The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century, Volume XLI, 1691-1700

 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLI. 

 Preface 9

 Documents of 1691-1700

 Extracts from Jesuit letters. Juan de Zarzuela, and others; Manila, 1691 and 1694 33 Discovery of the Palaos Islands. Paul Clain, S. J. ; Manila, June 10, 1697 39 Recollect missions in the Philippines, 1661-1712. Pedro de San Francisco de Assis; Zaragoza, 1756. Juan de la Concepción; Manila, 1788 57

 Bibliographical Data 273

 Appendix: Moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth century. [Compiled from various historians. ] 277

ILLUSTRATIONS

 Title-page of vol. Vi of Lettres édifiantes (Paris, 1723); photographic facsimile of copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society 41

 Map of New Philippines or Palaos Islands, 1710 (?); photographic facsimile of original map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 45

 Map of Palaos Islands, discovered by Joseph Somera, 1710; from original manuscript map in Biblioteca de Vittorio Emanuele, Rome 53

 Map of Magendanao (Mindanao); drawn by Fakynolano, elder brother of the sultan of that place, ca. , 1700; photographic facsimile of original manuscript map in the British Museum 280, 281

PREFACE

The main part of this volume is a record of the Recollect missionsin the Philippines from 1661 to 1712; these are conducted mainlyin western Luzón, Mindanao, and Calamianes, and Assis's accountcontains much information of interest regarding conditions in thoseregions. "Moro raids in the seventeenth century" summarizes theprincipal events connected with that topic; and the Jesuit Clainpresents an interesting account of the discovery that the islandscalled Palaos exist within range of the Philippines. 

Extracts from letters written by Manila Jesuits in 1691 and 1694furnish some items of news. Governor Cruzat y Gongora is makingrigorous exactions upon the alcaldes-mayor and the tributary Indians;he engages in trade, and accepts gifts from office-seekers. In1692, two richly-laden vessels from Manila are lost; and in 1694another, which contained all the available wealth of the Manilacitizens. Various ecclesiastical squabbles continue as echoes of thePardo controversy. 

A letter from the Jesuit Paul Clain (June 10, 1697) gives a vividdescription of the arrival in Samar of some strange people, drivenfrom their homes in the Palaos (or Pelew) Islands; and reports theinformation gained from them about that hitherto unknown group inthe broad Pacific. These foreigners receive kind treatment from thenatives of Samar, and religious instruction from the missionariesthere; and they desire to open communication between their own islandsand the Philippines. 

The chief part of this volume is devoted to the Recollect missionsin various portions of the Philippines, the period treated in generalbeing included in the years 1661-1712, although some few remarks toucha later period. The main portion of the account is taken from thechronicle of Pedro de San Francisco de Assis, the author of the fourthpart of the Recollect Historia general; the second and subsidiarypart from vols. Viii and ix of Juan de la Concepción's Historia, this portion being designed merely to supplement the preceding account. 

San Pedro de Assis describes cursorily the insurrection in Pampanga(there scarcely more than an attempt) and the more serious uprising inthe province of Pangasinan and Zambales, and the part played by theRecollects in restoring peace. The revolt in Pampanga arises, likeso many minor revolts in the past, through the injustice of lesserofficials--this time the superintendent of the timber-cutting. Underleadership of one Francisco Manyago, a native military official, the Pampangos attempt to gain freedom, and plan a general uprisingamong various provinces. But though the most warlike of the Filipinos, they are at the same time the most reasonable, and are, consequently, easily quieted by the personal efforts of the governor, assistedably by the various religious orders. More difficult to eliminate, however, is the leaven of discontent injected by the Pampangos intothe other provinces of Ilocos and Pangasinan. These northern provincesbegin to think of a union for the purpose of securing liberty, andof a central government of their own. Our author chooses as his fieldmore particularly the story of the revolt in Zambales, which he callsa district of the province of Pangasinan, and which is a Recollectmission territory. The revolt of Pangasinan is under the leadershipof Andrés Málong, who aspires to kingship and who gradually gathers anarmy, some say, of 40, 000 men. He intrigues through certain relativesand adherents in Zambales to compel the Zambals to declare in hisfavor, but notwithstanding the many in sympathy with him there, hisattempts are bootless, for the Recollect religious work so stronglyand courageously against his machinations that, in the end, entirelyconquered by the troops sent against him from Manila, he meets thefate of other insurgent leaders. The efforts of Málong, throughhis relative Sumúlay, in the village of Bolináo, are frustrated bythe vigilance and courage of Juan de la Madre de Dios, the vicar incharge of the convent there, but his church is burned by the insurgentsympathizers. The fathers and loyal natives, notwithstanding repeatedthreats of death, under the active leadership of the above father holdto their post, although one of the fathers, Luis de San Joseph, wouldhave gladly abandoned the place. This same priest, however, performsbrave feats in his delivery of messages from the vicar of Lingayén(who describes the revolt in Pangasinan, and asks aid from Manila), to the convent of Masinloc. Thence those messages are taken to Manilaby Bernardino de la Concepción, accompanied by three loyal chiefs, who are suitably rewarded for their services. 

With the absence from Masinloc of the three loyal chiefsabove-mentioned, treason shows its head in that village, its immediateoutbreak being due to an inopportune rebuke administered by theprior to a chief who had neglected to attend mass. The religious andloyal natives are besieged in the convent, but escape by stratagem, byseizing a boat in which some natives have come to the village. Reachingthe village of Bagác, they meet there the three loyal chiefs whoare returning from Manila, and with their aid and that of thirty mengathered by the prior of Bagác, they recover the village of Masinlocfrom the insurgents. The majority of the inhabitants receive pardon, but three of the ringleaders are put to death. 

In the village of Cigayén, a chief, Sirray, acts as agent forMálong, but failing to succeed in his plan to murder the religiousthere, finally joins Málong with twenty-five followers, while thefather retires to Manila, and the village is abandoned by its otherinhabitants. The village of Agno is quieted by the efforts of theRecollect Luis de San Joseph; and the chief, Durrey, the cause ofthe trouble there, and twelve of his partisans are forced to flee. InBolinao, the flames of insurrection break out once more, for the vicar, Juan de la Madre de Dios, is now alone. Málong sends an emissary, one Caucáo, to deliver to him a letter, demanding that the place beturned over to him. The father, however, is enabled by the chancearrival of a champan with some religious, Spaniards, and natives, whoare fleeing from Ilocos, to outwit his enemies for the time being. Thequiet of Bolinao lasts only so long as the above-mentioned champanremains there. After its departure Málong tries to secure the murderof the religious through Durrey and Sumúlay. The former is dissuadedfrom the attempt, and the latter persisting, is in turn attacked bythe father, and wounded, although he escapes by the connivance ofsome of the inhabitants of Bolináo. 

Meanwhile definite arrangements are made in Manila--and that morespeedily than is the custom there--for sending troops to put downthe incipient rebellion. The aid consists of a fleet under Felipe deUgalde, and an army of 200 Spaniards, and 400 natives, under Franciscode Estebár. These joining and assisted further by some Zambals, quicklybreak up organized hostility. Punishment (too severe some think, but our author justifies it) is meted out to the leaders: Málong isshot; Sumúlay, Caucáo, Sirrey, and Durrey are hanged; while anotherleader in order to escape the death-sentence kills himself. Thus theinsurrection, which has lasted but a portion of the years 1660 and1661, comes to an end, and this attempt, perhaps the earliest in whichvarious tribes or peoples of the Filipinos (although but waveringlyit is true) show any desire to act in concert, is recorded only as afailure. The Sangleys, who have openly encouraged the insurrection, and have even fought in their ranks, also attempt to revolt, partlyin response to the efforts of the pirate Kuesing; but their plans, both in 1661 and 1662, come to naught, divine Providence each timeallowing the Recollects to act as agents. But the second attempt isput down only after the shedding of much Sangley blood. 

Probably in the year 1662, the first work of the Recollect on thecoast of Luzon opposite Manila begins, with the invitation of theFranciscans who are engaged in work there, but who must give upthat field, a poor one, because of a scarcity of religious. Quicklyaccepting the invitation, the Recollects enter upon the work withenthusiasm, and found the convents of Binangónan, Valér, Casigúran, and Palánan. In that district much fruit for heaven is gathered;but in 1704 the dearth of religious (for none pass from Spain to thePhilippines from 1692 to 1710) causes the order to restore the districtto the Franciscans. Continuing, the deaths of the missionaries Juande San Antonio and Joseph de la Anunciation in the years 1663 and1664 are recorded, and synopses of their lives given. 

In chapter viii, Assis, going back somewhat, gives a résumé of thesufferings of the Recollects between the years 1640-1668. Thesesufferings and persecutions come mainly from the Moros, who by theircontinual raids make themselves the scourge of all the Philippinemission villages; and such is the boldness of those pirates thatthey do not even hesitate to carry on their operations in sight ofManila itself. Added to the terrors of the Moros is also the activeinjury inflicted by the Dutch, those heretics allying themselveseven with the Moros to cause injury to the true Catholic faith. Thepeace between Spain and Holland comes as a most welcome relief to thecolony. The Recollect villages and missions being in the very midstof the Moro territory are the worst afflicted by that scourge. Theirpitiful petitions for aid fall on deaf ears, for at Manila, selfinterest rules, and trade is the syren of the hour, not religion. TheRecollects, too, are not without their martyrs for the faith as theresult of Moro persecutions, while others succumb to the hardshipsof the missionary labors. 

The work among the Zambals is again taken up by our author in theyear 1670. The inhabitants of that district are a fierce people, those in the mountains being more so than those dwelling along thecoast and on the plains, where they have had intercourse with othernatives and with Spaniards. The mountain population contains manyapostates and heathens, while many Negritos wander homeless and inutter barbarous condition through their fastnesses. Although all thosepeople are hostile among themselves, they unite against the Spaniards, for their common hatred to the latter draws them together. All theorders have had a share in the reduction of those fierce people, but the Recollects with the greatest success. The fierceness ofthe people leads the Recollects to employ gentle means, and thusby adapting themselves to the genius of their flock they gain manyconverts--the most abundant being during the years 1668-1671, whenthe provincial Cristobal de Santa Monica appoints nine religious forthe work. As a result of their labors 2, 000 people are reduced toa Christian and settled life, and others also adopt the faith. Thenew villages of Iba (formerly called Paynavén), Subic, and Mórongare formed from the converts, while all the old villages increase inpopulation. Two new convents are established--one in Paynavén, and theother in Bagác. All this is accomplished by the year 1670. In 1671, Joseph de la Trinidad makes great gains for Christianity in the Zambaldistrict, and, on becoming provincial in 1674, takes especial careof those missions. But unfortunately the Recollects clash with theDominicans, whose administration lies in the district of Batáan; andalthough the Recollects resist, they are at length (1679) compelledby the archbishop, Felipe de Pardo (who covets the entire districtfor his order) and the governor to cede the Zambal missions to theDominicans, and to take in exchange the island of Mindoro, which hasbeen for many years in charge of the seculars. 

Following is told in synopsis the life of Miguel de Santo Tomás, mostof whose mission life has been spent in the province of Caraga. Thegeneral chapter of 1672, meeting in Spain, assigns definitors anddiscreets to the Philippine province. 

Chapter iv of the ninth decade of the history carries us into Mindanao, where the work among the heathen Tagabalòyes is reviewed. These area heathen people living in the neighborhood of Bislig in Caraga, theRecollect mission center farthest from Manila, in the mountains calledBalooy (whence their name). They are a domestically inclined people, courageous and intelligent, faithful in their treaties and promises, and said to be the descendants of the Japanese. Not much can be doneamong them until the year 1671 because of the Moro wars, the littlegovernment aid received, and the scarcity of religious, the two inthe district being unable to extend their labors much outside of theirregular duties. But in 1671, Juan de San Felipe, the new provincial, who has been a missionary in Bislig, appoints a religious especiallyto look after the conversion of the mountain people. That religiousaided by the other two, has baptized 300 adults by 1673, besides 100others who die immediately after receiving that sacrament. By 1674 thedistrict of Bislig has increased from 200 to 800 whole tributes. Thisconversion has been aided by certain miraculous occurrences. 

In 1674, Joseph de la Trinidad the provincial increases the missionforces by the appointment of special ministers who visit the variousdistricts continually, carrying aid to the most needed parts of thedistricts assigned them, and thus easing the burden of the missionariesalready established in the various villages by giving them more timeto attend to their regular duties. His greatest efforts he expendsin the Mindanao provinces of Butuan and Cagayan, where Christianity, in consequence, makes vast gains. The faith is carried among theManobos of the Linao district, and the population of the villagesincreases. The three religious working in the mountains of Cagayan, and in toward Lake Malanao, reduce more than one hundred tributesto Christian villages in spite of the hostility of the Moros, theconversion being aided throughout by manifest miracles. 

The ninth chapter of the ninth decade relates the work in the new fieldof Mindoro. The mission work of that island (of which and its peoplea brief description is given) is first begun by the Augustinians, who cede the district to the Franciscans. Later the Jesuits maintain anumber of missionaries there and found the permanent mission of Naojan, which is maintained until Luis de San Vitores goes to the missionsof the Ladrones or Marianas, when the island is turned over to threeseculars. The district is a poor one, and the seculars, althoughzealous in their duties, cannot be adequately supported. Finally in1679, as related above, the Recollects, after their glorious recordin the Philippines and their flourishing mission work in the Zambaldistrict, take up the Mindoro mission field, after a vain protest atbeing ousted from their Zambal missions. The transfer is speedilyconcluded by chaplaincies being provided for the seculars, and theRecollects, taking possession of the new territory, immediately putsix religious to work. The new leaver is felt instantly and the numberof Christians increases from 4, 000 in 1679 to 8, 000 in 1692, and to12, 000 in 1716. Although the Moro depredations lessen that numberlater, in 1738, San Antonio still chronicles over 7, 000. The firstconvent established at Baco is later moved to Calapan. Convents arealso established at Naojan, Calavite, and Mangárin (which is laterremoved to Bongabong, because of its unhealthy site and the raidsof the Moros), all of which have their visitas. A mountain missionestablished later results in a great increase to the Christiansof Mindoro. 

The succeeding chapter deals with the resumption of the Recollectmissions in Calamianes which have been abandoned in 1662 because of theChinese pirate Kuesing, and the consequent withdrawal of the support ofthe military. All but two of the missions, those in Cuyo and Agutaya, which are retained by the Recollects, have been given into the careof one secular priest, and this arrangement is maintained until 1680, when the Recollects (although somewhat unwillingly on their part)again accept the ministry of those islands. In November of 1680three religious are sent there, the possession of the Recollects isgiven royal confirmation in 1682, and in 1684 the arrival of a newmission allows them to assign other workers to the field. There areplenty of hardships to suffer, but the fruit is great. New missionsare established, and by 1715 the number of Christians has risen from4, 500 in 1680 to 18, 600; and in 1735 Calamianes and Romblón contain21, 076 Christians. Certain missionaries are named and praised fortheir work. Incidentally an interesting description is given of thetraining of the native children for the service of the Church, by whichour author refutes the charge that the religious have many servants. 

Notwithstanding their efforts, several times all but successful, the Recollects are unable to extend their evangelization to thegreat empire of China, as is related in chapter ii of decade x. Thesucceeding chapter tells of the Recollect missions sent from Spainto the Philippines during the three decades covered by this history(1661-1690). The first leaves Spain in 1660 under the leadershipof Eugenio de los Santos, and consists of twenty choristers and twolay-brothers. One of the entire number reaches Manila in 1662, andfourteen others the following year. The second mission is in chargeof Christobal de Santa Monica, who has been appointed procurator in1663. All of that mission of twenty-four religious which sets sailin 1666 reaches Manila in 1667, except two who remain in Mexico. Thethird mission is collected in 1675 by Juan de la Madre de Dios, whotakes the twenty-six religious composing it to Mexico, but there handsthem over to another religious while he himself returns to Spain. Theyreach the islands in 1676. In 1680, Cristobal de Santa Monica is sentto Spain as procurator, reaching his destination in 1681. In 1683, he sails from Cadiz with a mission consisting of nineteen fathers, nineteen choristers, and five lay-brothers. All of that number, exceptone who dies at sea and two who desert at Puerto Rico and return home, reach the Philippines in April, 1684, and are distributed among theconvents. The general chapter of 1684 held in Spain elects definitorsand discreets for the Philippine province. 

Most of chapter v of decade x treats of the life of Juan de la Madrede Dios, which we give by synopsis and extract. He is one of the mostactive and able workers whom the order has had in the islands, where hehas held many offices in the order and has also worked valiantly in themissions. He is one of the most untiring of idol-worship destroyers, and even dares to venture alone to the places where heathen assembliesare held for the purpose of their nefarious worship. Of a politicalnature also, so far as the order is concerned, his work is by nomeans slight, and he obtains much for his province in Spain. Hisdeath occurs in the latter country in 1685. This same chapter relatesalso the life of Thomás de San Geronimo (given by us in synopsis), a missionary in the Visayan region. He is elected provincial in 1680, and so well is he liked that he is again elected in 1686 against hiswill. His death occurs the same year. 

In chapter viii of decade x the Recollect labors in the islands ofMasbate, Ticao, and Burias are reviewed. These islands which havebeen conquered during the early years of Legazpi's arrival in thearchipelago are an important way-station for ships plying betweenNueva España and the islands. The faith is introduced into Masbate bythe Augustinians under Alonso Jimenez, who is called the "apostle ofMasbate. " The Augustinians, however, abandon that island and Ticao in1609, and seculars have charge of the mission work there from that yearuntil 1688. In the latter year the Recollects are substituted for theseculars in accordance with the plan of the bishop of Nueva Cáceres, that the district be given to a regular order. A decree of August 13, 1685 grants the islands to the Recollects as well as certain villagesin Luzón. The latter are resigned by that order to the Franciscans, as they can be administered more easily by them, but the islands ofMasbate, Ticao, and Burias are accepted by them in 1687. In 1688 thecession is made by the secular in charge at Mobó in the island ofMasbate, to the content of the natives who welcome the Recollects. Agood convent is founded in Mobó and three new villages, in addition tothe six existing when the Recollects enter, are established. In 1726another convent is founded in the district after the wreck of a galleonin order that the image of the Santo Cristo of Burgos which is carriedby that ship and which is saved through the diligence of one of thepassengers on the vessel, Julian de Velasco, may be properly housed. Inreply to a petition of the Recollects in 1724 asking royal confirmationof the Masbate missions, a report on their work there is ordered. Itis found that the number of families has increased from 187 in 1687 to585 in 1722, an increase of 398 families or 1, 592 persons. In 1738, there are 5, 000 persons in the islands, and three new villages, onein Ticao, and two in Masbate. This means that the order has formedsix villages and brought 3, 252 persons to the bosom of the Church inthe time that they have had control of this district. The number hasbeen lessened by the invasions of the Moros. The conversions have beenmade among heathens, apostates, refugees from other islands--all ofwhom represent the worst elements. The Recollects have had to fightagainst the forces of nature, the Moros, and sorcery. They havepersevered in the face of all manner of hardships--hardships thatcause some of the missionaries who have been there to say that theMasbate territory offers more suffering than any other mission field. 

The extracts from Concepción cover in part the same field as thehistory by San Francisco de Assis; except the third, which tellsof the restoration of the missions of Zambales to the Recollects, and gives a brief account of the judicial proceedings between thatorder and the Dominicans. 

The first extract concerns the enforced transfer of the Zambal missionsto the Dominicans. This comes about directly from the representationmade in the Council of the Indias by Diego de Villaroto, to theeffect that the conversion of the island of Mindoro would progressmuch more rapidly if given to the religious order best suitedtherefor, and if the seculars in charge of the curacies there beappointed to chaplaincies. Royal attention is given this petitionand in 1677 a royal decree orders the governor and archbishop tomake the transfer. In consequence, Felipe Pardo, the archbishop, quick to seize the opportunity, aided by the governor, compels theunwilling Recollects to give up their missions among the Zambals andtake the island of Mindoro, in order that the Dominicans might takethe former. Such an arrangement is very convenient for the Dominicans, as it enables them to better concentrate their missions in Pangasinan, and affords them easier communication among their various missions. Theprotests of the Recollects that the Zambals prefer their order andthat the people of Mindoro will prefer their old missionaries theJesuits, and that the two districts will be disturbed and restless hasno weight, and the governor sees that they are kept quiet through theSpanish officials there. The three Recollects assigned to Mindoro areDiego de la Madre de Dios, Diego de la Resurrection, and Eugenio delos Santos, and they are each given one assistant. A description ofMindoro and its people follows, and a résumé of its early conquestand of missionary labors there. Since the Jesuits have abandonedthat field (with the going of Luis San Vítores to the Marianas) theseculars have had ecclesiastical charge of the island, but it is apoor place and scarcely can any secular be found who cares to acceptit. After the entrance of the Recollects, the number of Christianssteadily rises, evangelization making progress among the Mangyans, Negritos, and other peoples. Four convents are established, each ofthem with several visitas, and the mission to the Mangyans on the bayof Ilog, in the last of which none of the apostatized Christians areallowed to enter lest they pervert the new plants. "But that fineflower-garden [i. E. , the island of Mindoro] has been trampled downand even ruined by the Moros. " The Dominicans bend their energiesto the work in their newly-acquired missions of Zambales. Withmalicious satisfaction, Concepción reports that their efforts haveresulted mainly in failure. Believing that the eleven villages whichthey have received from the Recollects are too many for the bestadministration of the district, they endeavor to consolidate and movesome of them. Bolinao, which under the Recollect regime was located ona small island off the coast of Zambales, is moved across the channelto the barren coast where "many inconveniences but no advantages" arepossessed. Agno is moved inland from the coast; Sigayen is also moved, the only advantage made by the changed site being the river of freshwater on which it is located. Paynavén is moved inland to the siteof Iba, to which its name is changed, and Iba becomes the capital ofthe district, but in order that it may become so, some families aremoved from Bolinao. The villages of Cabangán and Subic are made fromthe consolidation of several others, and the places left vacant byrefugees are tilled by families from Pangasinan, whence the nativescan be moved easier as that province is so densely populated thatthere is not sufficient room for all of them. The inference is thatthe evil caused by the administration of the Dominicans is greaterthan the good, in discontent among the Zambals and the flight of manyfamilies to Ilocos and to the mountains. 

The second extract recounts, quite similarly to the version givenby San Francisco de Assis, the work in Recollect missions in theislands of Masbate, Ticao, and Burias. These islands are a part of thebishopric of Nueva Cáceres, and are under the civil control of thealcalde of Albay. Masbate, the largest, has traces of gold and somefine copper mines, but the gold has never paid well. All three islandspossess excellent timber and many civet-cats. The early history ofthe islands and their early spiritual conquests are told. Through theefforts of the bishop, Andres Gonzales, O. P. , the islands are givento the Recollects, the secular priest in charge there being givena chaplaincy instead. Certain villages of Luzón, which were also tobe given to the Recollects, are given instead to the Franciscans whocontest them with the former. The islands are important both from asecular and religious point of view, for they are a way-station forthe Acapulco ships, and also for the Recollect missions in Cebú andMindanao. As related above, the Recollects ask royal confirmationof the missions of these islands in 1724, and the subsequent reportrendered shows that their work has resulted in great progress, andthat they have made the islands a safe place where before they weremost dangerous both on the coast and in the interior. 

The third extract concerns the work of the Dominicans in themissions of Zambales and the restoration of that district to theRecollects. From Concepción's account (which must be read in connectionwith that by Salazar, the Dominican), the Dominican order did nothave the success of their predecessors among the fierce Zambals, and ended rather in alienating them by their aggressive treatment;while the Recollects have, on the contrary, employed gentle means bywhich they have won the hearts and minds of the Zambals. The presidioat Paynavén which has been increased, is injudiciously allowed to makeraids among the natives upon any occasion. The trouble comes to a headwith the murder of the nephew of one of the chiefs, Dalinen, by anotherchief Calignao, the latter of whom appears to have been a thoroughlyunreliable and malicious man. Dalinen, in order to avenge the murderin accordance with Zambal traditions, takes to the wilds, but withhis followers, is pursued by the soldiers of the garrison. As Calignaohas not fled, the missionary Domingo Pérez, O. P. , in order to win himover, indiscreetly announces that the murder of Dalinen's nephew hasbeen by command of the government, which has ordered that all thosewho refuse to reduce themselves to village life be killed. Calignao, as another act in the tragedy, plans to kill Dalinen, and by the aidof a Negrito, accomplishes that design. Then, in order to show infull light his character, he compasses the death of Domingo Pérez, wounding the latter so severely that he dies through lack of efficientcare. Although the Dominicans claim certain miraculous occurrences ashappening at the death of the above father, Concepción disproves themall. The remainder of the extract has to do with the suits betweenthe Recollects and the Dominicans in regard to the Zambal missions, which last spasmodically from the time the Recollects are compelledto abandon them until the time of their restoration in 1712. TheRecollects claim throughout that they have been despoiled unjustly ofthe missions, and that although they accepted the missions of Mindoro, they have had no other alternative, and have not accepted them as acompensation for the loss of the Zambal missions. Indeed they havenever renounced their claim to those missions, but have regularlyappointed ministers for them (who of course have not labored inthose missions). The Dominicans, on the other hand assert that theyhave merely taken over those missions in response to commands fromthe archbishop and the governor to that effect. The suit drags onwearily, each side asserting its rights, and the matter being delayedby such proceeding until it seems unending. Finally the Dominicans, with a change of procurator, shift their tactics, and allege that theyare not at all a parry to any suit, and since they have received themissions at the order of the governor, they are ready to resign them ifrequested so to do. The Recollects maintain the opposite, namely, thatthe Dominicans are a party to the suit; and the verdict is at lengthgiven to them, and the Dominicans are ordered in 1690 to appear beforethe Audiencia within three days to plead their right. The summons isneglected until the year 1710, when the attorney for the Recollectsagain stirs up the matter, and notwithstanding the fact that theDominicans still adhere to their former statements that they are nota party to the suit, the matter is brought to court, and the missionsof the Zambals turned over to the Recollects by special sentence. 

Through nearly all of the Spanish regime in the Philippines, thoseislands, especially and most the Visayan, suffered greatly from thefrequent and cruel raids of the Moro pirates from Mindanao and otherislands south of it. Some account of these is a necessary part of thiswork; but our limits of space will not allow us to reproduce verboseand detailed relations like that of Combés (in his Hist. De Mindanao), especially as this and some others of similar tenor cover but a shortperiod of time. In an appendix to this volume we present a briefsummary of this subject, down to the end of the seventeenth century;the first part is an outline merely, drawn from our previous volumes, giving full citations therefrom, which show the relations existingbetween the Spaniards and the Mahometan Malays from 1565 to 1640. Thesecond part covers the same subject for the rest of the century; itis composed of the accounts given by Murillo Velarde, Diaz, and otherhistorians, arranged in chronological order--sometimes synopsized, sometimes translated in full, according to the prolixity or therelative importance of each. From the beginning were evident variouselements of hostility--racial, religious, and commercial--between theSpaniards and the Moros, which were soon aggravated by the Spanishdesire for conquest and the Moro greed for plunder and bloodshed. Theunfortunate natives of the northern islands who had been subjugatedby the Spaniards were unable to defend themselves from their enemies, and the Spanish power was often inadequate to protect them or to punishthe invaders. The pirates were intimidated and curbed for a long timeby Corcuera's brilliant campaigns in Mindanao and Joló (1637-38); andother punitive expeditions had a like though often temporary effectin later years. In the latter part of the century peace prevailedbetween these enemies for a long time, probably because no one ofthe Moro chiefs had the ability and force of the noted Corralat. 

In 1639 Almonte subdues the fierce Guimbanos, a mountain people inSulu. Later, they and the Joloans rebel, and in 1643-44 Agustínde Cepeda again chastises them, defeating the natives in severalbattles and ravaging their country. One of these expeditions isrelated in detail by a Jesuit in Joló, who, as usual, ascribesthe success of the Spaniards to the favor of St. Ignatius and theVirgin Mary. In Mindanao, Corcuera's invasion (1637) long restrainsCorralat; but in 1655 he treacherously causes the murder of threeSpanish envoys sent to him and attempts (but in vain) to stir up theother Moro rulers to rebellion against the Spaniards. The latter arenot strong enough to wage war with him, and therefore overlook hisinsolence; this encourages him to begin anew his piratical raidsagainst other islands. At this, several attempts are made to curbthem, most proving ineffectual--although in January-February, 1658, Esteybar with a squadron of armed vessels, destroys several Mindanaovillages. Finally (in 1662) the Manila authorities decide to abandontheir forts in Mindanao and Joló; this causes the loss of Spanishdominion there, and the christianized Moros soon relapse into theirformer heathenism. Some of the Joloan chiefs make unauthorized raidson the northern islands, but their king punishes them and restoresthe captives. Corralat meanwhile, in his old age, maintains peace, and charges his heir to do the same--an example which is followed bythe king of Joló. The Camucones are kept in awe by the light galleyswhich are built at Manila for this purpose. Thus the latter part ofthe century is a time of comparative peace, so far as the relationsof the Spaniards and Visayans with the Moros are concerned. 

The Editors

July, 1906. 

DOCUMENTS OF 1691-1700

 Extracts from Jesuit letters. Juan de Zarzuela, and others; 1691 and 1694. Discovery of Palaos Islands. Paul Clain, S. J. ; June 10, 1697. Recollect missions in the Philippines, 1661-1712. Pedro de San Francisco de Assis; 1756. Juan de la Concepción; 1788. 

Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from the Venturadel Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 1-3, 69-72; the second, fromLettres édifiantes (1st Paris ed. ), i, (1717), pp. 112-136, from acopy in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society; the third, from the Historia general de los religiosos descalzos de San Agustin, part iv, written by Pedro de San Francisco de Assis (Zaragoza, 1756), from a copy in the Library of Congress. 

Translations: The first document is translated by Emma Helen Blair;the second, by Frances B. Marshall; the third, by James AlexanderRobertson. 

EXTRACTS FROM JESUIT LETTERS, 1691-94

[From a letter by Father Juan de Zarzuela, [1] June 19, 1691. ]

The governor Don Fausto Cruzat y Gongora is a royal official in theseislands, who makes every endeavor to collect the revenue of hisMajesty. He has a hasty disposition, and no one dares oppose him;consequently there are few who wish him well, and there is no onewho desires the office of alcalde, on account of the burdens that heimposes on them (never customary here), of completing every year theroyal revenue and its accounts, and filling out the quota of what theymust collect, even though they do not actually collect it. The resultis, that the alcaldes contribute from their own stores what they hadnot collected; for, no matter what efforts they make, they cannotduring the year finish the collections, on account of the extremepoverty of the Indians. The governor has for counselors or intimatesonly Andaya and Antonio, for whom he does many things and confers manyoffices. It is not known how much it costs them. His Lordship broughtover a great amount of silver from the viceroy, which is necessarilysent as an investment; and there will be many who complain of this, because [the goods procured by] it will occupy the greater part ofthe ship. For this reason no one wished to accept command of the ship, for it will be nothing more than to go in the governor's employ; andfinally it was given to Don José Mato Rayo. It is a new ship whichis sailing; it was built by Andaya as contractor, and superintendentof the whole--whom the governor obeyed, as one who was necessaryto him, because there was no ship that could be sent. That is, the"Santo Niño" was in such a condition that it could not be repaired;and, as the time was short (it was then only nine months), it wasnecessary to multiply the exactions [sacas]. Thus Silang, which hastwo hundred and twenty-seven and a half tributes registered, hadone hundred and twenty men at one time outside of their village;others had seventy, eighty, or more out--without being able totake care of their grain-fields. Afterward, because there was notenough rice for the king, through lack of foresight in the royalofficials, they levied another assessment of rice on the natives[in Cavite] as also in La Laguna, the king paying but one-half ofwhat the Indians could sell it for later, and leaving them under thenecessity of buying the grain at double price. The worst thing is, that now the rice has become so scarce that it is worth nine andten reals, at which price it is sold in the [royal] magazines; andthe tribute which is given by the very Indians on whom this purchasewas levied is sold at the magazines, without being placed therein, to the rice-mills. This gentleman very willingly accepts what peoplegive him for the offices. At the beginning, it was understood thathe would not receive gifts; but with five children, a wife, and asister-in-law, and heavily indebted, the office costing him so much, and he coming so great a distance, how can he avoid looking out formoney? He is not opposed to the Society [of Jesus], but we are underno obligation to him. Our order has no kindly feeling toward thieves, and it is thought most probable, as nearly as can be guessed, that hewill not speak [of us] very favorably to his Majesty. He says thathe will despatch the balandra [2] this year; but I do not know howthis will be, because they have not begun to get it ready. 

[From a letter by Father Magino Sola, June 19, 1691. ]

On the twenty-fifth of July, Señor Fausto Cruzat y Gongora tookpossession of the government. When Don Juan de Vargas was ready toembark this year, the city brought a new suit against him, and seizedthe little that he possessed. 

[From a letter by Father Juan de Montemayor, dated July 4, 1694. ]

He says therein that information had been received in Manila thatthe Dominicans would not be promoted to bishoprics in the FilipinasIslands, a statement that had been well received. The bishop ofTroya had attempted to regain the government of the archbishopric, founding his claim on a royal decree in which he was charged tosurrender it to the person who had been presented by his Majesty(from which he inferred that the king approved his government), butslighting the imperative order [ruego y encargo] that he should setout for España. He demanded that the governor send him the officialcorrespondence from España for the governor of the archbishopric;but the governor replied that he would send him that which should goto the name of his illustrious Lordship. 

[Letter by Father Pedro de Silva Alencastre, July 20, 1694. ]

[He says] that for three years past no letters from the islands reachedMejico, because in July of the year 1692 the patache which was going tothe Marianas, with more than twenty thousand pesos, was burned whilein the very port. In the same year the ship "Santo Cristo" sailed forAcapulco, and had to come back to this port from the thirtieth degreeof latitude. Then she sailed in July of 93, from the port of Naga;and up to the present time nothing is known about her fate. In 1694a galleon was built that was 72 cubits long [de 72 codos de quilla], an audacious attempt. It set sail on the eve of St. Peter's day;and on the following Saturday, while off the shore of Maragondon, itwent to pieces. It was laden with more than twelve thousand packages;for all the citizens had invested whatever they possessed, in orderto lade this ship, and even the wrought silver and the jewels of thewomen had been sold in order to invest their value in stuffs. Theletter was sent by the patache which the governor was despatchingas an express, so that they might know in Mejico and España that theislands were not destroyed. 

[Letter by Father Gaspar Marco, [3] July 27, 1694. ]

The bishop of Troya was going on, thinking that the government of thearchbishopric belonged to him, and did not ordain the clerics whopresented dismissory letters from the cabildo of Manila--assumingthat the king regarded him as ecclesiastical governor--and that, in spite of the permit for absence which commanded him to return toEspaña. The cabildo had brought suit against Doctor Nicolas Caraballo, sentencing him to exile in Nueva España. He embarked in the year1692; but, the galleon having come back to the port of Naga in theprovince of Camarines, the bishop of that diocese not only receivedand entertained Caraballo, but absolved him and qualified him to holdany office or benefice. The cabildo of Manila, who had sent a person toconduct Caraballo to that city, endured this slight and said nothing, when they knew of the conduct of the bishop of Camarines, in ordernot to arouse another dispute. The bishop appointed Caraballo governorof the bishopric of Cebu, on account of the death of its prelate, in1692. He began his rule by visiting and punishing the curas, untilhe removed the cura of Aclan, named Salazar, and seized his goods, without allowing him any appeal to the metropolitan. Salazar escapedto Manila, and informed the cabildo of this; and they commissionedthe cantor, Don Esteban de Olmedo, to arrest Caraballo. The bishop ofCamarines had information of all this, and went in person to protecthim. He arrived twenty-four hours after Olmedo, and arrested thelatter; he passed sentence on him, with the counsel and opinion ofCaraballo himself, and carried Olmedo to Camarines with a pair offetters, where he remained until the date [of the letter], withoutthe cabildo having taken any steps for his liberation. 

DISCOVERY OF THE PALAOS ISLANDS

Letters written from Manila, June 10, 1697, by Father Paul Clain [4]of the Society of Jesus to Reverend Father Tirso Gonzalez, generalof the same Society, on the new discovery that has been made ofthirty-two islands, south of the Marianas Islands. 

After the departure of the vessel which was commissioned with theletters which I wrote during the year past to your Paternity, therearrived another which brought me the order to accompany the reverendfather Antonio Fuccio, [5] of Sicily, the new provincial of thisprovince. Making with him the circuit of our houses, I have takena survey of the country of the Pintados. There are large islandsseparated from one another by arms of the sea, in which the tiderenders navigation difficult and dangerous. There are in these islandsseventy-seven thousand Christians, under the spiritual direction offorty-one missionaries of our Society, who have with them two of ourbrothers who provide for their subsistence. 

