Pretended Prince of Wales, " as he is styled in severalActs of Parliament, was first called "the Pretender" in Queen Anne'sspeech to Parliament on March 11th, 1707/8. She then said: "The Frenchfleet sailed from Dunkirk, Tuesday, at three in the morning, northward, with the Pretender on board. " The same epithet is employed in theAddresses by the two Houses in reply to this speech. 

It was currently reported that he was not a son of James II. And QueenMary. Several pamphlets were written by "W. Fuller, " to prove that he wasthe son of a gentlewoman named Grey, who was brought to England fromIreland in 1688 by the Countess of Tyrconnel. See also note on p. 409 ofvol. V. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: An exhibition described at length in Ward's "London Spy. "The wonder and dexterity of the feat consisted in the damsel sustaining anumber of drawn swords upright upon her hands, shoulders, and neck, andturning round so nimbly as to make the spectators giddy. [S. ]]

NUMB. 41. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MAY 3, TO THURSDAY MAY 10, 1711. [2]

 _Dos est magna parentium virtus. _[3]

I took up a paper[4] some days ago in a coffee-house; and if thecorrectness of the style, and a superior spirit in it, had notimmediately undeceived me, I should have been apt to imagine, I had beenreading an "Examiner. " In this paper, there were several importantpropositions advanced. For instance, that "Providence raised up Mr. H[arle]y to be an instrument of great good, in a very critical juncture, when it was much wanted. " That, "his very enemies acknowledge his eminentabilities, and distinguishing merit, by their unwearied and restlessendeavours against his person and reputation": That "they have hadan inveterate malice against both": That he "has been wonderfullypreserved from _some_ unparalleled attempts"; with more to the samepurpose. I immediately computed by rules of arithmetic, that in the lastcited words there was something more intended than the attempt ofGuiscard, which I think can properly pass but for _one_ of the "some. "And, though I dare not pretend to guess the author's meaning; yet theexpression allows such a latitude, that I would venture to hold a wager, most readers, both Whig and Tory, have agreed with me, that this pluralnumber must, in all probability, among other facts, take in the businessof Gregg. [5]

See now the difference of styles. Had I been to have told my thoughts onthis occasion; instead of saying how Mr. H[arle]y was "treated by somepersons, " and "preserved from some unparalleled attempts"; I should withintolerable bluntness and ill manners, have told a formal story, of acom[mitt]ee[6] sent to a condemned criminal in Newgate, to bribe him witha pardon, on condition he would swear high treason against his master, who discovered his correspondence, and secured his person, when a certaingrave politician had given him warning to make his escape: and by thismeans I should have drawn a whole swarm of hedge-writers to exhaust theircatalogue of scurrilities against me as a liar, and a slanderer. But withsubmission to the author of that forementioned paper, I think he hascarried that expression to the utmost it will bear: for after all thisnoise, I know of but two "attempts" against Mr. H[arle]y, that can reallybe called "unparalleled, " which are those aforesaid of Gregg andGuiscard; and as to the rest, I will engage to parallel them from thestory of Catiline, and others I could produce. 

However, I cannot but observe, with infinite pleasure, that a great partof what I have charged upon the late prevailing faction, and foraffirming which, I have been adorned with so many decent epithets, hathbeen sufficiently confirmed at several times, by the resolutions of oneor the other House of Parliament. [7] I may therefore now say, I hope, with good authority, that there have been "some unparalleled attempts"against Mr. Harley. That the late ministry were justly to blame in somemanagement, which occasioned the unfortunate battle of Almanza, [8] andthe disappointment at Toulon. [9] That the public has been grievouslywronged by most notorious frauds, during the Whig administration. Thatthose who advised the bringing in the Palatines, [10] were enemies to thekingdom. That the late managers of the revenue have not duly passed theiraccounts, [11] for a great part of thirty-five millions, and ought not tobe trusted in such employments any more. Perhaps in a little time, I mayventure to affirm some other paradoxes of this kind, and produce the samevouchers. And perhaps also, if it had not been so busy a period, insteadof one "Examiner, " the late ministry might have had above four hundred, each of whose little fingers would be heavier than my loins. It makes methink of Neptune's threat to the winds:

 _Quos ego--sed motos praestat componere fluctus. _[12]

Thus when these sons of Aeolus, had almost sunk the ship with thetempests they raised, it was necessary to smooth the ocean, and securethe vessel, instead of pursuing the offenders. 

But I observe the general expectation at present, instead of dwelling anylonger upon conjectures who is to be punished for past miscarriages, seems bent upon the rewards intended to those, who have been so highlyinstrumental in rescuing our constitution from its late dangers. It isthe observation of Tacitus, in the life of Agricola, that his eminentservices had raised a general opinion of his being designed, by theemperor, for praetor of Britain. _Nullis in hoc suis sermonibus, sed quiapar videbatur:_ and then he adds, _Non semper errat fama, aliquando eteligit. _[13] The judgment of a wise prince, and the general dispositionof the people, do often point at the same person; and sometimes thepopular wishes, do even foretell the reward intended for some superiormerit. Thus among several deserving persons, there are two, [14] whom thepublic vogue hath in a peculiar manner singled out, as designed very soonto receive the choicest marks of the royal favour. One of them to beplaced in a very high station, and both to increase the number of ournobility. This, I say, is the general conjecture; for I pretend to none, nor will be chargeable if it be not fulfilled; since it is enough fortheir honour, that the nation thinks them worthy of the greatest rewards. 

Upon this occasion I cannot but take notice, that of all the heresies inpolitics, profusely scattered by the partisans of the lateadministration, none ever displeased me more, or seemed to have moredangerous consequences to monarchy, than that pernicious talent so muchaffected, of discovering a contempt for birth, family, and ancientnobility. All the threadbare topics of poets and orators were displayedto discover to us, that merit and virtue were the only nobility; and thatthe advantages of blood, could not make a knave or a fool either honestor wise. Most popular commotions we read of in histories of Greece andRome, took their rise from unjust quarrels to the nobles; and in thelatter, the plebeians' encroachments on the patricians, were the firstcause of their ruin. 

Suppose there be nothing but opinion in the difference of blood; everybody knows, that authority is very much founded on opinion. But surely, that difference is not wholly imaginary. The advantages of a liberaleducation, of choosing the best companions to converse with; not beingunder the necessity of practising little mean tricks by a scantyallowance; the enlarging of thought, and acquiring the knowledge of menand things by travel; the example of ancestors inciting to great and goodactions. These are usually some of the opportunities, that fall in theway of those who are born, of what we call the better families; andallowing genius to be equal in them and the vulgar, the odds are clearlyon their side. Nay, we may observe in some, who by the appearance ofmerit, or favour of fortune, have risen to great stations, from anobscure birth, that they have still retained some sordid vices of theirparentage or education, either insatiable avarice, or ignominiousfalsehood and corruption. 

To say the truth, the great neglect of education, in several noblefamilies, whose sons are suffered to pass the most improvable seasons oftheir youth, in vice and idleness, have too much lessened theirreputation; but even this misfortune we owe, among all the rest, to thatWhiggish practice of reviling the Universities, under the pretence oftheir instilling pedantry, narrow principles, and high-church doctrines. 

I would not be thought to undervalue merit and virtue, wherever they areto be found; but will allow them capable of the highest dignities in astate, when they are in a very great degree of eminence. A pearl holdsits value though it be found in a dunghill; but however, that is not themost probable place to search for it. Nay, I will go farther, and admit, that a man of quality without merit, is just so much the worse for hisquality; which at once sets his vices in a more public view, andreproaches him for them. But on the other side, I doubt, those who arealways undervaluing the advantages of birth, and celebrating personalmerit, have principally an eye to their own, which they are fullysatisfied with, and which nobody will dispute with them about; whereasthey cannot, without impudence and folly, pretend to be nobly born:because this is a secret too easily discovered: for no men's parentage isso nicely inquired into, as that of assuming upstarts; especially whenthey affect to make it better than it is, as they often do, or behavethemselves with insolence. 

But whatever may be the opinion of others upon this subject, whosephilosophical scorn for blood and families, reaches even to those thatare royal, or perhaps took its rise from a Whiggish contempt of thelatter; I am pleased to find two such instances of extraordinary merit, as I have mentioned, joined with ancient and honourable birth, whichwhether it be of real or imaginary value, hath been held in veneration byall wise, polite states, both ancient and modern. And, as much a foppery, as men pretend to think it, nothing is more observable in those who riseto great place or wealth, from mean originals, than their mightysolicitude to convince the world that they are not so low as is commonlybelieved. They are glad to find it made out by some strained genealogy, that they have some remote alliance with better families. Cromwellhimself was pleased with the impudence of a flatterer, who undertook toprove him descended from a branch of the royal stem. I know acitizen, [15] who adds or alters a letter in his name with every plum heacquires: he now wants but the change of a vowel, to be allied to asovereign prince in Italy; and that perhaps he may contrive to be done, by a _mistake_ of the graver upon his tombstone. 

When I am upon this subject of nobility, I am sorry for the occasiongiven me, to mention the loss of a person who was so great an ornament toit, as the late lord president;[16] who began early to distinguishhimself in the public service, and passed through the highest employmentsof state, in the most difficult times, with great abilities and untaintedhonour. As he was of a good old age, his principles of religion andloyalty had received no mixture from late infusions, but were instilledinto him by his illustrious father, and other noble spirits, who hadexposed their lives and fortunes for the royal martyr. 

 ----_Pulcherrima proles, Magnanimi heroes nati melioribus annis. _[17]

His first great action was, like Scipio, to defend his father, [18] whenoppressed by numbers; and his filial piety was not only rewarded withlong life, but with a son, who upon the like occasion, would have shewnthe same resolution. No man ever preserved his dignity better when he wasout of power, nor shewed more affability while he was in. To conclude:his character (which I do not here pretend to draw) is such, as hisnearest friends may safely trust to the most impartial pen; nor wants theleast of that allowance which, they say, is required for those who aredead. 

[Footnote 1: No. 40 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Writing to Stella, May 14th, 1711, Swift informs her: "Dr. Freind was with me, and pulled out a twopenny pamphlet just publishedcalled 'The State of Wit, ' giving a character of all the papers that havecome out of late. The author seems to be a Whig, yet he speaks veryhighly of a paper called 'The Examiner, ' and says the supposed author ofit is Dr. Swift" (vol. Ii. , p. 176, of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Horace, "Odes, " III. Xxiv. 21. 

 "The lovers there for dowry claim The father's virtue, and the mother's fame. " P. FRANCIS. 

[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: "The Congratulatory Speech of William Bromley, Esq. , . .. Together with the Chancellor of the Exchequer's Answer. "--See also No. 42, _post_, pp. 273-4. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: See No. 33, _ante_, pp. 207-14. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: The writer of "A Letter to the Seven Lords" says this means"that there was a committee of seven lords, sent to a condemned criminalin Newgate, to bribe him with a pardon, on condition he would swear hightreason, against his master. "

In Hoffman's "Secret Transactions" (pp. 14, 15) the matter is thusreferred to: "Who those persons were that offered Gregg his life, withgreat preferments and advantages (if he would but accuse his master) maynot uneasily be guessed at, for most of the time he was locked up nonebut people of note, were permitted to come near him, who made him strangepromises, and often repeated them. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: "He does, with his own impudence, and with the malice of adevil, bring in both Houses of P---- to say and mean the same thing. .. . It is matter of wonder . .. To see the greatest ministers of state we everhad (till now) treated by a poor paper-pedlar, every Thursday, like theveriest rascals in the kingdom. .. . I could, if it were needful, bring agreat many instances, of this licentious way of the scum of mankind'streating the greatest peers in the nation" ("A Letter to the SevenLords"). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The Earl of Galway was defeated by the Duke of Berwick atthis battle on April 25th, 1707. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The Allies, under the Duke of Savoy, unsuccessfully laidsiege to Toulon from July 26th to August 21st, 1707. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: The Palatines, who were mostly Lutherans, came over toEngland in great numbers in May and June of 1709. So large was theimmigration that the House of Commons, on April 14th, 1711, passed aresolution declaring that the inviting and bringing over of the Palatines"at the public expense, was an extravagant and unreasonable charge to thekingdom, and a scandalous misapplication of the public money. " Whoeveradvised it, said the resolution, "was an enemy to the Queen and thiskingdom. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: A Committee, appointed January 13th, 1710/1, reported inApril, 1711, that accounts for _£_35, 302, 107 18_s. _ 9-5/8_d. _(_sic_) hadnot been passed. On February 21st, 1711/2, the auditors presented astatement which showed that of these accounts (which went back to 1681), _£_6, 133, 571 had then been passed, and that a considerable portion of theremainder was waiting for technicalities only. On June 11th, 1713, it wasreported that _£_24, 624, 436 had been either passed or "adjusted. " See"Journals of House of Commons, " xvi. , xvii. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Virgil, "Aeneid, " i. 135. "Whom I--but first this uproar must be quelled. "--R. KENNEDY. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Tacitus, "Agricola, " 9. (Tacitus wrote "Haud semper, " etc. )"An opinion not founded upon any suggestions of his own, but upon hisbeing thought equal to the station. Common fame does not always err, sometimes it even directs a choice" ("Oxford Translation" revised). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Harley, who was created Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer, May 23rd, 1711, and Sir Simon Harcourt, made Baron Harcourt, September3rd, 1711. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: Sir Henry Furnese (1658-1712), Bart. He obtained hisbaronetcy June 18th, 1707, and was the first to receive that dignitysince the Union. He sat in the House as Member for Bramber and Sandwich, and was twice expelled. He was, however, re-elected for Sandwich andrepresented that constituency until his death on November 30th, 1712. 

The variety of ways in which his name has been spelt is quite remarkable. In the "Calendar of State Papers" for 1691 and 1692, the name is given asFurness, Furnese, and Furnes. The "Journals of the House of Commons, "recording his expulsion, speaks of him as Furnesse. When he was knighted(October 11th, 1691), the "Gazette" of October 19th printed it Furnace, and when he was made a baronet, the same journal had it Furnese. In theofficial "Return of Names of Members, " the name is given successively as, Furnace, Furnac, Furnice, Furnise, Furness and Furnese. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: Laurence Hyde, Earl of Rochester, second son of the firstEarl of Clarendon (see No. 27, _ante_, p. 170). He undertook the defenceof his father when the latter was impeached by the House of Commons, October 30th, 1667, on a charge of high treason. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: Virgil, "Aeneid, " vi. 648-9. 

 "Warriors, high souled, in better ages born, Great Teucer's noble race, these plains adorn. "--J. M. KING. 

 [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 18: "When the tumultuous perplexed charge of accumulatedtreasons was preferred against him by the Commons; his son Laurence, thena Member of that House, stept forth with this brave defiance to hisaccusers, that, if they could make out any proof of any one singlearticle, he would, as he was authorized, join in the condemnation of hisfather" (Burton's "Genuineness of Clarendon's History, " p. 111). [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 42. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MAY 10, TO THURSDAY MAY 17, 1711. 