I can scarcely express to you, my reverend Father, how I have beenmoved at the sight of these poor Indians, of whom there are many whodie without receiving the sacraments of the church, in great dangerof their eternal salvation: because there are so few priests here, that the majority of them have charge of two villages at the sametime. When it happens that they are occupied in one place, fulfillingthe functions of their ministry, they are not able to assist thosewho die in the other. I have been still more greatly moved by theforsaken condition in which we found several other persons, who diedin the islands that are called Pais. Although these islands are notfar from the Marianas, their inhabitants have no intercourse withthose of the latter group. The discovery of this new country has thisyear been made certain, as is here recounted. 

In making the visitation with the father provincial, as I have alreadysaid, we arrived at the village of Guivam, [6] on the island of Samal, the largest and southernmost island of the Eastern Pintados. Wefound there twenty-nine Palaos, or natives of these newly-discoveredislands. The easterly winds which rule over these seas from the monthof December to the month of May had blown them three hundred leguasfrom their islands to this village on the island of Samal. They hadcome on two small vessels, that are called here "paraos. " This ishow they relate their adventure. 

They had embarked, thirty-five persons in all, intending to go toa neighboring island, when there arose a wind so violent that theywere not able to gain the island where they wished to land, or anyother in the neighborhood, and were carried out to the open sea. Theymade many efforts to land on some shore or some island known to them, but without avail. They sailed thus at the will of the winds duringseventy days without being able to make land. Finally losing allhope of returning to their country, and seeing themselves half-deadwith hunger, without water and without food, they resolved to abandonthemselves to the mercy of the winds, and land on the first island theycould find toward the west. Scarcely had they taken this resolution, when they found themselves in sight of the village of Guivam on theisland of Samal. A man from that village who was on the seashore sawthem, and, judging by the structure of their little vessels that theywere some strangers who had lost their way, he took a piece of clothand made them a signal to enter by the channel that he indicated, inorder to avoid the rocks and the banks of sand upon which they wereabout to run aground. These poor men were so frightened at seeing thisstranger that they began to put back to sea; however much effort theymade, they were not able to turn about, and the wind blew them a secondtime toward the shore. When they were near, the Guivam man made themunderstand by signs the route that they should take; but, seeing thatthey were not taking it, and that they would surely be lost, he threwhimself into the sea, and swam to one of those two small vessels, with the design of acting as pilot and of conducting them safely toport. Scarcely had he reached the vessel when those who were on board, even the women carrying their children, threw themselves into thewater to gain the other vessel, so much did they fear the approachof this stranger. This man, seeing himself alone in the small vessel, followed after them; and, having entered into the second, he clearedall the rocks and piloted it safely into the harbor. During this timethe poor people remained motionless, and gave themselves up to theguidance of the stranger, whose prisoners they considered themselves. 

They landed on St. Innocent's day, the twenty-eighth of December of theyear 1696. The inhabitants of Guivam gathered on the shore, receivedthem with charity, and brought them some wine and some food. Theyate eagerly some cocoanuts, which are the fruit of the palms ofthis country. The meat in them is somewhat like that of chestnuts, except that it has more oil, and that it furnishes a kind of sweetenedwater which is agreeable to drink. The natives presented them withrice boiled in water, which the people use here and in all of Asia, as one does bread in Europe. They looked at it with wonder, andtook some grains of it, which they immediately threw on the ground, imagining that they were worms. They exhibited much pleasure whensome of the large roots that are called palavan were brought to them, and eagerly ate them. 

Meanwhile the natives brought two women whom the wind had thrown uponthe same shore at Guivam some time before. As they knew a little ofthe language of this country, they served as interpreters, and it isthrough them that we learned what I am about to relate. One of thosewomen found among these strangers some of her kindred, and they nosooner recognized each other than they began to weep. The father whohad charge of this village, having learned of the arrival of these poorpeople, had them come to Guivam. Some, when they saw him and perceivedthe respect that was shown him, imagined that he was the king of thecountry, and that their lives and their fate were in his hands. Inthis belief they threw themselves upon the ground to implore hismercy, and to beg that he would grant them their lives. The father, touched with compassion at seeing them in such great desolation, did all that he could to console them; and, to mitigate their fears, he caressed their children, of whom three were still at the breast, and five others a trifle older, and promised their parents to givethem all the help that was in his power. 

The inhabitants of Guivam vied with each other in offering to thefather to take the strangers into their houses, and to furnish themwith all things that they needed, both food and clothing. The fathercommitted the strangers to them, but on condition that they shouldnot separate those who were married (for there were some married onesamong them); and that they should not take less than two together, forfear that those who were left alone would die of grief. Of thirty-fivewho had come aboard the ships there now remained no more than thirty;five had died during the voyage, because of the lack of food and theprivations of the long journey. A little while after their arrivalstill another died, who had the good fortune to receive holy baptism. 

They said that their country consisted of thirty-three islands. Theycannot be very far from the Marianas, to judge from the structure oftheir vessels, and by the form of their sails, since these are of thesame style. There is strong indication that these islands are fartherto the south than the Marianas, in eleven or twelve degrees northlatitude, and upon the same parallel as Guivam; since the strangerscame straight from the east to the west, and landed on the shore atthis settlement. There is also ground for believing that this is oneof the islands that was discovered from afar some years ago. A vesselbelonging to the Philippines (in 1686) having left the customary route, which is from east to west upon the thirteenth parallel, and havingveered somewhat toward the southwest, saw it for the first time. Thesepeople called this island Carolina, in honor of the king (Charles II, king of Spain); and the others called it St. Barnabas, because it wasdiscovered on the day when the church celebrates the feast of thisapostle. This island was seen last year by another vessel that thetempest had blown out of its course, in going from here to the MarianasIslands. The governor of the Philippines had often given orders to theship which went nearly every year to the Marianas, to seek for thisisland and the others that were thought to be near; but these ordershad been useless, God reserving to this time the discovery of them, and as we hope, the complete conversion of these people. 

The strangers added that of these thirty-three islands there were threewhich were inhabited only by birds, but that the others were thicklypeopled. When asked what was the number of the inhabitants, they took agrain of sand or of dust, and intimated to the father in this fashion, the innumerable multitude of men who lived there. These islandsare named Pais, Lamululutup, Saraon, Yaropie, Valayyay, Satavan, Cutac, Yfaluc, Piraulop, Ytai, Pic, Piga, Lamurrec, Puc, Falait, Caruvaruvong, Ylatu, Lamuliur, Tavas, Saypen, Tacaulat, Rapiyang, Tavon, Mutacusan, Piylu, Olatan, Palu, Cucumyat, Piyalucunung. Thethree which are only inhabited by birds are Piculat, Hulutan, andTagian. Lamurrec is the largest of all these islands. It is wherethe king of all that country holds his court. The chiefs of all thosesettlements submit to him. There was found among these strangers oneof the chiefs with his wife, who is the daughter of a king. Althoughthey may be half-naked, they have manners and a certain air of dignity, which makes one recognize well enough who they are. The husband hasall his body painted with certain lines, the arrangement of whichforms various figures. The other men of this tribe have also somesimilar lines, some of them more than the others; but the women andthe children do not have them at all. There are nineteen men and tenwomen, of different ages. The contour and the color of their facesare very similar to those of the natives of the Philippines. The menhave no other dress than a kind of girdle which covers their loinsand thighs, and which is wound several times about their bodies. Theyhave upon their shoulders more than an ell and a half of coarse cloth, of which they make a kind of hood, which they tie in front, and allowto hang carelessly behind. The men and the women are dressed in thesame fashion, except that the women have their wearing apparel alittle longer, descending from the waist almost to the knees. 

Their language is different from that of the Philippines, andresembles that of the Marianas Islands. Their manner of pronouncingwords is something like that of the Arabs. The woman who appears tobe of highest station has many rings and necklaces of tortoise-shell, that are called here carey; and others of a material that is unknownto us. This material, which somewhat resembles ambergris, is nottransparent. 

This is the manner in which they lived upon the sea during the seventydays while they had been at the mercy of the waves. They threw intothe sea a sort of weir, made of several small branches of trees tiedtogether. This weir had a large opening to allow the fish to enter, and ended in a point to prevent their going out. The fish that theycaught in this manner were all the nourishment they had, and theydid not drink any water except that which the rain furnished them;they caught it in the shells of cocoanuts--which are the fruit ofthe palms of this country, as I have already said; they are of theshape and size of a man's skull. 

There are no cows in those islands. The natives tried to run away whenthey saw some cows browsing the grass, just as when they heard a smalldog bark in the house of the missionaries. There are neither catsnor deer, nor horses, nor, in general, any four-legged beast. Thereare but few birds, except those which live on the sea. They have, however, fowls which they eat; but they never eat their eggs. 

In spite of this lack of all things, they are happy and contentwith their lot. They have some songs and dances in tolerably regulartime. They sing all together and make the same gestures, which hasa pleasing effect. 

They are surprised at the government, the politeness, and themanners of Europe, of which they have no knowledge. They admirenot only that august majesty of the ceremonies by which the churchcelebrates divine worship, but also the music, the instruments, thedances of the Spaniards, the weapons which they carry, and, aboveall, the gunpowder. They admire also the whiteness of the Europeans;for the inhabitants of this country are all of swarthy complexion. 

They appear until now to have had no knowledge of God, nor dothey adore idols. We have noticed in them only a life altogetherbarbarous. All their care is to seek for food and drink. They havea great deference for their king and the chiefs of their villages, and they obey them with the greatest exactitude. They do not haveregular hours for their meals. They drink and eat at any time andwherever they may be, when they are hungry and thirsty, and when theyfind wherewith to satisfy themselves. But they eat little at a time, and one of their meals is not enough to suffice for all the day. 

Their civility and mark of respect consists in taking the hand orthe foot of the one to whom they wish to do honor, and in rubbing itgently over their face. They have among their possessions some sawsnot made of iron, but of a large shell that is called here taclobo, [7] which they sharpen by rubbing against certain stones. They havealso one of iron, as long as a finger. They were much astonished onthe occasion of a trading-vessel being built at Guivam, to see thegreat variety of tools for carpentry which were used. They lookedat all these, one after another, with much wonder. They do not havemetals in their country. The father missionary gave them each agood-sized piece of iron, which they received with more joy than ifhe had given them so much gold. They had so much fear that it wouldbe taken away from them that they put it under their heads when theywanted to sleep. They do not have any arms except lances or dartsmade of human bones. They are very peaceful among themselves. Whenit happens that there is a quarrel among them, it is settled by a fewblows of their fists upon each other's heads. But this rarely happens;because, if some wish to come to blows, others separate them and makethem stop the dispute. They are not, nevertheless, stupid or heavy;on the contrary, they have fire and vivacity. They are not as stout asthe natives of the Marianas Islands, but they are well proportioned, and of nearly the same height as the Philippinos. Both men and womenlet their hair grow, which falls upon their shoulders. 

When these strangers learned that they were to be conducted intothe presence of the father missionary, they painted themselves allover the body with a certain yellow color, which they consider agreat adornment. They are so satisfied at finding here in abundanceall that is necessary to life, that they have offered to return totheir own country in order to attract here their compatriots, andto persuade them to enter into intercourse with these islands. Ourgovernor is much pleased with this design, in view of the fact thathe has subjected all this country to the king of Spain; and this wouldopen a wide door for the propagation of the gospel. The eldest of thestrangers had once before been thrown upon the coast of the province ofCaragan in one of these islands; but, as he found only some infidelswho dwelt in the mountains and along these deserted shores, he hadreturned to his own country, without having known of the abundanceand the riches of these islands. He had been more fortunate in thissecond voyage. The children have already been baptized, and theothers have been instructed in the mysteries of our religion. Theyare very skilful in diving; and it is said that they recently found, while fishing, two large pearls in the shells, which they threw backinto the sea, because they did not know their value. [8]

I write you all this, my reverend Father, persuaded that you will beglad to learn news so advantageous to those of your children who havethe good fortune to carry the faith into this new country. We haveneed of workers, for there is much work to do. We hope that you willhave the kindness to send some workers to us, and will not forget usin your holy devotions. I am with profound respect, my very reverendFather, your Paternity's very humble and obedient servant and son, Paul Clain, missionary of the Society of Jesus. At Manila, June10, 1697. 

MISSIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES

1661-1712

I

General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, byFray Pedro de San Francisco de Assis [9]

[From this work, as in the three preceding parts of the GeneralHistory of the Discalced Augustinians, we translate the importantmatter relating to the Philippines, with synopsis or mention ofmatter omitted. ]

DECADE EIGHT

CHAPTER I

Mention of the insurrections of some provinces in Philipinas, withthe labors that began for our religious. The exemplary lives of some, who died holily in their convents. 

The Year 1661

§ I

One insurrection having been put down in Pampànga, another one followsin Pangasinàn. Mention of the great sufferings of our religious inZambàles, in keeping their villages duly loyal to God and the king. 

. .. 2. From the beginning of the year 1660, the Indians of Pampanga, a province not far from the city of Manila in Philipinas, incitedby many grievous annoyances unjustly caused by the superintendent oftimber cutting, which was ordered to be done within their boundaries bythe governor of the islands, Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, determinedto withdraw themselves from the yoke of the Spanish dominion. Althoughthat dominion is very mild per se, some subordinate government employesgenerally make it intolerable, for tyrannically availing themselvesof the name of the king, they endeavor to trample everything underfoot. The Pampangos elected as leader a master-of-camp of their ownnation, one Don Francisco Manyàgo. He clutched the staff of officeas though it were a scepter. Although this insurrection causedconsiderable fear in Manila at the beginning, since the Pampangonation is so warlike, yet since at the same time, its individuals arethe most reasonable of the islands, the governor hastening thitherin person together with many religious of various orders (for thereligious form the most powerful army for quieting the Indians) thewhole disturbance was readily quieted by means of negotiation. Justicewas done them in their grievances, while no punishment was omitted, and was administered to the seditious leaders. Fathers Fray Josephde la Annunciacion, and Fray Juan de San Antonio, ex-provincials ofour Family, together with fathers Fray Carlos de Jesus, and Fray Juande San Diego, were of considerable aid in that pacification. Thosefathers, exposing themselves to not few dangers, had the boldness togo to some of the principal Indians, who were their acquaintances, whom by dint of their persuasion, they succeeded in bringing back toreason. And by their means, discussion and friendly agreements havingbeen introduced, those so harmful insurrections were put down. 

3. But at the beginning of their insurrection, the Pampangos hadwritten many letters to the provinces of Pangasinàn, Ilòcos, andCagayàn, which lie farther north in the island of Luzon. In thoseletters they assured the inhabitants of those provinces that theyhad risen with so great force that they had no doubt but that theycould gain Manila by force of arms. They besought those people toheed the common cause, for once that the Spanish yoke was thrown off, they could all get together in firm friendship and relations, andmaintain their liberty, by electing a king to govern them, or becomefeared by the other nations under the form of a republic. Those werecounsels which like a cancer in the human body, continued to spread inthe civil affairs of those provinces, and the majority of the Indiansfollowed them with only too great rapidity. Hence, when the Indiansof Pampanga were quieted they were incapable of extinguishing thefire that they themselves had kindled. 

4. In Pangasinàn, Ilòcos, and Cagayàn, the flame acquired too muchforce because of the fierceness of the well arranged combustibles, which were applied by several Indian chiefs, who endeavored, under thespecious name of liberty, to oppress in the most intolerable mannerthe ones who did not recognize the blessings which they had whilethey had the good fortune to call themselves a part of the Spanishmonarchy. But in order that this history may not wander into partsthat do not belong to it, we shall treat only of what happened inthe province of Pangasinàn; for one part of that province, namely theterritory of Zambàles, which is composed of ten villages, was then, and is also at present, cultivated in regard to spiritual matters byour holy Recollect order. On that account our religious necessarilysuffered considerably, and they aided in the pacification of theIndians, as did the other holy orders in the villages entrusted totheir care. 

5. At the end, then, of the year 1660, the insurgents of Pangasinànelected as their leader an Indian chief of the village of Binalatòngan, one Don Andrès Màlong. He having usurped the title of king, wentto Campaña, escorted by nine thousand Indian warriors. This numberwas increased enormously within a few days; for it was either aboast of the rebels and they so published it, or it was a fact, his army was composed of forty thousand men. An Indian noble, by thename of Don Francisco Sumùlay, a very near relative of Màlong, wasliving in Bolinào, a village within our administration. On accountof that relationship he looked upon his progress as his own, andhelped him as much as he could to attain his purposes. He, in orderto incite Bolinào and its environs to revolt, spared no effort thathe considered fitting. But the father prior, Fray Juan de la Madrede Dios (or Blancas), opposed him openly and in secret, destroyingwith cunning whatever Sumùlay wrought deceitfully. No sooner did therestlessness and excited condition of the Indians force him to takeprudent precautions, than he caused ten soldiers to disembark from achampan which was on its way to Cagayàn. The latter obeyed him for thecaptain agreed thereto, and because they knew how much the governorof the islands favored the above-named religious, and that he wouldapprove whatever was done with the latter's advice. The father foundhimself somewhat ready to offer resistance with those soldiers andwith the faithful Indians, who by dint of his persuasions were notfew; but he had not sufficient forces to attack the rebels or toseize the wicked Sumùlay, who was the cause of all the disorder. 

6. The latter starting a rumor that the hostile Mindanàos were inthe neighborhood, imagined that by that false report, and by settingfire to the convent and church at night, the soldiers would flee tothe mountains, and that the religious and the loyal Indians of thevillage would imitate them. It would then follow that, since he wouldremain behind with the insurgents who were already thoroughly advised, he would be able, after having conquered the port and settlement athis safety, to kill all who were not of his party. Those ideas werenot very badly conceived, and had they arrived at the desired success, would have been only too potent for the attainment of his maliciouspurpose. For, after the surrender of Bolinào, would doubtless followthat of all the territory of Zambàles, and then, the great difficultyof maritime aid from Manila to Pangasinàn, a circumstance which gavegreat strength to the revolt. But the same arguments also served thefather prior to procure the preservation of Bolinào with the greatestwatchfulness. Hence scarcely had Sumùlay fired the edifice, when thesoldiers and loyal Indians protecting it, and fortifying themselves aswell as they could, maintained the village in the faith for their God, and in the loyalty due their king. It is a fact that while attendingto that, the church was reduced to ashes, as were the sacristy andmost of the convent. But that was considered as a little loss as itwas well employed, so long as the enemy did not attain their purpose. 

7. The above happened in the early part of December, when authentictidings were not known in Bolinào of the insurrection, and onlyvarious movements were descried in the Indians which provokedfear. However, they had been compelled to dissimulate through lackof forces. But on the twentieth day of the above-mentioned month, the conspiracy was finally published in the village, and Simùlay andhis associates notified the religious in the following manner. Infront of the cells of the father prior and of his associate fatherFray Luis de San Joseph, were placed two bamboos and at the end ofthem two cocoanuts. That is a barbarous ceremony of those countriesby which to threaten one with decapitation. Simùlay thought that thatwould be sufficient to frighten the fathers and make them abandon thevillage, and especially since they now had no soldiers, as the soldiersmentioned above had proceeded on their way. But he was mistaken inhis reckoning, for although father Fray Luis was of that opinion, and Indian chiefs were not wanting who supported him, either becausethey were already infected with the rebellion, or, perhaps, in order toassure the lives of the fathers, were carried away by their good zeal, the father prior resolved to die rather than fail in his service toGod and the king. He did not change his decision, however much thesign was repeated the following day. On the contrary, he consideredthe time suitable to ascertain and establish with cunning the degreeof the fidelity of his parishioners. He convened the Indians in theatrium of the convent, and in eloquent and powerful arguments gavethem to understand that God having entrusted their souls to him, he would not leave their land, although he knew that he was tosuffer a thousand martyrdoms. "I am not ignorant, " he said, "thatthe aim of those who occasion these insurrections is to apostatizefrom the Catholic faith, and to return to their former paganism; butfor that same reason, I must oppose myself to that with the greateststrength. Go ahead, send news of my constancy to the partisans of therebel Màlong, if perchance there are any in the village, so that theymay not tire themselves with threatening me with death. Assure themthat I shall consider myself very fortunate, if I transform myselfinto a good martyr from so poor a priest. But meanwhile, I warn you, that I shall know by each one's actions who are the rebels and whoare faithful; and that accordingly the proper reward or punishmentwill follow each one, when the Manila fleet, which will not delay, subdues affairs properly. " By that effort some who were wavering intheir loyalty were confirmed in it, while those who were on the sideof the seditious ones did not dare to put their treacherous thoughtsinto execution. 

8. Very soon did experience show the great importance of the firmnessof so valiant a religious. For on the night of that same day, afterthe convent was locked, some of the loyal Indians, who were guardingthe outside of it, captured a strange Indian, who declared that he wasbringing a message to the father prior, which was to be given into hisown hand. He was taken into the father's presence after observing thenecessary precautions, where he delivered the message. It was fromthe father vicar of Lingayèn and contained extensive notices of theinsurrection of Pangasinàn which had broken out, the murder of thealcalde-mayor, and the devastation of that part of so flourishinga province. He sent letters for his provincial and for the governorof the islands, in which a speedy relief was asked in order that thesedition might be stifled at its beginning. He besought the fatherprior to send them quickly to Manila, as it was impossible to sendthem from Pangasinàn overland. And now it is seen that if the fatherprior, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, had retired from Bolinào asfear persuaded him, that despatch would have been fruitless, andperhaps had those advices been unknown in Manila, Pangasinàn wouldhave been endangered; but since he remained inflexible against theincentives of fear, he was able to take the fitting means, in orderthat the promptest and most efficacious aid might be obtained. 

9. It was not considered advisable to entrust the conveyance of suchletters to the Indians of Bolinào, and accordingly it was resolvedto despatch father Fray Luis de San Joseph overland to Masinglocunder the pretext that he was going on affairs connected with thespiritual administration, but his real purpose was to deliver themessages to the minister of the said village, in order that thelatter might despatch them. The religious exposed himself to evidentdanger of death; for the village of Agno, through which he could notavoid passing, was almost entirely in insurrection, and because inthe stretch extending from the territory of Agno to that of Bàlcac, it was necessary to take the rough sea in a small fishing boat whichcarried no sail and only one oar with the religious himself at thehelm. At last he reached Masingloc, after conquering so great anobstacle. Thence, not without the most serious dangers, the ministersent the messages to Manila, arranging to have them carried by fatherFray Bernardino de la Concepcion, accompanied by three of the mostfaithful chiefs. One of those chiefs was appointed master-of-campby the governor as a reward for so excellent a service, another, sargento-mayor, and the third, captain of the militia of his village;and they were exempted for life from paying tribute. And since thefather vicar of Lingayèn despatched a second mail to Bolinào incase that the first should fail, the father prior, Fray Juan de laMadre de Dios, despatched the letters in a Chinese vessel which madea way-station there, and was on its way from the island of Hermosato Manila. But while the army and naval fleet are being prepared inthat city, in order to take relief to Pangasinàn, let us return toour villages of Zambàles, in order to see what is happening there, and the dangers by which our religious were afflicted. 

§ II

Continuation of the foregoing matter, with the declaration of whathappened to our religious in Masingloc, Cagayàn, Agno, and Bolinào. 

10. With the absence of the three said chiefs in Masingloc, the priorfound himself greatly troubled and persecuted, for those who favoredthe rebellion, who had thitherto not dared to show their faces inpublic, showed openly the most foul face of treason on the day ofSt. Stephen. They threw the village into such consternation thatif God had not aided it, it would have been impossible to restoreit to its former quiet. It happened that, as some Indians had notbeen at mass on either the eve or day of the nativity, the priormeeting one of them afterward who was most esteemed for his bravery, chid him for his fault, although with demonstrations of paternalcharity. He had no intentions of exasperating him, for he knew quitewell that the Indian was inducing his countrymen to swell the numberof the insurgents by persuasion and threat. But the Indian would notsuffer the mild rebuke for that sin, which in other circumstanceswould have made him experience the severities of punishment, anddeeming the occasion very suitable for the revolt of the village, hebegan to pretend implacable annoyance because the father admonishedhim. Following this, he became excessively angry, and hurled manyinsults at the evangelical minister, and concluded by crying out:"Long live Màlong! Death to the Spaniards and the fathers!"

11. By that means the Indian obtained his desires, for more thanfifty armed companions gathered about him. They proclaimed the traitorMàlong as king; hacked the Spanish coat-of-arms which was placed onthe site where the principales met to administer justice; and theyobliged the prior, whom it was a miracle of divine Providence that theydid not kill instantly, to retire to his convent, where a guard wasestablished by means of some Indians who could be gathered together, while many others who were of the loyal party, were oppressed intheir homes. There they held the prior and those who accompanied thembesieged, and did not allow them to communicate with the outside, and refused to allow any kind of food to be taken to them, tryingby this means to restrict them to the heighth of necessity. Withinthe danger was so much greater, as it was less known by the loyalvillages near by which could have sent them some aid. If the rebelsdid not attack the convent in order to kill the loyal ones, it wasbecause they were afraid of some few arquebuses with which thoseof the inside threatened them. But they endeavored to set fire tothe convent and church three times without being able to succeed, notwithstanding that the material of the building was but little lesscombustible than tinder, for it was all constructed of wood, bamboo, and nipa. Those who tried to burn that edifice, regarded that as amiracle. Moreover, one can well understand the necessity that theysuffered for they had no place whence to get relief, not even for thenecessities of life. Consequently they were placed at the will of thedivine Providence, who as is His custom with those in tribulation, very quickly declared His patronage. 

12. Having passed the time in this way until New Year's eve, it wasnoted then that a medium-sized vessel was anchored not far from theconvent, and that almost all of its Indians having landed, engaged ina very interesting conversation with the insurgents. On that account, the prior and his men had an opportunity, to leave the conventwithout being perceived, to go to the beach, and make themselvesmasters of the above-mentioned vessel. They set sail without lossof time in it. Thus freed from their peril they took their coursetoward Manila. But as they were in need of food, they put in atBagàc, where they met the three chiefs who had guided father FrayBernardino, and were now returning to their village. They recountedto those chiefs the deplorable condition in which they were; andconsidering that the remedy for wrongs generally lies in quickness, they determined to take thirty well-armed Indians, whom the fatherminister of Bagàc prepared, and who were fortunately at that place;and then retracing their way, to attack Masingloc suddenly. They hopedthat if they attacked the rebels when they appeared to be most secure, it would not be difficult to reduce them all to their former quiet. Sodid it happen, for the season favoring them, they disembarked onthe night of the third of January in a bay one-half hour's distancefrom Masingloc, and went overland to that village. At dawn of thefourth, they surprised the insurgents so completely, that overtakenby fear, the latter could not put themselves in a state of defense, while they even had no opportunity for flight. They were all seized, and the prior, although he was full of grief at the robbery of thesacristy and church, interceded for the prisoners, and succeeded inhaving all except three set at liberty. Those three were the leadersand later paid for their wickedness on the gallows. 

13. In Cigayèn (a village which had decreased very sensibly in housesand inhabitants since the violent death of the venerable father, FrayAlonso de San Agustin, in the year 1612), was father Fray Francisco deSan Agustin, an especially zealous minister, who was applying all thepersuasive powers of his eloquence to retaining the remnants of thatgreat settlement in due fidelity to God and the king. But a chief, called Don Antonio Sìrray, desired the contrary, in order to keepthings in confusion for his own profit. Knowing that he would have noopportunity so long as father Fray Francisco was living, he tried tokill him twice, but the religious man was delivered from his ambushes, for God took his part in a very visible and special manner. In thediscussion that the two had together, (one persuading to good, andthe other inducing to evil), it happened that Sìrray and all hispartisans went to swell the army of Màlong. The loyal Indians withtheir families and possessions went to another village; father FrayFrancisco retired to Manila. With that the village was completelyabandoned and no more thought was expended on its rebuilding. Suchharm do dissensions cause, when, because there is no strength to attackthem, they increase to the highest degree when agitated by violence. 

14. In Agno (a visita or annex of Bolinào), there was a chief calledDon Juan Dùrrey, a very near relative of Sumùlay, and consequentlyhe was bound up very closely to the rebels. Three Spaniards reachedthat place on Christmas day, who were fleeing from the insurgents ofPangasinàn. They showed the Indians a diamond ring, as a reward orpayment for something to eat, for they were suffering dire need. Butscarcely had they sat down to table, when Dùrrey inhumanly killedthem. As father Fray Luis de San Joseph (who was returning fromMasingloc whither he had taken the messages as related above), waspassing in the afternoon toward Bolinào, he noted the loud shoutsin the village, caused by the feasting and dancing that they madeaccording to their custom with the heads of the three Spaniards. Heattempted to approach nearer in order to check their inhumanity, but an Indian instigated by the devil, scarcely saw the father whenhe threw two spears at him. It was regarded as a miracle that thefather escaped the blow and was not wounded. Thereupon our valiantreligious lifted up his voice, and loudly condemned so unjust actionsin a fervent sermon. According to circumstances, the words on eachoccasion must have served as does music on the ears of the tiger. Butin the midst of the necessary disturbance, he was enabled to tellthem with the help of God, such things that Dùrrey with twelve otherswho followed him, had to leave the village. The others, humble andobedient to the voice of their shepherd, surrendered the heads inorder that he might give them ecclesiastical burial. From that momentAgno remained in the greatest quiet, like the sea, which shows themost exquisite quietness and serenity after the most terrible storm. 

15. But the place where the rage of the insurgents was felt more wasin Bolinào. Màlong regarded its minister, father Fray Juan de la Madrede Dios, with irreproachable hatred, for he was not unaware of hisgreat labor in restraining the Zambals. They are so warlike a nationthat they have always caused themselves to be respected not only inPangasinàn, which province they glorify as a not despicable part, butalso throughout the Philipinas Islands where they have been able toacquire renown through their arms. Having, then, as we have related, sent his associate to Masingloc, he considered that the Indians lefthim alone in the convent, and that they were going about cautiouslytalking one with another. He summoned one of the chiefs to him and chidhim for that coldness. He learned from the Indian that Don FranciscoCaucào, a cousin of the usurping king, had arrived from Binalatòngonwith an order to the effect that the Zambals should declare againstthe Spaniards, under pain of being treated as rebels if they did notdo so. The Indian added that Caucào was staying in Sumùlay's house, and they were afraid that he intended to conquer their countrymen, andthat was the reason why they were all so confused. Without allowing, then, the talk which generally increases dangers beyond what theyare in themselves, the religious father set out for Sumùlay's housein order to have an interview with Caucào, as well as for the purposeof examining and exploring the village, in order to see whether therewere any ambuscades about it. 

16. After he was assured that there were no strange enemies, he wentinto the presence of the Indian, who received him seated, withoutshowing him the least sign of respect. The father asked him why hecame, and he answered haughtily that his cousin Don Andres Màlong, the powerful king of Pangasinàn, looking with love on the Zambalnation, and not desiring to treat them with the greatest rigor of war, sent him to inform them to recognize him as their seignior, and thaton that same day some papers were to be read in the church in whichthat would be intimated; and that the father was to reply to a letterwritten by his cousin the king, conceding whatever was asked of him, for if he did not do so, it would cost him his life. Another of lessvalor than father Fray Juan would doubtless have been intimidated atthe sight of such arrogance, especially when it be considered that hecould not be sure of the people of the village. But the very injusticeof the Indian giving the father courage, he said to the chiefs whohad accompanied him: "What is this? What is this? Can it be possibleto write of the loyalty of Bolinào, that a traitor, sent by a rebelto God, and the king, publicly induces you to insurrection, and thathe remain unpunished? Come, seize him. But no, it is to his advantageto have been found in the house of Sumùlay, whose nobility is worthyof this attention. But I warn you, O wretch, that you do not leavethe house which serves you as a sanctuary, and that you do not sowany discord in order to pervert the fidelity of the Zambals, until Ihave answered this letter of your vicious cousin; for if you disobeymy order, and these men do not tear you to pieces, I shall be ableto send you to Manila laden with irons and chains, where you willpay for your treason on the gallows. "

17. Caucào, Sumùlay, and all the others were full of dismay athearing the argument of the prior: Caucào, because he thought thatthe village sided with the Spaniards since the father spoke with sogreat assurance; Sumùlay, because he imagined the same, and becausehe thought also that the prior was ignorant of his evil designs, since he spoke so lovingly to him; and the others, because a rumorthat had been shortly before cunningly spread to the effect that afleet was already coming from Manila to punish those who had declaredfor Màlong, was thus corroborated. For, they argued, if it were notso, a poor religious would not have the courage to do so much. Inshort the father prior obtained his wish, namely, to puzzle them allin order to gain time. That done, the venerable man retired to hisconvent quite perplexed. Opening the letter, he beheld that Màlongexpressed himself in the same manner as Caucào had done. He deemedbest not to answer it, for while he was thinking how he would dismissthe messenger, he was advised that a champan had just anchored in theport, in which were two religious. He proceeded thither in order toreceive them, and was met by fathers Fray Juan de Bergàra and FrayJuan de Fisla, who were retiring from Ilòcos, where the rebels werecommitting innumerable acts of cruelty, and had inhumanly taken thelife of father Fray Joseph Arias, all of our observance. 

18. He led them to the convent, arranging also that two Spaniardsand six Tagálog Indians who could be withdrawn from the champanwithout their loss being felt therein, should accompany themwith firearms. Then seeing that he was in a state of defense ifanything should be attempted by the rebels, he had Caucào and Sumùlaysummoned. They came at the first notice, but curiosity brought all thepeople of the village. Then the father tearing the letter of Màlongto pieces in the presence of the multitude, said: "This is the replymerited by such an arrogant method of writing, and especially sinceit is the letter of a traitor. You, " he proceeded, addressing Caucào, "who have had the shamelessness to come on so insolent an embassy, well merit being sent a prisoner to Manila, and in order that I mightdo so, God has, perhaps, presented me with this champan. But sinceyou would go to the gallows, the kindness of my estate does not allowme to cooperate in the death of my neighbor. Therefore, get you goneimmediately to Binalatòngon, and tell your cousin that I pity him, since the fleet of Manila is already on its way to punish him. Assurehim that his threats make me laugh; that his demand for obedience fromthe Zambal nation is irrational; and that I am sending him his relativeSumùlay in order to increase his army, besides twenty-five Indiansof this village, who are, according to appearances, looking upon himwith too much affection. " The father designated those persons by name, and added with a show of great anger: "Not a single one of those whomI have just named will remain in Bolinào, under penalty that whoeverrefuses to obey, he and the one who hides him shall be sent to Manilawithout fail, where justice will punish his resistance. " Thus didhe say, and then turned his back with a show of so great anger thatno one dared not to fulfil his orders. On the contrary, all thosecomprehended in the order, left the village immediately, for theyfeared the threat of punishment. By that means after thus gettingrid of the evil humors of that body politic that troubled it, itremained in its former health, and the great and estimable blessingof peace followed. 

19. After the execution of so heroic an action, the father priorendeavored to welcome his new guests, whom he provided with all thatwas needful for the continuation of their journey to Manila. They setsail December 26, leaving Ours behind especially sad, because we weredefenseless if the traitor Màlong attempted any new persecution. Theywere not deceived in their judgment, for the rebel angered at the lackof effect produced by his letter, sent an order to Don Juan Dùrrey, chief of the hamlet of Agno, to cut off the head of that illustriousman without fail and to send it to him. That chief went to Bolinàoaccompanied by another valiant Indian, and entered the convent forthe feast of the new year. He found the prior praying outside of hiscell, and the good religious imagining that he was come to ask aid, began to exhort him especially to be loyal and offered him pardonin the king's name. God giving force to these words, Dùrrey changedhis intention, and refused to kill the father of his spirit. Butthe Indian who accompanied him, shutting his ears, like an asp, tothe voices of health, seeing that his chief would not do the deed, unsheathed a weapon called igua in those parts, and approached quicklyin order to strike the father. But since the chiefs of the villagewho had come to speak with the prior on a matter of moment, enteredat the same time, the Indian was completely embarrassed and both ofthem were greatly confused. Thus can God, by so casual happenings, set a hindrance to even greater fatalities, making use of the veryoccurrence of secondary causes in order to free His servants fromthe dangers that threaten them. 

20. It appears that Màlong was not entirely satisfied with the orderthat he had despatched to Dùrrey; for, aroused to anger he also orderedSumùlay to return to Bolinào in order to cut off the prior's head, as well as the heads of all the other religious whom he might findthere. Sumùlay obeyed instantly, for he was confident that he stillhad some well inclined to him in the village. He arrived at night, andwaiting until the morning of January 3, entered the convent at the timethat the venerable minister was about to go out with a rattan staffin his hand in order to go to confess a sick man. Sumùlay attackedhim with a short sword, without any waste of arguments. The poorreligious, seeing himself involved in the worst kind of a conflict, but infused with valor by the divine hand, beat back the first blowswith his cane, and defending himself with it, just as he might havedone with the best kind of a sword, seeing that no one came to hisaid, passed to the offensive. The cane had a long sharp steel pointand the father gave the aggressor so powerful a blow or thrust inthe breast, that he brought him to the earth grievously wounded. Thenthe prior called out, whereupon the village chiefs came up. However, they were remiss in arresting Sumùlay, but on the contrary favoredhis retreat, and allowed him to go away after he recovered fromhis wound. Consequently, when the prior returned from his confession(whither he had not omitted to go, despite all the confusion), Sumùlayno longer appeared. The prior had to put a good face on regarding theill behavior of his parishioners, in order not to put the village ina worse condition, which, at least publicly, did not aid the seditiousones as much as they could have done. 