 _------Quem cur distringere coner, Tutus ab infestis latronibus?_[2]

I never let slip an opportunity of endeavouring to convince the world, that I am not partial, and to confound the idle reproach of my beinghired or directed what to write in defence of the present ministry, [3] orfor detecting the practices of the former. When I first undertook thispaper, I firmly resolved, that if ever I observed any gross neglect, abuse or corruption in the public management, which might give any justoffence to reasonable people, I would take notice of it with thatinnocent boldness which becomes an honest man, and a true lover of hiscountry; at the same time preserving the respect due to persons so highlyentrusted by so wise and excellent a Queen. I know not how such a libertymight have been resented; but I thank God there has been no occasiongiven me to exercise it; for I can safely affirm, that I have with theutmost rigour, examined all the actions of the present ministry, as faras they fall under general cognizance, without being able to accuse themof one ill or mistaken step. Observing indeed some time ago, that seedsof dissension[4] had been plentifully scattered from a certain corner, and fearing they began to rise and spread, I immediately writ a paper onthe subject; which I treated with that warmth I thought it required: butthe prudence of those at the helm soon prevented this growing evil; andat present it seems likely to have no consequences. 

I have had indeed for some time a small occasion of quarrelling, which Ithought too inconsiderable for a formal subject of complaint, though Ihave hinted at it more than once. But it is grown at present to as greata height, as a matter of that nature can possibly bear; and therefore Iconceive it high time that an effectual stop should be put to it. I havebeen amazed at the flaming licentiousness of several weekly papers, whichfor some months past, have been chiefly employed in barefacedscurrilities against those who are in the greatest trust and favour withthe Qu[een], with the first and last letters of their names frequentlyprinted; or some periphrasis describing their station, or otherinnuendoes, contrived too plain to be mistaken. The consequence of whichis, (and it is natural it should be so) that their long impunity hathrendered them still more audacious. 

At this time I particularly intend a paper called the "Medley"; whoseindefatigable, incessant railings against me, I never thought convenientto take notice of, because it would have diverted my design, which Ithought was of public use. [5] Besides, I never yet observed that writer, or those writers, (for it is every way a "Medley") to argue against anyone material point or fact that I had advanced, or make one fairquotation. And after all, I knew very well how soon the world grow wearyof controversy. It is plain to me, that three or four hands at least havebeen joined at times in that worthy composition; but the outlines as wellas the finishing, seem to have been always the work of the same pen, asit is visible from half a score beauties of style inseparable from it. But who these Meddlers are, or where the judicious leaders have pickedthem up, I shall never go about to conjecture: factious rancour, falsewit, abandoned scurrility, impudent falsehood, and servile pedantry, having so many fathers, and so few to own them, that curiosity herselfwould not be at the pains to guess. It is the first time I ever didmyself the honour to mention that admirable paper: nor could I imagineany occasion likely to happen, that would make it necessary for me toengage with such an adversary. This paper is weekly published, and asappears by the number, has been so for several months, and is next to the"Observator, "[6] allowed to be the best production of the party. Lastweek my printer brought me that of May 7, Numb. 32. Where there are twoparagraphs[7] relating to the Speaker of the House of Commons, and to Mr. Harley; which, as little as I am inclined to engage with such anantagonist, I cannot let pass, without failing in my duty to the public:and if those in power will suffer such infamous insinuations to pass withimpunity, they act without precedent from any age or country of theworld. 

I desire to open this matter, and leave the Whigs themselves to determineupon it. The House of Commons resolved, _nemine contradicente_, that theSpeaker should congratulate Mr. Harley's escape and recovery[8] in thename of the House, upon his first attendance on their service. This isaccordingly done; and the speech, together with the chancellor of theexchequer's, are printed by order of the House. [9] The author of the"Medley" takes this speech to task the very next week after it ispublished, telling us, in the aforesaid paper, that the Speaker'scommending Mr. Harley, for being "an instrument of great good" to thenation, was "ill-chosen flattery"; because Mr. Harley had brought the"nation under great difficulties, to say no more:" He says, that when theSpeaker tells Mr. Harley, that Providence has "wonderfully preserved" him"from some unparalleled attempts" (for that the "Medley" alludes to) heonly "revives a false and groundless calumny upon other men"; which is"an instance of impotent, but inveterate malice, "[10] that makes him [theSpeaker] "still appear more vile and contemptible. " This is an extractfrom his first paragraph. In the next this writer says, that theSpeaker's "praying to God for the continuance of Mr. Harley's life, as aninvaluable blessing, [11] was a fulsome piece of insincerity, whichexposes him to shame and derision"; because he is "known to bear ill willto Mr. Harley, to have an extreme bad opinion of him, and to think him anobstructor of those fine measures he would bring about. "

I now appeal to the Whigs themselves, whether a great minister of state, in high favour with the Qu[een], and a Speaker of the House of Commons, were ever publicly treated after so extraordinary a manner, in the mostlicentious times? For this is not a clandestine libel stolen into theworld, but openly printed and sold, with the bookseller's name and placeof abode at the bottom. And the juncture is admirable, when Mr. H[arle]yis generally believed upon the very point to be made an earl, andpromoted to the most important station of the kingdom:[12] nay, the verymarks of esteem he hath so lately received from the whole representativebody of the people, are called "ill-chosen flattery, " and "a fulsomepiece of insincerity, " exposing the donors "to shame and derision. "

Does this intrepid writer think he has sufficiently disguised the matter, by that stale artifice of altering the story, and putting it as asupposed case? Did any man who ever saw the congratulatory speech, readeither of those paragraphs in the "Medley, " without interpreting themjust as I have done? Will the author declare upon his great sincerity, that he never had any such meaning? Is it enough, that a jury atWestminster-Hall would, perhaps, not find him guilty of defaming theSpeaker and Mr. Harley in that paper? which however, I am much in doubtof too; and must think the law very defective, if the reputation of suchpersons must lie at the mercy of such pens. I do not remember to haveseen any libel, supposed to be writ with caution and double meaning, inorder to prevent prosecution, delivered under so thin a cover, or sounartificially made up as this; whether it were from an apprehension ofhis readers' dullness, or an effect of his own. He hath transcribed thevery phrases of the Speaker, and put them in a different character, forfear they might pass unobserved, and to prevent all possibility of beingmistaken. I shall be pleased to see him have recourse to the old evasion, and say, that I who make the application, am chargeable with the abuse:let any reader of either party be judge. But I cannot forbear asserting, as my opinion, that for a m[inist]ry to endure such open calumny, withoutcalling the author to account, is next to deserving it. And this is anomission I venture to charge upon the present m[inist]ry, who are too aptto despise little things, which however have not always littleconsequences. 

When this paper was first undertaken, one design, among others, was, to_Examine_ some of those writings so frequently published with an eviltendency, either to religion or government; but I was long diverted byother enquiries, which I thought more immediately necessary, toanimadvert upon men's actions, rather than their speculations: to shewthe necessity there was of changing the ministry, that our constitutionin Church and State might be preserved; to expose some dangerousprinciples and practices under the former administration, and prove bymany instances, that those who are now at the helm, are entirely in thetrue interest of prince and people. This I may modestly hope, hath insome measure been already done, sufficient to answer the end proposed, which was to inform the ignorant and those at distance, and to convincesuch as are not engaged in a party, from other motives than that ofconscience. I know not whether I shall have any appetite to continue thiswork much longer; if I do, perhaps some time may be spent in exposing andoverturning the false reasonings of those who engage their pens on theother side, without losing time in vindicating myself against theirscurrilities, much less in retorting them. Of this sort there is acertain humble companion, a French _maître de langues_, [13] who everymonth publishes an extract from votes, newspapers, speeches andproclamations, larded with some insipid remarks of his own; which hecalls "The Political State of Great Britain:"[14] This ingenious piece hetells us himself, is constantly translated into French, and printed inHolland, where the Dutch, no doubt, conceive most noble sentiments of us, conveyed through such a vehicle. It is observable in his account forApril, that the vanity, so predominant in many of his nation, has madehim more concerned for the honour of Guiscard, than the safety of Mr. H[arle]y: And for fear we should think the worse of his country upon thatassassin's account, [15] he tells us, there have been more murders, parricides and villanies, committed in England, than any other part ofthe world. I cannot imagine how an illiterate foreigner, who is neithermaster of our language, or indeed of common sense, and who is devoted toa faction, I suppose, for no other reason, but his having more Whigcustomers than Tories, should take it into his head to write politictracts of our affairs. But I presume, he builds upon the foundation ofhaving being called to an account for his insolence in one of his formermonthly productions, [16] which is a method that seldom fails of givingsome vogue to the foolishest composition. If such a work must be done, Iwish some tolerable hand would undertake it; and that we would not suffera little whiffling Frenchman to neglect his trade of teaching hislanguage to our children, and presume to instruct foreigners in ourpolitics. 

[Footnote 1: No. 41 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Horace, "Satires, " II. I. 41-2. "Safe it liesWithin the sheath, till villains round me rise. "--P. FRANCIS. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: See No. 40, _ante_, and note, p. 259. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: In "A Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions . .. Athensand Rome, " 1701 (vol. I. , pp. 227-270, of present edition). See alsoSwift's reference to this pamphlet in his "Memoirs Relating to thatChange, " etc. (vol. V. , p. 379). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "The Medley, " under Maynwaring, with occasional help fromAddison and Steele, seems to have been published for the sole purposeof replying to the "Examiner. " No. 40 (July 2nd, 1711) begins: "The'Examiner' is grown so insipid and contemptible that my acquaintanceare offended at my troubling myself about him. " No. 45 (the final number, August 6th, 1711) expresses the writer's "deep concern" for the loss ofhis "dear friend 'The Examiner, ' who has at once left the world and me, quite unprovided for so great a blow. " When the "Examiner" was revived byW. Oldisworth in December, 1711, it was soon followed by a reappearanceof "The Medley. " It started afresh with Numb. I. On March 3rd, 1712(_i. E. _ 1711/2), and continued until August 4th, 1712, the date of thepublication of Numb. XLV. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: See No. 16, _ante_, and note p. 85. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The two paragraphs appeared in No. 32 of "The Medley, " andthe writer introduces them by a reference to "praise and censure, which Ichoose out of all the rest, because it only concerns the 'Examiner' to bewell instructed in them, he having no other business but to flatter thenew m[inistry], and abuse the old. " The first paragraph runs:

"In the first place, whenever any body would praise another, all he cansay will have no weight or effect, if it be not true or probable. Iftherefore, for example, my friend should take it into his head to commenda man, _for having been an instrument of great good to a nation_, when intruth that very person had brought that same nation under greatdifficulties, to say no more; such ill-chosen flattery would be of no useor moment, nor add the least credit to the person so commended. Or if heshould take that occasion to revive any false and groundless calumny uponother men, or another party of men; such an instance of _impotent butinveterate malice_, would make him still appear more vile andcontemptible. The reason of all which is, that what he said was neitherjust, proper, nor real, and therefore must needs want the force of trueeloquence, which consists in nothing else but in well representing thingsas they really are. I advise therefore my friend, before he praises anymore of his heroes, to learn the common rules of writing; andparticularly to read over and over a certain chapter in Aristotle's firstbook of Rhetoric, where are given very proper and necessary directions, _for praising a man who has done nothing that he ought to be praisedfor_. "

There is no reference here to the Speaker. The reference is to the"Examiner"; nor is there any mention of Providence having wonderfullypreserved him from some unparalleled attempts. 

The second paragraph runs:

"But the ancients did not think it enough for men to speak what was trueor probable, they required further that their orators should be heartilyin earnest; and that they should have all those motions and affections intheir own minds which they endeavoured to raise in others. He thatthinks, says Cicero, to warm others with his eloquence, must first bewarm himself. And Quintilian says, We must first be affected ourselves, before we can move others. This made Pliny's panegyric upon Trajan sowell received by his hearers, because every body knew the wonderfulesteem and affection which he had for the person he commended: andtherefore, when he concluded with a prayer to Jupiter, that he would takecare of the life and safety of that great and good man, which he saidcontained in it all other blessings; though the expression was so high, it passed very well with those that heard him, as being agreeable to theknown sentiments and affection of the speaker. Whereas, if my friendshould be known to bear ill-will to another person, or to have an extremebad opinion of him, or to think him an abstractor of those fine measureshe would bring about, and should yet in one of his panegyrics pray to Godfor the continuance of that very person's life, as '_an invaluableblessing_'; such a fulsome piece of insincerity would only expose him toshame and derision. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The House of Commons resolved on April 11th, that theSpeaker should congratulate Mr. Harley when he was able to attend theHouse. This was done on April 26th. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The House of Commons, on April 27th, ordered, "That Mr. Speaker be desired to print his congratulatory speech . .. With the Answerof Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer to the same. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: The Speaker thanks God that Harley's enemies had "not beenable to accomplish what their inveterate, but impotent, malice, haddesigned. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: The Speaker prayed that Providence might "continue still topreserve so invaluable a life. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Harley was appointed lord treasurer, May 30th, 1711, andcreated Earl of Oxford, May 23rd. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Abel Boyer (1667-1729), author of a French dictionary, aFrench grammar, "History of William III. , " "History of Queen Anne, " "ThePolitical State, " "The Post Boy" (1705-9), and many other works. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: "The Political State of Great Britain" was started inJanuary, 1710/1, and continued monthly until 1740. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: See No. 33, _ante_, and note, p. 207. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: Boyer appeared before the House of Lords, March 6th, 1710/1, and owned that he was the compiler of "The Political State ofGreat Britain. " He was kept in custody till March 12th, when he wasreprimanded, and discharged after he had paid his fees. His offence wasthat "an account is pretended to be given of the Debates and Proceedingsof this House" ("Journals of House of Lords, " xix). The third number of"The Political State, " Boyer issued on March 17th, giving his reason forthe delay in its appearance: "An unavoidable and unvoluntary avocation, of which I may give you an account hereafter, has obliged me to write toyou a fortnight later than usual. " [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 43. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MAY 17, TO THURSDAY MAY 24, 1711. 

 _Delicta majorum immeritus lues, Romane; donec templa refeceris, Aedesque labentes deorum_----[2]

Several letters have been lately sent me, desiring I would makehonourable mention of the pious design of building fifty churches, inseveral parts of London and Westminster, where they are most wanted;occasioned by an address of the convocation to the Queen, [3] andrecommended by her Majesty to the House of Commons; who immediatelypromised, they would enable her "to accomplish so excellent a design, "and are now preparing a Bill accordingly. I thought to have deferred anynotice of this important affair till the end of this session; at whichtime I proposed to deliver a particular account of the great and usefulthings already performed by this present Parliament. But in compliance tothose who give themselves the trouble of advising me; and partlyconvinced by the reasons they offer; I am content to bestow a paper upona subject, that indeed so well deserves it. 

The clergy, and whoever else have a true concern for the constitution ofthe Church, cannot but be highly pleased with one prospect in this newscene of public affairs. They may very well remember the time, when everysession of Parliament, was like a cloud hanging over their heads; and ifit happened to pass without bursting into some storm upon the Church, wethanked God, and thought it an happy escape till the next meeting; uponwhich we resumed our secret apprehensions, though we were not allowed tobelieve any danger. Things are now altered; the Parliament takes thenecessities of the Church into consideration, receives the proposals ofthe clergy met in convocation, and amidst all the exigencies of a longexpensive war, and under the pressure of heavy debts, finds a supply forerecting fifty edifices for the service of God. And it appears by theaddress of the Commons to her Majesty upon this occasion (wherein theydiscovered a true spirit of religion) that the applying the money granted"to accomplish so excellent a design, "[4] would, in their opinion, be themost effectual way of carrying on the war; that it would (to use theirown words) "be a means of drawing down blessings on her Majesty'sundertakings, as it adds to the number of those places, where the prayersof her devout and faithful subjects, will be daily offered up to God, forthe prosperity of her government at home, and the success of her armsabroad. "

I am sometimes hoping, that we are not naturally so bad a people, as wehave appeared for some years past. Faction, in order to support itself, is generally forced to make use of such abominable instruments, that aslong as it prevails, the genius of a nation is overpressed, and cannotappear to exert itself: but when _that_ is broke and suppressed, whenthings return to the old course, mankind will naturally fall to act fromprinciples of reason and religion. The Romans, upon a great victory, orescape from public danger, frequently built a temple in honour of somegod, to whose peculiar favour they imputed their success or delivery: andsometimes the general did the like, _at his own expense_, to acquithimself of some pious vow he had made. How little of any thing resemblingthis hath been done by us after all our victories! and perhaps for thatreason, among others, they have turned to so little account. But whatcould we expect? We acted all along as if we believed nothing of a God orHis providence; and therefore it was consistent to offer up our edificesonly to those, whom we looked upon as givers of all victory, in Hisstead. 

I have computed, that fifty churches may be built by a medium, at sixthousand pound for a church; which is somewhat _under_ the price of asubject's palace: yet perhaps the care of above two hundred thousandsouls, with the benefit of their prayers for the prosperity of theirQueen and country, may be almost put in the balance with the domesticconvenience, or even magnificence of any subject whatsoever. 

Sir William Petty, who under the name of Captain Graunt, published someobservations upon bills of mortality about five years after theRestoration;[5] tells us, the parishes in London, were even then sounequally divided, that some were two hundred times larger than others. Since that time, the increase of trade, the frequency of Parliaments, thedesire of living in the metropolis, together with that genius forbuilding, which began after the fire, and hath ever since continued, haveprodigiously enlarged this town on all sides, where it was capable ofincrease; and those tracts of land built into streets, have generallycontinued of the same parish they belonged to, while they lay in fields;so that the care of above thirty thousand souls, hath been sometimescommitted to one minister, whose church would hardly contain thetwentieth part of his flock: neither, I think, was any family in thoseparishes obliged to pay above a groat a year to their spiritual pastor. Some few of those parishes have been since divided; in others wereerected chapels of ease, where a preacher is maintained by generalcontribution. Such poor shifts and expedients, to the infinite shameand scandal, of so vast and flourishing a city, have been thoughtsufficient for the service of God and religion; as if they werecircumstances wholly indifferent. 

This defect, among other consequences of it, hath made schism a sort ofnecessary evil, there being at least three hundred thousand inhabitantsin this town, whom the churches would not be able to contain, if thepeople were ever so well disposed: and in a city not overstocked withzeal, the only way to preserve any degree of religion, is to make allattendance upon the duties of it, as easy and cheap as possible: whereason the contrary, in the larger parishes, the press is so great, and thepew-keeper's tax so exorbitant, that those who love to save trouble andmoney, either stay at home, or retire to the conventicles. I believethere are few examples in any Christian country of so great a neglectfor religion; and the dissenting teachers have made their advantageslargely by it, "sowing tares among the wheat while men slept;" being muchmore expert at procuring contributions, which is a trade they are bred upin, than men of a liberal education. 

And to say truth, the way practised by several parishes in and about thistown, of maintaining their clergy by voluntary subscriptions, is not onlyan indignity to the character, but hath many pernicious consequencesattending it; such a precarious dependence, subjecting a clergyman, whohath not more than ordinary spirit and resolution, to manyinconveniences, which are obvious to imagine: but this defect will, nodoubt, be remedied by the wisdom and piety of the present Parliament; anda tax laid upon every house in a parish, for the support of their pastor. Neither indeed can it be conceived, why a house, whose purchase is notreckoned above one-third less than land of the same yearly rent, shouldnot pay a twentieth part annually (which is half tithe) to the support ofthe minister. One thing I could wish, that in fixing the maintenance tothe several ministers in these new intended parishes, no determinate sumof money may be named, which in all perpetuities ought by any means to beavoided; but rather a tax in proportion to the rent of each house, thoughit be but a twentieth or even a thirtieth part. The contrary of this, Iam told, was done in several parishes of the city after the fire; wherethe incumbent and his successors were to receive for ever a certain sum;for example, one or two hundred pounds a year. But the lawgivers did notconsider, that what we call at present, one hundred pounds, will, inprocess of time, have not the intrinsic value of twenty; as twenty poundsnow are hardly equal to forty shillings, three hundred years ago. Thereare a thousand instances of this all over England, in reserved rentsapplied to hospitals, in old chiefries, and even among the clergythemselves, in those payments which, I think, they call a _modus_. [6]

As no prince had ever better dispositions than her present Majesty, forthe advancement of true religion, so there was never any age thatproduced greater occasions to employ them on. It is an unspeakablemisfortune, that any designs of so excellent a Queen, should be checkedby the necessities of a long and ruinous war, which the folly orcorruption of modern politicians have involved us in, against all themaxims whereby our country flourished so many hundred years: else herMajesty's care of religion would certainly have reached even to herAmerican plantations. Those noble countries, stocked by numbers fromhence, whereof too many are in no very great reputation for faithor morals, will be a perpetual reproach to us, till some better care istaken for cultivating Christianity among them. If the governors of thoseseveral colonies were obliged, at certain times, to transmit an exactrepresentation of the state of religion, in their several districts; andthe legislature here would, in a time of leisure, take that affair undertheir consideration, it might be perfected with little difficulty, and bea great addition to the glories of her Majesty's reign. 

But to waive further speculations upon so remote a scene, while we havesubjects enough to employ them on at home; it is to be hoped, the clergywill not let slip any proper opportunity of improving the piousdispositions of the Queen and kingdom, for the advantage of the Church;when by the example of times past, they consider how rarely suchconjunctures are like to happen. What if some method were thought ontowards repairing of churches? for which there is like to be too frequentoccasions, those ancient Gothic structures, throughout this kingdom, going every year to decay. That expedient of repairing or rebuilding themby charitable collections, seems in my opinion not very suitable, eitherto the dignity and usefulness of the work, or to the honour of ourcountry; since it might be so easily done, with very little charge to thepublic, in a much more decent and honourable manner, while Parliamentsare so frequently called. But these and other regulations must be left toa time of peace, which I shall humbly presume to wish may soon be ourshare, however offensive it may be to any, either abroad or at home, whoare gainers by the war. 

[Footnote 1: No. 42 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Horace, "Odes, " III. Vi. 1-3. 

 "Those ills your ancestors have done, Romans, are now become your own; And they will cost you dear, Unless you soon repair The falling temples which the gods provoke. "

 EARL OF ROSCOMMON (1672). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: The minister and churchwardens of Greenwich applied to theHouse of Commons on February 14th, 1710/1, for aid in the rebuilding oftheir church. The House referred the application to a committee. OnFebruary 28th the lower house of Convocation sent a deputation to theSpeaker expressing their satisfaction at what had been done. On hisreporting this to the House on the following day, they expressed theirreadiness to receive information. The lower house of Convocation prepareda scheme and presented it to the Speaker on March 9th; this was referredto the committee on the 10th. Acting on a hint received from the court, the bishops and clergy presented an Address to the Queen on March 26th, and this was followed by a Message from Her Majesty, on the 29th, to theHouse of Commons, recommending that Parliament should undertake "thegreat and necessary work of building more churches. " On April 9th theHouse of Commons replied in an Address, promising to make provision, andresolved, on May 1st, to grant a supply for building fifty new churchesin or about London and Westminster. On May 8th it fixed the amount at asum "not exceeding £350, 000. " In pursuance of this a Bill was introducedon May 18th, which received the Royal Assent on June 12th (9 Ann. C. 17). This Bill granted £350, 000 (to be raised by a duty on coals) for buildingfifty new churches in London and Westminster. 

In this connection it is interesting to remember that Swift, two yearsbefore, had recommended the building of more churches as part of hissuggestions for "the advancement of religion. " See his "Project forthe Advancement of Religion" (vol. Iii. , p. 45 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: In their Address, on April 9th, 1711, the House of Commonssaid: "Neither the long expensive war, in which we are engaged, nor thepressure of heavy debts, under which we labour, shall hinder us fromgranting to your Majesty whatever is necessary, to accomplish soexcellent a design, which, we hope, may be a means of drawing downblessings from Heaven on all your Majesty's other undertakings, as itadds to the number of those places, where the prayers of your devout andfaithful subjects will be daily offered up to God, for the prosperity ofyour Majesty's government at home, and the success of your arms abroad. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: "Natural and Political Observations . .. Upon the Bills ofMortality. " By John Graunt, 1662. The writer says in chap. X. ThatCripplegate parish was two hundred times as big as some of the parishesin the city. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: An abbreviation of _modus decimandi_, a composition in lieuof payment of tithes. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 44. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MAY 24, TO THURSDAY MAY 31, 1711. 

 _Scilicet, ut possem curvo dignoscere rectum. _[2]

Having been forced in my papers to use the cant-words of Whig and Tory, which have so often varied their significations, for twenty years past; Ithink it necessary to say something of the several changes those twoterms have undergone since that period; and then to tell the reader whatI have always understood by each of them, since I undertook this work. Ireckon that these sorts of conceited appellations, are usually inventedby the vulgar; who not troubling themselves to examine through the meritsof a cause, are consequently the most violent partisans of what theyespouse; and in their quarrels, usually proceed to their beloved argumentof _calling names_, till at length they light upon one which is sure tostick; and in time, each party grows proud of that appellation, whichtheir adversaries at first intended for a reproach. Of this kind were thePrasini and Veneti, [3] the Guelfs and Ghibellines, [4] Huguenots andPapists, Roundheads and Cavaliers, [5] with many others, of ancient andmodern date. Among us of late there seems to have been a barrenness ofinvention in this point, the words Whig and Tory, [6] though they are notmuch above thirty years old, having been pressed to the service of manysuccessions of parties, with very different ideas fastened to them. Thisdistinction, I think, began towards the latter part of King Charles theSecond's reign, was dropped during that of his successor, and thenrevived at the Revolution, since which it has perpetually flourished, though applied to very different kinds of principles and persons. In thatConvention of Lords and Commons, [7] some of both Houses were for aregency to the Prince of Orange, with a reservation of style and title tothe absent king, which should be made use of in all public acts. Others, when they were brought to allow the throne vacant, thought the successionshould immediately go to the next heir, according to the fundamental lawsof the kingdom, as if the last king were actually dead. And though thedissenting lords (in whose House the chief opposition was) did at lastyield both those points, took the oaths to the new king, and many of thememployments, yet they were looked upon with an evil eye by the warmzealots of the other side; neither did the court ever heartily favour anyof them, though some were of the most eminent for abilities and virtue, and served that prince, both in his councils and his army, with untaintedfaith. It was apprehended, at the same time, and perhaps it might havebeen true, that many of the clergy would have been better pleased withthat scheme of a regency, or at least an uninterrupted lineal succession, for the sake of those whose consciences were truly scrupulous; and theythought there were some circumstances, in the case of the deprivedbishops, [8] that looked a little hard, or at least deservedcommiseration. 

These, and other the like reflections did, as I conceive, revive thedenominations of Whig and Tory. 

Some time after the Revolution the distinction of high and low-churchcame in, which was raised by the Dissenters, in order to break the Churchparty, by dividing the members into high and low; and the opinionsraised, that the high joined with the Papists, inclined the low to fallin with the Dissenters. 

And here I shall take leave to produce some principles, which in theseveral periods of the late reign, served to denote a man of one or theother party. To be against a standing army in time of peace, was allhigh-church, Tory and Tantivy. [9] To differ from a majority of b[isho]pswas the same. To raise the prerogative above law for serving a turn, waslow-church and Whig. The opinion of the majority in the House of Commons, especially of the country-party or landed interest, was high-flying[10]and rank Tory. To exalt the king's supremacy beyond all precedent, waslow-church, Whiggish and moderate. To make the least doubt of thepretended prince being supposititious, and a tiler's son, was, in theirphrase, "top and topgallant, " and perfect Jacobitism. To resume the mostexorbitant grants, that were ever given to a set of profligatefavourites, and apply them to the public, was the very quintessence ofToryism; notwithstanding those grants were known to be acquired, bysacrificing the honour and the wealth of England. 

In most of these principles, the two parties seem to have shiftedopinions, since their institution under King Charles the Second, andindeed to have gone very different from what was expected from each, evenat the time of the Revolution. But as to that concerning the Pretender, the Whigs have so far renounced it, that they are grown the greatadvocates for his legitimacy: which gives me the opportunity ofvindicating a noble d[uke] who was accused of a blunder in the House, when upon a certain lord's mentioning the pretended Prince, his g[race]told the lords, he "must be plain with them, and call that person, notthe pretended prince, but the pretended impostor:" which was so far froma blunder in that polite l[or]d, as his ill-willers give out, that it wasonly a refined way of delivering the avowed sentiments of his wholeparty. 

But to return, this was the state of principles when the Qu[een] came tothe crown; some time after which, it pleased certain great persons, whohad been all their lives in the altitude of Tory-profession, to enterinto a treaty with the Whigs, from whom they could get better terms thanfrom their old friends, who began to be resty, and would not allowmonopolies of power and favour; nor consent to carry on the war entirelyat the expense of this nation, that they might have pensions from abroad;while another people, more immediately concerned in the war, traded withthe enemy as in times of peace. Whereas, the other party, whose caseappeared then as desperate, was ready to yield to any conditions thatwould bring them into play. And I cannot help affirming, that this nationwas made a sacrifice to the immeasurable appetite of power and wealth ina very few, that shall be nameless, who in every step they made, acteddirectly against what they had always professed. And if his RoyalHighness the Prince[11] had died some years sooner (who was a perpetualcheck in their career) it is dreadful to think how far they might haveproceeded. 

Since that time, the bulk of the Whigs appears rather to be linked to acertain set of persons, than any certain set of principles: so that if Iwere to define a member of that party, I would say, he was one "whobelieved in the late m[inist]ry. " And therefore, whatever I have affirmedof Whigs in any of these papers, or objected against them, ought to beunderstood, either of those who were partisans of the late men in power, and privy to their designs; or such who joined with them, from a hatredto our monarchy and Church, as unbelievers and Dissenters of all sizes;or men in office, who had been guilty of much corruption, and dreaded achange; which would not only put a stop to further abuses for the future, but might, perhaps, introduce examinations of what was past. Or those whohad been too highly obliged, to quit their supporters with any commondecency. Or lastly, the money-traders, who could never hope to make theirmarkets so well of _premiums_ and exorbitant interest, and highremittances, under any other administration. 

Under these heads, may be reduced the whole body of those whom I have allalong understood for Whigs: for I do not include within this number, anyof those who have been misled by ignorance, or seduced by plausiblepretences, to think better of that sort of men than they deserve, and toapprehend mighty danger from their disgrace: because, I believe, thegreatest part of such well-meaning people, are now thoroughly converted. 