§ III

Arrival of the Manila fleet which was aided by our religious. Destruction of the rebels. 

21. Having now related what happened in the villages of Zambàles, andthe dangers which our religious suffered, let us turn our eyes towardManila, and see what preparations the government was taking in orderto meet so many depredations. Scarcely had father Fray Bernardino dela Concepcion delivered his messages, when Don Sabiniano Manriquez deLara, governor of the islands, with extraordinary quickness musteredan army of two hundred Spaniards, besides four hundred other soldiers, consisting of Pampàngos, negroes, mulattoes, and mestizos. As generalhe appointed the master-of-camp, Francisco de Esteybàr, a Visayannoble, who in addition to his credit as so fine a soldier, appeareda most observant religious in his habits. He was ordered to marchoverland to Pangasinàn without loss of time. A fleet consisting offour champans, two galleys, and six medium-sized vessels, which weremanned with many good soldiers, and a goodly supply of all sorts offirearms were also prepared. This fleet was put in command of GeneralDon Phelipe de Ugalde, who was ordered to set out on the voyage atonce, and go to the port of Bolinào, where he was to confer with thefather prior, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, whose counsel he wasto prize greatly. He was advised that he was not to attempt anythingashore, until the arrival of Esteybàr, and their forces were united. 

22. Everything was done in so short a time (to the contrary of what isgenerally written of Spanish aid), that the father prior was advised bythe bantàyes or sentinels at dawn of January 5, that several vesselswere seen to be headed to the port, which as was judged from theirdirection appeared to be from Manila. At nine in the morning thefleet anchored in the port of Bolinào, which is about one-quarterlegua from the village. The father prior flew thither, with therapidity of one who is in search of consolation, for he was mostafflicted. Scarcely was he descried on the beach, when the generalsent a skiff for him. He was taken by the skiff to the flagship, where he was received with repeated salvos of artillery. All themen expressed mutual joy, which sprung from the bottom of the heart, and were not superficial and born from the habit of deceit. FatherFray Bernardino de la Concepcion returned as chaplain of the fleet, because he urged the father provincial that he might do so, for heconsidered his absence from the field of battle, where his comradeswere accomplishing so much for the crown, dishonorable to his valorin the spiritual militia. When the mutual congratulations whichwere exchanged between the father prior and those who composed therelief were exhausted, the general gave the former a letter from thegovernor. It read as follows:

"My Dear Father Fray Juan: Very sad has been the news that we havehad here of your Reverence and of the other fathers, and we were evenassured that you had all been killed. Consequently, the news from yourReverence served me as a special source of joy, notwithstanding themelancholy information contained therein of those insurrections. Itrust implicitly through God that your person will be kept safe forthe service of both Majesties. And I hope that that fleet which I havebeen able to assemble quickly will keep you safe and that it will haveyour Reverence's advice which I have ordered the general to receive asyou are a person of experience in that district. The army in charge ofGeneral Esteybàr is ordered to make forced marches. And next to God, I look for success in all things to your Reverence because you arethere. May God preserve you, etc. Manila, January 2, 1661. 

Don Sabiniano"

23. The general and the prior then discussed many points in regardto the order that was to be followed in the war. It was known thatthe weapons of the insurgents were poisoned arrows which caused deathirremediably no matter how small a wound they made. And although thereis not wanting an antidote to counteract that danger, yet that secretis known only by certain Indians who refused to disclose it becausethey desired the insolent multitude to conquer. But the vigilance ofour religious had already shown its foresight in a matter of so greatweight, and availing himself of a chief of Bolinào, one Don AntonioDàcap, he had obtained from him the recipe for making the antidote;and he had even prepared a large quantity of it, which he gave to thegeneral, in order that the latter might distribute it among the men ofthe fleet, so that they might suffer no harm from the arrows. Ugaldeasked for some things which could not be prepared in Manila on accountof the haste [of their departure]: namely, bamboo and cowhide formaking parapets, small boats for use in shallow water; rice for thecrew; spears such as the Indians use, and certain shields or bucklerswhich are called caràzas, in order to make use of them in default ofthe firearms. He was provided with all that he asked immediately. Afterthese arrangements were made, the father prior advised the general, notwithstanding the forced delay of the army as it was coming overland, to go immediately with his fleet to the port of Suàl; for althoughhe could not begin operations until the arrival of Esteybàr, yet hisappearance with his vessels in Pangasinàn in sight of Lingayèn, wouldbe of great use in terrifying the rebels, and in encouraging the loyal. 

24. The general did so, and although the prior desired to accompanythe fleet, the former would not consent, alleging as a reason thereforthat since Bolinào was so important a post, its conservation wasconsidered necessary, and the presence of the father religious wasinevitable for that, and also to provide the fleet with necessitiesin the accidents of war. On that ever propitious and sacred day ofthe Epiphany, after mass had been said, which was celebrated in theflagship by the father prior, the fleet left the port of Bolinào. Atfive in the afternoon it came within sight of Lingayèn, to the joy ofthe religious of St. Dominic, who had retired there from almost allof Pangasinàn, as it was the least exposed place. Until that momentthey had been besieged by constant frights. The general did notdare to go ashore, as many crowds of people were seen on the beach, who appeared to be hostile; as well as because he had yet no newsof the army, without which he had orders not to do anything, and hehad no forces for that. On that account the fleet kept tacking towindward on one tack and another for the space of three days. But atthe end of that time, a felucca was seen to cross the bar of Lingayènheaded toward the flagship. The father vicar of the said village cameaboard and informed the general that the Indians of that district, although they had risen, were maintained in their insurrection withgreat difficulty, and that without making pacts or contracts, desiredto surrender to the piety of the king, according to the arrangementsthat he had already discussed with the chiefs. Consequently, in hisopinion, the men could disembark without the slightest fear. 

25. A council of war was called to discuss the matter. The said fathervicar, and the father chaplain, Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion, were given a vote with the others, as was right. All were of theopinion that the general should land with all his soldiers in orderthat he might place himself in a position of defense for whatevermight happen. But that was unnecessary, for the Indians receivedhim with the greatest proofs of surrender, and from that time thevillage of Lingayèn, which is the capital of the province, was one ofthe most safe villages. The rebels who were there fled, as they werefearful of punishment. But at that same time, the sedition was verymuch alive in the rest of the province; for Màlong treated those whorefused obedience to him with the utmost rigor unless they had forceswith which to resist him. This rigor was seen in his native placeBinalatòngan, which he reduced to ashes, and allowed his soldiers tosack, as the Indians fearful of the Spaniards opposed his purposes. InIlòcos and Cagayàn, the provinces lying next to Pangasinàn, wasanother Indian Don Juan Manzàno, who acted as Màlong's agent, andwho was general of his armies. He burned villages, killed Indians, and reduced everything to the most fatal pass, because he claimedthat they denied obedience to our king. 

26. On that account, Ugalde knew that the sword would be necessaryin order to cut the gordian knot of so obstinate an insurrection. He, believing that since the Zambals were so valiant and were especiallyexperienced in the mountains, where the rebels had their haunts, theycould be of great use to the army, wrote the father prior of Bolinàoto procure a goodly levy of them, and send them out as soldiers, with the assurance that he would give them help. That famous herowent through the villages of Zambàles with the greatest diligence, and collected about three hundred of the most faithful, valiant, and well-intentioned Indians. They, furnished with their accustomedarms, and the above-mentioned Don Antonio Dàcap, being appointedmaster-of-camp with the necessary captains (whose titles the generalconfirmed, as did afterward the governor, as a payment for theirgood services) were despatched to Lingayèn, where they arrived onthe eighteenth of January. And in order that the joy of the fleetmight be complete, on the afternoon of that same day, the desirednews was received that the army of Esteybàr had entered the districtof Pangasinàn without having met any considerable disaster in itsdifficult march. Thereupon, Ugalde arranged his troops, in order togo to join him. When the two armies were united they began to worktogether. They attacked Màlong first, and after several engagements, the traitor was obliged to retire together with those who remained ofhis men, to certain inaccessible mountains, where they imagined thatthey would be safe. But here the valor of the Zambals shone forth, for directed by father Fray Bernardino who never deserted them, theypursued the rebels through crag and thicket, so that they compelledthem, defiling gradually one after the other, to surrender. FinallyMàlong himself fell into an ambush which was boldly set for him, and he was seized on February 6 whereupon the Pangasinàn war ended. 

27. But in order not to leave this matter without conclusion, wemust add that our army, immediately increased by some companies ofPangasinans (a nation that declared itself entirely favorable to theSpaniards as soon as Màlong was defeated), resolved after holdinga council of war to go immediately to Ilòcos for the purpose ofdestroying Manzano. But he with few men because many had been lostin several frays, retired to some desolate places where he built afort. Our captains attacked him, however, full in front, and inspiredby their example the soldiers and Indians, and conquered him. Manyof the enemy were slaughtered, and we on our side did not fail tolose many, because the resistance was especially obstinate. Manzanoescaped thence with some few of his men, and hid in certain mountains, but the Zambals, Pangasinans, and Cagayans pursued him, and finally, the justice of our arms prevailed. For, in order that no spark mightbe left which might kindle a new fire, he was also seized on March22. Thus was that difficult war ended, which had caused Manila manyterrors, for it caused not a few fears to the Spaniards. Thereupon, theprovinces continued to become pacified. The governor Don Sabiniano, in obedience to the action of the royal Audiencia, despatched acommissary-general of causes, so that, forming a tribunal togetherwith Esteybàr, Ugalde, and other necessary ministers, he might make aprocess in regard to those who had been most active among the rebels;and after giving such persons the necessary punishment, publish ageneral pardon, which would comprehend the remainder. It was reportedthen that the judges proceeded with too great rigor, but I should notbe so bold as to impute that guilt to them, for they aimed to spreada warning, without it ceasing to be very necessary. 

28. The least thing that was seen in the disorders of so unjust arebellion was the deaths that were caused, notwithstanding that theywere numerous. There was seen vengeance clothed with zeal; ambitionusurping the staff of justice; tyranny proclaiming liberty; treasonapplauded with adoration; and he who never knew the law of reason, making laws. There were seen thefts, conflagrations, profanationsof the temples, persecutions, scorn, and the evangelical ministerskilled sacrilegiously; the Catholic religion abandoned in great part;and the door opened to apostasy and infidelity. For what time, then, is the purpose of inexorable justice, if it is not applied at such atime? That was no sickness that could be cured by mild means when onlyiron and fire were found capable of reëstablishing that vast body inhealth, rigor exercised there being a preservative medicine for therest. And if, perchance, any innocent one paid what he did not owe, onemust reflect that public vengeance was inflicted by the hands of men, who, although they try to work with equity, are after all only men, and that they would cease to be men, if they proceeded without theleast defect in all things. At last among many others who sufferedthe last punishment, Màlong was shot in Lingayèn, Caucào hanged inBinalatòngan, Sumùlay in Bolinào, Sìrray in Masingloc, Dùrrey in Agno, and Manzàno, in the village of Bacàrra, killed himself in order toescape the hand of the hangman. But if some of them left the marksof treason in the Zambal nation, which is ever valiant and loyal tothe king, most of them in number and rank, washed away that stainmore than clean. Everything yielded the great praise to the discalcedAugustinians, who were able, by their exhortations, to restrain andmaintain the loyalty of so many Indians of their districts, despisingfor that purpose many perils. 

§ IV

Relation of the insurrection of the Sangleys or Chinese and how ourreligious aided in bringing about peace and victory. 

29. Outside the walls of the city of Manila, under the cannon of theplaza, there is a very thickly populated settlement called the Parién, where a large number of Chinese live. Those people are known thereunder the name of Sangleys. Although heathen they have been allowed toreside there for the sake of commerce and because they are employedin almost all the mechanical trades. It cannot be denied that thatnation fomented and maintained with aid and cunning the rebellionsof the Indians which we have just related. That is apparent, because, when the alcalde-mayor Don Francisco Pulido was killed in Pangasinàn, some Sangleys were found among the rebels, who contrived that undercover of the small boats they might capture the large vessel wherethe alcalde-mayor was defending his life very gallantly; and on thearrival of our naval fleet to explore the beach of Lingayèn, therewere seen there many armed men, consisting of Sangleys and Indians, as is affirmed by Father Santa Cruz, in volume 2 of his Dominicanhistory of the Philipinas. [10] But it is still more fully shown bythe many bodies of Sangleys which were found in the field wheneverthere was an engagement with the rebels, for on all occasions theyserved the Indians as auxiliaries. Let us examine the motive for theChinese taking part in a war that concerned them so little. 

[Here follows a brief description of China and an account of thevictories of the Tartars about this time, the alliance of the pirateKuesing with the legitimate Chinese king Junglie, and followingthe latter's death, the retreat of the pirate to Formosa whence heexpels the Dutch. His design to make the conquest is also related, and his embassy by Father Victorio Riccio to Manila, demanding "promptvassalage, and a huge tribute from the islands, and threatening themost bloody war if Spaniards and Indians did not obey this obligationand recognize him as king. " The Chinese in Manila, hating the Tartarsand favorable to Kuesing, begin to raise disturbances. Their angeris also further aroused by a commercial treaty between the Spaniardsand the Tartar emperor of China. But little attention is paid tothe Chinese of the Parián, however, but both interior and exteriorfortifications are strengthened and constructed in case of an attackby Kuesing. The narrative continues:]

34. For this purpose some scaffolds were built outside the wall sothat the pioneers might work comfortably. This, which was a meansfor fortification, might, had not the divine aid intervened, havebeen the cause of the loss of the city, the center of the faith inAssia and a firm column of the Catholic religion. For the Sangleysdetermined with the utmost secrecy not to let the opportunity slip, but, on the contrary, to seize time by the forelock, and to climbin great numbers by night by means of those scaffolds which werenot guarded in proportion to the danger. They thought that if theydid so, and first gained the wall by an unexpected and furtive rushthey could obtain the mastery of the city immediately without anyopposition. In fact they would have planned well had it not been thatGod tied their hands. It happened, then, that the father sacristan ofour convent going down one morning to arrange the altar of the SantoEcce Homo (an image of which mention was made in volume iii, [11] aswell as the great devotion that Governor Don Sabiniano had for it), found at its divine feet a message reading as follows: "Governor, guard thy city, for they are trying to take thee by surprise. " Thesacristan immediately put that message into the hands of the fatherprior. The latter, considering that no one had to hide himself inorder to give such advice, (for, if it were true, any person wouldbe assured of a not small reward), he formed the concept that thatnotice came from the hand of God; and above all that it would be wellto inform the governor of it. For where there are so many enemies, the most careful watch is none too much. 

35. Consequently, he took the message to the governor, to whom he toldthe manner in which he had found it. The prudent superior not onlyesteemed the caution, but he doubled his care and vigilance by visitingthe walls and sentinels hourly. But on the morning of the followingday, another more detailed paper was found in the same place, whichread as follows: "Governor, guard thy city. Remove the scaffoldingsfrom the walls, and do not trust anyone, for the enemy are verynear thee. " The father prior also took that message to the governor, alleging that because of his quality as a good vassal, he could notavoid giving him that annoyance. But the governor was not annoyedbut instead thanked him again and again, and in his presence had anadjutant, one Don Joseph Zamora, summoned, and ordered the latter toremove the scaffolding of the walls, and double the guards in all theposts. It was afterwards learned how important the arrangement thathas been practiced had been, for it was discovered when the deservedpunishment was meted out to the insurgents that the surprise of thecity was to have been attempted on the night following that day, butthat they had not succeeded because what was to have served them asa ladder had been removed. 

36. The Sangleys seeing the destruction of their designs, resolved, at the beginning of the year 1662, to arm suddenly one day, withthe weapons which came first to hand, and to take the city openly, for they trusted too much to their valor. There is a gate in thecity called the gate of the Parián, which gives on the Sangleysettlement, and innumerable numbers of that nation enter the citythrough it hourly. They would find it easy if some of them were tomake themselves masters of this gate, for the others to enter thecity armed. By a special Providence of God, as brother Fray Diegode Santa Ana, one of our religious lay-brothers, went to adjust anaccount with a certain Sangley, on the morning of the day on whichthey had resolved to make the attack, he observed that the Chinesewere in great disorder, and he even heard some words indicative ofarrogance, and that they were premeditating some sedition. The brotherunderstood the Chinese language somewhat, and having conceived thesaid suspicion, he went about the Parián carefully and joined inconversation cunningly with several Sangley acquaintances. By thatmeans originated the confirmation of his fears. He advised a captain ofeverything, who took him into the presence of the governor so that hemight inform the latter. Upon receiving that information, the guardsof the gates and of the walls were doubled without any confusion, and most opportune orders were given secretly for the artillerymenand soldiers to be prepared to resist any attack. 

37. Scarce six o'clock could have struck, when the Sangleys advancedto the gate of the city in a confused mass, with such violence thatdoubtless they would have gained it, had our men not been so preparedfor its defense. With the regular discharge of the artillery, andwith the muskets of the guards, many of them were killed. At thatmisfortune the others retired as furiously as they had begun theattack. But honoring our discalced religious greatly the governorwas wont to say whenever he saw brother Fray Diego, that next to thepatronage of the Santo Ecce Homo, the defense of the city was due tohis opportune advice. The enemy having been repulsed in this manner, aportion of them, about two thousand, threw themselves into the river inorder to cross it. About three hundred of them having perished there, the others fled to the mountains. As they passed it, they left ourconvent and church of San Sebastian reduced to ashes. Its buildinghad been finished but a short time before, as it had been burnedduring another insurrection. It could not but cause time and troubleto reduce those rebels, but it was accomplished at last althoughaccompanied with the shedding of much blood. They were pursued onone side by the Pampango Indians and on the other by the Zambals, who were led and captained by our religious. The remaining Sangleys, who reached the number of ten thousand, took their stand on the fieldin front of the walls, thus causing not a little anxiety to Manila. Butthey were so disposed that, anticipating a general pardon, conceded bythe governor, with the exception of some few leaders, before nightfallthey were all subdued, and that troubled sea was totally calm. 

38. Father Palanco, [12] a Dominican, declared very truly in thememorial which he presented to the king, on that rebellion ofthe Sangleys, "that all the Orders worked and aided with singularvigilance on that occasion exposing their lives to the service ofboth Majesties. " For the individuals of all the orders endeavored toexcel, as ever, in their zeal and deeds, now by taking arms to go tothe defense of the walls, just as the most ordinary soldier might do;now imploring divine clemency with supplications and prayers; and anonassisting with advice and information. But there is no doubt that, as is inferred from the abovesaid, our Recollects had a great sharein that victory, and that they shared considerably in the dangers ofthe war. Thus are they able without failing in their obligations asevangelical ministers, to serve their earthly king on all occasions, as professors of both militias. 

[Sections v-vii relate the lives of various Recollects, both priestsand lay-brothers, who died in Spanish convents at this time. No oneof them had been in the Philippine missions. ]

CHAPTER II

Our province of Philipinas extends its apostolic preaching to thedistricts called Contracosta [i. E. , the opposite coast]. FatherFrayAgustin de San Ildephonso, a learned and holy religious, dies inTobòso. 

The Year 1662

§ I

The missions of the Contracosta, whither the preaching has spread, are received into our province of Philipinas, and four conventsare founded. 

64. [The Philippines, says our author, may be regarded as the limitsof the earth, and hence the text of Isaias xviii, 2, may be regardedas spoken of the Philippines, in which the gospel is to be published. ]

65. In obedience to the insinuation of that text, even before theroots necessary for its subsistence had been fixed our discalcedcongregation despatched apostolic missionaries to the above-mentionedislands, in order that they might be illumined by the splendorsof the evangelical doctrine, and enriched by the examples of itsangelic perfection. It was not content with that first squadron, for the undertaking commenced has been prosecuted at various times, and a great number of its sons have been sacrificed to an undertakingas arduous as useful. We have already seen in the preceding volumes, the greatness of their actions in the conversion of the most terriblepeoples of that archipelago, in Zambàles, Carahaga, Calamiànes, andthe islands of Romblòn. In this volume we shall treat of the spreadof the faith, which was extended into other villages, a proof thatnew zeal has ever been gathered, also born of the salvation of theirneighbors. But at present we shall speak of a new field, which washanded over to the cultivation of our ever sure workers in the islandof Luzòn and the Contracosta of Manila. And although that field wasabandoned afterwards for lack of evangelical ministers, there is noreason why endeavors so meritorious should be forgotten. Let our pen, therefore, be busied in the relation of these labors. 

66. The island of Luzòn, which is the largest and chiefest of thePhilipinas, has the appearance of an arm somewhat bent, according tothe description of father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio. [13]It has a circumference of more than four hundred Spanish leguas, andlies between twelve and nineteen degrees of latitude. Not far from thepoint of San Tiago, which we shall pretend to be the elbow of this arm, journeying thence toward cape Bogeador, lies the great bay of Manila, in the center of which this city is located. It is the capital of allthe possessions of the Spanish scepter in these islands. Lapping thewalls of Manila is a large river which empties at that place intothe sea. By it one ascends to the Lake of Bay, and on the oppositeshore of that lake one finds the village of Sinilòan. Thence to theport of Lampòn, which is located on the Contracosta of Manila, andcomes to be as it were, inside of the arm, one need only pass themountains of Daraètan, and Cabòan, which is a crossing of five orsix leguas. Consequently, in order to go by sea from Manila to theport of Lampòn, one must sail about one hundred and forty leguas;but by ascending the river and crossing over the lake to Sinilòan, and crossing the mountains of Daraètan and Cabòan there is scarcetwenty leguas of distance. 

67. In the environs, then, of the port of Lampòn, following the coastopposite the bay of Manila, are the districts of Binangònan, Balèr, Casigùran, and Palànan composed of various villages and collectionsof huts. The first three belonged at first to the alcaldeshipor province of Mindòro. Since in the year 1588, the discalcedFranciscan fathers Fray Estevan Ortiz and Fray Juan de Pòrras weredestined to that jurisdiction, they gathered most seasonable fruitsin the above-mentioned districts, having sown there the seed of theCatholic name. However, having been called to other parts by theirobedience, they could not further the Church in those districts, muchas they desired it. The venerable martyr, Fray Francisco de SantaMaria, completed the perfection of the work, by forming the threeabove-mentioned missions with a sufficient number of the faithfulwho were withdrawn from the darkness of paganism by the influencesof a zeal so seraphic. Afterwards other workers of the same familyextended their missions down the beach toward the province of Cagayànor Nueva Segovia, and founded the village and district of Palànan. Withthat there were four missions situated on that Contracosta, and theFranciscan province kept the administration of them in their own handsfor many years. They hoped that, although there were but few peopleand conveniences, as the mountains which were peopled by pagans werenear by, they could continue ever to increase the flock of Christ, as they did do without ceasing, the sword of the evangelical preachingfencing with the advantage gained by repeated triumphs. [14]

68. But since in this time with which the history is concerned, the boat of the above-mentioned province found itself with a greatquantity of fish in its nets, and with few fishers in its number forthe support of the work, they called to their aid the individuals ofour holy province. Nothing more than a sign was necessary to make themhasten thither, expressing their thanks for the opportunity. AlthoughI have been unable to ascertain the year with certainty, I havefoundation for the conjecture that in the chapter celebrated in theyear 1662, the Franciscan fathers invited our Recollect family totake the above-mentioned missions of the Contracosta. They allegedthat they were unable to attend to so many villages, whose caredevolved upon them, because of the lack of religious. They promisedto cede those missions to the Recollects, and not to retain any rightof reversion. Those missions were not very desirable, both becauseof the wretchedness of the earth, and because of the small numberof tributes that they contained. For, although they had increasedgreatly with the new conversions, they only contained 4, 800 Christiansouls in the year 1738, as was asserted by the historian of thatseraphic province. [15] But our Recollect order has obtained awrit which was gained in Philipinas to occupy the least profitableposts so far as earth is concerned, but the most meritorious inthe heavens. Consequently, those zealous fathers received that workimmediately, and forthwith assigned evangelical ministers to cultivatethe new vineyard, increasing the rational vines in it with the careand zeal which the seraphic workers had managed to exert thitherto. 

69. In consequence of this, the province chose father Fray Benitode San Joseph, Fray Francisco de San Joseph, and Fray Clementede San Nicolàs, with three others whose names we have been unableto discover. They took formal charge of the districts and foundedthe following convents. Near the bay and port of Lampòn, somewhatinland toward the mountain, is located the village of Binangònan, and there the first house and church was established with the titleof San Guillermo. Two religious were left there. The Tagálog languageis spoken in that territory, although it belongs to the province ofTayàbas and to the bishopric of Camarìnes, or as it is called, NuevaCàceres. The ministers assigned to that village attended to variousscattered collections of huts along the bays of Lampòn and Umirèy, as well as to the reduction of the infidels which extends alongthe neighboring mountains for the distance of twelve or fourteenleguas. Going thence following the coast to the north, one meetsthe river and village of Valèr. Another convent was founded there, titular and patron of which was St. Nicholas of Tolentino. It belongsto the same language, province, and bishopric, as the other. Onlyone religious was stationed there, although afterward, according tothe times, two lived there. They tended to the mission which was verylaborious because of its size, and labored in the conversion of theAetas, heathen of the neighboring mountains, which allow passage fromValèr to the province of Pampànga through the territory of Patabànganand Santòr, by a not long, but very rough road. 

70. Sailing along the same coast toward Cape Engaño one comes to thebay of Casigùran, which has a circumference of twelve leguas. On itsshore is located the village of the same name. The third convent waserected there and was given the title of our father St. Augustine. Itbelongs also to the Tagálog language, the province of Tayàbas, andthe bishopric of Camarìnes. Two religious resided there generally, and sometimes three, for they extended their administration to manyleguas of coast, and their zeal for the spread of the faith to theextensive mountains near by, which being filled with Aètas, blacks, and Calìngas heathen gave worthy although most toilsome occupationto the messengers of the law of grace. From one extremity of the bayof Casigùran, the point called San Ildephonso protrudes three leguasseaward. At its head end the province of Tayàbas and the bishopricof Camarìnes. Having doubled that point, and after one has navigatedten or twelve leguas northward one comes to the village and districtof Palànan, which belongs to the bishopric and province of Cagayànor Nueva Segovia. The fourth convent is founded there, and bearsthe title of Santa Maria Magdalena. And although all the religiouswho could be assigned to that mission illumined it, consideringthe lack of them from which this holy province usually suffers, yet notwithstanding this, it could always be said that the harvestwas great and the laborers few. For besides the Christians alreadyreduced, the fathers had to contend with an innumerable number ofheathen who overran the neighboring mountains for a distance of morethan thirty leguas from the point of San Ildephonso to Cape Engaño. 

71. I assert that I have several times heard from fathers Fray Valerode San Salvador and Fray Silvestre de la Purificacion (who passed aconsiderable portion of their well-employed lives in those missions, and whom I knew in Manila, and who attained a venerable and exemplaryage) that from the admission of that territory by our province tothe year 1704, the multitude of infidels who were turned by thepreaching of our brothers from the unhappy liberty of paganism tothe mild yoke of the Catholic faith, was vast. For, notwithstandingthat there were three or four epidemics in all those villages inthe above-named period, which occasioned the death of an excessiveportion of the old Christians, the settlements were replaced bythose newly converted. Consequently, the lack was not observed, forthe same number of tributes were collected for the king during thelatter years as during the first. This same thing is attested by thedocuments and depositions that I have before me, which designate theRecollect religious who lived on the Contracosta with the characterof laborers in the living missions because of the many souls thattheir apostolic zeal drew to the sheepfold of the Church. 

72. But notwithstanding that, the fruit must have caused entireconsolation as it was so visible, and given greater earnestness tocontinue. That fatal interruption of missions in which no workersof our Recollect family passed to Philipinas from España from theyear 1692 to that of 1710, having occurred, the province found itimpossible to give, as it had done hitherto six or eight religious forthose missions because their exhaustion made them needed for othermissions. Although our brothers were more than men in their zeal, in material work they could do nothing more than men. Therefore, itwas impossible to look after so great an employ as they had in theircharge, since they had so few subjects. And already it is seen thatif necessity obliged them to abandon any district, it must be that ofthe Contracosta. They did not regard that as a conquest proper, butas received in trust. It was so, for in the provincial chapter heldin the year 1704, after that apostolic province had possessed thosedoctrinas and convents for more than forty years, it was resolved toabandon them all, and return them to their first masters, the religiousof St. Francis, as they could not attend to their administration. Thoseseraphic workers, learning the reason; took new charge of those soulsin order to attend to them with the bread of the instruction. On thisaccount, the above-mentioned convents do not now belong to the order, and the villages of the Contracosta are not in our charge. But thenarration of the so plausible readinesss practiced by our oldtimeheroes has been deemed indispensable. In due time, namely, the year1703, when the prodigious life of the venerable mantelata [16] Juanade Jesus, whose virtue sprang from the teaching of our religious, isrelated, one will see that with that fruit alone all their evangelicalattempts can be considered as well employed. 

[The second and last section of this chapter deals with the life ofFray Agustin de San Ildephonso, who died in the convent of Toboso, Spain, during this year 1662. He was never in the Philippines. ]

[Section i of chapter iii treats of the seventh general chapter of theorder, which was held in Alcalá de Henares in 1663. Sections ii andiii narrate the life of Fray Juan de San Antonio, an ex-provincial ofthe Philippines. Born of a noble family in Granada, he early showedgreat precocity and attained proficiency in his studies while veryyoung. Being strongly called to the religious life he entered theRecollect convent at Granada, September 13, 1617, at the age oftwenty and professed the following year. After a short course intheology he went to Mexico in 1619, whence after another course intheology in that city he was sent to Manila, where he was ordainedpriest after a third theological course, in 1621. The followingyear found him master of novitiates in Manila convent. Although hisparents obtained permission for him to return to Spain, in 1624, hepreferred to remain in the field which he had chosen. That same yearhe was prior of the convent of Igaquet and was later occupied in manymissions, especially in Calamianes. In 1635 he was elected definitor, and desirous of preaching the gospel in Japan, made two attemptsto penetrate that empire, both of which were failures, the secondtime sickness not even allowing him to leave the Philippines. He waselected prior of Manila convent in 1638 and after his three years'term worked again in the missions of Calamianes and composed twohooks in the language of that district, one of moral sermons andthe other an explanation of the catechism. In 1644 he was electedprovincial almost by acclamation. His term was a busy one, and anumber of churches and convents were erected during it. During thedisastrous earthquake of 1645, he rendered distinct service. He beganthe repair of the Recollect church and convent of Manila, which hadbeen partially destroyed by the earthquake. At the end of his term heretired to his cell in Manila, but became implicated in some way withthe civil-religious troubles that rose during the governorship of DiegoFaxardo, and he was arrested in 1651 and sent to Marivelez. With thechange of government, he returned to Manila, and then retired to theCavite convent, where he died from an illness in January 1663. He waspure minded and austere in his devotions. The fourth and last sectionof this chapter narrates the life of a Recollect who died in 1663 atthe convent of Zaragoza, Spain. ]

[Chapter iii recounts the lives of three Recollect religious who diedin the year 1664, only the first of whom was in the Philippines. Thiswas Fray Joseph de la Anunciacion, and his life is discussed in thefirst two sections. He was born in Madrid and took the Recollecthabit in that city, October 8, 1615. He was chosen for the Philippinemissions and arrived at Manila in 1623. Most of his work in theislands was as Spanish preacher, and his work lay principally in theconvents of Manila, San Juan, San Sebastian, Cavite, and Cebú. He didconsiderable work among the native Filipinos, the Chinese, mestizos, negroes, and mulattoes, ever in the Spanish language, but he was ableto adapt himself well to their degree of intelligence. His preachingwas especially effective in the city of Cebú which was more denselypopulated in his time than a century later. His influence was farreaching among all classes. Twice he was elected provincial of hisorder--April 8, 1635, and May 7, 1650. His terms were active andproductive of good work. Recollects began their work in the island ofRomblon under his directions, and he attempted to send missionaries toJapan. During his term also Recollects were successful in pacifyingmany disaffected districts. His death occurred in the Cebú conventof which he was prior at the time. ]

CHAPTER VIII

Treating of the hardships endured by our religious in Philipinas, because of various persecutions that occurred in our fields ofChristendom. 

The year 1668

§ I

Abridged relation of the persecutions of our holy faith in Philipinas, from the year 1640 to the year under consideration, 1668, and whichare not mentioned in the preceding volumes. 

307. He who would like to know what manner of province is ours inPhilipinas and its height of love to God and its neighbor, whichthat Lord has given to it, who is so well able to inculcate charity, must not be governed only by the immense zeal of its individuals inalluring souls into the sheepfold of the Church but as well by thecontinual persecutions which they have suffered in order that theymight maintain that field of Christendom in the purity of the faith, despising their lives at each step in order to preserve it. Thelack of fear of death, by which those valiant soldiers of the Godof armies have sustained the field of battle against all the powerof the gates of hell, is doubtless one of the greatest of miracleswhich divine Providence has hung in its temple in this world, tothe no small glory of these provinces of España, that have becomesuch marvels of charity through so good milk, that they considerand have considered it an honor to suffer and even to die, in orderto defend that harassed church. Many events in confirmation of thistruth are drawn With most accurate brush in the preceding volumesof this history. By them one may see that our brothers have left usexamples worthy of imitation by incessantly placing in practice thehighest perfection of exposing their lives to death for the assistanceand consolation of certain poor Indians, that they might encouragethem in the continual invasions of the Moros. But notwithstanding thegreat skill that accompanied the painters of so idealistic canvasses, I find in a lower degree not a few pictures worthy of immortality, for without doubt the colors of the notices were lacking, which areso indispensable to form the pictures in the painting of history. Ihaving obtained trustworthy relations of the many misfortunes thatassaulted our fields of Christendom and their directors from theyear 1640 until the present of 1668, which is under consideration, itwould not be laudable to leave such trophies buried in forgetfulness, although the copy, which would have been most accurate if done bythe brushes of the other writers, be disfigured. 

308. To continue; Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuèra, governor ofPhilipinas, thought that by building and garrisoning some strongholdsin Tolò [i. E. , Joló], an island which is given over to the perfidyof Mahomet and is the nesting place of the robbers of the wholearchipelago, he could restrain its inhabitants by preventing themfrom going to our villages with their fleets as they had done untilthat time, with the sequel of innumerable depredations. He put thatidea into practice in the year 1638, after the conclusion of thewar with the koran, in the beginning of which when the sword wasdrawn the scabbard was thrown away. But neither his valor nor thatdiligence were sufficient for the attainment of his end. For in theyear 1640, now by the Joloans themselves, and now by means of theBorneans their allies, and now by making use of their vassals whoinhabited the adjacent islands, they tried to find in sea surprisessome betterment of their fortune or some havoc by which to temperit. With that object they attacked missions belonging to our reformedorder both boldly and treacherously in the districts of Calamiànes, Butuàn, and Cagayang; and it is a fact that we always had the worstof it in those wars. They committed depredations very much to theirliking, with the boldness that their greed gave them and with theseverity which their hatred to the evangelical law inspired inthem. The captives who were taken in our villages on that occasionnumbered three hundred and more. The churches were ruined, the holyimages profaned, the evangelical ministers became fugitives in themountains, the sheep were scattered as their shepherds could not attendto them with their watchful eye, the villages were reduced to ashes, and all of those fields of Christendom became the necessary objectof the most bitter lamentation. 

309. They did almost the same thing in the three following years, and there was no means of taking worthy satisfaction from enemies soinhuman who, like wild and hellish beasts, destroyed a great portionof the rich patrimony of Christ which had flourished in that countryunder the care of our discalced order. The devastation was so generalthat it appears to have been presaged by heaven with very extraordinaryportents. For on the fourth day of January, 1640, a volcano suddenlyburst forth in the island of Sanguiz, not far from the cape of SanAgustin in the island of Mindanao, which showed very rare and unusualresults. For the ashes, rocks, and burning material which it cast uptraveled for many leguas as far as Zebù. Noises like artillery wereheard, which caused the Spanish garrisons to get under arms, andthe day grew dark from ten in the morning, so that it seemed pitchblack night. The same thing happened in another volcano in an isletopposite the bar of the river of Jolò. There was a furious hurricanein the island of Luzòn up toward the province of Ilòcos in the partwhere the Igolòtes live. That hurricane was followed by the mostfrightful earthquake, and the earth swallowed up three inaccessiblemountains with as many settlements which were located at the foot ofthe mountains, and in the space left a large lake was formed. Suchwas the noise at the dislocation of the huge mass of those mountains, that it was heard not only in all the Philipinas Islands and inMalùco but also in the kingdoms of Cochinchina, China, and Cambòja, throughout a circumference of more than nine hundred leguas. So greatwas the persecution that it was believed to have been announced bythe so great heaping together of surprises and misfortunes. [17]

310. But the time when the Moros gave full rein to their barbaric fury, was from the beginning of the year 1645, for then they were freedfrom the terror that had been caused them by Corcuèra who had justbeen succeeded in the government of the islands by the master-of-campDon Diego Fajardo. The arrival also of two ships well manned withDutchmen at Jolò and which had been asked for by Prince Salicàla, theheir to the scepter, for the purpose of destroying the strongholdswhich the Spaniards held in the said island, gave them at that timea motive for employing greater power in their piracies. Althoughthe commandant of those strongholds, Don Estevan de Orella Hugalde, caused the enemy to return to their factories badly the losers, and without having obtained the end of their attempt, the Joloanswere able, through their protection, to launch three squadrons whichfilled our villages with fear and confusion. It is no new thing inthat continent for the heretics to lend arms to the pagans and tothe Mahometans in order to put down the Christian name. A savageend it is to pit themselves for the private ends of trade and in areligious war, on the side of the koran and of idolatry, which theythemselves condemn, against the gospel, which they persecute withfury. The three fleets went out then, for their campaign, and nothaving anyone to oppose them, the enemy filled their boats with whatthey called spoils, took about two hundred captives, persecuted ourreligious as ever, with mortal hate, and destroyed fifteen villages, almost all of them of our spiritual administration, and they filledCalamiànes especially with bitterness and grief. 

311. The Dutch were not content with protecting the Moros, in orderthat they might persecute the name of Christ, but they themselves triedto drive that name from all that archipelago. Among all the disunitedmembers of the Spanish monarchy, which the Dutch have endeavored to cutoff from it, (in order that their power might wax more formidable atthe expense of another) they have ever cast their eyes on the honorableand wealthy dominion of the Philipinas Islands. That country is suchfor their designs and trade, that better could not be desired: bothbecause from there they were assured of all the trade of China, Japòn, Cochinchina, Cambòja, and the Malùcas; and because they were guaranteedthe best woods for the building of their ships that can be found onthe whole round earth. For that reason, the Dutch have left no stoneunturned in all times if it pertained to the maxim of their desire, as can be deduced from several passages which are to be found in theprevious decades and are necessary for the intelligence of the historythat is treated in them. [18] The year, then, of 1646, they were seenwith fifteen warships. With five of them they besieged the district ofPlayahònda, while seven of them were stationed in the Embocadero orstrait of San Bernardino, and the remaining three filled the islandsof the Pintados with fear. Our villages of Masìnloc, Iba, Marivèlez, Romblòn, Bantòn, and Surigào, suffered more harm and vexation thanusual, of which the greater part touched the religious ministers. 

312. Two galleons left Cavìte and fought first with five ships andtwice afterwards with seven, and obtained three victories which wereclearly miraculous. For they destroyed the enemy, without receivingany special damage, and the enemy were compelled to abandon theirattempts for the nonce. Although father Fray Balthassar de SantaCruz attributes all of the prodigy to Our Lady of the Rosary withsufficient foundation, [19] we, while confessing the might of soholy a warrior, must suggest that St. Nicholas of Tolentino had nosmall part in it, whom the soldiers, persuaded by two Recollects, asis mentioned in volume 3 of this history, who served as chaplains inour small fleet, also invoked as the sworn patron of those seas. [20]But under shelter of the Dutch enemy, who continued their attemptswith no more success the two following years, the Moros, alwaysemboldened, transgressed all bounds, attacking ceaselessly thevillages of the Spanish dominion. For, although Corralàt, king ofMindanào, kept quiet during so dangerous a season for reasons of hisown convenience, and had even acted as mediator so that Butria Bòngso, king of Jolò should make peace with our arms, which was done April 14, 1646, none of all that was sufficient to give quiet to that fieldof Christendom. Mahometan perfidy took the pretext that the JoloanPrince Salicàla and Paguyàn Cachile, prince of the Guinbanos, [21]and seignior of Tuptup in Bornèy, should refuse to sign the peace. Withthat excuse those princes, aided in secret by those kings, peopled thesea with boats and caused unspeakable damage to Calamiànes, Camiguìn, and Romblòn. 

313. That was not the only fatal consequence that followed from thoseinhuman premises which were set by the Dutch. For if we had thithertoseen the aliens fighting against the faith, from the year 1649 thevery sons of the Church worked for its destruction. The Dutch incitedthe Indians, already Christian and subject, to withdraw themselvesfrom the mild yoke of Spain, the country which had drawn them fromthe darkness of paganism, and kept them on the road to salvation. Norwere they deaf to the voices filled with the fraud most difficult torecognize, for since they carried the agreeable sound of liberty, theysecretly induced them to undergo the most tyrannical subjection; andGod permitting by His secret judgments excessive flights to audacityand shamelessness for the credit of the virtuous and the crownof the just; the most cowardly of nations were seen with surpriseand the nakedness of the Indians was armed against the invinciblesword of the Spaniards. The insurrection began in the village ofPalapàg in the province of Hibabào in the island of Sàmar, whence thegood outcome of the first action traveling on the wings of unsteadyreport, found minds so ready throughout the islands of Pintàdos, that(just as if the counsel were common, and they were only awaiting thesignal in order to do it), the temples were burned in many places, and sacred things profaned. The evangelical ministers fled, and therebels retiring to the loftiest mountains, imagined that they coulddefend their former barbarity there. 

314. Our reformed order had enough things to bewail in thoserevolutions; for in addition to the tragedies of Linao, whichare related in volume 3, [22] the villages of Cagayàng, Camiguin, Hingòog, Romblòn, Bantòn, and Cibuyàn added wood to the fire of thesedition. If the promised help of the Dutch had come over and abovethe boldness of the Indians, it is inferred that what had taken somany years to conquer would have been lost in a few days. But Godwho always punishes as a father those who try to serve Him, measuredthe times so accurately, that amid the echoes of the insurrection, the proclamations of the peace which had been arranged between Españaand Olanda resounded in Manila. With that the Catholic arms were freedfrom their chastisement, and all things returned to their pristinequiet. That was not the case with the Moros, who were then and formany years after, the perennial enemies of that afflicted field ofChristianity. Barbarously blinded in their treacherous gains as if itwere a thing done, they made a practice of going every year to takecaptives in the islands of our administration, often outraging thetemples sacrilegiously and not a single one that was near the beachescaped profanation and they utterly abused everything intended forreligious worship, with great scorn to the name of Christian. Theycut the sacred vestments, into robes and other garments [capisayos], and they destined the ciboriums and sacred chalices to the dirty useof their wine, tobacco, and buyo. 

315. But it did not so happen, I return to say. For notwithstandingthat they were a terror every year from that of 1649 to 1655 becauseof their piracies, now in some and now in other parts, they remainedwithout the due punishment although so sacrilegious insults demandedit so justifiably. Without fear of our arms, they overran thoseseas at will, trusting their security to their swiftness; for theirboats were built on purpose for piracy, and ours compared to theirsof lead. It happened not once only that they were taken because ofcarelessness between the bars of the rivers with forces sufficient tomake one consider their destruction sure; but they got out laughingon one side or the other, amid the discharge of their artillery. Andthe forces of Manila, Zebù, Zamboàngan, and Carhàga, which were notdespicable squadrons, served no other purpose than to scare off theevil, so that the persecution might be enormously expanded. Theycarried their insolence so far that two small vessels with butsmall crews, dashed into the bay of Manila one of the above years, and almost in sight of that capital, seized a caracoa from Iloilowith the rich cargo aboard it. Then they went out haughtily, and noone could take their prize from them, or punish their arrogance. Inview of this one may infer how harassed were the distant villages, and how filled with tribulations were our religious ministers, whoever occupied the most advanced and dangerous posts. 

316. It even transcended the tragic representation of so dolefulmisfortunes, when in the year 1655 Corralàt, king of Mindanào, proclaimed war against the Christian name. He began his treachery bythe inhuman murders of two fathers of the Society whom their rank asambassadors, which is so greatly respected by the law of nations, didnot aid. That prince was in Philipinas what Gustavus Adolphus, kingof Suecia, was in Alemania, namely, the thunderbolt of Lucifer, thescourge of Catholicism, and the Attila of the evangelical ministers, who never practiced courtesy toward them except when force or somereason of state compelled him so to do. For his private conveniencehe had pretended that he was peaceful in public during the precedingyears. But now with no other reason than his fury, he gave licenseto his vassals to infest the Christian villages; and they did itlike a river which overflows its bed, after having rid itself ofthe embarrassment of its dikes. He was not content with that, but inorder to give greater flights to his impiety, he excused it among theneighboring Moros under the name of a religious war; and under thattitle he invited to it the Borneans, Tidorans, and Joloans, so thatconfederated with him into one body they might unfurl the banners ofthe perfidious Mahomet, without stopping until they utterly destroyedthe law of grace. 

317. He incited so great an uprising against that straitened fieldof Christendom that, although the previous persecutions that theMoros had practiced against it were so inhuman, (as may be seen inthe places of this history cited in the margin) [23] they were allassuredly less intolerable than those which were now incited; for nowfury and barbarity were carried to the extreme. That was so fiercethat disinterested pens did not hesitate to compare it with the lastof antichrist; so persevering, that until the year 1668, of which thishistory is treating, and the year when the relations which we followend, there was not a single instant of rest; so shameless that ruin wasseen almost at the very gates of Manila; and so universal that but fewvillages of our administration escaped being the theater of war andthe lamentable object of its misfortunes. This is a brief compendiumof the tragic events which happened in the Philippine church, whichwas surrounded on all sides by the waters of contradiction, as isthe territory of those islands by the salt waves of the sea. Thisis a sketch of the cold winds, which, notwithstanding the heat ofits climate, parched in great part the wavy exuberance of that leafygarden, so abounding in the flowers of Christianity and the maturefruits of virtue. Let us now consider with the most possible brevity, a concise sketch of the glory which was obtained by our discalcedorder in return for the hardships which overwhelmed its evangelicalworkers at so calamitous a time. We warn the reader that we shallfollow no other chronological order than chance offers. 

§ II

Of the hardships of our religious during these persecutions. Thevenerable father, Fray Antonio de San Agustin, dies at the hands ofthe Moros, in glorious martyrdom. 

318. In the above-mentioned pillaging, [24] which God permitted forso many years, the Moros were triumphant, the Catholic arms rebuffed, the Christian villages without other defense than that of heaven, and the Indians drowned in the sea of tribulations. Moreover, as thesword of the persecutor, also that of greed and vengeance, was movedby the hatred of our holy faith, the direction of its greatest forcewas toward the sowers of the gospel. Daily did religious who had beendriven from their ministries and missions bring to Manila news ofentire villages ruined, the outcries of priests who had been captured, and letters which announced the death of others. All was confusion, all lamentation, all chaos, where the enemies of God were tryingto elevate their throne in the darkness upon so bloody and confusedinjustice. It has already been seen that our Recollects had to suffergreatly, since they occupy the vanguard of the army of God in Carhàgaand Calamianes; but that was irremediable in so disastrous a storm. Theship was seen to be buffeted hither and yon by the waves; and it wasimpossible that the sailors should not suffer from the buffeting. Thewinds were both violent and hostile; the ship could not but be dashedfrom one side to another. The hurricane was both furious and fierce;necessarily the pilots had to suffer greatly. 

319. Our provincials called out for relief, exciting pity by therelation of their churches which had been burned and profaned; of theirsheep that had been scattered, and many of them lost; and by theirsubjects who had been killed or captured, or at the least obliged tohide in the mountains, where deprived of all necessity, they sufferedindescribable misery, traveling in the inconveniences and darknessof the night in order to fulfil their obligation as missionaries. ButManila is, as a rule, the place where least attention is paid to thewretchedness of the poor Indians and to the misfortunes of the gospelworkers; for, since the citizens are busied in their Asiatic andAmerican trade, the only thing that troubles them is any oppositionto their profits. Very few are the Spaniards who risk themselves insmall boats to seek profit from island to island; and consequently, they hear of misfortunes, which ought to cause the greatest horror, quietly and without any special disturbance. The passages fromsome islands to others being occupied and even embarrassed by Morocraft, the latter cause those who sail thither innumerable ruin; butmany of the inhabitants of Manila have very little or, perhaps, nofeeling. If news arrives that a religious has been killed or captured, some insolent tongue is not wanting to break out with the ballad asinfamous as ancient, that the king brings us for this, namely, tosuffer and die in defense of the law of God; as if it were compatiblewith the royal piety to abandon the defenseless ministers of Christ, however much they may expose themselves with heroic mind to endurea thousand martyrdoms. Nothing in short, matters to those people, ifit do not touch their persons or interests: neither the misfortunesnor the violent deaths of their neighbors, nor the outrages ofhis Majesty's vassals, nor the losses of his royal treasury in thetributes which are lessened by such confusions, because the Indiansare lost by the thousand. 

320. Although the captain-general tries, as a good minister, to attendto such wrongs, it is quite common that he is unable to do all thathe tries; now because of the depletion of the royal treasury, whosefunds do not suffice to meet the calls upon it; and now since he mustproceed with the advice of the council of war in which those have manyvotes who understand only what pertains to the exercise of merchants, although they sign their names with military titles. If the vesselsin which they are interested are in danger, all difficulties areconquered, for there is no one who does not hasten with vote andmoney to fit out fleets to oppose the enemy. But if not then eachproposition is a labyrinth, whence he who makes it cannot unravelhimself, although Ariadne gives him a thread to guide him. Hence itfollows, either that squadrons are not prepared of size sufficient towarn the aggressors, or if they are prepared, they set sail when itwould be better for them not to, for they only occasion the vassalsnew trouble. Let no one imagine that the matter of these two numbersincludes imagination or lack of truth. This is proved by authenticdocuments in what touches the past; while so far as the present centuryis concerned (during which the same persecutions have been repeatedlyshown), experience has given me knowledge of such injuries, when I, as procurator-general and secretary of the province of Philipinas, found that I had to solicit relief for the persecuted Indians andfor the afflicted religious. It is also certain that the same thinghappened in almost all the wars of which we are speaking, so thatour oppressed missionaries had no other consolation than that of God, in the pains that it was indispensable for them to suffer, and whichwe shall now begin to relate. 

321. We have already mentioned in various parts of this history, that when our Recollects arrived at the Philipinas Islands, inorder to illumine them with the splendors of the faith, and to fightlike well-ordained astral bodies against the sissara of the abyss, they chose with apostolic strength the most difficult districts, the islands of the most barbaric people, and the places where, if thelight of the gospel had shone, it had allowed itself to be seen onlyin fitful gleams. Hence it is that our ministers are the most exposedto peril and danger among all those of the archipelago; for they arevery distant, not only from Manila, but also among themselves fromone another, and surrounded by enemies to the Christian name. Eachdistrict consists of many villages and even of distinct islands. Sinceall of them have a right to the bread of the doctrine, which isthe only food for souls, the religious, in order to attend to thatobligation, has to be in continual movement. He must travel by seathreatened by so many dangers to his life, among frights and chance;and he who considers it of value to endure them and despise them, canonly form a just opinion of them. They do this without other profitthan the spiritual, enduring to the uttermost penury, and the lackof necessities, in order to teach and instruct certain poor peopleswhom they are alluring from the most wild barbarism in order to getthem to live like men in a civilized Christian society. 

321. Let one add to all the above bodily hardships the lack of oneto employ himself in so great charity, to whatever serves in thislife as a consolation to the spirit. For there our religious isproperly a hermit, although he may live among many people. Now, itis because he is deprived of the company of his brothers, for he isalmost always alone in villages that are too large, and the nearestminister is fifteen or twenty leguas away and separated by roughseas, or inaccessible mountains, which render it impossible most ofthe year for them to have the comfort of seeing one another, or evento have communication with one another by means of letters, in orderthat they might console one another in their mutual troubles. Now, it is because the Indians make them no company for the blessings thathuman association brings with it, but serve only for an insupportablemartyrdom; for, in addition to the fatigues incumbent on themas missionaries, they must attend to all their quarrels, grudges, necessities, and troubles. For these reasons and others that cannot beexpressed at present, the governor of Philipinas, Don Fausto Cruzàty Gòngora, when addressing the king in a report, did not hesitateto affirm that the discalced Augustinians, even in times of peace, and after the subjection of the villages of their administration, suffer the same hardships as do missionaries in the lands of theinfidels. His Excellency, the bishop of Zebù, Don Manuel Antonio deOcio y Ocampo, was wont to say, as I have heard from his own mouth, and not only once, that if he had authority for it he would nothesitate to canonize any Recollect, who happens to lose his lifeamong the fatigues of his calling, while completely fulfilling hisobligation in the missions of those islands, as is the case with many. 

323. And if this is endured in only the hardships annexed to thespiritual administration, what must it not be when the destructivetempests of the persecutions of the Moros, the greatest part ofwhich assail our laborers, happen to come? Then there is no otherrelief than to flee to the mountains in order to live in passes andcaves, seeking their preservation, not so much for their self-love, but because of that for others. There, through lack of food, too muchheat, continual rains, and many other discomforts, they are generallyso disfigured and so weak that rivaling Job, they only live becauseof a skin loosely stretched over their bones. How many contractincurable diseases there, who dragging along all their life withthem prove themselves to be stages of the greatest pity! How many bytrampling under foot evident dangers, in hastening to the consolationof their sheep, to confess the sick, to aid the dying, either gavethemselves into the hands of the enemy to be the victims of theircruelty, or offered themselves a willing sacrifice to the precipicesof the mountains and to the shipwrecks of the seas! How many, sincethe world is unworthy of their noble and Christian intercourse, and, it seems, tried to cast from itself, wander for months at a time, naked, an hungered, persecuted, followed on all sides by the shadowof death, without other consolation than that of God, in whose handsthey desire to finish their lives, delivering to Him their weariedsouls! And how many, finally, obtained the precious crown of martyrdom, after having coursed the sands of so many hardships, which were endedeither by the edge of the sword, or by a spear-thrust, or at thespindle of hardships, or at grief at seeing holy things so outraged, or by the inundations of penalties in atrocious captivities! Mentionhas been made of many in the preceding volumes, but some who willserve to ornament this volume were omitted. 

[In the remainder of this section are contained accounts of severalwho suffered the martyrdoms above mentioned in their war of the faith, and all of whom are mentioned by Combés in his Historia de Mindanao, who is cited at length by our author. [25] The first martyr (seeCombés, book vi, chapter xiv) is not even named by Combés, nor canAssis give anything more definite of him. He was captured by theMoro pirates (presumably in 1645) and taken to their home. Inducedby desire for a good ransom, his captors took the father to the Jolófort, but no agreement could be reached. Father Juan Contreras, thenchaplain of the fort, tried to aid him in effecting his escape, butin vain. The captive was thereafter treated so harshly that he becameill, and in spite of a pitiable letter, which aroused great sympathyfor him in the Spanish Joloan fort, and spurred on the soldiers tobeg that he be ransomed at their expense, he remained in captivityuntil Alejandro Lopez of the Society went to Joló from Zamboanga andransomed him for 300 pesos. In 1649 (see Combés, book vii, chapterxii; and Santa Theresa, no. 271 ff. ), the father prior of Linao inCaraga, Fray Agustin de Santa Maria, was killed by the insurgents;and in the same troubles the father prior of Camiguin, whose name isnot given, was captured and maltreated. In 1658, (see Combés, bookviii, chapter viii), the Moros caused Fray Cristobal de Santa Monicato flee, and killed Fray Antonio de las Missas, or de San Agustin(his religious name). This latter happened while San Agustin wasreturning from a trip to Cuyo and Calamianes as visitor. San Agustinwas born in Manila, his father being Captain Francisco de las Missas, and his mother Fabiana de Villafanne, both Spaniards. He took theRecollect habit July 14, 1612. He served in several important posts, having as early as 1624 been prior of Bolinao and of Cebú. He wassixty-six years old at the time of his death. ]

[The remaining two sections of this chapter continue with thepersecutions of the Moros and the deaths of various Recollects. Thefirst, Francisco de San Joseph, was born in Jaca, Aragon, and shortlyafter professing (June 12, 1632) he went to the Philippines. He wassoon sent to the Visayans, where he held several important posts. Hesuffered greatly from the Moro raids for he was compelled more thanonce to hide in the mountains from that fierce folk. He was electedprovincial in 1653 and during his term was a vigilant worker. Atthe completion of his term he was sent to the village of Cuyo asassociate to the prior. His death occurred in the island of Romblón, where he was mortally wounded by the Moros, while endeavoring to repelan attack in the fort built by the famous Padre Capitan. He publishedan explanation of the catechism in 1654 in Manila, and left numerousmanuscript works in both Spanish and Visayan. The father reader, Fray Francisco de San Juan Bautista, was born in Alagon of rich andnoble parentage. He professed in the Zaragoza convent, October 8, 1614, and went to the Philippines in 1619. He read philosophy andtheology in Manila, and after the completion of a course in the artswas appointed secretary to Fray Onofre de la Madre de Dios. He servedas prior of the villages of Marivelez, Cuyo, Bolinao, Calamianes, and Tandag, during his mission work there learning three languagesthoroughly. He was essentially a worker and did not care to remain ineither Manila or Cavite, but desired the mission fields where dangerwas thickest. He did not seek office, and it is related of him thathe once delayed his return to the chapter meeting because he heardthat there was talk of electing him provincial. Though he was twicedefinitor, he still sought the hardest work, laboring among bothinfidels and Christians. The Moros were especially vindictive to himand gave him many chances to acquire merit. Finally he fell sick onthe desolate island of Paragua, and after reaching Manila through theefforts of some natives who braved the risks of the Moros, he diedin that city. Another active worker was Fray Domingo de San Nicolás, who was born at Alcalá de Henares. The place of his profession isunknown, but he is first met in the Philippines. He labored in theprovinces of Calamianes and Visayas, performing marvels until hisfeet having swollen on account of the damp, he was ordered to retireto Cebú convent. There, however, instead of resting he engaged inthe work of the missions, for the laborers were few. He worked inmany villages, and finally met his death in consequence of exposurefrom a shipwreck on the coast of Bohol, whither he had accompanied avessel hastily fitted out to secure information concerning a recentraid by the Malanao Moros in Cagayan village. Although some of theother occupants of the boat were drowned, the friar with others wassaved by the natives of Bohol, and sent back to Cebú, where he diedin a few days. Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion (whose family namewas Durán) was born in Madrid, and took the habit in the same city, December 8, 1636. He went to the Philippines in 1651 with Fray Jacintode San Fulgencio. His mission field was principally in the south, and he served in the villages of Bislig, Cagayan, and Caraga. Hiswork and the necessity of opposing the Moro Mahometans so wore uponhim that he became unwell, but still he persevered in his laborsfor lost souls. The treacherous Mindanaos won over his servant oneday in Caraga, and poison was administered through the agency of thelatter, who also apostatized. The attempt failed, however, but FrayBernardino was sent to the province of Zambales for a season. Therehe was of great use in aiding to quell the insurrection. The quietthat ensued after their pacification not proving to the liking ofthis intrepid warrior of the faith he begged and obtained leaveto go again to the province of Caraga. Resuming his former vigilsand labors there, he again fell sick and this time died, being atthe time prior of Cagayan. He could speak the Visayan, Tagálog, andZambal languages. Fray Carlos de Jesus, son of Nicolás Léconte, wasborn of Flemish parents. After various fortunes he went to Madrid, and although a brilliant life was offered him, for he was a scholarand fine mathematician, he took the Recollect habit in the conventof that city, January 2, 1648, being already at middle age. He alsoaccompanied Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio to the Philippines in1651. He worked in Calamianes and Caraga, where his military geniusas well as his missionary traits shone out. He recalls the famousPadre Capitan by his exploits, for he drilled and led the Indiansas well as looked after their souls, and his name became a terror tothe Moros. In the village of Busuagan, however, his native followersfled when attacked by the Moros, and Fray Carlos was forced also totake refuge in a swamp filled with brambles and thorns. For five days(the length of time that the victorious Moros stayed in Busuagan)he remained in the swamp up to his middle in water, and wounded bythorns and molested by swarms of mosquitoes. Having retired to Manilabecause of illness brought on by such events, his recovery foundhim anxious to return to his mission field. The prudence, however, of the superiors, dictated his remaining in Manila as prior of theconvent of that city which was then vacant. With his old-time ardorhe threw himself into the work there, but the effort was too greatfor one in his weakened state and another illness seizing him hepassed away. The lay-brother, Fray Francisco de San Fulgencio, theson of Diego de Covarrubias, was born at Simancas. He adopted thelife of a soldier, and after serving in Spain went to Nueva España inthe same capacity. Thence he went to Manila as alférez of one of thecompanies raised for the islands. A religious life appealing to him headopted the Recollect habit (December 17, 1620), and shortly after hisarrival in Manila, he was sent to Caraga to aid the fathers who werelaboring in the missions there. At the time of the insurrection, hewas captured in the village of Bacoag, but after four months of almostunendurable captivity, was ransomed. After this he remained severalyears in Caraga, but was finally recalled to Manila. His life was mostactive, for he made five trips to Caraga, and three to Calamianes, with despatches or to accompany the fathers going to those posts, and often meeting with Moros on the way, was in continual danger. Hewas twice wounded and twice shipwrecked. His death occurred in theconvent of Bagungbagàn. ]

CHAPTER X

Our religious propagate the Catholic faith in Zambàles, a province ofPhilipinas. Two religious die in España, with great marks of holiness. 

The year 1670

§ I

Information is given of the preaching of Ours in Zambàles; and thatmany Indians came newly to the Church. 

396. . .. Some people here in España imagine that the first illustriouschampions of our reformed order who went to those countries [i. E. , thePhilippines], reared and finished the sightly structure of that Church, and that the missionaries, their successors, have been and are quitecomfortable, and have no other occupation than to maintain what thefirst ones built. It is a fact that, according to the philosophic axiomthat the conservation is equivalent to a second production, that wouldnot be doing little even did they do no more. But as a matter of truthit must be said that if so holy a province rests in the conservationof the conquests acquired, it also labors without end in the buildingand planting of other new conquests. To this point the history hasshown many of them, [26] and I shall narrate others below. But thisyear we have the profitable and difficult expedition which our evertireless and laborious province made into the Zambàles Mountains, for the sake of obtaining not little growth for the Christian faith. 

397. The mountains called Zambàles extend a distance of fiftyleguas from Mount Batàn to the plains of Pangasinàn in the island ofLuzòn. They are peopled by an innumerable race, who defend themselvesfrom the Spanish arms almost within sight of Manila, because of theroughness of the ground, and maintain along with their heathenism, their barbarous customs. Who these people are can be seen in volume i, to which we refer the reader, [27] We only warn him that the Indiansof whom that volume talks, inasmuch as they live in the beaches andplains extending from Marivèlez to Bolinào, and being, consequently, needed in the trade with Spaniards and civilized Indians, are notso ferocious as those who without these mitigating circumstances, inhabit the rough mountains of which we speak. Not a few natives ofseveral nations are found in that place. Some of them are born in thedense thickets and are reared in the most barbaric infidelity. Othersare called Zimarrònes, and have apostatized from the Catholic faith, after having fled from the nearby Christian villages. There is also anincredible number of blacks who, without God, without king, withoutlaw, without civilization, without settlement, live as though theyhad no rational soul. All of those Indians, notwithstanding that theywage most bloody wars among themselves, generally unite to opposethe Spanish arms, when the Spaniards have attempted their conquest, and stake their greatest reputation in shedding human blood. 

398. The evangelical ministers have always fought with the sword ofthe divine word against that wild forest of men almost unreasoning, and with all the means dictated by charitable prudence, in order toconvert it into a pleasant garden by means of the Catholic faith. TheDominican fathers stationed in the district of Pangasinàn, and inthe villages called El Partido, which are located on the oppositeside of Manila Bay, have always cast their net, and obtained notfew hauls of good fish. The Observantine Augustinian fathers havealso done the same from their missions in Pampanga, which borderthe above-mentioned mountains. The fathers of the Society have donethe same from the village of San Mathèo, which is situated almost onthe brow of the said mountains on the Manila side. And our discalcedRecollects, equally with those who have done most, have labored inthis undertaking at all times, without despising occasions. They havegreat opportunity for doing that, for, as a general thing, ten ortwelve laborers live in the fifteen reduced villages of the Zambals, who occupy all the coast for a distance of forty leguas from Bolinàoto Marivèlez, and surround all the above-mentioned mountains by thesea side. 

399. Thence, then, did the illustrious champions of our holy reformedorder generally issue in order to overrun the rough territory ofthe mountains so that they might seize multiple spoils from theenemy of souls, and direct them to eternal life. As those peopleare very ferocious and difficult to convert, it was necessary to usegentle methods there, making use of caresses rather than of noise anddin. Notwithstanding, on several occasions very many conversions ofIndians, Zimarrònes and heathen, who were reduced to villages formed bythe indefatigable solicitation of our religious, were obtained. Then, as appears from four letters of the definitory of that holy province, which were written to our respective fathers vicars-general--the first, June 20, 1646; the second, July 2, 1655; the third, June 14, 1658; andthe fourth, July 4, 1668--more than one thousand five hundred souls (atthe date of the last letter) had been drawn from the mountains, freedfrom the darkness of the heathen, and illumined with the splendorsof the Catholic faith. And it has been impossible to discover whowere the illustrious laborers who obtained so wonderful trophies, in order to enrich history with their names. 

400. But the most abundant season of those fruits was seen to be duringthe triennium of April 21, 1668, to 1671. Our father, Fray Christovalde Santa Monica, governed the province during those three years. Hehaving heightened and ennobled the missions of Zambàles, when othersuperior employments gave him the opportunity, had placed there thewhole of his affections. On that account, in addition to the greatzeal that he had for the salvation of souls, from the very chapter, he made up his mind that during the term of his government, the utmosteffort should be made to unfurl the standard of the faith in theZambàles Mountains, and to have salvation carried to its inhabitantson the wings of charity. For that purpose he managed to have fatherFray Joseph de la Trinidad, a native of Zaragoza, a religious born, one would say, for the missions, elected prior of Bolinào. Later heappointed him vicar-provincial of the jurisdiction of Zambàles. Thatman, then, together with fathers Fray Martin de San Pablo, priorof Masinloc, Fray Agustin de San Nicolàs, prior of Marivèlez, andsix other religious, who were appointed as helpers, fought againstidolatry so tenaciously, that our holy faith was incredibly advanced. 

401. He arranged the attack upon that proud Jericho (more impregnablebecause of the obstinacy of its inhabitants, than by the wall of itsinaccessible mountains) by ordering that it be assaulted at the sametime by several parts by different soldiers of so holy a militiawith the bugles of the divine word. One began the conquest by theside of Bolinào, another at Masinloc, two by Playahonda, and twoothers by Sùbig and Bagàc. The father vicar-provincial went to allparts in order to direct actions, and to fight in person with hisaccustomed success. The father provincial also, with his secretary, then father Fray Diego de la Madre de Dios, made it a point of honorto take part in so dangerous a field, whenever the tasks of his officepermitted, and they both fought as valiant soldiers. For the expenseswhich were heavy for the maintenance of many missions and for theother things which accompany like expeditions, the province acted asproxy, for they did not wish to have recourse to the royal treasurywhich generally supports such undertakings. And to the labors whichare indispensable in wars of that quality, and which were excessivethere, those illustrious warriors set their shoulders, well armedwith endurance, for they had already been exercised in other conquestsand had always been victorious. 

402. Thus did they work constantly until the end of the year 1670, and with so good result, that they converted that bitter sea ofidolatries and superstitions in great part into a leafy land ofvirtues. On account of the insurrections which so great acts ofwickedness caused in Pangasinàn, Zambàles, and Pampànga, as I havealready written in chapter i of this decade, many whole familieshad fled from the Christian villages to the mountains, together witha very great number of Indians, who having abandoned the faith andsubjection, lived there as the declared enemies of God and of theking. Of those it appears that more than two thousand souls werereduced, and another great number, which is not specified by therelations, of other people of several nations, who had either beenborn in heathendom, or had formerly deserted the Catholic camp. Theevangelical workers were greatly elated with that fruit and rewardedfor their unspeakable labors, and were encouraged beyond all manner tofollow up such conquests and even to undertake other new ones. For, it is a fact that when the fruit of one's preaching can be seen, itcauses such joy in the missionaries, and gives them so great couragefor other undertakings that that alone can serve as a worthy rewardin this life and infuses valor for other more difficult enterprises. 

403. Those zealous laborers formed anew from the people whom theyallured from the mountains, the villages of Iba, or as they arealso called, Paynavèn, Cavangaàn, Sùbig, and Mòrong. In additionto this the ancient villages increased in population. Until thepresent time, there was not along all that coast, that belonged toour administration, more than three convents or ministries--one evenin Bolinào, another in Masìnloc, and the third in Marivèlez--withthe exception of that of Cigayàn, which was destroyed. But now twonew convents were established, which were necessary for the greaterconvenience of the spiritual administration--one in Paynavèn, underthe title of Nuestro Padre San Agustin, to which were assigned threeannexes or visitas; a second in Bagàc with the advocacy of Our Ladyof the Pillar of Zaragoza (which was moved to Mòrong some years laterunder the same title), and to it were assigned three other villages asvisitas. All the above was completely accomplished in the year 1670, with which this history is concerned. That year can be marked by awhite stone by that holy province and indeed by our whole Recollectcongregation, because of the so great progress that was obtained inthe propagation of the faith, the only aim to which their desires wereexpended. Next to God, successes so happy are due to the tenacity withwhich these zealous missionaries worked, for they trampled all dangersunder foot, and to the good arrangements and holy wisdom of the fatherprovincial, Fray Christoval de Santa Monica, as well as to the zeal, courage, and care of his vicar, father Fray Joseph de la Trinidad. 

404. In order to conclude this matter we must add that the sameactivity proceeded in the immediate years with equal fruit. For, as in the chapter of 1671, father Fray Joseph de la Trinidad waselected definitor, he besought the father provincial, Fray Juan deSan Phelipe, very urgently, to allow him to make a mission to theZambàles Mountains. Permission having been obtained, he went to theconvent of Paynavèn and gave a new beginning to the conquest on theside toward Babàyan with results so favorable that he tamed the wildand inhuman hearts of many Zimarrònes and heathens. Hence, during thethree years of his definitorship the recently-created villages weregreatly increased by a considerable number of souls who were alluredfrom the mountains and brought into the Church. As payment for thisservice, and in consideration of his many merits, he was electedprovincial in the chapter celebrated in the year 1674. The first careof his successful government was to see that those missions should bekept up. He sent two of the best religious to continue that undertakingand finished the leveling of so impenetrable and rough thickets. 

405. Those laborers (whose names will be written in the book of life, since, due to the omissions of the relations, they are lacking in thebook of history) penetrated into the mountains of Zambàles in suchmanner, that they arrived within a short time at the contrary part ofthem toward Manila Bay. By so doing their approach to the villages ofthe district of Batàn, the administration of which, as we have alreadystated, belongs to the Dominican fathers, was indispensable. Thelatter, reasonably, as they thought, took what had been done ill, saying that Ours were sowing the seed in a field whose territory didnot belong to them; for, in these bodies of militia, more than inany other, it is easily perceived that triumphs are taken from thehands of the one to advance others in their obligations. Their fatherprovincial, Fray Phelipe Pardo (later archbishop of Manila), assumedcharge of that litigation, alleging before the royal Audiencia, that the conquest of that part of the mountains belonged to hisprovince, as it was contiguous to their ministries. He petitionedthat our discalced religious be ordered to retire. But our father, Fray Joseph de la Trinidad, opposed that demand so energetically thatjustice was compelled to decide that if the extension of the Catholicflock followed, it mattered very little which instruments were used, whether these or those ministers. 

406. Divine Providence usually permits such rivalry, certainly holyin itself in the holy squadrons that serve the God of armies forthe spiritual conquest of the world. Whenever judicial authorityhas determined in this way, experience has demonstrated that greatprogress follows in favor of the Catholic faith. For each side withthe incentive of the other, dares to undertake greater enterprises, and repeated triumphs are obtained. So was it now; for seeing the doorlocked to their demand in the above-said court, the father provincial, Fray Phelipe Pardo, resolved to assign two religious of his order, so that they might, with the zeal that he infuses in all of hisholy institute, make a mission thither by way of Mount Batàn. Theybegan that mission in the month of October, 1675, as is affirmed inhis history of Philipinas by father Fray Balthassar de Santa Cruz, although he says nothing as to the reason for the expedition. [28]Accordingly Ours went to another part, thus leaving a sufficientfield for the Dominican fathers, for truly, there is room enoughfor all. This strife being the origin of the obstinate work of themissionaries of both families, who labored with all their might, theyreduced many Zambals to the bosom of our holy faith, and filled theirrespective villages with new converts. Had so laudable a rivalrycontinued, excellently founded hopes that so glorious a conquestwould be ended would have been conceived. But it was God's will tohave all the territory of Zambàles shortly after left for severalyears in charge of the fathers of St. Dominic, while our laborerswent to the territory of Mindòro, as we shall relate in chapter ixof the following decade. Thereupon the strife entirely ceased, andeven the fruit, so far as our reformed order is concerned. 