And indeed, it must be allowed, that those two fantastic names of Whigand Tory, have at present very little relation to those opinions, whichwere at first thought to distinguish them. Whoever formerly professedhimself to approve the Revolution, to be against the Pretender, tojustify the succession in the house of Hanover, to think the Britishmonarchy not absolute, but limited by laws, which the executive powercould not dispense with, and to allow an indulgence to scrupulousconsciences; such a man was content to be called a Whig. On the otherside, whoever asserted the Queen's hereditary right; that the persons ofprinces were sacred; their lawful authority not to be resisted on anypretence; nor even their usurpations, without the most extreme necessity:that breaches in the succession were highly dangerous; that schism was agreat evil, both in itself and its consequences; that the ruin of theChurch, would probably be attended with that of the State; that no powershould be trusted with those who are not of the established religion;such a man was usually called a Tory. Now, though the opinions of boththese are very consistent, and I really think are maintained at presentby a great majority of the kingdom; yet, according as men apprehend thedanger greater, either from the Pretender and his party, or from theviolence and cunning of other enemies to the constitution; so theircommon discourses and reasonings, turn either to the first or second setof these opinions I have mentioned, and are consequently styled eitherWhigs or Tories. Which is, as if two brothers apprehended their housewould be set upon, but disagreed about the place from whence they thoughtthe robbers would come, and therefore would go on different sides todefend it. They must needs weaken and expose themselves by such aseparation; and so did we, only our case was worse: for in order to keepoff a weak, remote enemy, from whom we could not suddenly apprehend anydanger, we took a nearer and a stronger one into the house. I make nocomparison at all between the two enemies: Popery and slavery are withoutdoubt the greatest and most dreadful of any; but I may venture to affirm, that the fear of these, have not, at least since the Revolution, been soclose and pressing upon us, as that from another faction; excepting onlyone short period, when the leaders of that very faction, invited theabdicating king to return; of which I have formerly taken notice. 

Having thus declared what sort of persons I have always meant, under thedenomination of Whigs, it will be easy to shew whom I understand byTories. Such whose principles in Church and State, are what I have aboverelated; whose actions are derived from thence, and who have noattachment to any set of ministers, further than as these are friendsto the constitution in all its parts, but will do their utmost to savetheir prince and country, whoever be at the helm. 

By these descriptions of Whig and Tory, I am sensible those names aregiven to several persons very undeservedly; and that many a man is calledby one or the other, who has not the least title to the blame or praise Ihave bestowed on each of them throughout my papers. 

[Footnote 1: No. 43 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Horace, "Epistles, " II. Ii. 44. "Fair truth from falsehood to discern. "--P. FRANCIS. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: There were four factions, or parties, distinguished by theircolours, which contended in the ancient circus at Constantinople. Thewhite and the red were the most ancient. In the sixth century thedissension between the green (or Prasini) and the blue (or Veneti) was soviolent, that 40, 000 men were killed, and the factions were abolishedfrom that time. See also Gibbon's "Rome, " chap. Xl. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: The Guelfs were the Papal and popular party in Italy, andthe Ghibellines were the imperial and aristocratic. It is said that thesenames were first used as war cries at the battle of Weinsberg in 1140. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: These terms came into use about 1641. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: Writing under date, 1681, Burnet says "At this time thedistinguishing names of Whig and Tory came to be the denominations of theparties" ("Hist. Own Times, " i. 499) [T. S. ]

_Whig a more_ was a nick name given to the western peasantry of Scotland, from then using the words frequently in driving strings of horses. Hence, as connected with Calvinistical principles in religion, and republicandoctrines in policy, it was given as a term of reproach to the oppositionparty in the latter years of Charles II. These retorted upon thecourtiers the word _Tory_, signifying an Irish free-booter, andparticularly applicable to the Roman Catholic followers of the Duke ofYork. [S]

Macaulay's explanation of the origin of these two terms is somewhatdifferent from that given by Scott. "In Scotland, " he says, "some of thepersecuted Covenanters, driven mad by oppression, had lately murdered thePrimate, had taken aims against the government, " etc. "These zealots weremost numerous among the rustics of the western lowlands, who werevulgarly called Whigs. Thus the appellation of Whig was fastened on thePresbyterian zealots of Scotland, and was transferred to those Englishpoliticians who showed a disposition to oppose the court, and to treatProtestant Nonconformists with indulgence. The bogs of Ireland, at thesame time, afforded a refuge to Popish outlaws, much resembling those whowere afterwards known as Whiteboys. These men were then called Tories. The name of Tory was therefore given to Englishmen who refused to concurin excluding a Roman Catholic prince from the throne. " ("History ofEngland, " vol. I, chap. Ii) [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The Convention was summoned by the Prince of Orange inDecember, 1688. After a lengthened debate they resolved, on February12th, 1688/9, that the Prince and Princess of Orange should "be declaredKing and Queen. " The Sovereigns were proclaimed on February 13th, and onthe 20th the Convention was voted a Parliament. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The bishops who were deprived for refusing to take the oathof allegiance to King William were: Sancroft, the Archbishop ofCanterbury; Ken, Bishop of Bath; White, Bishop of Peterborough; Turner, Bishop of Ely; Frampton, Bishop of Gloucester; and Lloyd, Bishop ofNorwich. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Writing to Stella, under date October 10th, 1711, Swiftcomplains that "The Protestant Post-Boy" says "that an ambitious tantivy, missing of his towering hopes of preferment in Ireland, is come over tovent his spleen on the late ministry, " etc. (vol. Ii. , p. 258, of presentedition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: "The most virtuous and pious enemy to their wickedprinciples [_i. E. _, to those of the Calves-Head Club] is always crieddown as a high-flyer, a Papist, and a traitor to his country" ("SecretHistory of the Calves-Head Club, " 7th edit. , 1709). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: Prince George of Denmark died October 28th, 1708. [T. S. ]]

NUMB. 45. [1]

FROM THURSDAY MAY 31, TO THURSDAY JUNE 7, 1711. [2]

 _Magna vis est, magnum nomen, unum et idem sentieritis Senatus. _[3]

Whoever calls to mind the clamour and the calumny, the artificial fearsand jealousies, the shameful misrepresentation of persons and of things, that were raised and spread by the leaders and instruments of a certainparty, upon the change of the last ministry, and dissolution ofParliament; if he be a true lover of his country, must feel a mightypleasure, though mixed with some indignation, to see the wishes, theconjectures, the endeavours, of an inveterate faction entirelydisappointed; and this important period wholly spent, in restoring theprerogative to the prince, liberty to the subject, in reforming pastabuses, preventing future, supplying old deficiencies, providing fordebts, restoring the clergy to their rights, and taking care of thenecessities of the Church: and all this unattended with any of thosemisfortunes which some men hoped for, while they pretended to fear. 

For my own part, I must confess, the difficulties appeared so great tome, from such a noise and shew of opposition, that I thought nothing butthe absolute necessity of affairs, could ever justify so daring anattempt. But, a wise and good prince, at the head of an able ministry, and of a senate freely chosen; all united to pursue the true interest oftheir country, is a power, against which, the little inferior politicsof any faction, will be able to make no long resistance. To this we mayadd one additional strength, which in the opinion of our adversaries, isthe greatest and justest of any; I mean the _vox populi_, so indisputablydeclarative on the same side. I am apt to think, when these discardedpoliticians begin seriously to consider all this, they will think itproper to give out, and reserve their wisdom for some more convenientjuncture. 

It was pleasant enough to observe, that those who were the chiefinstruments of raising the noise, who started fears, bespoke dangers, andformed ominous prognostics, in order scare the allies, to spirit theFrench, and fright ignorant people at home; made use of those veryopinions themselves had broached, for arguments to prove, that the changeof ministers was dangerous and unseasonable. But if a house be swept, themore occasion there is for such a work, the more dust it will raise; ifit be going to ruin, the repairs, however necessary, will make a noise, and disturb the neighbourhood a while. And as to the rejoicings made inFrance, [4] if it be true, that they had any, upon the news of thosealterations among us; their joy was grounded upon the same hopes withthat of the Whigs, who comforted themselves, that a change of ministryand Parliament, would infallibly put us all into confusion, increase ourdivisions, and destroy our credit; wherein, I suppose, by this time theyare equally undeceived. 

But this long session, being in a manner ended, [5] which severalcircumstances, and one accident, altogether unforeseen, have drawn outbeyond the usual time; it may be some small piece of justice to soexcellent an assembly, barely to mention a few of those great things theyhave done for the service of their QUEEN and country; which I shall takenotice of, just as they come to my memory. 

The credit of the nation began mightily to suffer by a discount uponexchequer bills, which have been generally reckoned the surest and mostsacred of all securities. The present lord treasurer, then a member ofthe House of Commons, proposed a method, which was immediately compliedwith, of raising them to a _par_ with _specie_;[6] and so they have eversince continued. 

The British colonies of Nevis and St. Christopher's, [7] had beenmiserably plundered by the French, their houses burnt, their plantationsdestroyed, and many of the inhabitants carried away prisoners: they hadoften, for some years past, applied in vain for relief from hence; tillthe present Parliament, considering their condition as a case of justiceand mercy, voted them one hundred thousand pound by way of recompense, insome manner, for their sufferings. 

Some persons, whom the voice of the nation authorizes me to call herenemies, taking advantage of the general Naturalization Act, had invitedover a great number of foreigners of all religions, under the name ofPalatines;[8] who understood no trade or handicraft, yet rather chose tobeg than labour;[9] who besides infesting our streets, bred contagiousdiseases, by which we lost in natives, thrice the number of what wegained in foreigners. The House of Commons, as a remedy against thisevil, brought in a bill for repealing that Act of general Naturalization, which, to the surprise of most people, was rejected by the L[or]ds. [10]And upon this occasion, I must allow myself to have been justly rebukedby one of my weekly monitors, for pretending in a former paper, to hopethat law would be repealed; wherein the Commons being disappointed, tookcare however to send many of the Palatines away, and to represent theirbeing invited over, as a pernicious counsel. [11]

The Qualification Bill, [12] incapacitating all men to serve inParliament, who have not some estate in land, either in possession orcertain reversion, is perhaps the greatest security that ever wascontrived for preserving the constitution, which otherwise might, in alittle time, lie wholly at the mercy of the moneyed interest: And sincemuch the greatest part of the taxes is paid, either immediately fromland, or from the productions of it, it is but common justice, that thosewho are the proprietors, should appoint what portion of it ought to go tothe support of the public; otherwise, the engrossers of money, would beapt to lay heavy loads on others, which themselves never touch with oneof their fingers. 

The public debts were so prodigiously increased, by the negligence andcorruption of those who had been managers of the revenue; that the latem[iniste]rs, like careless men, who run out their fortunes, were so farfrom any thoughts of payment, as they had not the courage to state orcompute them. The Parliament found that thirty-five millions had neverbeen accounted for; and that the debt on the navy, wholly unprovided for, amounted to nine millions. [13] The late chancellor of the exchequer, suitable to his transcendent genius for public affairs, proposed a fundto be security for that immense debt, which is now confirmed by a law, and is likely to prove the greatest restoration and establishment ofthe kingdom's credit. [14] Nor content with this, the legislaturehath appointed commissioners of accompts, to inspect into pastmismanagements of the public money, and prevent them for the future. [15]

I have, in a former paper, mentioned the Act for building fifty newChurches in London and Westminster, [16] with a fund appropriated for thatpious and noble work. But while I am mentioning acts of piety, it wouldbe unjust to conceal my lord high treasurer's concern for religion, whichhave extended even to another kingdom: his lordship having some monthsago, obtained of her Majesty a remission of the first-fruits and tenthsto the clergy of Ireland, [17] as he is known to have formerly done forthat reverend body in this kingdom. 

The Act for carrying on a Trade to the South-Sea, [18] proposed by thesame great person, whose thoughts are perpetually employed, and alwayswith success, on the good of his country, will, in all probability, ifduly executed, be of mighty advantage to the kingdom, and an everlastinghonour to the present Parliament. [19]

I might go on further, and mention that seasonable law against excessivegaming;[20] the putting a stop to that scandalous fraud of false mustersin the Guards;[21] the diligent and effectual enquiry made by the Commonsinto several gross abuses. [22] I might produce many instances of theirimpartial justice in deciding controverted election, against formerexample, and great provocations to retaliate. [23] I might shew theircheerful readiness in granting such vast supplies; their great unanimity, not to be broken by all the arts of a malicious and cunning faction;their unfeigned duty to the QUEEN; and lastly, that representation madeto her Majesty from the House of Commons, discovering such a spirit anddisposition in that noble assembly, to redress all those evils, which along mal-administration had brought upon us. [24]

It is probable, that trusting only to my memory, I may have omitted manythings of great importance; neither do I pretend further in the compassof this paper, than to give the world some general, however imperfectidea, how worthily this great assembly hath discharged the trust of thosewho so freely chose them; and what we may reasonably hope and expect fromthe piety, courage, wisdom, and loyalty of such excellent patriots, in atime so fruitful of occasions to exert the greatest abilities. 

And now I conceive the main design I had in writing these papers, isfully executed. A great majority of the nation is at length thoroughlyconvinced, that the Qu[een] proceeded with the highest wisdom, inchanging her ministry and Parliament. That under a former administration, the greatest abuses of all kinds were committed, and the most dangerousattempts against the constitution for some time intended. The wholekingdom finds the present persons in power, directly and openly pursuingthe true service of their QUEEN and country; and to be such whom theirmost bitter enemies cannot tax with bribery, covetousness, ambition, pride, insolence, or any pernicious principles in religion or government. 

For my own particular, those little barking pens which have so constantlypursued me, I take to be of no further consequence to what I have writ, than the scoffing slaves of old, placed behind the chariot, to put thegeneral in mind of his mortality;[25] which was but a thing of form, andmade no stop or disturbance in the shew. However, if those perpetualsnarlers against me, had the same design, I must own they haveeffectually compassed it; since nothing can well be more mortifying, thanto reflect that I am of the same species with creatures capable ofuttering so much scurrility, dullness, falsehood and impertinence, to thescandal and disgrace of human nature. 