407. Father Fray Joseph de la Trinidad finished his provincialatein April, 1677, and then immediately went in person to continuethe expedition that cost him so great anxiety. He penetrated themountains on foot in various places in order to seek sheep therewhom he might convey into the flock of Christ. Exposing himself tothe will of their barbaric natures, without any fear of the perilsor caring for the dangers to himself, he persevered there until hehad to retire two years later for the reasons given above. As we donot possess the necessary manuscripts, we cannot state the number ofsouls that were drawn down from the mountains from the year 1671 tothat of 1679. The relations which we follow only assure us that asit was not considered advisable at that time to form settlements inthe wildnesses of the mountains many reduced families were withdrawnthence, in order to live in the coast villages. Those villages havebeen augmented in tributes and inhabitants, to such a degree that thoseministries were constituted with a great abundance of people and werethe most flourishing of the province, as they were so thickly populatedby souls who embraced the Catholic faith with fervor. In due time(decade 13, in the year 1741) this history will show forth anothermost fruitful expedition, which was made into the same mountains byour Recollect family, founding there villages and convents in orderto attend to whatever pertained to them in the conversion of thoseIndians. Now we shall end this relation by giving due thanks to God, for He has in all times infused into our brothers a spirit ferventin undertaking, and in proceeding in such obligations. 

[The second and last section of this chapter deals entirely withRecollect affairs in Spain. ]

DECADE NINE

[The first four sections of the first chapter which covers the year1671 deal with the life of the father lector, Fray Miguèl de SantoThomàs. Nothing is known of his early life, not even his birthplaceor his family name, nor the date or convent of his profession. Bysome he is called Miguèl de San Agustin. His life in the Philippineswas almost all spent in the province of Caraga. He shunned publicity, although he did fill several priorates. He worked in the villages ofBislig, Tàndag, Siargào, and Butuàn where he accomplished much, andwhere he was greatly beloved by the natives. He endeavored to induceindustrious habits in the natives, and reclaimed many of them fromthe apostasy into which they had fallen, besides strengthening oldChristians and converting heathen. He was especially devoted to theVirgin, to St. Augustine, and to St. Nicholas of Tolentino. He is saidto have been the object of several marvelous occurrences which can betraced to his devotion. To him also was vouchsafed at times the giftof prophecy. He labored fearlessly in the insurrection of Linao andsurrounding districts, braving death more than once in his endeavorsto pacify the Indians. The sexual sin which was offered him failed tomove him as did all other dangers. His death occurred in Butuàn and hewas buried in the church there. The remainder of this chapter does notconcern Philippine affairs. The first section of chapter ii contains anotice of the eleventh general chapter of the order held in Calatayudconvent in 1672. Fathers Fray Alonso de la Concepcion and Fray Josephde la Circuncision were elected definitors for the Philippines; andfathers Fray Manuel de San Agustin, and Fray Lucas de San Bernardo, discreets. The remainder of chapter ii and the following chapter donot contain Philippine matter. ]

CHAPTER IV

The Catholic faith makes new progress in Philipinas through thepreaching of our religious. Death of some religious in España ofgreat reputation. 

§ I

A great multitude of heathen Tagabalòyes who lived in the mountainsnear the district of Bislig, is converted in the island of Mindanàoby the preaching of our tireless laborers. 

600. [The author draws a parallel between the capture of Jericho by theHebrews and the evangelization of the Philippines. When God pleases, the walls of idolatry must fall. ] This maxim has followed our reformedorder in the Philipinas, and has been proved many times. For contendingalmost continuously with paganism fortified in the mountains contiguousto the districts reduced to their administration, although they weredisappointed by not few fatigues, without being able to sing victory, they were at last crowned with triumphs when it appeared fitting todivine Providence. We have seen and shall see several activities thatprove this truth. At the present we are offered the feats performedin the mountains of Bislìg. 

601. The district of Bislìg, which is the last and most distant fromManila among those possessed there by our reformed order, is located inCarhàga, in the island of Mindanào and consists of five villages. Theseare Bislìg, which is the chief one, Hinatòan, Catèl, Bagàngan, andCarhàga. At its beginning the province was named from the last one, asit was then the settlement of the greatest population. Two religiousonly are generally designated for the spiritual administration ofthis district, and they have too much work in the exercise of it. Forthe villages are located at great distances from one another, thepeople are especially warlike, they are contiguous to the Moros, those irreconcilable enemies, while the sea of those districts onwhich they have to travel from one village to another, is extremelyboisterous, rough, and at times impassable, and on its reef in thedangers already mentioned, several religious have lost their lives, as will be patent further on in this history. But, notwithstandingthat the two religious assigned to those villages can scarcely attendfully to the direction of the Christian Indians, and although becauseof the dearth of religious from which our reformed order almost alwayssuffers in those islands, but rarely could more subjects be employedthere, those few following the maxim practiced there of one doingthe work of many, they did not cease to solicit ever the conversionof the surrounding heathens, who are very numerous in those mountains. 

602. There is especially so great a number of heathen Indians andbarbarous nations in certain mountains that extend along the coast, from opposite Carhàga near Bislìg (a distance of about twenty-fiveleguas, while it is not known how far they extend inland), that eventhe Christian Indians do not know them all. The nearest nation to ourvillages is that of the Tagabalòyes, who are so named from certainmountains which they call Baloòy. They live amid their briers withoutsubmission to the Catholic faith or to the monarchy of España. ThoseIndians are domestic, peaceable, tractable, and always allied with theChristians, whom they imitate in being irreconcilable enemies of theMoros. They are a very corpulent race, well built, of great courageand strength, and they are at the same time of good understanding, and more than half way industrious. That nation is faithful in itstreaties, and constant in its promises, as they are descendants, so they pride themselves, of the Japanese, whom they resemble incomplexion, countenance, and manners. Their life is quite civilized, and they show no aversion to human society. All those of the same kin, however extensive, generally live in one house, the quarters beingseparated according to the families. Those houses are built very high, so that there are generally two pike lengths from the ground to thefirst floor. The whole household make use of only one stairway, whichis constructed so cunningly, that when all are inside they remove itfrom above, and thus they are safe from their enemies. Many of thoseTagabalòyes live near the Christians, and those peoples have mutualintercourse, and visit and aid one another. They do not run away fromour religious, but on the contrary like to communicate with them, and show them the greatest love and respect. Hence any ministers canlive among them as safely as in a Christian village. 

603. It is now seen how suitable are all these districts to induceso docile a nation to receive our holy faith. But for all that, verylittle progress was made in their reduction until the year 1671, andthen it was that the care and the continual preaching of Ours obtainedit. Besides the will of God, whose resolutions are unsearchable, therewere several motives of a natural order, which made the attempts ofthe evangelical ministers fruitless. The first was the continual warswith the Moros. That fact scarcely permitted the Christians and eventhe Tagabalòyes to let their weapons out of their hands. With the dinof arms the Catholic religion, always inclined to quiet and peace, can generally make but little progress. The second consisted inthe little or no aid rendered in this attempt by the alcalde-mayor, the military leaders of Catèl, and even some chiefs of the subjectvillages. All of the above were assured of greater profits in theirtrade and commerce, if those Indians were heathens than if they wereChristians; and it is very old in human malice that the first objectsof anxiety are the pernicious ideas of greed, and the progress ofthe faith is disregarded if it opposes their cupidity. 

604. But the strongest reason for the failure of the desired fruitwas the third. This reason is reduced, as we have already mentioned, to the fact that there were but two religious generally in the saiddistrict, and of those no one could be in residence at the villagesof Catèl or Carhàga, the nearest ones to the said mountains, and theyonly went thither two or three times per year. Consequently, althoughthey wished never so strongly to labor in the conversion of the heathenIndians, they could not obtain the fruit up to the measures of theirdesires. It happened almost always that the minister was detained afortnight at most, in the said villages, the greater part of whichwas necessarily spent in instructing the Christians. And although, by stealing some hours from sleep, the minister employed some of themin catechizing the heathens, since his stay was so short, he couldnot give the work the due perfection, and left it in its beginning, as he had to go to the other villages. He charged some Christians tocontinue in preparing and cultivating those souls so that they might beready on his return to receive baptism. But human weakness, united tothe sloth, which almost as if native to him, accompanies the Indian, was the reason that when the religious returned after an interval offour or six months, instead of finding the work advanced, he found thatwhich he himself had done in it lost. And idolatry always triumphed, notwithstanding that he did not cease to make vigorous war upon it. 

605. Thus time rolled on, and the Church obtained very little increasein those mountains, for the three above-mentioned reasons. The ordercould not conquer the two first, and there was less possibilityfor the third. For however much the order desired to apply on itspart the only means whereby the desired fruit could be obtained, namely, the assignment of a religious to reside in the said places, who should look after the reduction of the Tagabalòyes, withoutattending to any other thing, it was continually unable to effect that, for in Philipinas the harvest is very great and the laborers few. Ihave detained myself in the consideration of these obstacles, whichthreaten the total devastation of the heathendom of Philipinas, andare transcendental to all the holy orders, who are striving to spreadthe faith in the said islands. For some believe (and more than two haveexpressed as much to me here in España in familiar conversation) thatthe reason why the heathenism of those countries has not been ended, is because the missionaries do not work with the same spirit as theydid at the beginning. But they are surely deceived, for in addition tothe many other reasons that may be assigned, the three above-mentionedsuffice to render the most laborious efforts vain. The same tenacity, zeal, and courage of the first laborers accompanies those who havesucceeded them. Let the obstacles be removed, and one will see that(as has been experienced many times) Belial having been destroyedand cut into pieces, although many render him adoration, the Catholicfaith triumphs in the ark of the testament. This happened at the timeof which we treat in the mountains of Bislìg. 

606. The year, then, of 1671 came, in which that holy province heldtheir chapter and father Fray Juan de San Phelipe, a native of NuevaEspaña, who had taken our holy habit in the convent of Manila, waselected provincial. That religious had lived for some years in Bislìg, and had known by experience how necessary it was for a missionary tolive in residence near the mountains, where so great infidelity wasfortified, in order to establish there the health-bringing dogmasof our Catholic religion. Scarcely was he elected superior prelate, since he had a sufficient number of subjects in order to attend to allparts, when he resolved to place one of them in residence at Catèl, and to order such an one solemnly that he should from there procurethe reduction of those heathens by all means without engaging in othercares, however useful they seemed to him. He also gave very rigorousorders to the father prior of Bislìg to the effect that wheneverthey could without any omission in the spiritual administration ofthe other villages, he or his associates should go to reside in thevillage of Carhàga, and be there in residence as much as possible, allthree religious concurring in that great work and aiding one anothermutually for the attainment of so well conceived desires. Finally hearranged matters with so much acumen that if the lack of religioushad not rendered it impossible after such ideas had been put intopractice, it is probable that they would have subdued all the heathensof those mountains. 

607. In August 1671 that project was begun to be put into operation;and although we have not yet been able to get detailed information ofthe laborers, who were employed in it, on account of which we cannotplace their names in this history, we shall have the consolation ofknowing that they will not be omitted from the book of life. It iscertain that all three religious conspired together in bringing to thedelicious net of the Church those misguided souls, and they shirkedno toil that might help in their object. They made raid after raidinto those mountains; one from Catèl, one from Carhàga, and one fromBislìg, penetrating to their highest peaks, and their deepest valleysin all their extent from the promontory of Calatàn nearly to the capecalled San Agustin. All three of them at the same time were careful toassist the Christians in the spiritual administration. They preached, catechized, attracted the people by argument, by art, by prudence. Andas some truce occurred in the war with the Moros at that time, andas they obtained at the same time a very Christian alcalde-mayor whoaided them and caused all his subordinates to aid them in so holy zeal, so much fruit was obtained that when the father provincial went onhis visit in February 1673, he found that they had already baptizedmore than three hundred adults without reckoning those who had beenpurified in the waters of grace in sickness and had immediatelydied. The latter were as many as one hundred counting great and small. 

608. Thus did the above-mentioned father provincial, Fray Juan de SanPhelipe, write to our father vicar-general under date of July 5, ofthe same year. And after, on June 26, 1674, he adds that, accordingto the relations sent to the chapter by the father prior of Bislìg, that district had increased by two hundred tributes. This, accordingto the reckoning in vogue there, means eight hundred souls. Theyhad all been allured from the mountains and from the horrors oftheir paganism to become inhabitants of the villages already formed, and to live in civilized intercourse among the pleasant lights ofthe Christian name. This well premeditated idea has since then beenfollowed as has been possible by the successors of our father, FrayJuan de San Phelipe, whenever the small number of religious has notrendered it impossible. For in some chapters of that holy province, repeated determinations are seen to place a minister in residence atCatèl, so that he may exercise the means conducive to that end. Henceit is that father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio has insertedthe following narrative in his seraphic chronicle. He says: "Someof the Tagabalòyes are living now in old villages who have becomeChristians, and others are being reduced by the zeal and cultivationof the discalced Augustinian fathers, who hold them as inhabitants ofBislìg. " [29] And it is confirmed that although the district of Bislìgwas formerly one of the smallest in the number of its parishioners, it is now one of the largest in Mindanào, and there is no other reasonfor its increase. 

[The two following sections of this chapter detail several miraculoushappenings that aided not a little in the conversion of the regioninhabited by the Tagabalòyes. In 1662 when the Spaniards abandoned theisland of Ternate, because of the Chinese pirate Kuesing, one of thereligious images taken away with them was of the Virgin. That imagewas given by the governor of Ternate to the alcalde-mayor of Caraga, who in turn gave it to the garrison of Catèl. From its position thereit was known as "La Virgen de la Costa" or, the Virgin of the hill, "for costa in the language of the country, is the same as castillo[i. E. , redoubt]. " The influence of this image was far reaching andit distributed many blessings and favors to its devotees in times ofdrought, in plagues of locusts, and during epidemics, and performedother miracles that gave it lasting fame. Another image of the Christcrucified was revered in a village near Bislìg, and was later givena place in the Recollect church at Manila. It was a small ordinaryimage such as was used on the altar during mass. As it was veryugly and misshapen the priest determined to bury it, ordering someof the natives to perform that task. But when the hole was dug, and they went to get the image, in its place they found the mostbeautiful and symmetrical image that they had ever seen, and nailedto the same cross. The transformation was announced to be of divineorigin, and this image was accordingly revered as miraculous; andit proved itself to be so in the future. On account of the miraclesthat occurred in the Caraga district the people became more devoutChristians and many abandoned their ancient practices. The remainderof this chapter does not deal with Philippine matters; as do neitherof the two following chapters. ]

CHAPTER VII

The Catholic faith is advanced by the preaching of Ours in variousplaces in the Philipinas. The death of two religious in Talavera dela Reyna with great reputation. 

The year 1677

§ I

The evangelical trumpet resounds in various territories of Philipinas, and especially in the ridges of Linao, and in the mountains of Cagayàn, in the island of Mindanào, by the means of our missionaries; and manyheathens are converted to the Christian religion. 

714. It has ever been a very common complaint among historians of theorder, and all make it, of time the destroyer of all things and ofthe neglect in leaving advisory news thereof. There is no doubt thatfor these two reasons the memory of many valiant deeds of excellentreligious, who have filled our discalced Recollect order with honors inthe Philipinas Islands, who have extended the Catholic faith untiringlyat the cost of unspeakable hardships, and destroyed the abominablealtars of heathen blindness, have been lost. But never more than atpresent does that complaint appear justifiable, when we begin to treatof the progress of Christianity in the districts of Linào and Cagayàn, villages of the island of Mindanào, one of the Philipinas. There wasthe evangelical trumpet heard by dint of members of our reformed order, with memorable fruit. .. . Let us pass then to mention what we have beenable to bring to light from the confused memories which time excused. 

715. In the year 1674, father Fray Joseph de la Trinidad, a native ofZaragoza, was elected provincial in Philipinas. That apostolic laborerhad always had great zeal for the conversion of souls. Agitatedby that sacred fire that burned without consuming his heart whichfed it, he worked in his own person, as much as he who did most, so that all the heathens of that distant archipelago should embrace, believe, and reverence the faith of the true God, in whose name onlyis found salvation. For that purpose he went not only once into thehighest peaks of Zambàles, in order to illumine their darkness with theCatholic light or to lose his life in so heroic an act of charity. Hedesired with unspeakable anxiety to be given the opportunity tomake a sacrifice of his blood by shedding it in so good warfare, in confirmation of the truth which he was preaching. "When shallI have the desirable happiness, " he exclaimed to his pious fellowcountryman, San Pedro Arbuès, "of being made a good martyr from abad priest by the merciful God?" That desire we see already had madehim leave every fear; and consequently, without any horror of death, notwithstanding that it represented itself to him as to all, full ofbitterness, he placed himself in excessive dangers, in order that hemight whiten with the water of baptism the souls of the inhabitantsof those ridges, so that in their darkened bodies they might obtainthe beauty of grace. Thus was his practice throughout his life, not only in the above-mentioned district, but also in other placesof the many which are entrusted to us in those vast territories, and if he did not effectively obtain the crown of martyrdom, yet themerited reward will not be lacking to such prowess. 

716. He did that when he was not the superior prelate, but afterwardswhen he became provincial, he flew with his cares to undertakingsof almost infinite breadth. He beheld very near the great empireof China, peopled by an incredible multitude of souls, almost allof them seated in the shadows of death, and their acute intellectsignorantly disturbed in the obscure darkness of their errors. Themission so often craved by our reformed order to those countries, was the first object of his zealous heart. He could not be satisfiedwith trying to send others as evangelical laborers, but he tried withthe greatest seriousness to abandon the glory of the provincialate, in order that he might be employed personally in an expedition so muchto divine service, and his inability to accomplish it cost him many abitter sob. He became a sea of tears, when he thought of the distantkingdoms (also almost in sight) of Japòn, Bornèy, Sumàtra, Tunquìn, Cochinchina, Mogòl, Tartària, and Persia; for most of those whohave their wealth and amenities live but as mortals basely deceivedby their brutish worships, in order to die eternally in the moregrievous life. To some of those places and especially to Japòn, he hadpractical ideas of sending missionaries, and even of going thitherin person, and he made the greatest efforts for that purpose. Andalthough he did not obtain the end of his desires, because of theobstructions which the common enemy is wont to place to such works, such eagerness cannot but be praised very highly; and consequently, they will have been rewarded with great degrees of glory, because ofwhat he was trying to communicate to the souls of others. 

717. Since, then, he could not accomplish so well conceived lovewhich extended itself to the salvation of the whole world, he setin operation the maxims which his burning charity dictated to him inregard to the extensive limits entrusted by the Lord of the vineyard ofthe Philipinas for the cultivation of our holy discalced order, witha so visible utility to the Church. In the first place he arrangedwith admirable prudence that certain missionary religious shouldincessantly travel through the villages of our administration, likeswift angels or like light clouds in order to preach the obligationof their character to the Christian Indians. They were to advise themat the same time to take the sacraments frequently, of the horrorof idolatry, of the love of the faith, of obedience to the Church, and to the appreciable submission to the Catholic king from whichso many blessings would follow to them, and by which they would bedelivered from innumerable evils. For that purpose he assigned tworeligious of the Visayan language, one of the Tagálog, and one ofthe Zambal--all of the spirit that such an occupation demanded. Heordered each one of them to make continual journeys through the largeand small settlements of the district of his language, preaching themission with the same formalities that they are wont to observe inEuropa. He also ordered the father priors of the respective districtsto give such fathers every aid for that apostolic ministry, bothtemporal and spiritual, as such was for the service of God and thegreater purity of our Catholic faith. 

718. The profits and good effects that followed that undertakinghappily instituted, and reduced to fact with rare success, cannotbe easily explained. Oh would that the lack of religious almosttranscendental in all times in that province did not prevent theprosecution and perpetuity of so holy a custom by which unspeakableharvests of spiritual blessings were obtained, although some temporalriches should be spent in it. It is true that the ministers of parishpriests of our said order who live continually in the villages, attend to those duties without avoiding any toil. But since theyalways live among their parishioners, and treat them so near athand, and since they exercise over them a certain kind of authority, greater than that which the curas in España possess, it will not beimprudent to observe (considering human weakness, and the cowardiceof the Indians), that some will not go to confess to those saidparish priests without great fear, the common enemy infusing themwith fears lest the parish priests perhaps will punish them for thesins that they might confess. Let us add to this that there are noother confessors on whom to rely, especially in the districts whichare at some distance from Manila. Also it is almost impossible asour ministries are located, for the Indians to go from one village toanother for that purpose. For these reasons, I myself have experienced, and I have heard it asserted by many curates that too many sacrilegiousconfessions are made, for sins are kept hidden out of shame, to thedeplorable ruin of souls. All the above impediments cease undeniablyso far as the missionaries are concerned. Hence one can infer thegreat fruit that would be gathered in spiritual matters by means ofthe profitable idea which was invented by our father Fray Joseph andput in practice in his time with the utmost ardor. 

719. Besides that, by causing his subjects to multiply, since notin number, at least in their courage for work, the vigilant superiorordered those who were in the ministries to perform with the utmosteffort what they had always done, namely, that they should not becontent with directing the souls of the faithful to heaven, but shouldstrive with might and main for the conversion of the heathen. Andsince the fire of love as regards God, their provincial, and theirneighbors, burned with intensity in those gospel laborers, one cannot imagine how greatly the activity of that fire, strengthened withthe breath of the exhortation of so worthy a prelate, was increasedand worked outside. We can assert without any offense to anyone elsewhat has already been suggested in other parts of this history, namely, that our discalced religious in the Philipinas Islands, outstripped all the other religious in the so meritorious qualityof suffering hardships. [30] The villages most distant from Manila, those that offer less convenience for human life, those with the mostferocious people, and all surrounded by Moros, by heathens, and byother barbarous Indians, in regard to whom any confidence would beirrational, are the ones in our charge. And adding to this that oneminister generally has charge of many settlements, which are at timeslocated in distinct islands, one can easily see how many fatigues, sweatings, and how much weariness will be caused by the spiritualadministration of those who are enlisted in the Catholic religion. Whatwill all that be then, if they have to attend also to the reductionof so great a number of souls, who live lawless in idolatry in sightof the law of grace! I repeat that our Recollects, equal in their zealto the other gospel laborers, exceed them there without difficulty inthe necessary opportunities for suffering. Moreover, if our brothershave the advantage at all times in this regard of other missionaries, those of the triennium of which we are speaking, excelled themselves, for they labored more than ever in the administration of the faithfuland in the conversion of the heathen. 

720. But the greatest efforts that the venerable father provincialput forth, and the places where the religious assigned for that worklabored with excessive fervor, were in the districts of Butuàn andCagayàn, which are located in the island of Mindanào. There was aheathen Indian called Dato Pistig Matànda, who had been living formany years on the banks of the river Butuàn between the villagesof Linào and Hothìbon. He was of noble rank, a lord of vassals, and had great power and a not slight understanding, although he wascorrupted with an execrable multitude of vices. He, instigated bythe devil, had caused all the efforts of the evangelical ministersto return fruitless for many years; for idolatry maintained not onlyin the castle of his soul, but as well in all the territory of hisjurisdiction, the throne which it had usurped, and the continualassaults which were made without cessation against that obstinateheart by the members of our discalced order had no effect. Severalreligious had endeavored to make him submit to the sweet yoke ofthe evangelical law, and they availed themselves with holy zeal ofall the stratagems which, as incentives, generally attract the humanwill to reason and open the door to grace in order that it may workmarvels. Especially did the holy father Fray Miguèl de Santo Thomàs, make use of all the means that he considered fitting to reduce theIndian chief to the true sheepfold as well as those who were strayedfrom it in his following, during the whole time that he graced thatriver by his presence. But experience proved that God reserved thetriumph solicited on so many occasions for the happy epoch of whichwe are treating at present, for his own inscrutable reasons. Atthat time then the divine vocation working powerfully and mildly, and availing itself as instruments of our religious who resided inButuàn and in Linào, softened that erstwhile bronze heart and he notonly received baptism, but also tried by all means to have his vassalsdo the same. Hence, leaving out of account a great number of children, the adults who were reëngendered in the waters of salvation and becamesons of God and heirs of glory, exceeded three hundred. 

721. At the same time another father, who had a residence in thevillage of Linào, notably advanced our Christian religion in placesthitherto occupied by infidelity. The mountains of that territory areinhabited by a nation of Indians, heathens for the greater part calledManòbos [31]--a word signifying in that language, as if we shouldsay here, "robust and very numerous people. " When those Indians arenot at war with the Spaniards, they are tractable, docile, and quitereasonable. They have the very good peculiarities of being separatednot a little from the brutish life of the other mountain peoplethereabout; for they have regular villages, where they live in humansociability in a very well ordered civilization. Although the abovequalities, as has been seen, are very apropos for receiving the faith, notwithstanding that fact, although some of them are always reduced, they are very few when one considers the untiring solicitude with whichour missionaries unceasingly endeavor to procure it. The reasons for sodeplorable an effect are the same as we have mentioned in regard to theconversion of the Tagabalòyes Indians. But during the provincialate ofour father Fray Joseph de la Trinidad, either because those obstaclesceased, or because divine grace wished to extend its triumphs, theresults were wonderful. A very great number of those Manòbos wereadmitted into the Church--how many is not specified by the relationswhich we have been able to investigate, but we only see that they weremany; for it is asserted that while the district of Butuàn, to whichLinào belonged, consisted before that time of about three thousandreduced souls, its Christianity increased then by about one-third, thebelievers thus being increased for God and the vassals for the king. 

722. In the mountains of Cagayàn, shone also the light ofdisillusionment, without proving hateful but very agreeable to rationaleyes, for it caught them well disposed. The zealous workers of ourInstitute, shaken with the zeal of the venerable father provincial, devoted themselves to felling that bramble thicket which was filledwith buckthorns of idolatry and even with thorns hardened in theperfidious sect of Mahomet. Three religious, who glorified thatdistrict, attended to so divine an occupation, stealing for it fromthe rest of the moments that were left to them from the spiritualadministration which was the first object of their duty. They extendedtheir work toward the part of Tagalòan, and even penetrated inlandquite near the lake of Malanào through all the mountains of theirjurisdiction. There like divine Orpheuses they converted brutes intomen by the harmonious cithara of the apostolic preaching and those whowere living, in the most brutish barbarity to the Christian faith, which is so united to reason. Thus did they reduce more than onehundred tributes to the villages of the Christians. That was a totalof five hundred souls who were all drawn from their infidelity orapostasy. That triumph was so much more wonderful as at that timethe war of the Malanào Moros against the presidio of Cagayàn wasmore bloody, and it is verified by experience that in all contests, the Catholic faith generally advances but little amid the clash ofarms. But their increases, which we have related (as obtained in thetriennium of the venerable father, Fray Joseph de la Trinidad, whichwas concluded in April, 1677) appear from several letters writtenin Manila by the most excellent religious in June and July of theabove-mentioned year, and directed to our father the vicar-general, Fray Francisco de San Joseph, which have been preserved in the archivesof Madrid. 

[Section ii of this chapter relates a number of miraculousoccurrences in the villages of Butuàn, Linào, and Cagayàn, and theirdistricts--miracles which were greater than the recovery of health onreceiving baptism, at the reading of the gospels, or after drinkingthe water left in the chalice after the sacrament, all of which werevery common and little regarded. Those miracles had great weightin reducing those people to the Christian faith. For instance thedato above mentioned, Putig (or Pistig) Matanda, was converted afterthe successful exorcism of demons that had troubled his village. Itis related in this section that "for reasons that seemed fitting, the convent and church of Butuàn were moved to the beach from theirprevious location; but it was afterward reëstablished there, onelegua from the sea upstream. " One of these years also the villageof Cagayàn suffered greatly from the scourge of smallpox which wasformerly so common in the Philippines. Section iii treats of Spanishaffairs. Section iv deals with the life of Fray Melchor de la Madre deDios who died in the Recollect convent of Talavera de la Reyna, Spain, May 30, 1677. He was born in Nueva Segovia or Cagayan in Luzón, hisfather being Juan Rodrigues de Ladera. While still young his parentsremoved to Manila where he studied until the age of twenty the subjectsof grammar, philosophy, and theology. Although he was apt, he foundhimself below others not so clever as himself because the pleasuresof the world appealed to him too strongly. Consequently, he quit hisstudies in disgust, and gave himself to trade, "the occupation ofwhich is not considered disgraceful there to people of the highestrank. " But his evil courses still prevailed and during his severaltrips to Acapulco he succeeded only in wasting his money. Returningto Manila after his final voyage, he gave up some of his worst vices, but still kept a firm grip of the world. He must have taken up hisneglected studies again, but almost nothing is known of him untilhe reached his thirty-third year. It is said by some that he becamea priest before joining the Recollect order, but there is a lack ofdefinite knowledge on that score. At any rate he did not abandon hisrather loose way of living. In the midst of his vices he had alwaysbeen greatly devoted to St. Augustine, and his conversion finallyoccurred on the eve of that saint. Then a vision of the saint whoappeared to him caused his conversion and an enthusiasm that never lefthim. He became a novitiate in the Recollect convent of Manila that sameyear 1639 and professed in 1640. After preaching with great clearnessand force in Manila which had been the scene of his excesses, he wassent as missionary to the Visayan Islands, where he worked faithfullyand well. But breaking down in health because of his strenuous lifein the snaring of souls, he was compelled to retire to the conventof Cebú and then to that of Manila. It being impossible for him toaccomplish much work longer in the Philippines because of his health, he begged and received permission to go to Spain for the remainder ofhis life. When he went is uncertain, but it was after 1656, for thatyear he was in Siargao in the province of Caraga. After his arrivalat Madrid he was assigned to the convent of Talavera de la Reyna, where his memory was revered after death for his good works. ]

[Chapter viii notes the twelfth general chapter of the Recollectorder held at the convent at Toboso. Philippine votes were lacking, due probably to the non-arrival of delegates in time. The remainderof the chapter does not concern the Philippines. ]

CHAPTER IX

Our province of Philipinas takes charge of the spiritual administrationof the island of Mindòro where several convents are founded. Severalreligious venerated as saints, end their days in España. 

The year 1679

§ I

Description of the island of Mindòro, and considerations in regard toits spiritual conquest, which was partly obtained before our discalcedorder assumed its administration. 

. .. 785. Mindòro is located in the center of the islands calledPhilipinas. It is surrounded by all those islands, and is encircledby them in a close band as the parts of the human body do theheart. It has a triangular shape whose three ends are three capesor promontories, one of which is called Burruncàn and looks to thesouth, another looks to the north and is called Dumàli, while thethird which looks to the west is called Calavìte. In regard to itsextent, Mindoro comes to be the seventh in size among all the islandsof that great archipelago. [32] It is about one hundred leguas incircumference. Its climate is very hot, although the continual rainssomewhat temper its unendurable heat. In its rains it exceeds allthe other nearby islands. However this relief bears the counterpoiseof making the island but little favorable to health, because of thebad consequences of the heat accompanied by the humidity. But forall that it is a very fertile land, although unequally so becauseof its rough mountain ranges, and the thick forests. There are manytrees of the yonote, [33] and of the buri, from which sago is made, which is used for bread in some places. There are also wax, honey, the fruits of the earth, flesh, abundance of fish, and rice wherethe people do not neglect through laziness to plant it. That islandwas formerly called Mainit, but the Spaniards called it Mindòro froma village called Minòlo which is located between the port of Galerasand the bay of Ilòg. [34]

786. Its inhabitants had sufficient courage to cause all theirneighbors to fear them. Especially at sea were they powerful anddaring as was lamented at different times by the islands of Panày, Luzòn, and others, when they were attacked by the fleets of Mindòrowhich they completely filled with blood and fire. But at the same timethey showed a very great simplicity, which was carried to so great anextreme, as is mentioned by father Fray Gaspàr de San Agustin, thatwhen they saw the Europeans with clothes and shoes--a thing unknownamong them--they imagined that that adornment was the product of natureand not placed through ingenious modesty. [35] That simplicity producedin them the effect of their not applying themselves to the cultivationof the earth, but of contenting themselves with wild fruit and whatthey could steal as pirates, or better said, robbers. The sequel ofthat so far as their laziness is concerned, has lasted even to ourown times; for as says father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio, all who have discussed the matter, agree that they are the laziestpeople and the most averse to work of all the inhabitants in thoseislands, notwithstanding that they are corpulent enough. [36] However, my experience of the Philipinas obliges me to say that so blamablea peculiarity is only too common to all of them, almost without anydistinction of more or less. Neither could that courage of theirssave them from subjection to España, and if they earlier consideredthat subjection unfortunate in the extreme, now they regard it withthe light of the faith as their greatest fortune. 

787. A beginning in its conquest was made on the Mambùrao side in theyear 1570 by Captain Juan de Salcèdo. [37] That conquest was completedso far as the seacoasts are concerned from the cape of Burruncànto that of Calavìte at the beginning of the following year by theadelantado, Miguèl Lopez de Legazpi. The balance of the island hasbeen subdued gradually by dint of the evangelical laborers with theexception of the mountains which are located in its center. From thattime, then, the seacoast Indians of that island have been subject tothe mild yoke of the Spanish crown, and have given signs of extremeloyalty. For, although the great Chinese pirate Limaòn attacked thePhilipinas in the year 1574, in order to seize them if possible, there were some signs of insurrection in Mindòro, which was put downvery quickly, even before one felt its effects which are generallyvery painful in popular uprisings. That good fortune was due to themoderation of the natives and to the temperance of Captain Gabriel deRibera, who knew how to sweeten with very pleasing acts of kindnessthe bitter crust of justice. For that reason of the Indians beingentirely well inclined to the Spaniards, the encomiendas of that greatisland were very desirable to the primitive conquistadors. In spiritualmatters the island belongs to the archbishopric of Manila. In regardto civil matters, it is governed by a corregidor and captain of war, who generally has residence in it and extends his jurisdiction tothe neighboring islands of Marindùque and Lucbàn. 

788. Let us now speak of its spiritual conquest, which is the principalobject of our consideration. In the year 1543 the Observant religious, the sons of the best beloved Benjamin, our common father, San Agustin(to whom fell the first and greater part of the possession for theconversion of the heathen, so far as that archipelago is concerned)made the Philipinas Islands happy by their presence by commencingto establish their apostolic preaching; [38] and later in the year1565, they settled in order to complete what they had begun. Likestars rain-laden with the evangelical doctrine those most zealousministers fertilized their Philipinas inheritance with their voluntaryshowers. So much did they do so, that when the new laborers, the sonsof the seraph Francisco arrived at the field, there was scarce anisland which had not produced most abundant fruit for the granariesof the Church because of the work of the first sowers; as is shown inseveral places of his history by father Fray Gaspàr de San Agustin;[39] and that lover of truth, father Fray Francisco de San Antonioconfesses it, thus honoring as he ought the Augustinian Hiermo[sic]. The island of Mindòro also shared in this good fortune. Inits cultivation were employed fathers Fray Francisco de Ortèga andFray Diego de Mòxica. They, after having founded the village of Bàco, endured innumerable misfortunes in a painful captivity, hoping forhours for that death, which they anxiously desired in order to beautifytheir heads with a painful martyrdom. But in order that one might seethat although the former worked above their strength, much remainedto be done by their successors, I shall cite here the exact words offather Fray Gaspar de San Agustin in his Historia. "The convent, "he says, "that we had in that island [of Mindòro: added by Assis]was in the village of Bàco. Thence the religious went out to ministerto the converted natives. The latter were very few and the religioussuffered innumerable hardships because of the roughness of the roadsand the bad climate of some regions. " [40]

789. The discalced sons of St. Francis (minors for their humility, but greatest [maximos] by the fires which they could cast fromthemselves in order to burn up the world) arrived in Manila in theyear 1577. Thence like flying clouds, whose centers were filled withvery active volcanoes, they were scattered through various parts ofthe islands. They were received with innumerable applauses of theirinhabitants, who regarded them as persons who despised the riches ofearth, and thought only of filling the vacant seats of glory. One ofthe places where their zeal for the salvation of souls was predominantwas the land of Mindòro which had been ceded by the calced Augustinianfathers. There, not being content with what had been reduced, theyextended the lights of the Catholic faith at the expense of greatefforts, in the direction of Pola and Calavìte. Those who laboredmost in those places to communicate the infinite blessing to soulswere fathers Fray Estevan Ortìz and Fray Juan de Porras, who weregreat leaders among the first religious of the seraphic discalcedorder who went to Philipinas. [41] But since the fire is kept upin matter in proportion as it abounds in commensurate inclinations, various fields having been discovered in other parts which were fullof combustible dry fuel most fitting to receive the heat of charity, which gives light to the beautiful body of the faith; and seeing thatthat rational fuel of Mindòro would not allow themselves to be burnedfor their good, with the quickness that was desired: they thoughtit advisable to abandon the little for the much, and to go first toIlòcos and secondly to Camarines where they hoped for more abundantfruits in return for their holy zeal. 

790. In the year 1580 the religious of the holy Society of Jesusarrived at the islands. They, in the manner of swift angels ennoblingand glorifying those hidden plains, expanded the habitation of Japhet, in order that he might possess the famous tents of Shem. Immediately, or very near the beginning, the superior detached excellent soldiersof that spiritual troop for the island of Mindòro, so that they mightwith the arms of the preaching destroy the altars dedicated to Belialby giving roots to the healthgiving sign of the cross. They obtainedmuch; for after having penetrated the roughest mountains in search ofheathens and Cimarrones they founded the village of Naojàn, with someother villages annexed to it. They enjoyed that ministry a long timewith their accustomed success. The one who excelled in the missionsof that island was Father Luis de Sanvictores, whose glorious memoryand reputation for sanctity was conserved for many years among thoseIndians. They, notwithstanding the rudeness of their style, neverspoke of him without praise. But that father having retired in orderto begin the conquest of the islands of Ladrones (which were afterwardcalled Marianas), where he with glorious martyrdom gave the utmostencouragement, although others followed his attempts in Mindòro withgreat zeal; the Society finally abandoned that island into the hands ofthe archbishop. [42] We cannot give the exact time of their resolutionor the reasons which could move so zealous fathers to it, although weregard it as certain that they did it in order to employ themselvesin other places where the evangelical fruit was more plentiful. 

791. His Excellency the prelate immediately formed two curacies ofthe entire island, which he handed over to the secular clergy so thatthey might aid those souls. Later as the two could not fulfil that, a third cura had to be appointed. They carefully maintained what hadbeen conquered, a territory that included the coasts along the northside extending from Bongabong to Calavìte. But because there werevery few Christians, since it is apparent that they did not exceedfour thousand, who were scattered throughout various settlements orcollections of huts along a distance of eighty leguas of coast, it wasnot to be supposed that those missions would produce enough incomefor three ministers. Consequently, they had necessarily to be aidedwith other incomes, which were solicited from the royal treasury, and with other pious foundations. Neither was that enough, so thatat times it was very difficult to find seculars to take charge ofthose districts. Those ministries were, it is true, scarce desirable, both because of the smallness of their stipends, because they carriedwith them unendurable hardships, and because of the unhealthfulness ofthe territory. But finally, moved, either by charity or by obedience, there was never a lack of zealous seculars who hastened with the breadof the instruction to those Indians. The curacies were consequentlymaintained there until the year 1679, when our discalced order tookcharge of the whole island for reasons which we shall now relate. 

§ II

Being obliged to abandon the ministries of Zambàles by force, ourprovince of Philipinas assumes possession of the ministries of Mindòro, and obtains rare fruit with its preaching. 

792. In the year 1606, that grain of mustard arrived in Manìla, and although it was small, it produced the tree of most surpassingmagnitude. I speak of our first mission which was composed at itsarrival of a small number of religious. By preaching the glory ofGod and announcing the works of His power, so few men founded thegreatness of that holy province among the illuminations of blindheathenism. It cannot be denied that by that time the sound of theword of God had reached all the Philipinas Islands, which had beenannounced by the illustrious champions who had preceded us in thatvast archipelago, to wit, the calced Augustinians, the discalcedFranciscans, the Jesuits and the Dominicans. But there cannot beany doubt either that, notwithstanding that all the above orders hadworked in the conversion of souls, with the most heroic fervor, somenew locations in which they could enter to work were not lacking toOurs. The harvest was great and the laborers few; and since, howevermuch those destined for that cultivation sweated in continual tenacity, they could not go beyond the limited sphere of man, hence it is thatthe Recollects on reaching that great vineyard at the hour of nine, equaled in merit those who gained their day's wages from the firsthour. And in truth this will appear evident if one considers that evennow, after so many years in which the sacerdotal tuba of the apostolicministry has been incessantly exercised, not a few places are foundin the said islands where the individuals of all orders are employedin living missions, and struggle with the most obstinate paganism. 

793. The district where Ours first spread the gospel net was in themountain range called Zambàles, in the middle part of which extendingfrom Marivèles to Bolinào they obtained fish in great numbers, ashas been told already in the preceding volumes. Those villages ofZambàles are located between ministries of the reverend Dominicanfathers. For, since the latter held along the great bay of Manìlaon the side called El Partido almost at the foot of Mount Batàn, several missions contiguous to Marivèles and on the other side ofBolinào, the best portion of the alcaldeship of Pangasinàn, they alsoincluded in their midst the settlements of the Zambals now reduced toa Christian and civilized life by the missionaries of the Augustinianreformed order. For that reason the Dominicans had desired and evenclaimed without going beyond the boundaries dictated by courtesy andgood relationship that our prelates yield that territory to them, as it was suitable for the communication of the Dominicans amongthemselves between Pangasinàn and Manìla and would make their visitsless arduous. But since that was a very painful proposition to thosewho governed our discalced order, namely, the abandonment of certainIndians who were the firstborn of their spirit, and a land watered bythe blood of so many martyrs, the claim could never be made effectual, however much it was smoothed over by the name of exchange, our provincebeing offered other ministries, in which was shown clearly the zealof its individual members. 

794. The one who made the greatest efforts in this direction wasfather Fray Phelipe Pardo, both times that he held the Dominicanprovincialate in the years 1662 and 1673. Although all of his effortswere then frustrated, he obtained great headway by them to obtainhis purposes later. For May 30, 1676, his Majesty presented him forthe office of archbishop of Manìla. Thereupon he formed the notionthat the new marks of the ecclesiastical dignity would be sufficientto add authority to argument. For, because of the respect to hisperson, surely worthy of the greatest promotion, we did not dare tocondemn his attempt as unjust; and more even, when he obtained it, making amends to our reformed order for the wrong we received by arecompense which was fully justifiable in his eyes. A chance offeredhim a suitable occasion for his project in the following manner. DonDiego de Villatoro represented to the Council of the Indias thatthe island of Mindòro was filled with innumerable heathens allsunk in the darkness of their paganism; and that if its conquestwere entrusted to any order, it would be very easy to illumine itsinhabitants with the light of the faith. Therefore a royal decreewas despatched, under date of Madrid, June 18, 1677, ordering thegovernor of the islands, together with the archbishop, to entrust thereduction of Mindòro to the order which appeared best fitted for it, before all things settling the curas who resided there in prebendsor chaplaincies. That decree was presented to the royal Audiencia ofManìla by Sargento-mayor Don Sebastian de Villarreal, October 31, 78, and since his Majesty's fiscal had nothing to oppose, it was obeyedwithout delay, and it was sent for fulfilment to the said archbishop, December 14 of the same year. On that account, his Excellency formedthe idea of taking Zambàles from us in order to augment his orderand give the island of Mindòro to our discalced order. 

795. He began, then, to discuss the matter without the loss ofany time, and he did not stop until his designs were obtained, notwithstanding that he had to conquer innumerable difficulties. For, in the first place, our provincial, then father Fray Joseph de SanNicolàs, opposed it very strongly. The latter alleged that it wouldbe a violation of the municipal constitutions of the Recollects toabandon the ministries of Zambàles, for the constitutions expresslystated that none of the convents once possessed should be abandonedexcept under certain conditions, which were not present in the caseunder consideration. Besides that the Indian natives of Mindòro, both Christians and infidels, scarcely knew that there was a questionof giving them minister religious and begged Jesuit fathers withgreat instance, for they preserved yet the affection that they hadconceived for them, since the time that the latter had procured forthem with their preaching at the cost of many dangers their greatestwelfare, omitting no means that could conduce to their withdrawalfrom the darkness of their paganism. And when the Zambals heard thatthe Recollect fathers were to be taken from their villages, in orderto surrender them to the Dominicans, they declared almost in violentuproar that they would not allow such a change under any consideration, for they were unable to tolerate, because of the love which theyprofessed for their spiritual ministers, to be forever deprived oftheir company, by which they had obtained so great progress in theCatholic faith. 

796. But the archbishop found means in the hidden recesses of hisprudence by which to conquer such obstacles. For in unison with DonJuan de Vargas Hurtado, governor and captain-general of the islands, he softened the provincial, Fray Joseph de San Nicolàs, and obligedhim to agree to the exchange. He quieted the natives of Mindòro bymeans of their corregidor, so that they might receive the ministersof our discalced order, and availing himself of the services of thealcalde-mayor of Pangasinàn, he silenced the Zambal Indians so thatthey should take the privation of their Recollects gracefully, andlower the head to the admission of the Dominican fathers. Thereupon, the sea of opposition having been calmed, and after the threeseculars who were administering to Mindòro had been assigned fittingcompetencies, which were provided for them in Manìla, an act of theroyal Audiencia provided that our reformed order should be entrustedwith the administration of the said island, with absolute clauseswhich established it in the said royal decree, and without the leastrespect the abandonment of the Zambal missions. Then immediatelypreceding the juridical surrender of them, which was signed by theabove-mentioned father provincial, although it was protested by onlythe father lector, Fray Joseph de la Assumpcion, and father FrayFrancisco de la Madre de Dios, a second act was passed by which themissions were assigned to the fathers of St. Dominic. Thus did thearchbishop have a complete victory. 

797. By virtue of those decrees, which were announced to ourprovincial, April 17, 1679, that holy province was dispossessed of allthe Zambal mountain range, which then contained eleven villages. Theywere also dispossessed of the missions which father Fray Joseph de laTrinidad was then fomenting in the nearby mountains by the far-reachingfruits of his apostolic preaching, as we have mentioned worthily inanother place. [43] The individual members of the province of SantoRosario hastened to take charge of the ministries and missions ofthe Zambals which had been surrendered to them by Ours without theleast disturbance being observed publicly, although almost all ofthose governed by the said Father Trinidad threatened violence. Thosejuridical measures, with what was done in Manìla, served much laterfor the recovery of Zambàles without the loss of the new possessionsof Mindòro. The necessary papers were also despatched directed tothe corregidor of Mindòro, ordering him to deliver the ministriesof that island to the discalced Augustinians. Without loss of time, the father definitor, Fray Diego de la Madre de Dios, assumed chargeof the district of Bàco, while the bachelor Don Joseph de Roxas whopossessed it left it. The curacy of Calavìte was taken possessionof by father Fray Diego de la Resurreccion, who took the place ofLicentiate Don Juan Pedrosa. The parish of Naoyàn was taken charge ofby the father definitor, Fray Eugenio de los Santos, the bachelor, Don Martin Diaz, being removed. All that was concluded before theend of the year 1679 without disturbance, lawsuits, or dissensions. 

798. The above-mentioned religious were accompanied by three othersof whose names we are ignorant. Immediately did that holy squadroncommence to announce the testimony of Christ, with sermons founded onthe manifestation of virtue, spirit, and example, and not on illusorypersuasion which is built on naught but words, which are confirmatoryof human wisdom. They considered especially that they had to givestrict account of those souls whose direction had just been giventhem. Consequently, they watched over their flock, hastening to theirsheep with the right food, without avoiding the greatest fatigue. Hencecould one recognize the great good fortune of the island of Mindòro, for in the territory where three seculars at most, and generally onlytwo, lived formerly, six evangelical laborers had enough to do. Theywere later increased to eight, and that number was never or but rarelydecreased. Each of them on his part produced most abundant fruits atthat time, and under all circumstances the same has been obtained. Foralthough the common enemy diffused much discord during the first tasksof their apostolic labor in order thereby to choke the pure grain ofthe divine word by making use therefor of a man, namely, Admiral DonJoseph de Chaves, encomendero of almost the entire island, at last byOurs exercising their innate prudence and their unalterable patience, the grace of God was triumphant, while the attempts of Satan werea mockery. 

799. Father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio remarked very forciblyof our discalced religious that, "although they were the last gospellaborers in Philipinas, they have competed in their apostolic zealwith the first laborers in the fruits that they gathered from theirlabors in the reduction of the most barbarous islanders. " [44] Andthe father master, Fray Joseph Sicardo, adds very fittingly, that"our discalced religious having received the great island of Mindòro, increased the Christianity of its natives by means of so zealousministers. " [45] Then, as appears from juridical instruments before me, although the Christians throughout the island when our reformed orderassumed charge of it did not exceed four thousand, in the year 1692they already exceeded the number of eight thousand, and in the year1716 arrived to the number of twelve thousand. It is a fact that thepersecution by the Moros happening afterward (of which something wassaid incidentally in volume three, [46] and which will in due time addmuch to this history) the number of believers was greatly lessened;for some retired to other islands, where the war was not so cruel, others were taken to Jolò in dire captivity, and others surrenderedtheir lives to so great a weight of misfortune. Notwithstanding that, in the year 1738, when father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonioprinted his first volume, it appeared by trustworthy documents thatOurs administered seven thousand five hundred and fifty-two soulsin the various villages, visitas, missions, and rancherías in thatisland. [47] Hence, one may infer that our zealous brothers havelabored there especially in destroying paganism and reducing the manyZimarrònes or apostates who, having thrown off all obedience, had builtthemselves forts in those mountains. And if not few of both classesremain obstinate, it does not proceed certainly from any omissionthat has been found in our zealous workers, but from other causeswhich are already suggested in other parts of this present volume. 

800. Neither can one make from this progress of the Catholic faithwhich was attained by the preaching of our religious, any inferencesagainst the other laborers who began to subdue the island, or againstthe secular clergy, who administered it afterward. The Observantfathers, as a rule, employed there no more than one missionary or atthe most two. The number of the fathers of St. Francis was no larger, and they had charge at times of the district of Balayàn as well asof Mindòro. Since the fathers of the Society had so much to attendto in so many parts, two or three of them took care of Mindòro andMarinduque. Consequently, one ought not to be surprised that so smalla number of laborers did not do more, but, that they had done so muchmust surely astonish him who considers it thoroughly. In the same waythe parish priests, who succeeded them, were very few, and since thereduced Indians occupied so extensive a coast, they had scarce enoughtime to administer the bread of the doctrine to the Christians, so thatthey had none left to penetrate into the mountains in search of theZimarrones or of the heathen Manguiànes. [48] But, on the contrary, from the time that that island was delivered to our teaching, thenumber of missionaries has been doubled or tripled. It is evidentthat victories must generally increase in proportion to the increaseof the soldiers in the campaign, even in what concerns spiritual wars. 

801. This argument has more force, if it be considered that theevangelical laborers having increased afterward with so great profit, they asserted that at times the greatest strength accompanied bygigantic zeal was given up as conquered, by the continual toilindispensable in the administration of the faithful, for to thattask was added the care of the conversion of the heathen. That toilwas so excessive that the night generally came without the fathershaving obtained a moment of rest in order to pay the debt of thedivine office. At times they had to neglect the care of their ownbodies in order to attend to the souls of their neighbors. They werealways busied in teaching the instruction to children and adults;in administering the holy sacraments, although they had to go threeor four leguas to the places where the dying persons were; and inpenetrating the rough mountains in the center of the island, inorder to allure the heathens and apostates to the healthful bosomof the Church. To all the above (which even now is, as it were, a common characteristic of all our missionaries in Philipinas) isadded the extreme poverty there, and the lack of necessities thatthey endured. For, the reduced product from those villages, in regardto the ecclesiastical stipend, which was formerly insufficient tosupport two or three curas with great misery, was now sufficient tosupport six or more religious. Consequently, they endured it withthe greatest hardship. 

§ III

Information of the convents which were founded in that island, andthe miracles with which God confirmed the Catholic religion whichOurs were preaching. 

802. Trampling under foot, then, the above discomforts and otherswhich are omitted, those illustrious champions attended to the exactfulfilment of the spiritual administration, employing themselves inthe exercise of missionaries in order to reduce the heathens to theCatholic sheepfold. In the belief that it would be very conduciveto the extension of the Christian religion to establish conventsin the new territory which they were cultivating, they began to settheir hands to the work. The first foundation which they establishedwas in the village of Bàco, where the corregidor was residing atthat time, although that convent was later moved to Calapàn. Tworeligious were placed there in residence, and they looked after thespiritual administration in several rancherías. Those rancherías haveincreased with the lapse of time to a great number of Christians, andhave become villages that are not to be despised, having been formedanew by the zeal of our apostolic laborers. The villages comprehendedin that district in the year 1733 are the following: Calapàn, whichis the chief one, where the convent is located; Bàco, Subàn, Ilog, Minòlo, and Camoròn, which are annexed villages or visitas, as theyare called there. Our church of Calapàn is enriched with an imageof Christ our Lord, which represents Him in His infancy; and on thataccount it is called the convent of Santo Niño [i. E. , Holy Child]. Thatimage is conspicuous in continual miracles and is the consolation ofall the Indians of Mindòro. For a long history might be written byonly relating the marvels which the divine power has worked by it;now giving health to many sick unto death; now freeing villages fromlocusts which were destroying the fields, now succoring not a fewboats which driven by violent storms were running down the Marinduquecoast, whose sailors were in the greatest danger of being drowned inthe water, or the ship of grounding on the shoals of the land. 

803. [One miracle is related of a Recollect in Calapàn who havingacquired two hundred pesos determined to send it home to Spain to hismother who was very poor, without saying anything to the provincialas he was in duty bound to do. Being very observant in his outwardduties, he said mass before the image just previous to sending themoney to America on a ship which appeared opportunely, but the imageturned its back on him. Thereupon, being convicted of sin, he burstinto tears, and was thereafter free from such temptations. ]

804. The above case happened years after when the convent wasestablished in Calapàn. Let us now examine other marvels, whichhappened at Bàco, near the beginning, which were of great use forthe extension of the Catholic name. The father definitor, Fray Diegode la Madre de Dios, who was the founder of that house, was surely aholy man, and was venerated as such in Manìla. Notwithstanding that, however, a corregidor took to persecuting him by word and deed. Theservant of God bore the personal insults with great patience, althoughit pained him to the soul to see that the corregidor's contempt wasresulting in prejudice to the Catholic religion. He practiced severalsecret efforts ordered by charity in order to restrain the corregidor'stongue, but seeing that they were insufficient, generally chided ina sermon the evil employment of sacrilegious mouths which, takingthe gospel laborers as the object of their detractions, prevent thefruit of their preaching, although they should aid in the attainmentof so holy an end. The chief culprit was present, toward whom withoutnaming him the father directed his aim; and since, after one has onceleft the hand of God, he precipitates himself easily from one abyssto another (angered by the pain which was caused him by the medicine, which was being applied prudently in order to cure him of his pain andindiscreetly abusing the authority which resided in his person), herose in anger, with the determination to impose silence on the fatherwho (if he was talking) it was, for his own [i. E. , the corregidor's]good. "Sacrilegious preacher" he exclaimed, but when he attemptedto continue his face was suddenly twisted, and he could not uttera word, and he was extremely disfigured and was attacked by mostintense pains. He was taken to his house, where the venerable fatherattended him, and by his only making the sign of the cross above thecorregidor's mouth the patient was restored to his former state ofhealth in body, while in soul he was completely changed. The courageto make public penitence for his public crimes, and to return hiscredit entirely to so holy a religious did not fail him. 

805. [The same father although very sick with fever did not hesitate, aided by spiritual forces, to go to a distance to administer to a sickperson who had urgently requested his presence--a fact that conducednot a little to the conversion of the natives round about. ]

806 [and 807]. The second convent was founded in the village of Naojànby the father definitor, Fray Eugenio de los Santos, and St. Nicholasof Tolentino was assigned it as titular. Besides the said principalvillage, it had in its charge six annexed villages of visitas, namely, Pòla, Pinamalayàn, Balente, Sumàgay, Maliguo, and Bongàbong. However, with the change of the district of Mangàrin, of which we shallspeak later, there was some variation in the distribution of thosesettlements. That ministry is one of the first in authority in theisland, because of the great number of parishioners to which it hasincreased, because a great multitude of heathen Manguiànes who havebeen converted to our holy faith, have gone thither to live, as wellas a not small number of apostate Christians, who were wanderingat liberty through those mountains. All that was obtained by thepreaching of our laborers by whose efforts three of the said villageswere reëstablished. [Two prodigies or miraculous occurrences whichare related aided in the christianizing of this convent. ]

808 [and 809]. Another and third convent was established in the conventof Calavìte by the efforts of father Fray Diego de la Resurreccion, and its titular was Nuestra Señora del Populo [i. E. , Our Lady of thePeople]. It has the annexed villages of Dòngon, Santa Cruz, Mambùrao, Tubìli, and Santo Thomàs. Of those settlements, those that are on thecoast which extends from Calavìte to Mangàrin, have been founded forthe most part by dint of the zeal of our religious. They formerly hadmany Christians, although at present they have suffered a remarkablediminution because of the persecutions of the Moros which we havealready mentioned. [An epidemic that was raging throughout thisdistrict when the convent was founded was checked miraculously. Inthe same district, a heathen Manguian chief who had opposed the newfaith surrendered to the personal solicitation of Fray Diego de laResurreccion, and became a good Christian, and afterward aided in theconversion of many others. The district was miraculously cleared ofthe pest of locusts which were destroying all the fields. ]

810 [and 811]. The fourth convent was erected in the village ofMangàrin under the advocacy of our father, St. Augustine. Itsprior also governed the villages of Guàsig, Manàol, Ilìlin, andBulalàcao. However, the provincial chapter of 1737 ordered that houseremoved to Bongàbong, for reasons that they considered most sufficient, namely, because Mangàrin was ruined by the continual invasions of theMoros, and because of its poor temperature, which put an end to thehealth of almost all the religious. For that reason, the distributionof the annexed villages of Naojàn, Mangàrin, and Calavìte in anothermanner was inevitable, so that the correct administration of thedoctrina might be more promptly administered. But the convents abovementioned always were left standing, and serve as plazas de armas, where those soldiers of Jesus take refuge in order to go out in theisland to war against the armies of Satan. It can be stated confidentlythat the district of which we have been speaking, has been conqueredby our reformed order; for when we entered Mindòro, scarcely was thename of Christ known there, while at present there are many soulsthere who follow the banners of the cross, and all the power of hell, incited by Mahometan infidelity, has not availed to destroy the deeproots of its faith. On the contrary we have wondered greatly at thepower of the divine grace in those neophytes, for after their beliefhas been proved many times, as gold in the crucible, in the fire ofthe most raging persecution it has gone up [a number of] carats invalue and purity. [This district was also the scene of a miracle orprodigy that showed the force of God and the faith. ]

812. Besides the above-mentioned convents, a mission was begun someyears later in the mountains of Mindòro for the purpose of reducingthe Manguiànes heathen. Although many of them had been converted, allured by the zeal of various religious, still not a few remainedin the darkness of paganism for lack of ministers, who could busythemselves without any other occupation in busying themselves inillumining them with the evangelical light. That was so abundant afield that it could keep many laborers busy. Thus the project wasformed by the province to keep at least three subjects busy in it, so that each one, so far as he might be able, might put his handto the plough, and without turning back, cultivate so extensive aland, which was capable of producing an infinite amount of fruit forthe table of glory. But since the missionaries maintain themselvesthere at the cost of the royal treasury, which is almost always ina state of too great exhaustion, so well conceived a desire had tobe satisfied with one single preacher, whom the superior governmentassigned for that purpose, although the province assigns others atits own expense, when its too great poverty does not prevent, or thelack of men, so usual there. The residence of those missionaries inthe village of Ilog was determined upon and a suitable convent wasestablished there. From that place, entering the mountains frequently, they began to fell their rational thickets, in order to fertilizethem with the waters of irrigation of the divine grace, so thatthe seed of their apostolic preaching might be received. By meansof the laborious eagerness of the sowers who have succeeded them, a great portion of that arid desert has been transformed into themost charming garden. When I left Philipinas in the year 1738, itstill existed as a most fruitful mission and there were well foundedhopes that if Apollos water the plants established by Paul, it willreceive the most abundant increase from God. [49]

813. [The way was blazed also in the mountain mission with miraculousoccurrences that proclaimed the true God. ] It appears impossible thattheir inhabitants should not come to know God and should not runbreathless after the odoriferous delicacias of His goodness. Thereis still much to do in this regard, for a great number of infidelsstill live in the said mountains, and if thirty missionaries wereassigned there, they would not lack employment. But let us praise Godfor what has been accomplished, petitioning Him to crown so memorablebeginnings with a good end. 

[The fourth section of this chapter does not treat of the Philippines. ]

CHAPTER X

The province of Philipinas again receives the ministries of Calamiànes, which it had previously abandoned. Abundance of fruit is gatheredthere. Some religious die in España. 

The year 1681

§ I

Our religious begin again to preach the faith in the islands ofCalamiànes; and the great fruit which they gather in the conversionof many heathen. 

823. [The Recollect missionaries of Philipinas can rightly be calledapostolic because of their zeal. ]

824. In the year 1661, the Chinese pirate Kuesing sent an embassy tothe Philipinas Islands, demanding nothing less than the vassalageof them all, and threatening the Spaniards who did not comply withwhat he called their obligation that they would feel all the weightof war on themselves. We have already treated of this matter inanother place. [50] So far as we have to do with the matter here, various measures were taken in the islands because of the fearscaused by the threat, in order that they might be defended in casethat Kuesing fulfilled it. One of those measures was the abandonmentof the presidios of Terrenàte, Zamboàngan, Calamiànes, and others, in order that they might be able to employ their troops, artillery, and munitions of war in defending the most important places. Thatdecree was opposed very strongly, but the objections althoughthey were thoroughly based on reason could not prevent such actionbeing taken. Consequently, at the end of 1662 or at the beginningof 63 the presidios were actually withdrawn, and the Christianvillages were left more exposed than ever to the invasions of theMoros. That so fatal resolution was also necessarily accompanied bythe withdrawal of the evangelical ministers, for the fathers of theSociety abandoned Zamboàngan and other sites, and our Recollect familythe Calamiànes. Although no special regret was shown for that actionat that time by the superior government of Manìla, to whom belongsthe duty of furnishing spiritual ministers to the subject villages, yet years afterward the wrong was recognized, and the remedy wasprocured in due manner. 

825. The most fruitful preaching of Ours in the islands of Calamiàneshas been already related in volume II; [51] as has also the conversionof their inhabitants, until then heathens; the marvels which divineOmnipotence worked there; the convents which were established forthe extension of the Catholic faith; and the hardships endured by themissionaries in spreading it. Now, then, it must be noted that eightreligious were well employed in all the islands of that jurisdiction, who looked after the spiritual administration of the ChristianIndians and the conversion of the idolaters who were not few. Butwhen they withdrew, only two remained in charge of the islandsof Cuyo and Agutàya while the six betook themselves to Manìla orwherever their obedience assigned them. The place occupied by the six(where they labored to excess, as there were many Indians and theywere spread out into many islands and settlements) was given to onesingle secular priest. He having his residence in Taytày, did as muchas he was able in the other villages. But it is more than certainthat he could do very little, if he did perchance succeed in doinganything. In this regard one can visibly see the spiritual wrong whichfollowed those vassals of the king. Even an undeniable loss resultedto the royal treasury, for in a few years the Indian tributes werelessened almost by half. But notwithstanding that, neither GovernorDon Diego de Salcedo nor the bishop of Zebù, to whom it belonged inits various aspects to supply the remedy of one and the other wrong, would manifest that they understood it. 

826. Thus did things go on for seventeen years until the year 1680, when the Indian chiefs of Calamiànes having united among themselves, presented a memorial to Governor Don Juan de Bargas Hurtado. In it, after mentioning the wrongs above mentioned, and the love which theyalways professed to our religious, their first ministers, they urgentlypetitioned that the Augustinian Recollects be assigned them as parishpriests. The fact that the cura, Don Antonio de Figueròa, the onlymissionary in Calamiànes, in addition to having been presented forthe curacy of Tabùco in the archbishopric of Manìla, had now been sickfor two months and unable to administer the sacraments, lent force tothat representation. On that account he petitioned with double justicethat a successor be sent to him, but no secular ecclesiastic couldbe found who knew the language of the country, nor would risk themission which was now of but very small profit. For those reasons, the abovesaid governor despatched an order to our provincial on May11 of the said year, asking and charging him, and even ordering himin the king's name, to assign religious of his order, in order thatthey might go to reassume possession of the villages of Calamiànes, so that they might attend to its spiritual administration. He hopedthat by means of their wonted zeal, that province would be restoredto its former splendor through their direction and teaching, and thatthe number of the Christians would increase in the proportion desired. 

827. But notwithstanding that, the father provincial negotiated withhis definitory in order to interpose a supplication in regard tothe said act, and refused to send evangelical laborers, the totalcause of such action being the lack of religious. He alleged, then, that since his province had assumed charge of the ministries of theContracosta and of Mindòro, where many subjects were employed; and inconsideration of the lack of men which the discalced order sufferedthere, which could not be helped: not only was it clearly impossiblefor him to assign missionaries to Calamiànes, but also that he saw thatit was necessary for the reformed branch to reiterate his petitionmade previously to the royal Audiencia, in regard to withdrawing thetwo ministers who were occupied in the island of Cùyo, as there was anotable lack in other villages. That allegation was sent by decree ofthe superior government to Don Diego Antonio de Viga, of the Council ofhis Majesty and his fiscal in the Audiencia of Manìla. On the sixteenthof the same month and year, he maintained that notwithstanding therepresentation made by the father provincial (since no other ordercontained ministers who understood the language of the Calamiànes), the necessary provision must be despatched, in accordance with thesecond and last warning, ordering the Recollect province to establishmissionaries in Calamiànes and not to withdraw those of Cùyo. He wasconfident in the apostolic zeal with which they have ever appliedthemselves to the ministry, that notwithstanding their small numberthey would accomplish the task which demanded many laborers. 

828. The governor conformed to the plea of the fiscal. Consequently, on the same day he despatched in due form a second decree in theking's name, ordering the superior prelate of our province, inconsideration of the extreme necessity of the islands of Calamiànes, toimmediately establish the necessary ministers therein for the spiritualconsolation of those Indians. He added that Don Fray Diego de Aguilarof the Order of Preachers, the bishop recently appointed for Zebù(to whose miter the said islands belonged) despatched ex-officiohis decree also charging our province with the administration of allthe Christian villages established in Calamiànes, or that were to beestablished in the future; and says that he does so in considerationof the apostolic zeal of our reformed order and the spirit thatalways assists them in trampling under foot the greatest fatigues, so that many souls might be gathered into the flock of the Catholicchurch. Thereupon the father provincial, Fray Thomàs de San Geronimo, could offer no more resistance and sent father Fray Nicolàs deSanta Ana as vicar-provincial of Calamiànes, with two associates. Thealcalde-mayor of the said province, Don Diego Bibièn Henriquez, placedthem in possession of the ministry of Taytày (which is the chief oneof them all) on the first of November, 1680, to the universal joy ofthe Indians. The latter showed by extraordinary festivals their joyat seeing that the direction of their spirits was in charge of thesame fathers who had engendered them through the gospel. The king, by his decree dated December 24, 1682, confirmed the said possessionat the petition of the father commissary of Philipinas, Fray Juan dela Madre de Dios, with great signs of his royal pleasure. 

829. Of the three religious newly assigned, father Fray Nicolàsestablished his residence in Taytày; the second was located in theisland of Dumaràn; and the third in the village of Tancòn. From thoseplaces they labored according to their strength, until the arrivalat Philipinas of the band of missionaries which was conducted bythe father commissary, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, which enteredManìla in October 1684, when a greater number of missionaries couldbe assigned, as was very necessary for the direction of so manyIndians. For the extensive territory which was formerly administeredby only one cura, has later given worthy employment to five, six, or seven of our religious, to say nothing of the two at the least, who have been stationed continually in the islands of Cùyo. Henceone may infer how much the Catholic faith has been extended there, now by reducing into the villages the many natives who had fledto the mountains, after abandoning almost entirely their Christianobligations; now by undeceiving others who lack but little of becomingMoros, because of their nearness and intercourse with those people; andnow by penetrating into the roughest mountains of Paràgua in order todraw the souls from the darkness of paganism to the agreeable lightof the Christian religion. 

830. In regard to these particulars, we consider it necessary toreproduce at this point a portion of a letter written May 28, 1683, to our father vicar-general, Fray Juan de la Presentacion, by therecently-elected father provincial of those islands, Fray Isidoro deJesus Maria, a person well known in Europa for the literary productionswhich he has published. He speaks, then, as follows: "The urgingsof the Indians of the province of Calamiànes to the ecclesiasticaland secular government and to my predecessors, have availed so much, that this province has judged that the precept of Christian charitydemands us to return to that administration, trusting in God our Lordfor the relief of the very great disadvantages which had compelled ourreligious who had administered and reared that field of Christendomfrom its beginning, to withdraw from that province. At the presentit has increased by more than two thousand souls who have been drawnfrom the mountains in less than three years, as can be seen from therelations sent to the chapter. Greater fruits are hoped for, becausein the past year of 82, the ambassador of the king of Borney in thename of his prince, arranged with the governor of these islands forthe cession of a not small amount of land and number of settlements, which are subject to the said Bornèy--one in the island of Paràgua, one of the islands of Calamiànes. The confirmation of the pact withhis ambassador is awaited from Bornèy, so that that district mayreally be incorporated with the rest which is subject to the king oursovereign; and consequently, to introduce by means of our religious, the Catholic faith among those new vassals of his Majesty. "

831. Then he goes on to treat of the unsupportable hardships sufferedin Calamiànes by the evangelical ministers. I have thought it bestnot to omit his relation, in order that one may see how much merit isacquired in the promulgation of the faith amid such anxieties. "Butthe devil, " he continues, "who watches that he may not lose the soulsof which he finds himself in quasi possession, has raised up at thistime a cloud of dust, by which he has prevented and is preventingin many of these remote parts the obtaining of many souls and isoccasioning the loss of others. For as I am advised by the lettersof the religious of Calamiànes, under date of the eighteenth of thecurrent month and of the twenty-second of the past month of April, that the alcaldes-mayor who have governed that jurisdiction (andeven more he who is governing it at present, who is a lad of 21, a servant of the governor and of these islands) cause so great andcontinual troubles both to the father ministers and to the natives ofthe country, that the latter, although Christians, have retired fromtheir villages of Taytày, Dumaràn, and Paràgua to the mountains inorder to escape their intolerable oppression. They exclaim that theyare not withdrawing from obedience to his Majesty and that they donot intend to abandon their profession as Christians, but that theydo not dare to live in the more than enslaved condition in whichthe alcaldes-mayor, carried away by their insatiable greed, confinethem. The father prior of Taytày writes me that he has entered themountains with every danger from the enemy, in search of his terrifiedand scattered sheep; and notwithstanding all the efforts and warningsthat he has made and given them he has not been able to succeed ingetting them to return to their villages, unless another alcalde-mayorbe assigned to them, and relief offered for the extreme oppressionthat is offered to them. They answer the arguments of the father bytelling him not to tire himself, 'for we can ill hope, ' they say, 'that he who tramples on the sacred dignity of a priest, will have anymoderation with regard to us. ' They assert this because they saw thatthe last alcalde-mayor lifted his cane against father Fray Domingode San Agustin, and struck him while he was putting on his clericalrobes to say mass; and that the present alcalde-mayor treated thereligious with indignity even to the point of taking from them theone who takes them their necessary support, so that they have had tofind for themselves the water that they drink. He has taken from themthe sacristans and other servants of the Church without leaving themeven anyone to aid them in the mass. He has forbidden the Indians toenter the convent or to assist in any of the things to which theyare obliged. He has forbidden them to go out as they ought to thevisitas, and to confess, preach, and catechize. It is all directedto the end that the Indians might not be busied in anything elsethan in getting wax for the alcalde-mayor. Hence this is the sourceand beginning of the troubles suffered by the poor Indians. They arenot only not permitted to make use of their natural right, but areprevented from giving the due execution to his Majesty's orders, fromentering and going out, from trading and trafficking one with another, and one village with another, for if they have anything to buy or tosell, it must be entirely for the alcalde-mayor. These notices arenecessarily communicated in the lands of the infidels. Just consider, your Reverence, what will be the condition of their minds, whenwe try to reduce them to the knowledge of our good God, and to theobedience of the king our sovereign. I have informed the governor inregard to this, and since I do not expect any relief from his hand, I entreat your Reverence to procure it from the royal piety with thememorial and documents adjoined. If not we shall have to appeal toGod, for such troubles are of very frequent occurrence in variousparts of these islands. We never cease to wonder when we see someSpaniards here who are so destitute of Christian considerations, and so clothed in greed, God so permitting by His lofty judgments, inexchange for the martyrdoms that are lacking to us religious in Japòn. "

832. We believe, although we are not altogether sure, that the suitablerelief was given on one and the other side, for in the followingyears, we find that the Catholic faith made very extraordinary gainsin Calamiànes. This is proved by the reëstablishment of the ancientconvents and ministries. It appears that the chapter of 1686 erecteda new mission in the village of Tancòn which was later moved to thevillage of Culiòn. The chapter of 1695 established another distinctmission in the island of Dumaràn, and that of 1698 a third one inthe island of Lincapàn; and we see that that of 1746 has added twoother ministries, the first in the island of Alutaya, and the secondin the village of Calatàn. That is sure proof of the increase of theChristians, when the evangelical laborers are so increased. In regardto the above we must mention what appears from acts and judicialreports which the superior government of Manìla sent to the Councilof the Indias, and which are conserved in its secretary's office inthe department of Nueva España; namely, that when our province ofCalamiànes was again given to us, all the islands contained only4, 500 Christian souls, but that in the year 1715 they amounted to18, 600. And even after the continual and furious persecution, which ismentioned briefly in the third volume [52] had intervened, with whichit is undeniable that the number of believers had decreased greatly, father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio notes in the history of hisprovince of San Gregorio de Philipinas [53] that there were 21, 076Christian souls in the islands of Calamiànes and Romblòn in theyear 1735. Hence subtracting about five thousand from that numberfor those of the island of Romblòn, there is a remainder of aboutsixteen thousand for Calamiànes. [54] Let us give praises to God whothus maintains the zeal of those fervent laborers and crowns theirfatigues with so abundant fruits. 