[Footnote 1: No. 44 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: To Stella, about this time, Swift wrote giving a decidedhint of the end of his term on "The Examiner. " Under date June 7th, 1711, he says: "As for the 'Examiner, ' I have heard a whisper, that after thatof this day, which tells what this Parliament has done, you will hardlyfind them so good. I prophesy they will be trash for the future; andmethinks in this day's 'Examiner' the author talks doubtfully, as if hewould write no more" (vol. Ii. , pp. 192-3 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "Great is the power, great the name, of a Senate which isunanimous in its opinions. "--H. T. RILEY, [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: See No. 24, _ante_, and note on p. 145. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: The session did not actually close till June 12th. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: The House of Commons had resolved on January 16th, 1710/1, to provide for converting all non-specie exchequer bills into specie. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The Act for licensing and regulating hackney coaches, etc. (9 Ann. C. 16) provided that a sum of £103, 003 11_s. _ 4_d. _ should bedistributed among those proprietors and inhabitants of Nevis and St. Christopher's who had suffered "very great losses by a late invasion ofthe French. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: See note on p. 264. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: A petition was presented to the House of Commons on January15th, 1710/1, against the Palatines as likely to spread disease and tobecome chargeable to the parish. [T. S. ]

The exactions of the French armies in the Palatinate, in the year 1709, drove from their habitations six or seven thousand persons of alldescriptions and professions, who came into Holland with a view ofemigrating to British America. It was never accurately ascertained, withwhat view, or by whose persuasions, their course was changed, but, bydirection from the English ministers, they were furnished with shippingto come to England. In the settlements, they would have been a valuablecolony; but in the vicinity of London, this huge accession to the poor ofthe metropolis was a burthen and a nuisance. They were encamped onBlackheath, near Greenwich, where, so soon as their countrymen heard thatthey were supported by British charity, the number of the fugitives beganto increase by recruits from the Continent, till government prohibitedfurther importation. A general Naturalization Act, passed in favour ofthe French Protestants, greatly encouraged this influx of strangers. Thismatter was inquired into by the Tory Parliament, who voted, that thebringing over the Palatines was an oppression on the nation, and a wasteof the public money, and that he who advised it was an enemy to hiscountry. The unfortunate fugitives had been already dispersed; some ofthem to North America, some to Ireland, and some through Britain. Thepretence alleged for the vote against them, was the apprehensionexpressed by the guardians of the poor in several parishes, that theymight introduce contagious diseases; but the real reason was a wish togratify the prejudice of the common people against foreigners, and todimmish the number of Dissenters. [S. ]]

[Footnote 10: See No. 26, _ante_, and note on p. 160. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: On the invitation of the lord lieutenant 3, 000 Palatineswere sent into Ireland in August, 1709, and 800 in the followingFebruary. Many of them subsequently returned to England in the hope thatthey would be sent to Carolina. Large numbers had been brought to Englandfrom Holland at the Queen's expense, after the passing of theNaturalization Act. The government spent _£_22, 275 in transporting3, 300 of them to New York and establishing them there, undertaking tomaintain them until they could provide for themselves. These sums were tobe repaid within four years. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: See No. 35, _ante_, and note on p. 225. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: See No. 41, _ante_, and note on p. 264. The debt on thenavy is a portion of the thirty-five millions referred to. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Harley proposed a scheme, on May 2nd, 1711, by which allpublic and national debts and deficiencies were to be satisfied. Resolutions were passed on May 3rd, and a Bill brought in on the 17th, which was the origin of the celebrated South Sea scheme referred to laterin the text. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: The Bill for examining the Public Accounts (9 Ann. C. 18)became law on May 16th. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: See No. 43, _ante_, pp. 278 _et seq. _ [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: On August 15th, 1711, Swift wrote to Archbishop King: "He[the lord treasurer] told me, 'he had lately received a letter from thebishops of Ireland, subscribed (as I remember) by seventeen, acknowledging his favour about the first-fruits'" (Scott's edition, xv. 465). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 18: The South Sea Company was established in pursuance of theAct 9 Ann. C. 15. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 19: The disastrous results of the South Sea scheme, when thecompany failed in 1720-21, are matter of history. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 20: A Bill for the better preventing of Excessive and DeceitfulGaming, was introduced January 25th, 1710/1, passed April 11th, andobtained the Royal Assent, May 16th (9 Ann. C. 19). A similar bill, which had passed the House of Commons in 1709/10, was dropped in theHouse of Lords. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 21: A committee of the House of Commons was appointed, onFebruary 5th, 1710/1 to inquire into alleged false musters in the Guards. A petition was presented to the House on February 13th, complaining thattradesmen were listed in Her Majesty's Guards "to screen and protect themfrom their creditors. " A clause was inserted in the Recruiting Bill toremedy this evil (10 Ann. C. 12; see sec. 39), and the House passed astrong resolution against the practice, on May 26th, when considering thereport of the committee. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 22: The House of Commons, on June 4th, presented arepresentation to the Queen on mismanagements and abuses. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 23: A large number of petitions to the House of Commonsconcerning controverted elections had been considered in December, 1710. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 24: Towards the close of the very long representationaddressed to the Queen on June 4th, the Commons said: "We . .. Beseechyour Majesty . .. That you would employ in places of authority and trustsuch only, as have given good testimonies of their duty to your Majesty, and of their affection to the true interest of your kingdom. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 25: In a Roman triumph a slave accompanied the victoriousgeneral to whisper in his ear: "Remember that thou art but a man. "[T. S. ]]

NUMB. 46. [1]

FROM THURSDAY JUNE 7, TO THURSDAY JUNE 14, 1711. [2]

 _Melius non tangere clamo_. [3]

When a general has conquered an army, and reduced a country to obedience, he often finds it necessary to send out small bodies, in order to take inpetty castles and forts, and beat little straggling parties, which areotherwise, apt to make head and infest the neighbourhood: This caseexactly resembles mine; I count the main body of the Whigs entirelysubdued; at least, till they appear with new reinforcements, I shallreckon them as such; and therefore do now find myself at leisure to_Examine_ inferior abuses. The business I have left, is, to fall on thosewretches that will be still keeping the war on foot, when they have nocountry to defend, no forces to bring into the field, nor any thingremaining, but their bare good-will towards faction and mischief: I mean, the present set of writers, whom I have suffered, without molestation, solong to infest the town. Were there not a concurrence from prejudice, party, weak understanding, and misrepresentation, I should think them tooinconsiderable in themselves to deserve correction: But as my endeavourhath been to expose the gross impositions of the fallen party, I willgive a taste, in the following petition, of the sincerity of these theirfactors, to shew how little those writers for the Whigs were guided byconscience or honour, their business being only to gratify a prevailinginterest. 

"_To the Right Honourable the present M[inist]ry, the humble Petition ofthe Party Writers to the late M[inist]ry. _

"HUMBLY SHEWETH, "_That your petitioners have served their time to the trade of writingpamphlets and weekly papers, in defence of the Whigs, against the Churchof England, and the Christian religion, and her Majesty's prerogative, and her title to the crown: That since the late change of ministry, andmeeting of this Parliament, the said trade is mightily fallen off, andthe call for the said pamphlets and papers, much less than formerly; andit is feared, to our further prejudice, that the 'Examiner' maydiscontinue writing, whereby some of your petitioners will be brought toutter distress, forasmuch as through false quotations, noted absurdities, and other legal abuses, many of your petitioners, to their great comfortand support, were enabled to pick up a weekly subsistence out of the said'Examiner. '

"That your said poor petitioners, did humbly offer your Honours to writein defence of the late change of ministry and Parliament, much cheaperthan they did for your predecessors, which your Honours were pleased torefuse. 

"Notwithstanding which offer, your petitioners are under dailyapprehension, that your Honours will forbid them to follow the said tradeany longer; by which your petitioners, to the number of fourscore, withtheir wives and families, will inevitably starve, having been bound to noother calling. _

"Your petitioners desire your Honours will tenderly consider thepremisses, and suffer your said petitioners to continue their trade(those who set them at work, being still willing to employ them, thoughat lower rates) and your said petitioners will give security to make useof the same stuff, and dress it in the same manner, as they always did, and no other. _And your petitioners" &c. _

[Footnote 1: No. 45 in the reprint. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: In his "Journal to Stella, " under date June 22nd, 1711, Swift writes: "Yesterday's was a sad 'Examiner, ' and last week was veryindifferent, though, some little scraps of the old spirit, as if he hadgiven some hints; but yesterday's is all trash. It is plain the hand ischanged. " (vol. Ii. , p, 195). 

On November 2nd he gives the following account: "I have sent to Leigh theset of 'Examiners'; the first thirteen were written by several hands;some good, some bad; the next three-and-thirty were all by one hand, thatmakes forty-six: then that author, whoever he was, laid it down onpurpose to confound guessers; and the last six were written by a woman"(vol. Ii. , p. 273). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Horace, "Satires, " II. I. 45. "'Better not touch me, friend, ' I loud exclaim. "--P. FRANCIS. [T. S. ]]

CONTRIBUTION TO "THE SPECTATOR. "

NOTE. 

"THE SPECTATOR, " projected by Steele, assisted and made famous byAddison, was first started on March 1st, 1710/1, and continued to beissued daily until December 6th, 1712. An interval of eighteen monthsthen occurred, during six of which these two writers were busy with"The Guardian. " On June 18th, 1714, however, "The Spectator" was resumed, and appeared daily until its final number on December 20th of that year. As with "The Tatler, " so with "The Spectator, " its success proved toogreat a temptation to be resisted; so that we find a spurious "Spectator"also. This was begun on Monday, January 3rd, 1714/5, and concludedAugust 3rd of the same year. Its sixty numbers (for it was issued twice aweek) were afterwards published as "The Spectator, volume ninth andlast. " The principal writer to this spurious edition was said to be Dr. George Sewell. 

Of the contributions to Steele's "Spectator, " by far the greaternumber were written by the projector and Addison. The other contributorswere Eustace Budgell, John Hughes, John Byrom, Henry Grove, ThomasParnell, "Orator" Henley, Dr. Zachary Pearce, Philip Yorke, and a fewothers whose identity is doubtful. Swift's contribution consisted of onepaper only, and (probably) a single paragraph in another. [T. S. ]

THE SPECTATOR, NUMB. L. [1]

 _Nunquam aliud natura, aliud sapientia dicit. _ JUV. [2]

FRIDAY, APRIL 27. 1711. 

When the four Indian kings[3] were in this country about a twelvemonthago, I often mixed with the rabble and followed them a whole daytogether, being wonderfully struck with the sight of everything that isnew or uncommon. I have, since their departure, employed a friend to makemany enquiries of their landlord the upholsterer[4] relating to theirmanners and conversation, as also concerning the remarks which they madein this country: for next to the forming a right notion of suchstrangers, I should be desirous of learning what ideas they haveconceived of us. 

The upholsterer finding my friend very inquisitive about these hislodgers, brought him some time since a little bundle of papers, which heassured him were written by King Sa Ga Yean Qua Rash Tow, and, as hesupposes, left behind by some mistake. These papers are now translated, and contain abundance of very odd observations, which I find this littlefraternity of kings made during their stay in the isle of Great Britain. I shall present my reader with a short specimen of them in this paper, and may perhaps communicate more to him hereafter. In the article ofLondon are the following words, which without doubt are meant of thechurch of St. Paul. 

"On the most rising part of the town there stands a huge house, bigenough to contain the whole nation of which I am king. Our good brother ETow O Koam king of the Rivers, is of opinion it was made by the hands ofthat great God to whom it is consecrated. The kings of Granajah and ofthe Six Nations believe that it was created with the earth, and producedon the same day with the sun and moon. But for my own part, by the bestinformation that I could get of this matter, I am apt to think that thisprodigious pile was fashioned into the shape it now bears by severaltools and instruments; of which they have a wonderful variety in thiscountry. It was probably at first an huge mis-shapen rock that grew uponthe top of the hill, which the natives of the country (after having cutit into a kind of regular figure) bored and hollowed with incrediblepains and industry, till they had wrought in it all those beautifulvaults and caverns into which it is divided at this day. As soon as thisrock was thus curiously scooped to their liking, a prodigious number ofhands must have been employed in chipping the outside of it, which is nowas smooth as polished marble;[5] and is in several places hewn out intopillars that stand like the trunks of so many trees bound about the topwith garlands of leaves. It is probable that when this great work wasbegun, which must have been many hundred years ago, there was somereligion among this people; for they give it the name of a temple, andhave a tradition that it was designed for men to pay their devotions in. And indeed, there are several reasons which make us think, that thenatives of this Country had formerly among them some sort of worship; forthey set apart every seventh day as sacred: but upon my going into one ofthose holy houses on that day, I could not observe any circumstance ofdevotion in their behaviour: There was indeed a man in black who wasmounted above the rest, and seemed to utter something with a great dealof vehemence; but as for those underneath him, instead of paying theirworship to the Deity of the place, they were most of them bowing andcurtsying to one another, and a considerable number of them fast asleep. 

"The Queen of the country appointed two men to attend us, that had enoughof our language to make themselves understood in some few particulars. But we soon perceived these two were great enemies to one another, anddid not always agree in the same story. We could make a shift to gatherout of one of them, that this island was very much infested with amonstrous kind of animals, in the shape of men, called Whigs; and heoften told us, that he hoped we should meet with none of them in our way, for that if we did, they would be apt to knock us down for being kings. 

"Our other interpreter used to talk very much of a kind of animal calleda Tory, that was as great a monster as the Whig, and would treat us asill for being foreigners. [6] These two creatures, it seems, are born witha secret antipathy to one another, and engage when they meet as naturallyas the elephant and the rhinoceros. But as we saw none of either of thesespecies, we are apt to think that our guides deceived us withmisrepresentations and fictions, and amused us with an account of suchmonsters as are not really in their country. 

"These particulars we made a shift to pick out from the discourse of ourinterpreters; which we put together as well as we could, being able tounderstand but here and there a word of what they said, and afterwardsmaking up the meaning of it among ourselves. The men of the country arevery cunning and ingenious in handicraft works; but withal so very idle, that we often saw young lusty raw-boned fellows carried up and down thestreets in little covered rooms by a couple of porters who are hired forthat service. Their dress is likewise very barbarous, for they almoststrangle themselves about the neck, and bind their bodies with manyligatures, that we are apt to think are the occasion of severaldistempers among them which our country is entirely free from. Instead ofthose beautiful feathers with which we adorn our heads, they often buy upa monstrous bush of hair, which covers their heads, and falls down in alarge fleece below the middle of their backs; with which they walk up anddown the streets, and are as proud of it as if it was of their owngrowth. 

"We were invited to one of their public diversions, where we hoped tohave seen the great men of their country running down a stag or pitchinga bar, that we might have discovered who were the men of the greatestperfections in their country;[7] but instead of that, they conveyed usinto an huge room lighted up with abundance of candles, where this lazypeople sat still above three hours to see several feats of ingenuityperformed by others, who it seems were paid for it. 

"As for the women of the country, not being able to talk with them, wecould only make our remarks upon them at a distance. They let the hair oftheir heads grow to a great length; but as the men make a great show withheads of hair that are none of their own, the women, who they say havevery fine heads of hair, tie it up in a knot and cover it from beingseen. The women look like angels, and would be more beautiful than thesun, were it not for little black spots[8] that are apt to break out intheir faces, and sometimes rise in very odd figures. I have observed thatthose little blemishes wear off very soon; but when they disappear in onepart of the face, they are very apt to break out in another, insomuchthat I have seen a spot upon the forehead in the afternoon, which wasupon the chin in the morning. "

The author then proceeds to shew the absurdity of breeches andpetticoats, with many other curious observations, which I shall reservefor another occasion. I cannot however conclude this paper without takingnotice, that amidst these wild remarks there now and then appearssomething very reasonable. I cannot likewise forbear observing, that weare all guilty in some measure of the same narrow way of thinking whichwe meet with in this abstract of the Indian journal; when we fancy thecustoms, dresses, and manners of other countries are ridiculous andextravagant, if they do not resemble those of our own. [9]

[Footnote 1: On March 16th, 1711, Swift writes to Stella: "Have you seenthe 'Spectator' yet, a paper that comes out every day? 'Tis written byMr. Steele, who seems to have gathered new life, and have a new fundof wit; it is in the same nature as his 'Tatlers, ' and they have all ofthem had something pretty. I believe Addison and he club. " On April 28thhe writes again: "'The Spectator' is written by Steele with Addison'shelp: 'tis often very pretty. Yesterday it was made of a noble hint Igave him long ago for his 'Tatlers, ' about an Indian supposed to writehis travels into England. I repent he ever had it. I intended to havewritten a book on that subject. I believe he has spent it all in onepaper, and all the under hints there are mine too" (vol. Ii. , pp. 139 and166 of present edition). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: Juvenal, "Satires, " xiv. 321. 