[Section ii of this chapter mentions the virtues and holiness of someof the Indians of the missions of Calamiànes. The first mentionedwas one Joseph Bagumbàyan, a native of Taytày, who was reared inthe convent of that village by the Recollects. The rearing of suchchildren is described as follows: "The holy orders of Philipinasare wont to take account of the sons of the chief Indians of thevillages under their charge, in order to teach them good morals fromchildhood, and rear them with those qualities which are considerednecessary to enable them to govern their respective villages afterwardwith success, since the administration of justice is always put incharge of such Indians. They live in the convents from childhoodin charge of the gravest fathers. The latter are called masters, although in strictness they are tutors or teachers who would rightgladly avoid such service. In this meaning, and in no other, mustone understand whatever is said about our religious having servantsin the Philipinas. I have heard scruples expressed here in Españaover this bare kind [of service], when it ought to be a matter foredification to see that in addition to the truly gigantic toils thatour brothers there load upon their shoulders, they voluntarily takethis very troublesome one of rearing a few children who serve only toexercise the patience. " Joseph strove to imitate the fathers as muchas possible, in self sacrifice and austerity, and desired to becomea donné, "which was the most to which he could aspire, since he wasonly an Indian. " That, however, being denied him, he was enrolledin the confraternity of the Correa or girdle, and admitted as aspiritual brother of the Recollect order. He acted as teacher of boysfor over fifty years, teaching them reading, writing, arithmetic, and music. At his death he was buried in the Recollect church atTaytày. One of the boys taught by Joseph was Bartolomè Lingòn. Atthe age of fifteen he was appointed to assist Fray Alonso de SanAgustin or Garcias, who arrived in Philipinas in 1684 and was sentimmediately to Calamiànes. Although he desired to remain unmarried, he was married at the request of the missionaries to a devout womannamed Magdalena Ilìng. He acted as the chief sacristan of the Recollectchurch in Taytày, ever taking great delight in the service of thechurch and his duties therein. He survived his wife three years, dyingin January 1696. His wife had been born in Laguna de Paràgua but hadlived in Taytày most of her life with a Christian aunt. Although shewished to devote her life exclusively to religion she was persuadedby the religious to marry Bartolomè. Her devotion led her to teachthe girls of the village without pay. Of a gentle disposition shewas yet unyielding on occasions of necessity and although tempted byan alcalde-mayor who was enamored of her beauty and made improperproposals to her, she ever maintained her virtue. At her death bycancer of the breast, she was buried in the Recollect church. Thelast two sections of this chapter have nothing on the Philippines. ]

DECADE TEN

[The first chapter of this decade does not treat of the Philippines. ]

CHAPTER II

Our province of Philipinas attempts a mission to Great China. Thelife of the venerable brother Fray Martin de San Francisco. 

The year 1682

§ I

Relation of the anxiety which our province of Philipinas has alwayshad to extend its apostolic preaching to China; and the great effortmade in 1682 for that purpose. 

[The story of the Recollect attempt to evangelize in China is one offailure, notwithstanding the earnest efforts made by that order tosend laborers to that empire. Shortly after the closing of Japaneseports to all missionaries in 1640, the Philippine Recollects beganto work up the foreign mission field, but it was not until 1650 thatthey were able to present memorials to the Roman court, which provedunavailing as the Italians and French were already on the ground inmany of the Asiatic countries. In 1667 the father provincial, FrayJuan de la Madre de Dios, received decrees in blank ordering him tosend laborers to China, but the royal treasury was in no position toaid them, and the wars both in the islands and in China also preventedthe proposed spiritual invasion. Many other mandatory decrees fromthe king met the same fate, but in the chapter of 1680, the orderdetermined to make the mission if they had to supply all the fundsthemselves. Three men were told off to study the language in order toprepare for the work in China, and in 1682, one did actually get asfar as Macan, but the opposition of the civil authorities there provedthe deathknell to all hopes at that time. Again in 1701, and in 1704, abortive attempts were made to enter the great empire, the last beingcoeval with the arrival of the apostolic visitor Cardinal Tournon. ]

[The second section of this chapter treats of Spanish matters. ]

CHAPTER III

A fine mission leaves España for Philipinas; and the venerable fatherFray Christoval de San Joseph leaves this for the eternal life. 

The year 1683

§ I

Of the missions of our religious who reached Philipinas during theyears of these three decades, and in especial of the mission whichmade its voyage this year 1683 to the not small luster of the Catholicreligion. 

. .. 908. The third volume has already related that a mission leftEspaña in the year 1660 in charge of father Fray Eugenio de losSantos. [55] He brought in that mission, however, only eighteenchoir religious and two lay brothers whose names I have beenunable to ascertain, as the instruments with which I would haveto do so have not come to me from España. They all reached Mexicoin the above-mentioned year and since because of various accidentsthat happened during the voyage, in the islands and in the port ofCavite no ships came from Philipinas to Nueva España, either thatyear or the two following, the mission had to stay in the saidcity all that time incurring the expenses and fatal consequencesthat one can understand. In the year 1662 the viceroy of Mexicodespatched a boat to the islands to get a report of their condition, for there was fear that they had been invaded by enemies. One ofthose missionaries ventured in that boat, and arriving at Manilait caused not a little rejoicing to the inhabitants there. The nextyear ships from Philipinas were seen in the port of Acapulco, and asa consequence fourteen religious took passage in them and arrivedat Manila in August 1663, and not in 1684 as was wrongly reportedin volume three. The five others remained in Nueva España, but theyafterwards reached their destination and all served in those fieldsof Christendom where they were of great use. 

909. Father Fray Christoval de Santa Monica, after having beenprovincial of Philipinas, to which dignity he was elected in the year1656, was appointed in 63, to come to España in order to collect andlead a mission. He came then, having received on the way not a fewfavors from St. Nicholas of Tolentino--favors which he received underthe appreciable quality of miracles, but which we cannot specifyfor lack of documents. He negotiated in Madrid as successfully ascould be desired, and collected a mission of twenty-four religious, all generally of good qualities and with the characteristics that aredesired in that province. He set sail with that valiant squadron June16, 1666. [After various miraculous happenings on the way, the vesselreached Vera Cruz in safety, whence the passengers went across thepeninsula to Acapulco. August of 1667 the Recollects all reached Manilasave two who remained in Mexico for another year because of sickness. ]

910. In the year 1668, the venerable father Fray Juan de la Madre deDios, of Blancas, was elected president of Mexico in the provincialchapter of Mexico, and father Fray Agustin de Santa Monica, commissaryfor España. The latter died aboard ship, and on that account, whenthe former arrived at Mexico, he found an order within two yearsto go to the court of Madrid in order to discuss some matters ofnot small magnitude, and to give his vote for the province in thegeneral chapter. The authority and money for the conduction of amission were long delayed, but at last he received them both at theend of 1674, whereupon he displayed so good zeal that he took passagewith twenty-six religious in June 1675. He reached Mexico with hisgospel militia, where he was ordered by the province to return toEspaña to conduct certain matters that could only be entrusted to hisperson. Thereupon, sending his accounts to Philipinas, the missionwent to the islands in the year 1676 in charge of another prelate, and father Fray Juan bent his steps toward his new destiny. 

911. Another father, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, a native of Cuenca, had gone to Philipinas in the mission of father Fray Christovalde Santa Monica; in the year 1680, that definitory appointed himcommissioner to España. He sailed the same year from the port of Cavitein the galleon named "San Telmo. " [After a voyage tempered with themercy obtained by St. Nicholas of Tolentino, in several dangeroussituations, the father arrived at Acapulco, January 22, 1681, andwas detained some time in Nueva España by the fever. Reaching Spainin November of the same year, he hastened to lay his supplicationsat the royal feet, and was given a decree calling for a mission offorty religious fathers and five lay brothers. "He also obtained aroyal decree dated April 16 of the abovesaid year [1682] in which hisMajesty continued the annual alms of one hundred and fifty pesos forthe medicines which are used in our infirmary of Manìla; and anotherof the thirtieth of the same month, in which he also continued thealms of two hundred and fifty pesos and a like number of fanegas ofrice per year for the maintenance of the four religious of Ours whowere in charge of the Indians in Manìla. "]

914. In view of this, the edict for the mission was published by ourfather vicar-general. An excellent mission was collected at Sevilla forthe purpose of taking passage in the fleet which was about to sail toNueva España in charge of General Don Diego de Saldìvar. Thereupon themission sailed from Cadiz on the fourth of March, 1683, and consistedof the following religious. 

1. The father commissary, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, nativeof Cuenca. 

2. The father vice-commissary, Fray Fernando Antonio de la Concepcion, native of Aldea del Cardo, of the bishopric of Calahorra. 

3. The pensioned father reader, Fray Juan de la Concepcion, known asMoriàna, an Andalusian. 

4. Father Fray Agustin de San Juan Bautista, a native of Leganèsnear Madrid. 

5. Father Fray Juan de la Encarnacion, of Talavera. 

6. Father Fray Francisco del Espiritu Santo, of Xarayz in La Verade Plasencia. 

7. Father Fray Antonio de San Agustin, of Madrid. 

8. Father Fray Juan de San Antonio, of Alcalà de Enares. 

9. Father Fray Juan de San Nicolàs, of Daymiel in La Mancha. 

10. Father Fray Alonso de San Agustin, of Villa de Garcìas inEstremadura. 

11. Father Fray Joseph de la Encarnacion, of La Nava del Rey. 

12. Father Fray Francisco de la Ascension, of Madrid. 

13. Father Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios, of Malaga. 

14. Father Fray Pablo de San Joseph, of Tobòso. 

15. Father Fray Joseph de San Geronimo, of Calcèna in Andalucìa. 

16. Father Fray Juan del Santissimo Sacramento, of Logroño. 

17. Father Fray Vicente de San Geronimo, of Lupiñèn, near Huesca. 

18. Father Fray Sebastian de San Marcos, of Tobòso. 

19. Father Fray Gaspàr de San Guillermo, of Villanueva Messia. 

Brother Choristers

20. Brother Fray Alonso de la Concepcion. 

21. Brother Fray Diego de San Nicolàs, of Madrid. 

22. Brother Fray Antonio de la Encarnacion, of Xetàfe. 

23. Brother Fray Joseph de la Madre de Dios, of Tobòso. 

24. Brother Fray Juan de San Agustin, of Oràn, Africa. 

25. Brother Fray Francisco Antonio de la Madre de Dios, of Alcantara. 

26. Brother Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, of Madrid. 

27. Brother Fray Ignacio de San Joseph, of Buxaralòz, Aragon. 

28. Brother Fray Joachin de San Nicolàs, of Añon, Aragon. 

29. Brother Fray Joseph de Santa Getrudis, of Villafranca de Panadès, Cathaluña. 

30. Brother Fray Joseph de la Trinidad, of Urrea de Xalon, Aragon. 

31. Brother Fray Joseph de Santa Lucìa, of Caspe, Aragón. 

32. Brother Fray Francisco de San Joseph. 

33. Brother Fray Pedro de San Miguèl, of Porcuna, kingdom of Jaen. 

34. Brother Fray Raphaèl de San Bernardo, of Berja, kingdom of Granada. 

35. Brother Fray Manuel de la Concepcion, of Sevilla. 

36. Brother Fray Juan de la Ascencion, of Moral, in the archbishopricof Toledo. 

37. Brother Fray Alonso de San Joseph. 

38. Brother Fray Juan de Santa Monica. 

Lay Brothers

39. Brother Fray Pedro de la Virgen del Pilar, of Barcelona. 

40. Brother Fray Agustin de Santa Monica, of Ecinacorva, Aragon. 

41. Brother Fray Roque de San Lorenzo. 

42. Brother Fray Joseph de Jesus. 

43. Brother Fray Juan de Jesus, of Alcazar de San Juan, La Mancha. 

915. All the above, minus the one named at number 22 who died at sea, and those included under numbers 9, 12, and 14, who hid in PuertoRico, in order that they might return to their provinces, as theydid do, arrived with the great good-will of the fleet, at VeraCruz, June 1, 1683, whence they went to Mexico with all possiblehaste. There they comported themselves with the greatest rigor, observance, abstraction, and example, so that the hospitium appeareda desert. Thus they succeeded in obtaining the favor of the viceroy, the count of Parèdes, [56] and the venerable archbishop Don Franciscode Aguiar y Seyjas, who visited the fathers in the hospitium, and thatnot only once. During that winter those who had not completed theirstudies, continued them, and in that the father lector, Fray Juan dela Concepcion and others who were not lectors, but were worthy to be, worked with especial zeal. By the fifth of March, 1685, they beganto go out in bands to Acapulco, whence they set sail April 4, in thealmiranta, called "San Telmo. " They anchored in the port of Sorsogòn, in Philipinas, on the fourteenth of July, and arrived in Manila sometime in August. There they were given a fine welcome and were allowedsome time to rest after so long a voyage. But they afterward begananother greater work in that vineyard with the fulfilment which washoped of not resting until they obtained their reward in glory. 

[Chapter iv, treating of the general chapter of 1684, notes (p. 457)that the first definitor chosen for Philipinas was father FrayFrancisco de San Nicolàs, and the second definitor, Fray Miguèlde Santa Monica; as first and second discreets (p. 458), werechosen father Fray Blàs de la Concepcion and father Fray Nicolàsde Tolentino. ]

[Most of chapter v is taken up with the life of father Fray Juan de laMadre de Dios, called also Blancas. He was born in the town of Blancas, Aragon, of honorable parentage, his family name being Garcias. Fromhis early years of a religious turn of mind, he at length attained theheight of his desires by professing (June 15, 1635) in the convent ofBorja. In 1650, after having preached very acceptably at the conventof Zaragoza, he enlisted in the Philippine mission organized by fatherFray Jacinto de San Fulgencio. On his arrival at Manila he preachedat the convent in that city and engaged in other work (being also theconfessor of the governor Sabiniano Manrique de Lara) until December, 1655. At that time his health giving out because of an accident, he went with the then father provincial, father Fray Francisco deSan Joseph, to the convent at Bolinao in the Zambal district, leavingbehind with the governor a folio MS. Book which he had written duringthe preceding two years entitled Governador Christiano, entre Neophitos(Christian governor among neophytes), for spiritual guidance in allsorts of matters. In Bolinao, the change of climate and work restoredthe father's health in a short time, but he remained in that placeuntil the new provincial chapter in Manila. At that chapter he waschosen prior of the Manila convent against his wishes. Again in 1658ill health compelled him to go to Bolinao, where he remained this timefour years. His efforts to keep the natives there quiet during thetimes of the insurrections were of great fruit. He labored zealouslyin that district even visiting the schools in addition to the regularduties of a missionary. He received a number of devout women into thetertiary branch of the order. He was untiring in his efforts for boththe spiritual and corporal good of his charges. ]

§ V

Father Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios founds a village of Indians, converted by dint of his zeal. He is elected definitor and retiresfrom the commerce of men to adorn himself with the perfection ofhis virtues. 

. .. 984. In a site called Cacaguàyanan which means "the placeof many bamboos, " six leguas or so from Bolinào there were foryears back a not small number of Indians, who had fled from thesurrounding villages, and who are there called Zimarrònes. Theyhaving abandoned in its entirety the faith which they had receivedat baptism, and accompanied by many heathen, not only renderedvain the attempts of mildness and of force which had several timesbeen practiced to reduce them to a Christian and civilized life, but either by declared war, or by means of skilful cunning, did notcease to cause constant depredations in the Catholic villages whichwere subject to Spanish dominion. So true is the statement containedin various parts of this history, that our ministers of Philipinas, although they dwell in mission fields already formed, go forth toliving war against infidelity, and although the Christianity ofZambàles was the first one converted by our discalced order, eventhere our religious have no lack of meritorious occupation. Fromthe first time that our venerable father was in Bolinào, he workedwith his accustomed zeal in order to place those people in thepathway of their eternal salvation. He had obtained from them thatthe Christians should be obedient to the law, and that the heathenshould leave the opaque shades of paganism, so that it was concededto him to found a new settlement in the island of Pòro with them, with a general pardon and the accustomed privileges. Moved by sogood hopes the father went to chapter, and since he had so muchinfluence with the governor of the islands to whom the giving ofsuch licenses pertains, he procured one for the founding of thevillage which he was attempting, with all the privileges that thoseZimarrònes and idolaters could desire. But since the religious to whomit was charged, did not succeed in finding the means prescribed byprudence to unite spirits dissimilar in other regards, not only wasthe project not obtained, but their good-wills having been irritated, the desired attainment came to appear impossible. 

985. So passed affairs, when renouncing the priorate of Manìla, as we have said above, that gleaming sun returned to illumine thehemisphere of Bolinào, and not being able to prevent the activityof his light, he immediately shed his reflected light even to thedarkest caves where those Indians were taking refuge in the manner ofwild beasts, fleeing from their own good and blindly enamored of themost unhappy freedom. Again did the father establish the compacts fortheir conversion. In the first step that he took in the undertaking, he made the greatest sacrifice of himself, by exposing his life to adanger which might make the most courageous man tremble, if he wereless holy. For when he heard that the fugitive Christians and a greatnumber of heathens and some Chinese idolaters were celebrating a solemnfeast to the demons, in the above-mentioned place of Cacaguayànan, he determined to go thither in person with the intrepidity suitable tohis valor, and almost alone to oppose so sacrilegious worship and atthe same time reduce those who paid that worship. In these ceremoniescalled Maganitos in the language of the country, intoxication is themost essential part of the solemnity. And since the Zambal Indians areextremely warlike, esteeming it the principal part of their nobility, unless they are illumined with the Catholic faith, to lessen withinhuman murders the species of which they consider themselves asindividuals, adding to this that they consider it as an attentionpaid to their religion, to take away the life of any Christian whoapproaches their district, where they pay such adorations to theirdeities, then one can conjecture the great risk that beset thatsoldier of Jesus, when he attacked such an army of infernal furies, in order to withdraw them from a darkness so dense into the refulgentlight of the Catholic religion. 

986. But its good outcome deprived the action of the censure oftemerity, which showed that it was governed by a special motion ofthe Holy Spirit, whose impulse at times trespassing the lines of whatthe world calls prudence, causes one to undertake projects whichour finite reason qualifies as rashness. The fact is that when thevenerable father arrived at the dense part of a solitary thicketin whose melancholy shades those Indians had gathered to worshipas a god one who is not a god, he met them with the qualities ofmeek sheep, when he might have feared to find them like ferociouswolves, who would consider it a sport of their cruelty to rend himto pieces. Beyond any doubt the hand of God, who wished to preservethe life of one who despised it for His sake, was in this; for sincethe infernal fury with which the heathen clothe themselves on suchoccasions is assured, one cannot attribute their gentleness on thisoccasion to natural causes. That most zealous minister put his hand, then, to the double-edged sword of the preaching, and fighting withit according to his wont so skilfully, made himself master almostwithout any resistance of those hearts which were filled with apostasyand infidelity, setting up in them the banner of our holy Catholicfaith. The complete attainment of so famous a victory was retardedsomewhat, because of the outbreak of the insurrection of Pangasinàn. Inhim was verified what experience has always demonstrated, namely, thata very quiet disposition is needed so that the divine word may be bornin souls by the faith. But at last when all the heads of that monstroushydra were cut off, the blessed father had the happiness to obtainthe fruit of his zeal by constructing a new village in the site calledMangàsin. That was the most suitable place in the island of Pòro, andwas called by another name Cabarròyan. From the beginning he countedeighty houses in it and a like number of families, all drawn from thecaptivity of the devil to the perfect liberty of the kingdom of Christ. 

[The father preached many sermons to the Zambals in their own language, which he had begun to learn when he first went to Bolinào, so many infact that they formed two MS. Volumes in quarto; and of them copieswere made for the use of those not so well versed as himself in theZambal tongue. In April 1662 he was chosen definitor at the provincialchapter, and lived for the three years of that office in the Manilaconvent. At the following chapter in 1665, father Fray Juan waselected provincial against his will. His term was one that neededhis strong rule, for there were troubles with the governor, DiegoSalcedo, who offered obstacles to the smooth ordering of affairs. Hematerially advanced his order and brought some new stability into thebody which had suffered in the recent earthquakes, and the Chinese andnative insurrections. At the completion of his triennium he was chosenpresident of the Recollect hospitium in Mexico. Setting sail for hisdestination, July 4, 1668, the port of Acapulco was reached only on thetwenty-second of the following January, after a voyage replete withstorm and sickness. Proceeding to his destination the father enteredthe hospitium of Mexico on the twelfth of February of the same year. In1671, as related above, Father Juan de la Madre de Dios was orderedto cast the vote of his province in the general chapter held in Spainin 1672, and also to attend to various matters for his order. Therehis stay being somewhat prolonged because of lack of funds and otherthings he was made visitor general of certain Spanish convents, andwas later elected to high officers of the order in Aragon. Returningto Nueva España with a band of missionaries he was again sent to Spainon business of the order, but a broken arm received while on his wayfrom Sevilla to Madrid, caused his retirement to the Zaragoza convent, where he died January 10, 1685, at the age of 68. Throughout his life, he was most humble and led an austere existence. ]

[Section ii of the following chapter treats of the life of father FrayThomàs de San Geronimo. This father was born at the village of Yebenes, in the archbishopric of Toledo, his family name being Ayàla. He tookthe habit in the Madrid convent, July 28, 1646. Upon going to thePhilippines he was sent to the missions of the Visayas. Devotinghimself there to the study of the languages he learned several ofthe Visayan tongues, especially the Cebuan, "the principal Visayantongue. " In that language he translated the catechism, which wasprinted at Manila in 1730; compiled an explanation of the ChristianDoctrine, which was printed in 1730; and composed a vocabulary inthe Cebuan tongue, and another in the dialects spoken in Cagayàn andTagalòan. In addition he left two volumes of sermons in the vernacularof the country. He served as prior for six years in the convent ofBillig, Mindanao; six years in Cagayàn, and various times at theisland of Romblon, and finally in Siargao. In 1680 he was electedprovincial, and served his term so faithfully and well, visitingand working assiduously, that he was reëlected in 1686 against hiswill. But he was destined not to fill that office again for deathtook him May 19, 1686. After his first term he served in the islandof Romblòn. He was a most zealous missionary. The remainder of thechapter and chapter vii following do not deal with Philippine affairs. ]

CHAPTER VIII

Our missionaries illumine the islands of Masbàte with thepreaching. The fourteenth general chapter is held. Two excellentreligious die in the province of Aragon. 

The year 1688

§ I

Our province of Philipinas takes charge of the spiritual administrationof three islands, namely, Masbàte, Ticào, and Burìas, with no littleluster to the Catholic religion. 

. .. 1108. In the great archipelago of San Lazaro, as one entersthe Philipinas from Marianas, the islands of Luzòn, Mindòro, Panài, Zebù, and Lèyte form among themselves an almost perfect circle whichhas a circumference along the beaches from the center of about twohundred leguas encircling the above-named islands, which are verynear one another. Within this circumference, toward the part ofMindòro and Panay, are located the islands of Romblòn, and towardthe part of Lèyte those of Masbàte, Ticào and Burìas, which belongto the bishopric of Nueva Càceres in ecclesiastical matters, andto the alcaldeship of Albay in political matters. Masbàte, whichis the chief island, is sixty leguas southwest of Manìla. It liesin a latitude of about sixty degrees, has a circumference of fiftyleguas, a length of nineteen, and a breadth of five or six. [57]The island of Ticào is about nine leguas long, four and one-halfwide, and about twenty-three leguas in circumference. [58] That ofBurìas has a circumference of twenty-six leguas, four wide and twelvelong. [59] Masbàte has the reputation of having the richest goldmines that were found by the first Spaniards, and from which theybenefited to a great extent. Their working has not been continued, either for lack of people suitable for this work or for otherreasons which do not concern us. That of Buriàs abounds in the palmcalled Buri, of whose fruit and even of whose trunk, the Indiansmake an extraordinary bread. That of Ticào produces many woods, excellent for the construction of medium-sized boats. The nativesof those three islands are of the same qualities as the rest of thePhilipinas. However, they have become very sociable because of thealmost continuous intercourse that they have with the Spaniards, on account of the many who pass on their way to other countries. 

1109. Those islands were reduced to the crown of España in 1569 byDon Luis Henriquez de Guzman, a knight of Sevilla, whose conquestmade them thoroughly subject in everything to Captain Andrès deIbarra. Thereupon, scarcely had the way been opened by arms, when thevenerable father, Fray Alonso Ximenez, an Observant of our order, entered Masbàte to preach the law of grace. He, as is asserted byfather Fray Gaspàr de San Agustin, may be called the apostle of thatisland, in consideration of the great amount of his labors therein forthe extension of the Catholic faith. Other apostolic workers of thesame institute followed his tracks later, and they went to Ticào andBurìas. Consequently, in the year 1605, the province of Santo Nombrede Jesus founded a mission composed of the above three islands. Thefirst prior appointed was father Fray Francisco Guerrero, instructor ofChristian doctrine, who was of well-known zeal. But our calced fatherskept the care of their administration only until the year 1609, whenthe intermediary chapter resigned that district and its villages intothe hands of the bishop of Nueva Càceres, Don Pedro de Arce, in orderthat he might appoint secular clergy as he wished, who could attendto the Christian Indians with the bread of the doctrine. [60] Fromthat time until the year 1688, various curas had successive charge ofthe administration of those souls in order to teach them the road ofglory. But notwithstanding that that district had only two hundredand fifty families when they took charge of it (as the above-citedFather Gaspar confesses) whose number continued to decline afterwardbecause of the Moro invasions, one cura could in no way be maintained, and scarce could one be found to take charge of that church. 

1110. Things were in this condition, then, when the most illustriousmaster, Don Fray Andrès Gonzales, who deservedly ascended to thebishopric of Nueva Càceres from the ranks of the Order of Preachers, represented to the king on May 28, 1682 that in order that the villagesof his diocese might be rightly administered spiritually, it wouldbe indispensable to assign its curacies in another manner and givesome of them into the charge of religious. In consideration of thathe petitioned his Majesty to commit the approbation of the new planconsidered to his governor of those islands, so that as vice-patron, he might proceed in it. The king conceded what that prelate asked byhis decree dated Madrid, August 13, 1685, and his Excellency presentedthe new formation of districts to the governor with all its changes. Byit he applied to our province all the mission of Masbàte, and itsadjacent islands, as well as the villages of Ingòzo, Catanavan, Vigo, and the rancherias contiguous, all located in the island of Luzòn, which hitherto had belonged to the curacy of Pìriz, so that anothernew mission might be formed under charge of our discalced order. Thegovernor was the admiral of galleons, Don Gabriel de Cruceleygui, knight of the habit of Santiago. By an act of November 26, 1686, he approved in toto the idea of the bishop, and, as a consequence, the assignation made to us of the above-mentioned villages, so that wemight administer them as curas. However, because of several troublesthat resulted, our province accepted only the mission of Masbàte, and renounced the right that they might have had to the other villagesof the island of Luzòn, for they could be administered by the fathersof St. Francis with less trouble. 

1111. The constant reasons for the acts by which the bishop assignedto us the above-mentioned district were reduced to the fact thatthere was but one secular priest in it, and he was insufficient forits administration. For it was proved that only four persons had diedwith the sacraments within the long space of four years, while thosewho had passed to the other life without that benediction numbered onehundred and eighteen. Add to this that the baptism of small childrenhad been delayed many months as the parish priest did not go butvery seldom to visit the distant villages. This ought not to induceinferences against the well-proved zeal of those venerable priests, that they had neglected their duties in attending to the obligationsof the ministry. For since there was but one ecclesiastic in allthree islands, and those islands occupy so great an extent, and thevillages are so distant from one another, how could he attend to somany parishioners with the pastoral food? It is a fact that evenafter our religious had entered there and three or four were keptbusy continually, scarce could they fully attend to all their dutiesas spiritual directors, without some inculpable lack being evident;and that notwithstanding that each one labored as many, for notfew of them have lost their health because of the work, as we shallsee hereafter. Consequently, one ought not to be surprised if thoseIndians were poorly administered before, for it is undeniable thatone person cannot attend to so many laborious cares, as can many, although he may equal them in zeal. 

1112. The bishop and governor convinced, then, in this matter, despatched the fitting provisions in November 1686 in order that ourreformed branch might take charge of those souls. This plan was ofgreat moment to the province, for the said islands, besides being thenecessary passage way and very suitable station for those who voyagefrom Manìla to Carhaga and Zebù, are the stopping place of the shipswhich sail from Cavìte to Acapulco and return from Nueva España toPhilipinas. It is very common for the ships to stop in their ports toget fresh supplies, and await suitable winds. On that account thereoriginated the greatest convenience in possessing them in our custody, because of what makes for the spiritual: for the provincials, when theysail out upon their visits; for the commissioners when they come toEspaña for missions; for the missions themselves when they arrive atthe islands; and for the multitude of our religious who journey fromone part to another, employed in the holy commerce of souls. Withoutdoubt those reasons somewhat aided the zeal with which our tirelessworkers in those countries have always procured the good teaching ofthe faithful, and the conversion of the faithless, at the cost of theirown very great fatigue and of great penalties. On that account it wasdetermined in the intermediary chapter of 1687 to accept the chargeof that reasonable territory to whose labor God called them by themouth of the bishop. And more when it was learned that, although thenumber of the Christians was greatly diminished, the interiors of theislands of Masbàte and Burìas were densely inhabited with innumerableIndians, apostates from the faith and assembled there not only fromtheir villages, but also from other parts, in whose reduction a greatservice would be done to God and the king, and with this fruit thesweatings of the spiritual administration would be eased, which bythemselves alone gave much to grieve over. 

1113. Finally matters having been arranged, fathers Fray Juan de SanPhelipe, the outgoing provincial, and Fray Juan de la Encarnacion, withanother associate, of whose name we are ignorant, left Manila in May1678 [i. E. , 1688] to take charge of the above-mentioned district. Theywent to the village of Ticào, where they met the cura, then BachelorDon Christoval Carvallo, who had been notified by the suitable actsin the month of August. The latter agreed without the least repugnanceto surrender the churches and his administration. He did it gracefullyon September 2 of the same year in the village of Mobo, a site in theisland of Masbàte, which was, and is, the chief village of all theothers, and that mission remained from that time on subject to ourdiscalced order. The Indians received the religious with signs of thegreatest rejoicing. It is a fact that they knew our holy habit someyears before, because some of our gospel missionaries had stopped intheir port on account of storms, when they were passing by Masbàte ontheir way to their destinations, and had attended to instructing themand even administering them the sacraments. From that came the almostgeneral joy with which the discalced Augustinians were received there;and from that reception originated the great fruit which they obtainedwith their preaching. The fathers endeavored to have the love shownthem by the Indians increase, not being unaware that the good-will ofthe hearers is a very plausible disposition so that the work of thepreachers may be useful. Knowing also that the good opinion of theevangelical minister gives great force to his words, in order thattheirs might be increased they aimed to confirm them with works. Theybore themselves as saints in private and public in order to give agood example in all things. With that method, one can believe thegreat number of Christians that were gathered to Catholicism in thesaid islands, as we shall relate later. 

1114. But since it was necessary for this attainment to found someconvent, they erected it that same year in the village of Mobo, whichhad the most inhabitants. It has Nuestra Señora de los Remedios [i. E. , our Lady of Remedies] as titular, and a very costly church is beingbuilt which abounds in reredoses and other adornments with a sacristyprovided with vestments [? jocalias] and ornaments. The house is verycapacious and has all the necessary rooms and has moreover cells forthe religious who generally live in it. That convent was the refuge ofthe gospel ministers who lived in it in suitable number to look afterthe Christians in spiritual matters and to allure the apostates tothe bosom of the Christian religion which they had abandoned. Thence, as swift moving clouds, they went out to fertilize the other villageswith the water of their doctrine and having become hunters of souls, to overrun the deserts and mountains. Although there were not morethan six villages in the three islands when our discalced religiousentered to administer them, in a few years they established three morewhere they could shelter those who were being reduced to our holyfaith. And hence the workers of that mission with inexplicable toilcared for a great number of souls who dwelt in the capital of Mobo, andin its annexed villages or visitas of Ticào, Burìas, Balino, Palànog, Habuyoàn, Tagmasùso, Buracàn, and Limbojan. In that extensive territorynot few times did God explain His mercies with repeated miracles inconfirmation of the faith which Ours were preaching. Some receivedwith baptism the health of the body, and others found themselves freedfrom their pains by the prayers of the ministers, accompanied by thelaying on of hands. However, inasmuch as the manuscripts give us thesenotices without specification, we cannot name the individual miracles. 

1115. A very lamentable event for the islands which happened in theyear 1726, was the reason for the founding of another convent inTicào. It happened as follows. The galleon "Santo Christo de Burgos, "while making its voyage to Nueva España, anchored at the port of Ticàoin order to await good weather before taking to the open sea. Butit was shipwrecked there by a storm which came upon it. On boardthat vessel was Don Julian de Velasco, a minister assigned to theAudiencia of Mexico. He managed to obtain his spiritual improvementfrom that disaster so transcendental to all classes of Philipinasby the practice of good works. He did not care to return to Manìla, although he could have done so, but remained with all his family in thesaid port until he could get passage the next year. Among what he wasable to save of his lost possessions, he placed his first attention inseeing that the holy image of the holy Christ of Burgos which was onthe ship as its titular, should not be lost; for it was his intentionto place it at his own expense in some church, so that it might havepublic veneration for the benefit of souls. Scarcely, then, did he havethat celestial treasure in his hands, when he exposed it to worship onthe high altar of the church of Ticào with ornaments suitable to hisdevout affection. Thereafter followed the assignment of some incomeso that there might be a resident evangelical minister there, bothso that a chaplain might not at least be wanting to the holy image, and so that the Indians might not lack more continual teaching. Forthat reason, the province afterward determined to found a convent inTicào. To it were assigned the villages situated in the islands ofTicào and Burìas, and to the convent of Mobo those of the island ofMasbate. The ministers were thus able to obtain more relief becausetheir number had increased, although they still had much to do inorder to attend to everything. 

§ II

Relation of the progress made by Catholicism in those islands by thepreaching of our laborers; and the great hardships that they sufferedfor that end. 