 "Nature and wisdom never are at strife. "--W. GIFFORD. 

 [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Steele's paper on the four Indian kings appeared in "TheTatler" for May 13th, 1710 (No. 171):--"Who can convince the world thatfour kings shall come over here, and He at the Two Crowns and Cushion, and one of them fall sick, and the place be called King Street, and allthis by mere accident?"--The so-called kings were four Iroquois chiefswho came over to see Queen Anne. The Queen saw them on April 19th, 1710. During their visit here Colonel Schuyler and Colonel Francis Nicholsonwere appointed to attend them. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: They lodged over the shop of Mr. Arne--father of Dr. Arneand Mrs. Cibber--in King Street, Covent Garden. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: The edition of 1712 has, "as the surface of a pebble. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: In "The Tatler" for February 4th, 1709/10 (No. 129), Steele prints a letter from "Pasquin of Rome, " in which he says: "Itwould also be very acceptable here to receive an account of those tworeligious orders which are lately sprung up amongst you, the Whigs andthe Tories, with the points of doctrine, severities in discipline, penances, mortifications, and good works, by which they differ one fromanother. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The edition of 1712 has: "the persons of the greatestabilities among them. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: See "The Spectator, " No. 81, and "The Examiner, " No. 32. The"black spots" are the patches ladies stuck on their faces. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: This paper is signed "C. ", in the edition of 1712, which isone of the signatures used by Addison. See, however, Swift's "Journal, "quoted above. [T. S. ]]

 * * * * *

[The following paragraph in "The Spectator, " No. 575Monday, August 2. 1714. Is believed to have been contributedby Swift. ]

"The following question is started by one of the schoolmen. Supposing thewhole body of the earth were a great ball or mass of the finest sand, andthat a single grain or particle of this sand should be annihilated everythousand years. Supposing then that you had it in your choice to be happyall the while this prodigious mass of sand was consuming by this slowmethod till there was not a grain of it left, on condition you were to bemiserable for ever after; or, supposing that you might be happy for everafter, on condition you would be miserable till the whole mass of sandwere thus annihilated at the rate of one sand in a thousand years: Whichof these two cases would you make your choice?"

CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE INTELLIGENCER. "

NOTE. 

"THE INTELLIGENCER" was published in Dublin, commencing May 11th, 1728, and continued for nineteen numbers. On June 12th, 1731, Swift, writing toPope, gives some account of its inception, and the amount of writing hedid for it: "Two or three of us had a fancy, three years ago, to write aweekly paper, and call it an 'Intelligencer. ' But it continued not long;for the whole volume (it was reprinted in London, and I find you haveseen it) was the work only of two, myself, and Dr. Sheridan. If we couldhave got some ingenious young man to have been the manager, who shouldhave published all that might be sent him, it might have continuedlonger, for there were hints enough. But the printer here could notafford such a young man one farthing for his trouble, the sale being sosmall, and the price one halfpenny; and so it dropped. In the volume yousaw, (to answer your questions, ) the 1, 3, 5, 7, were mine. Of the 8th Iwrit only the verses, (very uncorrect, but against a fellow we all hated[Richard Tighe], ) the 9th mine, the 10th only the verses, and of thosenot the four last slovenly lines; the 15th is a pamphlet of mine printedbefore, with Dr. Sheridan's preface, merely for laziness, not todisappoint the town: and so was the 19th, which contains only a parcel offacts relating purely to the miseries of Ireland, and wholly useless andunentertaining" (Scott's edition, xvii. 375-6). 

Of the contributions thus acknowledged, Nos. 1, 3, and 19 are reprintedhere from the original edition; Nos. 5 and 7 were included by Pope in thefourth volume of "Miscellanies, " under the title "An Essay on the Fatesof Clergymen"; No. 9 he entitled "An Essay on Modern Education"; No. 15was a reprint of the pamphlet "A Short View of the State of Ireland"--these will be found in this edition under the above titles. The verses inNo. 8 ("Mad Mullinix and Timothy") and in No. 10 ("Tim and the Fables")are in Swift's "Poems, " Aldine edition, vol. Iii. , pp. 132-43. 

The nineteen numbers of "The Intelligencer" were collected and publishedin one volume, which was reprinted in London in 1729, "and sold by A. Moor in St. Paul's Church-yard. " Monck Mason never saw a copy of theLondon reprint referred to by Swift. He had in his possession theoriginal papers; "they are twenty in number, " he says; "the last isdouble. " The second London edition, published in 12mo in 1730, as"printed for Francis Cogan, at the Middle-Temple-Gate in Fleet-street, "includes No. 20, "Dean Smedley, gone to seek his Fortune, " and also apoem, "The Pheasant and the Lark. A Fable. " In the poem, several writersare compared to birds, Swift being the nightingale:

 "At length the nightingale was heard, For voice and wisdom long revered, Esteemed of all the wise and good, The guardian genius of the wood;" etc. 

The poem was written by Swift's friend, Dr. Delany. The title-page ofthis second edition ascribes the authorship, "By the Author of a Taleof a Tub. "

"The Intelligencer, " in the words of W. Monck Mason, "served as a vehicleof satire against the Dean's political and literary enemies; of these thechief were, Richard Tighe, Sir Thomas Prendergast, and Jonathan Smedley, Dean of Clogher" ("Hist, and Antiq. Of St. Patrick's, " pp. 376-7). [T. S. ]

THE INTELLIGENCER, NUMB. 1. [1]

SATURDAY, MAY 11, TO BE CONTINUED WEEKLY. 

It may be said, without offence to other cities, of much greaterconsequence in the world, that our town of Dublin doth not want its dueproportion of folly, and vice, both native and imported; and as to thoseimported, we have the advantage to receive them last, and consequentlyafter our happy manner to improve, and refine upon them. 

But, because there are many effects of folly and vice among us, whereofsome are general, others confined to smaller numbers, and others again, perhaps to a few individuals; there is a society lately established, whoat great expense, have erected an office of Intelligence, from which theyare to receive weekly information of all important events andsingularities, which this famous metropolis can furnish. Strictinjunctions are given to have the truest information: in order to which, certain qualified persons are employed to attend upon duty in theirseveral posts; some at the play-house, others in churches, some at balls, assemblies, coffee-houses, and meetings for quadrille, [2] some at theseveral courts of justice, both spiritual and temporal, some at thecollege, some upon my lord mayor, and aldermen in their public affairs;lastly, some to converse with favourite chamber-maids, and to frequentthose ale-houses, and brandy-shops, where the footmen of great familiesmeet in a morning; only the barracks and Parliament-house are excepted;because we have yet found no _enfans perdus_ bold enough to venture theirpersons at either. Out of these and some other store-houses, we hope togather materials enough to inform, or divert, or correct, or vex thetown. 

But as facts, passages, and adventures of all kinds, are like to have thegreatest share in our paper, whereof we cannot always answer for thetruth; due care shall be taken to have them applied to feigned names, whereby all just offence will be removed; for if none be guilty, nonewill have cause to blush or be angry; if otherwise, then the guiltyperson is safe for the future upon his present amendment, and safe forthe present, from all but his own conscience. 

There is another resolution taken among us, which I fear will give agreater and more general discontent, and is of so singular a nature, thatI have hardly confidence enough to mention it, although it be absolutelynecessary by way of apology, for so bold and unpopular an attempt. But soit is, that we have taken a desperate counsel to produce into the worldevery distinguished action, either of justice, prudence, generosity, charity, friendship, or public spirit, which comes well attested to us. And although we shall neither here be so daring as to assign names, yetwe shall hardly forbear to give some hints, that perhaps to the greatdispleasure of such deserving persons may endanger a discovery. For wethink that even virtue itself, should submit to such a mortification, asby its visibility and example, will render it more useful to the world. But however, the readers of these papers, need not be in pain of beingovercharged, with so dull and ungrateful a subject. And yet who knows, but such an occasion may be offered to us, once in a year or two, afterwe shall have settled a correspondence round the kingdom. 

But after all our boasts of materials, sent us by our several emissaries, we may probably soon fall short, if the town will not be pleased to lendus further assistance toward entertaining itself. The world best knowsits own faults and virtues, and whatever is sent shall be faithfullyreturned back, only a little embellished according to the custom ofauthors. We do therefore demand and expect continual advertisements ingreat numbers, to be sent to the printer of this paper, who hath employeda judicious secretary to collect such as may be most useful for thepublic. 

And although we do not intend to expose our own persons by mentioningnames, yet we are so far from requiring the same caution in ourcorrespondents, that on the contrary, we expressly _charge_ and _command_them, in all the facts they send us, to set down the names, titles, andplaces of abode at length; together with a very particular descriptionof the persons, dresses, and dispositions of the several lords, ladies, squires, madams, lawyers, gamesters, toupees, sots, wits, rakes, andinformers, whom they shall have occasion to mention; otherwise it willnot be possible for us to adjust our style to the different qualities, and capacities of the persons concerned, and treat them with the respector familiarity, that may be due to their stations and characters, whichwe are determined to observe with the utmost strictness, that none mayhave cause to complain. 

[Footnote 1: In the "Contents" to both the editions of 1729 and 1730, this is called "Introduction. " Each of the numbers has a special title inthis table, as follows:

No. I. Introduction. II. The Inhospitable Temper of 'Squire Wether. III. A Vindication of Mr. Gay, and the Beggar's Opera. IV. The Folly of Gaming. V. A Description of what the World calls Discretion. VI. A Representation of the Present Condition of Ireland. VII. The Character of Corusodes and Eugenio. VIII. A Dialogue between Mullinix and Timothy. IX. The foolish Methods of Education among the Nobility. X. Tim and Gay's Fables. XI. Proposals in Prose and Verse for, An Universal View of all theeminent Writers on the Holy Scriptures, &c. XII. Sir Ralph the Patriot turned Courtier. XIII. The Art of Story-Telling. XIV. Prometheus's Art of Man-making: And the Tale of the T--d. XV. The Services the Drapier has done his Country, and the Steps taken toruin it. XVI. The Adventures of the three Brothers, George, Patrick, and Andrew. XVII. The Marks of Ireland's Poverty, shewn to be evident Proofs of itsRiches. XVIII. St. Andrew's Day, and the Drapier's Birth-Day. XIX. The Hardships of the Irish being deprived of their Silver, anddecoyed into America. [XX. Dean Smedley, gone to seek his Fortune. The Pheasant and the Lark. A Fable. ]-[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: A fashionable card game of the time. See also Swift's poem, "The Journal of a Modern Lady" (Aldine edition, vol. I. , pp. 214-23), and"A New Proposal for the better regulation . .. Of Quadrille, " written byDr. Josiah Hort, Bp. Of Kilmore, in 1735/6 (afterwards Abp. Of Tuam), andincluded by Scott in his edition of Swift (vii. 372-7). [T. S. ]]

THE INTELLIGENCER, NUMB. III. [1]

 --_Ipse per omnes Ibit personas, et turbam reddet in unam. _[2]

The players having now almost done with the comedy, called the "Beggar'sOpera, "[3] for this season, it may be no unpleasant speculation, toreflect a little upon this dramatic piece, so singular in the subject, and the manner, so much an original, and which hath frequently given sovery agreeable an entertainment. [4]

Although an evil taste be very apt to prevail, both here, and in London, yet there is a point which whoever can rightly touch, will never fail ofpleasing a very great majority; so great, that the dislikers, out ofdullness or affectation will be silent, and forced to fall in with theherd; the point I mean, is what we call humour, which in its perfectionis allowed to be much preferable to wit, if it be not rather the mostuseful, and agreeable species of it. 

I agree with Sir William Temple, that the word is peculiar to our Englishtongue, but I differ from him in the opinion, that the thing itself ispeculiar to the English nation, [5] because the contrary may be found inmany Spanish, Italian and French productions, and particularly, whoeverhath a taste for true humour, will find a hundred instances of it inthose volumes printed in France, under the name of _Le ThéâtreItalien_, [6] to say nothing of Rabelais, Cervantes, and many others. 

Now I take the comedy or farce, (or whatever name the critics will allowit) called the "Beggar's Opera"; to excel in this article of humour; and, upon that merit, to have met with such prodigious success both here, andin England. 

As to poetry, eloquence and music, which are said to have most power overthe minds of men, it is certain that very few have a taste or judgment ofthe excellencies of the two former, and if a man succeeds in either, itis upon the authority of those few judges, that lend their taste to thebulk of readers, who have none of their own. I am told there are as fewgood judges in music, and that among those who crowd the operas, nine inten go thither merely out of curiosity, fashion, or affectation. 

But a taste for humour is in some manner fixed to the very nature of man, and generally obvious to the vulgar, except upon subjects too refined, and superior to their understanding. 

And as this taste of humour is purely natural, so is humour itself, neither is it a talent confined to men of wit, or learning; for weobserve it sometimes among common servants, and the meanest of thepeople, while the very owners are often ignorant of the gift theypossess. 

I know very well, that this happy talent is contemptibly treated bycritics, under the name of low humour, or low comedy; but I knowlikewise, that the Spaniards and Italians, who are allowed to have themost wit of any nation in Europe, do most excel in it, and do most esteemit. 

By what disposition of the mind, what influence of the stars, or whatsituation of the climate this endowment is bestowed upon mankind, may bea question fit for philosophers to discuss. It is certainly the bestingredient toward that kind of satire, which is most useful, and givesthe least offence; which instead of lashing, laughs men out of theirfollies, and vices, and is the character which gives Horace thepreference to Juvenal. 

And although some things are too serious, solemn or sacred to be turnedinto ridicule, yet the abuses of them are certainly not, since it isallowed that corruption in religion, politics, and law, may be propertopics for this kind of satire. 

There are two ends that men propose in writing satire, one of them lessnoble than the other, as regarding nothing further than personalsatisfaction, and pleasure of the writer; but without any view towardspersonal malice; the other is a public spirit, prompting men of geniusand virtue, to mend the world as far as they are able. And as both theseends are innocent, so the latter is highly commendable. With regard tothe former, I demand whether I have not as good a title to laugh, as menhave to be ridiculous, and to expose vice, as another hath to be vicious. If I ridicule the follies and corruptions of a court, a ministry, or asenate; are they not amply paid by pensions, titles, and power, while Iexpect and desire no other reward, than that of laughing with a fewfriends in a corner. Yet, if those who take offence, think me in thewrong, I am ready to change the scene with them, whenever they please. 

But if my design be to make mankind better, then I think it is my duty, at least I am sure it is the interest of those very courts and ministers, whose follies or vices I ridicule, to reward me for my good intentions;for, if it be reckoned a high point of wisdom to get the laughers onour side, it is much more easy, as well as wise to get those on our side, who can make millions laugh when they please. 

My reason for mentioning courts, and ministers, (whom I never think on, but with the most profound veneration) is because an opinion obtains thatin the "Beggar's Opera" there appears to be some reflection uponcourtiers and statesmen, whereof I am by no means a judge[7]. 

It is true indeed that Mr. Gay, the author of this piece, hath beensomewhat singular in the course of his fortunes, for it hath happened, that after fourteen years attending the court, with a large stock of realmerit, a modest, and agreeable conversation, a hundred promises, and fivehundred friends [he] hath failed of preferment, and upon a very weightyreason. He lay under the suspicion of having written a libel, or lampoonagainst a great m[inister][8]. It is true that great m[inister] wasdemonstratively convinced, and publicly owned his conviction, that Mr. Gay was not the author; but having lain under the suspicion, it seemedvery just, that he should suffer the punishment; because in this mostreformed age, the virtues of a great m[inister] are no more to besuspected, than the chastity of Caesar's wife. 

It must be allowed, that the "Beggar's Opera" is not the first of Mr. Gay's works, wherein he hath been faulty, with regard to courtiers andstatesmen. For, to omit his other pieces even in his Fables, publishedwithin two years past, and dedicated to the Duke of Cumberland, for whichhe was promised a reward[9]; he hath been thought somewhat too bold uponcourtiers. And although it is highly probable, he meant only thecourtiers of former times, yet he acted unwarily, by not considering thatthe malignity of some people might misinterpret what he said to thedisadvantage of present persons, and affairs. 

But I have now done with Mr. Gay as a politician, and shall consider himhenceforward only as author of the "Beggar's Opera, " wherein he hath by aturn of humour, entirely new, placed vices of all kinds in the strongestand most odious light; and thereby done eminent service, both to religionand morality. This appears from the unparalleled success he hath metwith. All ranks parties and denominations of men, either crowding to seehis opera, or reading it with delight in their closets, even ministers ofstate, whom he is thought to have most offended (next to those whom theactors more immediately represent) appearing frequently at the theatre, from a consciousness of their own innocence, and to convince the worldhow unjust a parallel, malice, envy, and disaffection to the governmenthave made. 

I am assured that several worthy clergymen in this city, went privatelyto see the "Beggar's Opera" represented; and that the fleering coxcombsin the pit, amused themselves with making discoveries, and spreading thenames of those gentlemen round the audience. 

I shall not pretend to vindicate a clergyman, who would appear openly inhis habit at a theatre, among such a vicious crew, as would probablystand round him, and at such lewd comedies, and profane tragedies as areoften represented. Besides I know very well, that persons of theirfunction are bound to avoid the appearance of evil, or of giving cause ofoffence. But when the lords chancellors, who are keepers of the king'sconscience, when the judges of the land, whose title is _reverend_, whenladies, who are bound by the rules of their sex, to the strictestdecency, appear in the theatre without censure, I cannot understand, whya young clergyman who goes concealed out of curiosity to see an innocentand moral play, should be so highly condemned; nor do I much approve therigour of a great p[rela]te, who said, "he hoped none of his clergy werethere. " I am glad to hear there are no weightier objections against thatreverend body, planted in this city, and I wish there never may. But Ishould be very sorry that any of them should be so weak, as to imitate acourt chaplain in England, who preached against the "Beggar's Opera, "which will probably do more good than a thousand sermons of so stupid, soinjudicious, and so prostitute a divine[10]. 

In this happy performance of Mr. Gay, all the characters are just, andnone of them carried beyond nature, or hardly beyond practice. Itdiscovers the whole system of that commonwealth, or that _imperium inimperio_ of iniquity, established among us, by which neither our lives, nor our properties are secure, either in the highways, or in publicassemblies, or even in our own houses. It shews the miserable lives, andthe constant fate of those abandoned wretches; for how little they selltheir lives and souls; betrayed by their whores, their comrades, and thereceivers and purchasers of these thefts and robberies. This comedycontains likewise a satire, which, although it doth by no means affectthe present age, yet might have been useful in the former, and maypossibly be so in ages to come. I mean where the author takes occasion ofcomparing those common robbers to robbers of the public;[11] and theirseveral stratagems of betraying, undermining, and hanging each other, [12]to the several arts of politicians in times of corruption. 

This comedy likewise exposeth with great justice, that unnatural tastefor Italian music among us, [13] which is wholly unsuitable to ournorthern climate, and the genius of the people, whereby we are over-runwith Italian effeminacy, and Italian nonsense. An old gentleman said tome, that many years ago, when the practice of an unnatural vice grew sofrequent in London, that many were prosecuted for it, he was sure itwould be a forerunner[14] of Italian operas, and singers; and then weshould want nothing but stabbing or poisoning, to make us perfectItalians. 

Upon the whole, I deliver my judgment, that nothing but servileattachment to a party, affectation of singularity, lamentable dullness, mistaken zeal, or studied hypocrisy, can have the least reasonableobjection against this excellent moral performance of the celebrated Mr. Gay. 

[Footnote 1: See title in note above, p. 313. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: "He will go among the people, and will draw a crowdtogether. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Gay's "The Beggar's Opera" was produced by Rich at theTheatre Royal in Lincoln's Inn Fields, January 29th, 1727/8, andpublished in book form in 1728. It was shortly afterwards performed inDublin, Bath, and other places. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Writing to Pope, May 10th, 1728, Swift says: "Mr. Gay'sOpera has been acted here twenty times, and my lord lieutenant tells meit is very well performed; he has seen it often, and approves it much. .. . 'The Beggar's Opera' has done its task, _discedat uti conviva satur_"(Scott's edition, xvii. 188-9). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: In his essay "Of Poetry, " Sir William Temple, writing ofdramatic poetry, says: "Yet I am deceived, if our English has not in somekind excelled both the modern and the ancient, which has been by force ofa vein natural perhaps to our country, and which with us is calledhumour, a word peculiar to our language too, and hard to be expressedin any other;" etc. --"Works, " vol. I. , p. 247 (1720). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: "Le Théâtre Italian, ou le Recueil de toutes les Comédies etScènes Françoises, qui out été jouées sur le Théâtre Italian. " Thecollection was edited by Evariste Gherardi, and published in 1695. Twofurther volumes were issued in 1698, the third containing completeplays. The collection was afterwards extended to six volumes. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: A modern writer says of it: "It bristles with keen, well-pointed satire on the corrupt and venal politicians and courtiers ofthe day" (W. H. Husk in Grove's "Dict. Of Music"). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: In the character of Robin of Bagshot Gay intended Sir RobertWalpole. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: Gay's "Fables" was first published in 1727, with adedication "To his Highness William Duke of Cumberland. " The Fables aresaid to have been "invented for his amusement. " Cumberland was the secondson of George, Prince of Wales, and was afterwards known as "thebutcher. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: Dr. Thomas Herring, preacher at Lincoln's Inn, andafterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, preached a sermon against "TheBeggar's Opera" in March, 1727-8. It is referred to in a letter to the"Whitehall Evening Post, " dated March 30th, 1728, reprinted in theAppendix to "Letters from Dr. T. Herring to W. Duncombe, " 1777. AsArchbishop of York, Herring interested himself greatly, during therebellion of 1745, in forming an association for the defence of theliberties of the people and the constitution of the country. Writing toSwift, under date May 16th, 1728, Gay remarks: "I suppose you must haveheard, that I had the honour to have had a sermon preached against myworks by a court-chaplain, which I look upon as no small addition to myfame" (Scott, xvii. 194). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: The edition of 1729 has "those common robbers of thepublic. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Peachum says: "Can it be expected that we should hang ouracquaintance for nothing, when our betters will hardly save theirswithout being paid for it?"--Act II. , sc. X. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: The rivalry between Handel and the Italian composers hadthen been keen for nearly twenty years. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: The edition of 1729 has "the fore-runner. " [T. S. ]]

THE INTELLIGENCER, NUMB. XIX[1]. 

_Having on the 12th of October last, received a letter signed_ ANDREWDEALER, _and_ PATRICK PENNYLESS; _I believe the following_ PAPER, _justcome to my hands, will be a sufficient answer to it[2]. _

 _Sic vos non vobis vellera fertis oves. _ VlRG. [3]

SIR, I am a country gentleman, and a Member of Parliament, with an estate ofabout 1400_l_. A year, which as a Northern landlord, I receive from abovetwo hundred tenants, and my lands having been let, near twenty years ago, the rents, till very lately, were esteemed to be not above half value;yet by the intolerable scarcity of silver[4], I lie under the greatestdifficulties in receiving them, as well as in paying my labourers, orbuying any thing necessary for my family from tradesmen, who are not ableto be long out of their money. But the sufferings of me, and those of myrank, are trifles in comparison, of what the meaner sort undergo; such asthe buyers and sellers, at fairs, and markets; the shopkeepers in everytown, the farmers in general. All those who travel with fish, poultry, pedlary-ware, and other conveniencies to sell: But more especiallyhandicrafts-men, who work for us by the day, and common labourers, whom Ihave already mentioned. Both these kinds of people, I am forced toemploy, till their wages amount to a double pistole, [5] or a moidore, (for we hardly have any gold of lower value left among us) to divide itamong themselves as they can; and this is generally done at an ale-houseor brandy shop; where, besides the cost of getting drunk, (which isusually the case) they must pay tenpence or a shilling, for changingtheir piece into silver, to some huckstering fellow, who follows thattrade. But what is infinitely worse, those poor men for want of duepayment, are forced to take up their oatmeal, and other necessaries oflife, at almost double value, and consequently are not able, to dischargehalf their score, especially under the scarceness of corn, for two yearspast, and the melancholy disappointment of the present crop. 

The causes of this, and a thousand other evils, are clear and manifest toyou and all other thinking men, though hidden from the vulgar: theseindeed complain of hard times, the dearth of corn, the want of money, thebadness of seasons; that their goods bear no price, and the poor cannotfind work; but their weak reasonings never carry them to the hatred, andcontempt, borne us by our neighbours, and brethren, without the leastgrounds of provocation, who rejoice at our sufferings, although sometimesto their own disadvantage; of the dead weight upon every beneficialbranch of our trade;[6] of half our revenues sent annually to England, and many other grievances peculiar to this unhappy kingdom, excepted forour sins, which keep us from enjoying the common benefits of mankind, asyou and some other lovers of their country, have so often observed, withsuch good inclinations, and so little effect. 

It is true indeed, that under our circumstances in general, thiscomplaint for the want of silver, may appear as ridiculous, as for a manto be impatient, about a cut finger, when he is struck with the plague;and yet a poor fellow going to the gallows, may be allowed to feel thesmart of wasps, while he is upon Tyburn Road. This misfortune is toourging, [7] and vexatious in every kind of small traffic, and so hourlypressing upon all persons in the country whatsoever, that a hundredinconveniences, of perhaps greater moment in themselves, have beentimely[8] submitted to, with far less disquietude and murmurs. And thecase seems yet the harder, if it be true, what many skilful men assert, that nothing is more easy, than a remedy; and, that the want of silver, in proportion to the little gold remaining among us, is altogether asunnecessary, as it is inconvenient. A person of distinction assured mevery lately, that, in discoursing with the lord lieutenant, [9] before hislast return to England, his excellency said, "He had pressed the matteroften, in proper time and place, and to proper persons; and could not seeany difficulty of the least moment, that could prevent us from being easyupon that article. "[10]

Whoever carries to England, twenty-seven English shillings, and bringsback one moidore, of full weight, is a gainer of ninepence Irish; in aguinea, the advantage is threepence, and twopence in a pistole. TheBANKERS, who are generally masters of all our gold, and silver, with thisadvantage, have sent over as much of the latter, as came into theirhands. The value of one thousand moidores in silver, would thus amount inclear profit, to 37_l_. 10, _s_. The shopkeepers, and other traders, whogo to London to buy goods, followed the same practice, by which we havebeen driven into this insupportable distress. 

To a common thinker, it should seem, that nothing would be more easy, than for the government to redress this evil, at any time they shallplease. When the value of guineas was lowered in England, from 21_s_. 6_d_. To only 21_s_. [11] the consequences to this kingdom, were obvious, and manifest to us all; and a sober man, may be allowed at least towonder, though he dare not complain, why a new regulation of coin amongus, was not then made; much more, why it hath never been since. It wouldsurely require no very profound skill in algebra, to reduce thedifference of ninepence in thirty shillings, or threepence in a guinea, to less than a farthing; and so small a fraction could be no temptation, either to bankers, to hazard their silver at sea, or tradesmen to loadthemselves with it, in their journeys to England. In my humble opinion, it would be no unseasonable condescension, if the government wouldgraciously please, to signify to the poor loyal Protestant subjects ofIreland, either that this miserable want of silver, is not possible to beremedied in any degree, by the nicest skill in arithmetic; or else, thatit doth not stand with the good pleasure of England, to suffer any silverat all among us. In the former case, it would be madness, to expectimpossibilities: and in the other, we must submit: For, lives, andfortunes are always at the mercy of the CONQUEROR. 

The question hath been often put in printed papers, by the DRAPIER, [12]and others, or perhaps by the same WRITER, under different styles, whythis kingdom should not be permitted to have a mint of its own, for thecoinage of gold, silver, and copper, which is a power exercised by manybishops, and every petty prince in Germany. But this question hath neverbeen answered, nor the least application that I have heard of, made tothe Crown from hence, for the grant of a public mint, although it standsupon record, that several cities, and corporations here, had the libertyof coining silver. I can see no reasons, why we alone of all nations, arethus restrained, but such as I dare not mention; only thus far, I mayventure, that Ireland is the first imperial kingdom, since Nimrod, whichever wanted power, to coin their own money. 

I know very well, that in England it is lawful for any subject, topetition either the Prince, or the Parliament, provided it be done in adutiful, and regular manner; but what is lawful for a subject of Ireland, I profess I cannot determine; nor will undertake, that your printer shallnot be prosecuted, in a court of justice, for publishing my wishes, thata poor shopkeeper might be able to change a guinea, or a moidore, when acustomer comes for a crown's worth of goods. I have known less crimespunished with the utmost severity, under the title of disaffection: And, I cannot but approve the wisdom of the ancients, who, after Astraea hadfled from the earth, [13] at least took care to provide three uprightjudges for Hell. Men's ears among us, are indeed grown so nice, thatwhoever happens to think out of fashion, in what relates to the welfareof this kingdom, dare not so much as complain of the toothache, lest ourweak and busy dabblers in politic should be ready to swear against himfor disaffection. 

There was a method practised by Sir Ambrose Crawley, [14] the great dealerin iron-works, which I wonder the gentlemen o£ our country, under thisgreat exigence, have not thought fit to imitate. In the several towns, and villages, where he dealt, and many miles round, he gave notes, instead of money, from twopence, to twenty shillings, which passedcurrent in all shops, and markets, as well as in houses, where meat, ordrink was sold. I see no reason, why the like practice, may not beintroduced among us, with some degree of success, or at least may notserve, as a poor expedient, in this our blessed age of paper, which, asit dischargeth all our greatest payments, may be equally useful in thesmaller, and may just keep us alive, till an English Act of Parliamentshall forbid it. 

I have been told, that among some of our poorest American colonies, uponthe continent, the people enjoy the liberty of cutting the little moneyamong them into halves, and quarters, for the conveniences of smalltraffic. How happy should we be in comparison of our present condition, if the like privilege, were granted to us, of employing the shears, forwant of a mint, upon our foreign gold; by clipping it into half-crowns, and shillings, and even lower denominations; for beggars must be contentto live upon scraps; and it would be our felicity, that these scrapswould never[15] be exported to other countries, while any thing betterwas left. 

If neither of these projects will avail, I see nothing left us, but totruck and barter our goods, like the wild Indians, with each other, orwith our too powerful neighbours; only with this disadvantage on ourside, that the Indians enjoy the product of their own land, whereas thebetter half of ours is sent away without so much as a recompense inbugles, or glass, in return. 

It must needs be a very comfortable circumstance, in the presentjuncture, that some thousand families are gone, or going, or preparing togo, from hence, and settle themselves in America. The poorer sort, forwant of work; the farmers whose beneficial bargains, are now become arack-rent, too hard to be borne. And those who have any ready money, or can purchase any, by the sale of their goods, or leases; because theyfind their fortunes hourly decaying; that their goods will bear no price, and that few or none, have any money to buy the very necessaries of life, are hastening to follow their departed neighbours. It is true, corn amongus, carries a very high price; but it is for the same reason, that rats, and cats, and dead horses, have been often bought for gold, in a townbesieged. 

There is a person of quality in my neighbourhood, who twenty years ago, when he was just come to age, being unexperienced, and of a generoustemper, let his lands, even as times went then, at a low rate, to abletenants, and consequently by the rise of land, since that time, lookedupon his estate, to be set at half value. But numbers of these tenants, or their descendants are now offering to sell their leases by cant, eventhose which were for lives, some of them renewable for ever, and somefee-farms, which the landlord himself hath bought in, at half the pricethey would have yielded seven years ago. And some leases let at the sametime, for lives, have been given up to him, without any consideration atall. 

This is the most favourable face of things at present among us, I say, among us of the North, who are esteemed the only thriving people of thekingdom: And how far, and how soon, this misery and desolation mayspread, is easy to foresee. 

The vast sums of money daily carried off, by our numerous adventurers toAmerica, have deprived us of our gold in these parts, almost as much asof our silver. 

And the good wives who came[16] to our houses, offer us their pieces oflinen, upon which their whole dependence lies, for so little profit, thatit can neither half pay their rents, nor half support their families. 

It is remarkable, that this enthusiasm spread among our northern people, of sheltering themselves in the continent of America, hath no otherfoundation, than their present insupportable condition at home. I havemade all possible inquiries, to learn what encouragement our people havemet with, by any intelligence from those plantations, sufficient to makethem undertake so tedious, and hazardous a voyage in all seasons of theyear; and so ill accommodated in their ships, that many of them have diedmiserably in their passage; but, could never get one satisfactory answer. Somebody, they know not who, had written a letter to his friend, orcousin, from thence, inviting him by all means, to come over; that it wasa fine fruitful country, and to be held for ever, at a penny an acre. Butthe truth of the fact is this, The English established in those colonies, are in great want of men to inhabit that tract of ground, which liesbetween them, and the wild Indians, who are not reduced under theirdominion. We read of some barbarous people, whom the Romans placed intheir armies, for no other service, than to blunt their enemies' swords, and afterwards to fill up trenches with their dead bodies. And thus ourpeople who transport themselves, are settled in those interjacent tracts, as a screen against the insults of the savages, and many have as muchland, as they can clear from the woods, at a very reasonable rate, ifthey can afford to pay about a hundred years' purchase by their labour. Now beside the fox's reasons which inclines all those, who have alreadyventured thither, to represent everything, in a false light, as well forjustifying their own conduct, as for getting companions, in their misery;so, the governing people in those plantations, have wisely provided, [17]that no letters shall be suffered to pass from thence hither, withoutbeing first viewed by the council, by which our people here, are whollydeceived in the opinions, they have of the happy condition of theirfriends, gone before them. This was accidentally discovered some monthsago, by an honest man who having transported himself, and family thither, and finding all things directly contrary to his hope, had the luck toconvey a private note, by a faithful hand, to his relation here, entreating him, not to think of such a voyage, and to discourage all hisfriends from attempting it. Yet this, although it be a truth well known, hath produced very little effects; which is no manner of wonder, for asit is natural to a man in a fever to turn often, although without anyhope of ease, or when he is pursued to leap down a precipice, to avoid anenemy just at his back; so, men in the extremest degree of misery, andwant, will naturally fly to the first appearance of relief, let it beever so vain, or visionary. 

You may observe, that I have very superficially touched the subject Ibegan with, and with the utmost caution: for I know how criminal theleast complaint hath been thought, however seasonable or just, orhonestly intended, which hath forced me to offer up my daily prayers, that it may never, at least in my time, be interpreted by innuendoes as afalse scandalous, seditious, and disaffected action, for a man to roarunder an acute fit of the gout, which beside the loss and the danger, would be very inconvenient to one of my age, so severely afflicted withthat distemper. 

I wish you good success, but I can promise you little, in an ungratefuloffice you have taken up, without the least view, either to reputation orprofit. Perhaps your comfort is, that none but villains, and betrayers oftheir country, can be your enemies. Upon which, I have little to say, having not the honour, to be acquainted with many of that sort, andtherefore, as you easily may believe, am compelled to lead a very retiredlife. 

I am Sir, Your most obedient, Humble servant, A. NORTH. 

County of Down, Dec. 2d. 1728. 

[Footnote 1: See title for this in note above to No. 1, p. 313. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 2: No. 19 of "The Intelligencer" is a reprint of a tract whichI have not been able to find. It appeared again in 1736 under the title:"A Letter from the Revd. J. S. D. S. P. D. To a Country Gentleman in theNorth of Ireland. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: "Apud Donati Vitam, " 17:

 "Thus do ye sheep grow fleeces for others. "--W. F. H. KING. 

 [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: Writing to Dr. Sheridan, under date September 18th, 1728, Swift says: "I think the sufferings of the country for want of silverdeserves a paper, since the remedy is so easy, and those in power sonegligent" (Scott, xvii. 204). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: The price of the pistole in Ireland was fixed at 18_s_. 6_d_. , the double pistole at _£_1 17_s_. , and the moidore _£_1 10_s_. These prices were fixed by order of the Lords Justices, July 30th, 1712. In 1737 the moidore was reduced to _£_1 9_s_. 3_d_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: "A Letter, " etc. , referred to in note on preceding page, has: "They consider not the dead weight upon every beneficial branch ofour trade; that half our revenues are annually sent to England; withmany other grievances peculiar to this unhappy kingdom; which keepus, " etc. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 7: The 1736 edition of "A Letter, " etc. , has "is so urging. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: The 1736 edition of "A Letter, " etc. , has "tamely. "[T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: John Carteret (1690-1763) succeeded his father as secondBaron Carteret in 1695, and his mother as Earl Granville in 1744. He wasLord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1724 to 1730. See Swift's "Vindicationof . .. Lord Carteret" in vol. Vi. Of present edition. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: "A Letter, " etc. (1736 edition), has "being made easy uponthis article. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: On December 22nd, 1717, the price of the guinea wasreduced, by a proclamation, from 21_s_. 6_d_. To 21_s_. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: See vol. Vii. Of present edition of Swift's Works, dealingwith the Drapier Letters. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: Astraea withdrew from the earth at the close of the GoldenAge. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Sir Ambrose Crowley (or Crawley), Liveryman of theDrapers' Company and Alderman for Dowgate Ward, sat in Parliament forAndover in 1713. He was satirized in "The Spectator" (No. 299, February 12th, 1711/2) as Sir John Enville, and in "The Tatler" (No. 73, September 27th, 1709) as Sir Arthur de Bradley. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: "A Letter, " etc. (1736), has "could never. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: The reprint of 1730, and "A Letter, " etc. (1736), have "whocome. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: "A Letter, " etc. (1736), has: "The governing people inthose plantations, have also wisely provided, " etc. [T. S. ]]

INDEX. 

ALMANZA, battle ofAnne, Queen, her change of ministry in 1710; and the Church; establishment of Queen Anne's bounty; letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Aretino, Pietro. Army, essays on the. Asgill, John. Astell, Mrs. Mary. Atterbury, Bishop, his character in "The Tatler"; contributes to "The Examiner"; his influence in Convocation. Avarice, essay on. 

Bank, the, in the Whig interest. "Banks, Sir Jacob, Letter to". Bickerstaff, Isaac, Steele's pseudonym. Birth, value of. Boyer, Abel. Boyle, Henry. Bromley, Clobery. Bromley, William, speaker; "Congratulatory Speech of". Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of, assassination of. Buckingham and Normanby, John, Duke of. Burgess, Daniel. Burnet, Bishop. 

Caesar, Julius. Calves-Head Club, the. Carew, John, speech at the execution of. Carteret, Lord. Chamber of Fame. Charles V. And Aretino. Church, the, resolution in Parliament as to the state of;; essay on answer to essay on; the Whigs and. Churches, scheme for building new. Clément, Jacques. Clendon, John. Coffee-houses, signification of the. Coin, clipping of. Coligny, Admiral de, assassination of. Collins, Anthony. Coningsby, Mrs. Court of Alienation. Coward, William. Cowper, Earl. Crackanthorpe, Mrs. Crassus, Marcus, the Duke of Marlborough attacked under the name of. Crawley, Sir Ambrose. 

D'Ancre, Maréchal. Daniel, Samuel. Dartmouth, Lord. Davila. Defoe, Daniel, edited "The Review". Devonshire, William, 2nd Duke of. Dissenters, the, under James II. ; essay on; Whigs and. Dodwell, Henry. Dyet, Richard. 

Eloquence, essay on; further references to, Elstob, Mrs. Elizabeth. English tongue, corruption of the. Eumenes. "Examiner, The, " establishment of. "Examiner, Letter to the. "

Faction, fable of; true characteristics of. Felton, John. "Female Tatler, The". Ford, James. Freind, Dr. "French King's Thanks to the Tories of Great Britain, The". Furnese, Sir Henry. 

Gay, John, on "The Examiner"; vindication of his "Beggar's Opera"; his fables. George, Prince, of Denmark. Gertruydenberg, treaty of. Godolphin, Lord, his change of politics; dismissal of; nicknamed "Volpone"; his intrigues against Harley; as "Gracchus"; devoted to the turf; ministry of. Good manners, essay on. Greenshields, Rev. James. Gregg, William. Guiscard, Marquis de; account of. Guise, Dukes of, assassination of, . 

Harcourt, Sir Simon. Hare, Dr. Francis. Harley, Robert, attempted assassination of; made Earl of Oxford; the Speaker's congratulation on his escape; his scheme for securing debts; his remission of first-fruits to the Irish Clergy. Harley, Thomas, Harrison, William, contributed to "The Tatler"; new issue of "The Tatler" by. Hastings, Lady Elizabeth. Henry III, of France, assassination of. Henry IV. Of France, assassination of. Herring, Dr. Thomas. Hickes, George. Honeywood, General, superseded. Hooker, Richard. 

Indemnity, Act of (1708). Indian Kings, the, in London. "Intelligencer, The". Ireland, scarcity of silver in. Isaac, Mr. , a dancing-master. Italian music, the taste for. 

James II. , King, and the Dissenters; and the Whigs. 

Kent, Duke of. 

Learning, Bill for the Encouragement of. Lechmere, Nicholas. Leeds, Duke of. Leslie, Rev. Charles. "Lewis, Erasmus, The Vindication of". Lions, dream of the. Lorrain, Paul. Louis XIV. 

Macartney, General, superseded. Madonella. "Management of the War, The, " pamphlets by Dr. Hare. Manley, Mrs. , attacked as "Madonella"; her "Memoirs of Europe". Marlborough, Duke of the Treaty of Gertruydenberg; his change of politics; rewards and grants to; his intrigues against Harley; his proposal to be made Commander-in-chief for life; attacked by Swift under the name of "Crassus"; charged with peculations with regard to bread contracts; threatened resignation of in 1708. Marlborough, Duchess of. Masham, Mrs. Matveof, Muscovite Ambassador, arrest of. Medina, Sir Solomon de, and the Duke of Marlborough. "Medley, The, " attack by Swift on; and see notes to "The Examiner, " _passim_Ménage, Gilles. Meredith, General, superseded. Merit, genealogy and description of. Milton, John. Ministry, reasons for the change of;"Mob, " Swift's dislike of the word. More, Henry. Morphew, the publisher. 

Naturalization Act. Naunton, Sir Robert. Nevis. Norris, John. Nottingham, Earl of. 

"Observator, The". Occasional Conformity Bill, the. October Club, the. Oldisworth, William; revival of "The Examiner" by. Osborne, Francis. Oxford University, decree of. 

Palatines, the. Parsons, Robert. Partridge, John. Passive obedience, doctrine of; according to the Whigs; according to the Tories;Peace, Address to the Queen concerning (1707). People, madness of the. Peterborough, Earl of, letter from Swift to. Petty, Sir William. Platonic ladies. Political Lying, the Art of. "Political State of Great Britain, The"Popery, the Tories and. Pretender, the, party capital made out of; and the Whigs. Prior, Matthew, contributes to "The Examiner"; stated to be the author of "The Examiner". 

Qualification Bill. 

Racan, Mons. Radcliffe, Dr John. "Rehearsal, The". Repington, Mr. "Review, The". Ridge, Thomas. Rivers, Earl, appointed Lieutenant of the Tower. Rochester, Laurence Hyde, Earl of. Roper, Abel, suspected as author of "The Examiner". 

Sacheverell, Dr. St. Christopher's. St John, Henry, and "The Examiner, " character of; "A Letter to The Examiner" attributed to; attempted assassination of; his hatred of Harley. Scythia, story of the king of. Security, Bill of. Sewell, Dr. George. Shippen, William. Shrewsbury, Charles, Duke of. Silver, scarcity of, in Ireland. Smalridge, Dr. Somers, Lord. South Sea Company, establishment of the. "Spectator, The". Stanhope, General. Stanley, Dr William. Steele, Richard, and "The Tatler"; article on Marlborough in "The Taller" by; and "The Spectator". Suckling, Sir John. Sunderland, Earl of. Swift, Jonathan, his contributions to "The Tatler"; supports Harrison with the new "Tatler"; his contentions to "The Examiner"; his memorial to Harley regarding the first-fruits in Ireland; his contribution to "The Spectator"; his contributions to "The Intelligencer". 

"Tatler, The, " founding and success of; authorship of papers in; discontinued by Steele; new issues of. Taxes, increase of. Temple, Sir William, on humour. Temson, Archbp. Test Act, the. Tindal, Matthew. Titus, Colonel Silas. Toland, John. Tones, principles of the, explained. Tory, origin of the word. Toulon, siege of. Trapp, Dr. Joseph. Tutchin, John, editor of "The Observator". Twisden, Heneage. 

Verres (Lord Wharton). 

Walpole, Horatio. War, many people interested in continuance of the; pamphlets on the management of the. Wenman, Viscount. Wharton, Lord; as "Clodius"; attacked by Swift under the name of Verres; desecration of a church by. Whig and Tory, designation of the words. "Whig Examiner, The". Whigs, principles of the, explained; and Dissenters; and the Pretender. Wotton, Sir Henry. Wotton, W. , his "Case of the Present Convocation considered".