1116. In the year 1724, the province of Philipinas begged the king toconfirm, by special decree, the possession that had been given themin his royal name of the islands of Masbàte. His Majesty ordered thegovernor of Philipinas and the bishop of Nueva Cáceres, on the eleventhof February, 1725, to make no innovation in regard to the spiritualadministration of the said district until he should provide what wasneedful in his royal Council. He ordered them also to inform him ofthe progress that had been made by the faith in that territory since ithad been in our charge. On that account some juridical investigationswere made in Manìla in order to inform the king with acts. By them itappeared that, although there had been only one single parish priest inall the district of Masbàte before, since it had been placed in chargeof the Recollect fathers, three religious at least had always livedthere; and that, as was proved by the books of the royal treasury, in the year 1687, anterior to our possession, there were only onehundred and eighty-seven families in the whole mission, while in theyear 1722, there were five hundred and eighty-five: so that in thespace of thirty-four years they had increased by three hundred andninety-eight. For that reason the governor, Marquès de Torrecampo, gave his king June 30, 1727, a very favorable report of our discalcedorder in the terms of this honorable clause. "The district of Masbàte, in charge of the discalced Augustinians, has had an increase of 398whole tributes through the apostolic zeal of those ministers. They, not only in that district, but also in the rest of these islands, dedicate themselves to the propagation of our holy Catholic faithwith the greatest toil and with the most visible fruit. "

1117. These increases will be of greater moment if we consider that, if the families be reduced to the number of four persons each, asis customary there, the said district consisted, at the time it wasgiven to us, of 748 souls, and in thirty-eight years it had increasedto 2, 340, the increase amounting to 1, 592 persons. But sixteen yearslater (namely, the year 1738, when father Fray Juan Francisco deSan Antonio printed the first volume of the history of his seraphicprovince of Philipinas), those increases were almost doubled. [61]Then directing his pen to the end that leads to truth, he assuresus that there are new villages in the island of Masbàte with threethousand three hundred and forty-five souls; in that of Ticào, two, with four hundred and seventy-five persons; and one in that of Burìas, with one hundred and eighty. Whence it is inferred that three morevillages were newly established: namely, in Masbàte, those of Navanguiand Baraga; and in Ticào, that of San Jacinto, at the port so named, where the ships now stop for fresh supplies, before taking to theopen sea. Also the number of souls has increased to one thousand sixhundred and sixty by the impulses of the preaching of our reformedbranch, aided efficaciously by divine grace. All the increase of thisdistrict since it has been in our charge has been six newly-createdvillages, and three thousand two hundred and fifty-two souls broughtto the Catholic bosom. And we even ought to infer that many more havebeen converted, for by the invasions of the Moros, which are told atlength in the third volume, [62] the number of the Christians couldnot but be lessened. 

1118. It only remains now to ascertain whence proceeded those Indianswho so increased the above-mentioned villages. It was stated inanother place in the third volume [63] that there was a great numberof mountain Indians in the islands of Masbàte and Burìas, who arethere called Zimarrones. They were feared, for they lived withoutGod, or king, and were given up to the liberties of paganism. Thosewere certain men, if they can be called so, who having apostatizedthe faith, had taken to the deserts and high places, where theydefended their native barbarity at every step, against those whowere trying to reduce them and to procure their own good. They hadgathered there, either they or their ancestors, from the villagesof the same islands, as well as from Zebù, Leyte, and others, to escape the punishment due them for their crimes. Consequently, they were people especially fierce. Among them were found to be manyheathens, as they had been born in those places where the sound ofthe preaching did not penetrate. The others were still worse, as theyhad abandoned Christianity. They did notable damage to the villages, and they even robbed the boats that were anchored in the ports orbays, treacherously taking many lives. The matter had assumed suchproportions that one could not cross those islands by their interiors;and to approach their shores was the same thing as putting in at anenemy's port. But at present all the Zimarrones are reduced to thefaith, and to the obedience of the king without any exception. Henceone can travel through the islands without the slightest risk, and boats can go thither even to the uninhabited places. From thatand from no other beginnings have come the increase of that church, and there is not small praise to our reformed branch from it. 

1119. That progress of the faith was preceded by many hardshipsthat were suffered by the religious, some of which I shall state, noting that innumerable others are omitted, in order not to bore ourreaders by their relation, and because they resemble those that weshall relate. It has already been stated, then, that for the spaceof more than thirty years there was but one convent in the threeislands, which was established in the village of Mobo, whence thegospel laborers went out to administer all the settlements of thedistrict. For that purpose, it was absolutely necessary for them tosail many leguas by boisterous seas, or to travel by land in some partsby rough mountains, threatened in the one place with shipwreck and inthe other by continual dangers. Since the new convent was establishedin the island of Ticào, the administration is more tolerable, althoughit is always accompanied by indescribable fatigues. For the religiousof Mobo have to sail completely about the island of Masbàte in orderto fulfil their obligations, or if they prefer to journey by land, as they are able, to one or two villages, they have to do it afootwith the greatest discomfort, through inaccessible mountains, andexposed to dangers wellnigh insupportable. The missionaries of Ticào, besides having to coast a great part of that island have to go manytimes during each year to that of Burìas, crossing the very stoutcurrents of the sea from the rapidity of which some of the missionarieshave found themselves in the utmost consternation. On the other hand, all the time that the Indians remained Zimarrones, they allowed nopassage to the zealous laborers without them risking their lives toinnumerable dangers; and even after they had been reduced, the Moroswere a substitute for them on the outside, and inside many sorcerers, who tried, some by violence, and others by their diabolical arts, to drive thence, and even from the world, the ministers of souls. Andwho can tell all that they suffered from all these causes? It was sogreat that some religious, never more alive than when they were dead, came to die in the campaign like good soldiers. 

1120. Father Fray Ildephonso de la Concepcion was one of thosewho sweated most in that ministry, and one of those who entered tocultivate it in its early beginnings. By the ardor of his zeal, bythe example of his life, and by his apostolic preaching, he reducedmany apostates to the Catholic faith. Some of them were gathered intothe villages already established, and others, up to the number ofeighty families, founded through his influence, another new villageon the opposite coast from Mobo. Going then, from one to another partof the islands, the solicitous fisher of souls had the boat in whichhe journeyed swamped twice, one-half legua from shore, while anothertime his boat was driven by storms on some reefs and dashed to pieces;dangers in which many of those who accompanied him were lost, whilethe father escaped miraculously with his life after having endureda thousand anxieties. The Zimarrones, infidels, and bad Christians, given up to doing ill to whomever procured their total welfare, nowas declared enemies, and again as wily friends, placed him almostcontinually in monstrous danger of exhaling his last breath. In orderthat he might visit promptly the new village which he had erected, heopened a road from Mobo to it through the interior of the island. Hecrossed it many times on foot, it being necessary for him to traversevery lofty mountains exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather. Hesuffered indescribable things for the faith, with the great hardshipthat his vast zeal occasioned him, and which those Indians causedhim with their obstinacy. Finally he fell grievously ill, his painsoriginating from the penalties of the said road which he frequentedseveral times in the course of a single month, as well as from the heatand showers which he endured when going through the mountains in searchof those rational wild beasts. He died through the apostolic zeal, in the manner in which all gospel laborers ought to depart this life. 

1121. Father Fray Benito de la Assumpcion, a religious who seemedborn for the labors and successes of the spiritual administration, followed that laborer in the care of that vineyard. He believed that, without passing the limits of prudence, it would be very seasonablefor the souls of his parishioners to reduce them to living closertogether in a fewer number of villages, and he thus tried to bringit to pass. Especially did he propose to himself the plan thatthe Indians shortly before reduced to the new village which wehave mentioned in the preceding number, should move to the capitalor chief village of Mobo, for he formed the correct judgment thatthey would be better Christians if they had at all hours the goodexample of their ministers before their eyes. It is not so difficultto move a whole village in Philipinas as it would be in Europa;for the Indians build their houses without cost and easily. Theyalso find in all parts lands suitable for their cultivation withoutany expense from their pockets. Yet notwithstanding that one cannoteasily tell the vast labors, watches, and afflictions that come uponthe religious when they attempt such reductions of the Indians. Thelatter desire with too great endeavor, to have their residence wherethey cannot be registered, in order to work with greater freedom, andexcuse themselves if possible from all human subjection, and even fromdivine law, without caring greatly for their own spiritual interests, but each one going at will to his rancheria or field where it is noteasy for the father minister to visit them or assist them with theholy sacraments during their sicknesses. For that reason all hell isconjured against the teacher of the doctrine, if he tries to placesuch reductions into effect, from which many spiritual interests wouldfollow. That venerable father suffered so much with his undertakingthat he caused universal wonder that it did not cost him his life, and the worst thing was that he could not see it accomplished. 

1122. Not only in this, but also in other projects of known utility, did he have much to endure and much from which to gather merit. Withthe zeal of Elias did he relentlessly persecute divine offenses, while he at the same time loved the persons most especially. Itwas the same for him to discover any trace of superstition or theslightest vestige of the badly extinguished infidelity, and to fly toits destruction with all his power. Amid continual risks of losing hislife, he exercised his gigantic charity for many years in directing thesouls of those islands to God, without any fear of death whose scythehe saw upon him many times. The Moros with their stealthy attacks, the infidels or apostates with open malice, and the evil Christianswith their subterfuges and deceits made him almost continually sufferfor justice. But he worked on manfully as one who had the refuge ofhis life in God, and consoling his weakened heart with the divinegrace he supported the persecutions from which the Lord wove hima crown. In the above-named village a chief Indian named Canamànirritated by the attempted reduction, and because the father checkedhim publicly for a certain scandalous concubinage, raised his head inopen mutiny. With many followers he sought the father and persecutedhim in order to deprive him of life. At that revolution the venerablereligious was sorely grieved, and it was considered as a specialprodigy that he could escape from so sacrilegious hands. Finally, forthe same reason another Indian of the village of Ticào (exasperated bythe just reprehension and punishment which that famous minister hadapplied to him as an indispensable medicine for his faults) causedhim to be the holocaust of his burning zeal for the good of souls, by the hidden method of poison, through the potency of which fatherFray Benito lost his life, in order to obtain a better one in glory. 

1123. After the above fathers, father Fray Diego de San Gabrielentered to take up the toil with the profit of increased fruitin the cultivation of that field. He was the amazement of charityin regard to God because of his care for self-perfection, and inregard to his neighbor, because of the way in which he desired hissalvation. In order that he might attain that end he pardoned notoil, if it were fitting for the spiritual welfare of the Indians. Heshowered favors upon his parishioners by trying to take them to thekingdom of heaven. And although for this the latter loved him more, some were not wanting among so many who persecuted him, returninghim evil for good. But like another David when they troubled himwith their injuries, the venerable father clad himself in haircloth, humbled his soul in fasting, and occupied himself in prayer. By thatmeans he delighted himself in God, taking pleasure in hardships as ifthey were the fountain of health. In order to induce his parishionersto the devotion of the most holy Mary he composed and published inthe Visayan language a book of the miracles of our Lady of Carmen;and the most sweet Virgin repaid his good zeal by liberating himwith circumstances that appeared miraculous from several shipwrecks, and from other innumerable multitudes of dangers. On the beach ofthe village of Balino a certain Indian gave him a cruel wound with adagger, because he checked some faults in him. The father recognizedas a favor of the Mother of Mercy, not only the fact that he was notquite killed, as might have happened, but also the cure of the wound, almost without medicine. But at last, as he was sailing as secretary, which post he had obtained later, to visit those villages and othersof Visayas, a storm coming down upon him swamped the boat and he wasdrowned, together with the father provincial, then our father FrayJuan de San Andrès. 

1124. And now in order to conclude in a few words, a matter that wecan not even with many words consider adequately, we add that thevenerable fathers Fray Antonio de Santa Monica and Fray Thomàs de SanLucas said many times without a trace of boasting that, although theyhad been many times in the doctrinas and missions, in none of themhad they found so much to suffer as in that of Masbàte. Father FrayFrancisco de Santa Engarcia was twice in imminent danger of death;first in shipwreck and later because an Indian tried to kill him, for the reason that he had tried to get him to give up a certainconcubinage. But God having freed him from those dangers, allowed himto perish in another through His occult judgments. It was a fact thatthat father when attending to the fulfilment of his obligation gavemotive that certain of the Zimarron Indians whom he was endeavoring toestablish soundly in the Catholic faith gave him certain death-dealingpowders in his food, which although they did not deprive him of liferendered him insensible and he became most pitiably insane. Many otherreligious, whom we shall not mention for various reasons, sufferedso much while ministers of those islands, by shipwreck, bad weather, and persecution, that if they did not obtain the crown to which theyaspired by death, they were left with their health totally lost, and lived amid continual aches and pains, until their last breathopened for them, after some years, a pathway to heaven in order thatthey might enjoy the reward of their well endured conflicts. 

[The remaining sections of this chapter and the two final chaptersof the book do not touch Philippine matters. ]

II

Extracts from Juan de la Concepcion's Historia

[It is thought advisable to append to the above extracts from theHistoria of Pedro de San Francisco de Assis, the following extractsfrom Concepción's Historia. The first extract is from vol. Viii, pp. 3-16, and includes a portion of the first chapter. It treats ofthe transfer of the province of Zambal to the Dominicans, and theoccupation of the island of Mindoro by the Recollects. ]

2. Continuing with the events of this government, we must note thatDon Diego de Villaroto represented in the supreme Council of the Indiasthat the island of Mindoro had a vast population who still retained thedense darkness of their heathen blindness; and that if the spiritualconquest of that island were given to some order, it would be easy toillumine its inhabitants with the true light. That representation wasmet by a royal decree, dated June 18, 1677, ordering the governor ofthese islands, together with the archbishop, to entrust the reductionof Mindoro to the order that should be most suitable and fitting forthat ministry; and that the curas employed in that island should beappointed to chaplaincies or prebends. That royal decree was presentedto the royal Audiencia of Manila by Sargento-mayor Don Sebastian deVilla-Real in October, 78. His Majesty's fiscal offered no objectionto its observance, and prompt obedience was rendered to it. It wasdirected to his Excellency the archbishop, then Don Fray PhelipePardo. That most illustrious gentleman, during the two times whenhe was provincial of his order or province, urged as a thing greatlyto be desired and demanded by his brethren the Dominicans, that theAugustinian Recollects yield them the province of Zambales, as it wasvery fitting for communication with their province of Pangasinan, andof the latter with Manila, and of those religious among themselves, who could thus make their visits more comfortably, by always crossingthrough their own ministries, thus avoiding the voyage through theterritory of others, which they regretted. Notwithstanding that thosematters were discussed with great courtesy (as is the case at present)yet that was a demand that offended greatly the discalced Augustinians, who regarded the Zambals as the true sons of their spirit, and theland as watered with the blood and sweat of many of their members, and a land which, being their firstborn, was most tenderly loved. TheDominicans could never obtain their demand, although softened byexchanges, for ministries were offered in which there was even morethan enough room for zeal. 

3. By reason of the said royal despatch, his Excellency formed theidea of completely removing the Recollects from Zambales and givingthem in exchange the island of Mindoro. He set about that with greatzest. The Recollect provincial resisted, alleging that it was contraryto their constitutions to abandon thus the province of Zambales. Thatwould mean treating it as their own possession. It would be betterto recognize it as a territory distributed by the universal patron;and, admitting that it was impossible to surrender it without hisroyal consent, individual laws communicate no right, especially whensuch mission fields are ad interim. He also pleaded that the Indiansof Mindoro, both infidels and Christians, had as soon as they heardthat regular ministers were to be given them, urgently requestedJesuits. On the contrary, the Zambals, when they were notified thatit was the intention to withdraw the Recollects from their midstin order to introduce Dominicans, almost declared their opinion ina terrible tumult. The Recollects preferred, therefore, that sucha change should not take place. But the archbishop was firm in hisresolution, and trampled all obstacles under foot. He united with thegovernor, and both of them together forced the Recollect provincial, Fray Joseph de San Nicolas, by threats, to agree to the change. Thegovernor pacified the Indians of Mindoro by means of his corregidor, so that they should receive the Recollect fathers; and the Zambalsby means of the alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan, so that they shouldallow the Dominicans to enter. Thereupon, the three seculars who hadbeen in charge of Mindoro were accommodated by suitable chaplaincies, and an act was passed by the royal Audiencia, charging the Recollectfathers with the administration of that island, with absolute clausesbased on the royal decree, without any provision or obligation toleave the missions of Zambales for it. That decree was accepted whenit was announced, and was extended to the judicial cession of thosemissions, when signed by the provincial of the Recollects, althoughprotest was made against it in the name of their province, by twoinfluential religious. On that account a second act was enacted inwhich those missions were adjudged to the fathers of St. Dominic, for the archbishop was very much in earnest in those arrangements. 

4. Those decrees having been announced and accepted, the Dominicansassumed possession of the cordillera of Zambales. That provincehad on its coast eleven villages with actual missions, which wereincreased in the neighboring mountains. The Recollects handed overthat administration without making any public disturbance, althoughall the religious who had labored there protested vehemently, all ofwhich appeared in the judicial reports. The Augustinian Recollectswent to Mindoro with the fitting despatches for that corregidorordering him to deliver the administration [of that island] tothem. Father Fray Diego de la Madre de Dios, then definitor, wasgiven charge of the district of Baco, after it had been resigned byBachelor Don Joseph de Rojas, who held it; father Fray Diego de laResurreccion of the curacy of Calavite, in place of Licentiate DonJuan Pedraza, its parish priest; while the curacy of Naohan was takenpossession of by the father definitor, Fray Eugenio de los Santos, who was exchanged for Bachelor Don Martin Diaz. The whole transferwas completed before the end of the year 79. Three other religiousremained with the above three religious as associates and coadjutors, and those six ministers began to scatter throughout the island. Thatisland is in the center of this vast archipelago, and was formerlycalled Mainit; but the Spaniards gave it the name of Mindoro froma village called Minolo, located between Puerto de Galeras andthe bay of Ylog. It is triangular in shape, its angles being threepromontories: that of Calavite, facing west; that of Dumah or Pola, facing north; and that of Burruncan, facing south. In size it is theseventh of the more important islands, and is about one hundred leguasin circumference. Its temperature is naturally hot, but is temperedby the great dampness arising from frequent rains. The height of itsmountains aids also in that. On account of such circumstances it isa very fertile land, and, although not very healthful for strangers, good and favorable to its inhabitants. The latter made themselvesfeared by their neighbors, especially on the sea, where they attackedthe most powerful, carrying blood and fire everywhere. Notwithstanding, they were of great simplicity, for when they saw the Europeans wearingclothes and shoes--which they did not use--they imagined that thatadornment was natural to them. They are but little given to thecultivation of the soil, and are content with wild fruits; sago, which they get from the palm and which is a good food for them; theflesh of wild animals; and fish, which the rivers and seacoast offerthem in great plenty. They have little rice, on account of their slothin sowing and tending it, for they make up that lack sufficiently inroots and fruits. If they are weak, although corpulent, it is becauseof their transcendent vice in being hostile to work. 

5. Captain Juan de Salcedo made a beginning in the conquest of thedistrict of Mamburào, in the year one thousand five hundred andseventy. That conquest was completed from the point of Burruncanto that of Calavite by the adelantado Miguel de Legaspi, in thebeginning of the following year. Gradually the remainder was subduedby the missionaries, by whose treatment the rudeness of the mannersof those people was softened. Consequently, the encomienda of thatlarge island was very desirable. The Observant Augustinian fatherswere employed in its spiritual cultivation and founded the villageof Baco. The discalced fathers of St. Francis also labored there forsome time, it being ceded to them by the Observant Augustinians. Theyworked along the Calavite side to Pola, which they abandoned eitherbecause those natives were not at all disposed [to accept the faith], or because those fathers had slight esteem for that island whencompared with what was offered them in Ylocos and Camarines. TheJesuits also labored there, but always by the method of temporarymissions, from time to time, and had no stability. It only appearsthat they were more continual in Naohan (which they founded), as longas it was preserved by Father San Victores. When the latter went tothe Marianas, the Jesuits resigned that portion into the hands of thearchbishop. It is probable that the latter was Señor Poblete. [64]He immediately formed two curacies for the secular clergy to lookafter those souls. Although there were but few souls, the extent oftheir territory was so vast that it was necessary to establish a thirdparish. Those seculars maintained what was conquered, but that districtdid not yield a sufficient recompense for the three ministers, andthey were paid from the royal treasury and from other pious funds. Itwas also even difficult to find seculars who cared to take charge ofsuch districts, which were truly little to be desired. But obediencecaused that there never was a lack of seculars there, who maintainedthemselves until the year 76, when the Recollects went there to taketheir places. As the latter immediately placed six ministers there, they furthered the conquest and reduction greatly in all parts. Hence, while they only received about four thousand Christians, those weremultiplied in a few years and the number rose to eight thousand, andin 1716 they reached the number of twelve thousand. There are still agreat number of people in the mountains, which are inhabited by wildmen. Some of those men are quite light-complexioned, and are believedto have originated from the Chinese and Japanese established therefor the convenience afforded by the island, or who have put in therebecause of shipwreck, or been driven thither by the winds. Others areCimarron Negritos, who are the first inhabitants, and, as it were, morenative. Trustworthy persons say that those people have a hard littletail in the proper place for it, which prevents them from sittingdown flat. If it is true (and I do not doubt it, notwithstandingthat it is disputed), it is not so strange that I have no examplesof it. Those prominences of the sacral bone are considered as rare;but a beginning having been made in one, it could have become naturalin its propagation. 

6. Thus did those Recollect religious find that island, and, believingit to be important for the reductions, they continued to establishtheir regular administrations. The first was in Baco. There, inasmuchas it was the capital, lived the corregidor, but the capital waslater moved to Calapan. In that district they formed the villagesof Calapan, Baco, Suban, Ylog, Minolo, and Camoròn, with a numberof annexed villages or visitas. The second was in Naohan, whichwas extended into six annexed villages, namely, Pola, Pinamalayan, Balete, Sumagui, Maliguo, and Bongabon. The third was in Calavite, which formed the visitas of Dongon, Santa Cruz, Manburaò, Tubili, and Santo Thomas. The fourth was in Mangarin, which was extended intoits dependencies, Guasic, Manaol, Bulalacao, and Ililin. They alsobegan an active mission in order to reduce the heathen Mangyans, whichhad no other work than to employ itself in those glorious reductionsand conversions of grace. For one single man it was an immense work, but the superior government gave no more stipends. That mission wasestablished on the bay of Ylog, and ministers and infidels were pledgednot to allow [there] any of the former Christians, who might pervertthe conversions. By that arrangement it grew to a very large village, and there were practiced some of the old customs that belonged to theprimitive church. All that fine flower-garden has been trampled downand even ruined by the Moros, as will be related in due season. 

7. The Dominican fathers also applied themselves to the work in theprovince of Zambales. That province had already eleven villages formed, although they were small, because that province has but few people. Itappeared to the new fathers that that number of villages made theiradministration difficult; consequently, they tried to reduce theirnumber by uniting some of them. That incorporation was difficult;hence they increased the troops and arms of the presidio of Paynaven, the center of that province. Through the protection afforded by thosetroops, they broke up the whole province. The village of Bolinaò, which had a fair population, was located on an island, which isseparated from the land by only a channel, which forms its famousand secure port. [65] It was fertile and pleasant. They moved it tothe mainland, to a sandy shore, useless for anything, even for theordinary fields. Its lack of water they supplied with wells whichthey opened. There they obtained some water, but it was thick, and inthe time of the dry season it entirely disappeared. The Indians whowere harmed by this measure were so angry at that moving, that manyfamilies retired to Ylocos. In truth, that site is despicable. Aneminence which looks upon and almost dominates the port would havebeen much more suitable, and they would have obtained better airthere; while their boats, which cannot navigate by the channelto the village during the blowing of the north wind, so that thecargo has to be carried for a long distance on the shoulders, wouldhave obtained shelter. There are many other inconveniences but onecannot think of a single advantage. They moved the village of Agno[66] from the coast into the interior, to a site which is a swampymudhole when there is the least rain. The village of Sigayan wasmoved to another site, where the only advantage was a near-by riverof fresh water which was unnavigable. They left Masinloc [67] on itspleasant site, while the village of Paynaven was moved inland toa site called Iba, [68] from which the new village took its name, moving that village in order to get it away from the commandant ofthe fort, whose proximity was annoying to them. They did not regardit as a recompensable hardship for the minister of that village togo on feast-days in order to say mass in the presidio, and to repeatit afterwards in his own church. In order to increase that placeand give it the name of capital, they brought families from Bolinaò, who formed a large barangay. It has already been seen that they madeuse of the fort in this, and that those who were moved were not verywell pleased. The Dominicans also founded, or better, made fromother villages, the village of Cabangaan [69] in an obscure site, which was rough and surrounded by dense mountains, and suitable onlyfor a hermit and solitary life, but so far as others were concerned, a place of profound melancholy. They also formed the village of Subic[70] from other villages, which had only the advantages of its portto recommend it, while in other respects it was most unpleasant. Theyalso filled the vacant places left by the many families who retiredto the mountains as a result of the violence exercised, with otherswhom they brought from Pangasinan, a province abounding with people, who because they are so numerous, and there is no room for all, leavetheir homes more easily. In fact, they did that, too, in order tobe surer of the Zambals, in whose severe and warlike minds they didnot have the greatest confidence. Thus did they soften those people, or let us say frankly, checked their vehemence. The reduction of thepeople of the mountain, however much it is talked about, is not known, as neither is the place where they could form villages or a villagefrom them. Let us leave then exaggerations, which, when they offend bycomparison, cannot fail to be odious. We shall treat of the restoration[of that province] below, in its proper place. [71]

[The following extract is from the same volume, and includespp. 135-144. ]

CHAPTER V

The Augustinian Recollect fathers assume the spiritual government ofthe islands of Masbáte, Ticao, and Burias. A geographical descriptionof those islands is presented. 

1. Under the metaphor of husbandmen, the prophet Amos describes thosewho are employed in the cultivation of souls. The chroniclers of theAugustinian Recollect fathers describe those fathers for us as zealousand laborious in their never-ceasing application in planting andcultivating the word of God in humble hearts. The Recollects assumedcharge, in addition to the fields already mentioned of the island ofMasbate with the neighboring islands of Ticao and Burias. Those islandsbelong to the bishopric of Nueva Caceres in ecclesiastical matters, and to the alcaldeship of Albay in political affairs. Masbate is sixtyleguas from Manila, in a latitude lying between twelve and thirteendegrees. It is about fifty leguas in circumference, nineteen leguaslong and five or six broad. It was formerly famous for its rich goldmines, which, when they tried later to work them, it was found did notproduce expenses. The island also has fine copper mines, samples fromwhich in very recent times were excellent. Information was given ofthem by Don Francisco Salgado; and when everything necessary and expertChinese for working them had been prepared, he abandoned them, forhe saw that they had much less metal than he had thought. The islandof Ticao is about twenty-three leguas in circumference, nine long, and more than four wide. That of Burias extends its circumferenceto twenty-six leguas, twelve in length, and four in width. Thesecalculations must be understood only approximately, for they had notbeen exactly determined. All three possess excellent timber, fromwhich pitch is distilled in plenty, and makes excellent pitch forvessels. One of those trees produces the fragrant camanguian; [72]another very abundantly a kind of almond, larger than that of Europa, for which it is mistaken in taste. They have many civet-cats; civet isa drug which was obtained there long before this time, and had a goodsale in Acapulco, although that product is not in so great demand now. 

2. Don Luis Henrriquez de Guzman, a knight of Sevilla, reduced thoseislands to the crown of España in the year one thousand five hundredand sixty-nine. Their conquest was finished and they were leftthoroughly subdued by Captain Andres de Ybarra. Protected by arms, father Fray Alonso Ximenez, an Observant Augustinian, introducedthe evangelical law. In that he did excellent work and obtainedmuch fruit in Masbate. Other religious, imbued with the same spiritand of the same institute, followed, and spread the work into Ticaoand Burias. By that means a suitable mission field was established, and the Augustinians conserved the administration thereof until theyear six hundred and nine. At that time they resigned that districtinto the hands of the bishop of Camarines, who employed secularsinstead of those regulars. There were various seculars in charge ofthe administration there, until the year one thousand six hundred andeighty-eight. The district handed over by the Augustinian fathers hadtwo hundred and fifty regular families; but that number was diminishedby the terrible invasions of the Moros, so that the correspondingstipend was not sufficient for the maintenance of one cura, and no onecould be found who was willing to take care of that district. On thataccount his Excellency, Master Don Fray Andres Gonzalez of the Orderof Preachers, their bishop, represented to his Majesty that it wasabsolutely necessary to apportion the curacies in another manner forthe just spiritual administration of his bishopric, by placing someof them in the charge of regulars; and he petitioned that his Majestyapprove his new plan, by ordering his governor of those islands toproceed in it as vice-patron. The king consented to what the prelateasked, and despatched his royal decree, under date of Madrid, Augustthirteen, eighty-five. With that order his Excellency presented to thegovernor the new distribution of districts, with the changes necessaryand fitting. In that distribution he applied all the ministry ofMasbate to the province of San Nicolas of the Augustinian Recollects, and also on the mainland of Luzon the villages of Ingoso, Catanavan, and Vigò with its neighboring rancherías, of which was formed thecuracy of Piris. The governor, Don Gabriel Curuzalaegui, by an actof November twenty-six, of eighty-six, approved the plan conceivedby his Excellency the bishop, and informed the said Recollect fathersof the part of the distribution that pertained to them. They acceptedthe assigned administration. In the territory on the mainland disputeswere imminent with the Franciscan fathers in regard to the ownershipof those territories. Accordingly the Recollects only accepted thedistrict of Masbate, and resigned the right that they could have hadto the village on the continent of Luzon to the Franciscan fathers, who could administer them with greater ease. By that means all rivalrywas checked. 

3. The parties [i. E. , the Recollects and Franciscans] having cometo an agreement, and between themselves the governor and bishop, thetwo latter despatched suitable measures so that the Recollects couldtake charge of those souls. In the distribution the Recollects hadtheir proportionate advantages, for those islands are a way-stationwhich is necessary to pass in going to Caraga and Zebù, where thisorder had distant missions. The bishop obtained them [for that order]because, that district having been reduced to one single secular, thelatter proved insufficient for its administration. Consequently, in thespace of twelve years, only four persons had died with the sacraments, although one hundred and eighteen had passed from this life withoutthat important benefit. The baptism of children was postponed for manymonths, as the cura went to the visitas in the distant villages butseldom. For it was not easy for one single individual to acquit himselfof so laborious cares; consequently, this is not to admit that theywere ill administered. The government was interested in them, as wasalso commerce, as Ticao was an anchorage for the Acapulco ships in itsfamous port of San Jazinto, [73] on both the outward and return trips, where fresh supplies were procured, wood and water provided, and windsawaited to take them out of the dangerous currents of the Embocaderoof San Bernardino. The Recollect fathers accepted that charge, and werereceived affectionately by the Indians. They founded their headquartersin Mobo, [74] a famous village of Masbate. They built a church there, under the advocacy of Our Lady of Remedies. It was a costly edifice, adorned with good reredoses, and had a sacristy well supplied withvestments, besides a capacious house with its suitable quarters anddormitories for the resident and transient religious. Thence theymade their apostolic excursions for the conversion of the heathens, who were still numerous, and the reduction of fugitive apostates. Thesettlements already established numbered six, and three new villageswere established with the increase of those who settled down. 

4. This province of San Nicolas petitioned his Majesty in the yearone thousand seven hundred and twenty-four to confirm that possessionwhich had been conferred on it in his royal name. His Majesty orderedthe governor of Philipinas and the bishop of Nueva Caceres to make noinnovation in the spiritual administration of that district until hisroyal Council should provide what was suitable. He also ordered themto report on the progress of the faith in that territory since it hadbeen under their charge. Judicial investigations were made in Manilaby the government, in order to inform the king with reports. Fromthem it appeared that, although the entire district of Masbate hadformerly had only one parish priest, since the Recollect fathers hadtaken charge of it, three religious at least had lived there. It wasproved also by the books of the royal accountancy, that in the yearpreceding their possession, that is, in the year eighty-seven, theentire ministry contained only one hundred and eighty-seven families;while in the year seven hundred and twenty-two there were five hundredand eighty-five families. Consequently, the present governor, theMarquís de Torre Campo, reported that the district of Masbate hadhad an increase of three hundred and ninety-eight whole tributesthrough the apostolic zeal of those ministers. The Recollects notonly in those districts, but also in the remainder of these islands, devote themselves to the spread of our holy Catholic faith with thegreatest toil and with the most visible fruit. 

5. That progress was not made without great toil and hardship. Theyhad to do with a great number of mountain Indians and Zimarrones, who became fearsome when abandoned to liberty. Apostates from thefaith and from civilized life, they had taken to the deserts and tothe roughest mountains, where they defended their barbarous modeof life at all hazards, by resisting with arms those who triedto reduce them. Various people had also gathered there from otherislands, fleeing from the settled villages and from the punishmentdue their atrocities. Consequently, the latter were extraordinarilyfierce. Many heathen were numbered among them, accustomed long sinceto that rudeness of life and savagery, and they were all the worstkind of people. They committed notable depredations on the civilizedvillages, robbed the boats that anchored in the ports and bays, andtreacherously committed many murders. Their boldness rose to such apitch that one could not cross through the interior of those islands, and to arrive at their shores was the same as to make port in a landof enemies. It was also a laborious and dangerous task to navigatealong the coasts, trying to find those rancherías. Consequently, Father Fray Ildefonso de la Concepcion was twice overturned in thesea, and another time had his boat dashed to pieces on some reefs. Inthat shipwreck he miraculously escaped with his life, although someof his companions perished in the water. Those dangers came to himin his visits to a new village established on the opposite coast. Inorder to avoid such dangers and visit that village more frequently, the father opened a road through the interior from Mobo over roughmountains, where many other risks were run because of the heathens. Inthat continual crossing the father fell grievously sick, his painshaving originated from the hardships of such a road, with the showersand heat. He died at last, succumbing to such fatigues. But thosesufferings were continued by others, who conquered that stubbornness bytheir constancy and fervent application, although with the well-knownrisk of losing their lives. Consequently, those ministers who werethere in the beginning say that, although they have been many yearsin other doctrinas and missions, they had not so much to suffer andendure in any of them as in that of Masbate. 

[The third extract from Concepción's Historia is from vol. Ix, pp. 123-150, and comprises all of the fourth chapter except thelast paragraph. ]

CHAPTER IV

By sentence of the royal Audiencia, the province of Zambales isrestored to its first conquistadors, the discalced AugustinianRecollect fathers. 

1. The Zambal Indians, of an intractable disposition, people ofwild customs, and little or not at all content, were furious withthe Dominican ministers in the reductions; they were groaningunder the yoke of a life more regulated than their inclinationspermitted. This made them think of insurrections and uprisings. Thepresidio of Painaven, well reënforced, restrained them; and theraids of the commandant, with detachments of men, into the mountains, intimidated them in their plans. They thought that the government ofthe Recollect fathers was milder, and hence they sighed for it. Thosefathers tolerated their barbarous customs among a people so ferocious, and succeeded by their patience in softening and reducing them. Notso with the Dominican fathers, who learned the Zambals' tenacity attheir own cost. In the village of Balacbac was an Indian chief namedDalinen; although he lived in that village, he kept his valuables inthe mountains under charge of a nephew. Another Indian, a Cimarron, named Calignao, killed the latter treacherously. In order to avengethat murder, Dalinen retired with many of his followers to the densewoods. Father Fray Domingo Perez, [75] who was the minister of thatmission, tried to prevent that flight, but was quite unable to remedyit; for seventeen families fled with Dalinen. The commandant of thefort attacked them with his men and burned the ranchería of Aglao, the next village to Balacbac, to which the murderer and the injuredman belonged. 

2. Calignao had an extensive and strong kindred. Because they did notflee with him, father Fray Domingo endeavored to win them over. Heasked for an adjutant's staff from the commandant of the fort, anddignified Calignao with it. Then in order to restrain the other side, it was published that the murder of the nephew [of Dalinen] was bythe command of the government, which had ordered that all who wouldnot reduce themselves to village life should be killed. That method, however, was insufficient to quiet them, but, on the contrary, roused the factions to a higher pitch. To please the commandant andto give stronger force to his faction, Calignao promised to assaultDalinen. He went into the mountain to put that promise into execution, and after a short time, Dalinen was killed by a Negrito. His relativeswere persuaded that the father had had a hand in that murder, anddetermined to pay him back. The same Calignao offered to do the deed, for this is what it means to benefit apostatized evil-doers. He soughtan opportune occasion for the execution of his wicked intent, and foundit in a journey which the father made to Baubuen to visit a communalhouse which he was building for strangers, and in order to confessfather Fray Juan de Rois, [76] who was the minister there. During theabsence of the father, Calignao descended the mountain, visited hisrelatives, and was informed that the minister would return in threedays. He left his relatives, and in company with a faithless Negritowent to await the father at the bank of a large river, by which itwas necessary to pass. When Father Perez reached that place, Calignaodischarged an arrow, which passed before the father's breast withoutdoing him any harm and lodged in a neighboring tree. When the fatherquite naturally turned his head to see who was firing at him, theNegrito Quibacat discharged his arrow, which, entering the father'sbody three fingers below the left breast, came out more than fourfingers at the right side of his back. It was a twisted arrow, andwhen father Fray Domingo pulled on it, the wound became worse. Withthe most intense pain that he suffered, he broke out into "Jesus, be with me! Let them commend me to God, for I am dying. "

3. He spurred on his horse, which ran until the father perceived thatsight was failing him. Then he alighted, stretched himself at thefoot of an agoso tree, [77] and, amid the outpouring of his blood, begged pardon from God for his sins. An Indian who accompanied himcame up to him, and found him unconscious from great loss of blood. Thefather recovered consciousness, but for so brief a time that he couldnot tell the Indian what to do. He fainted once more, so completelythat the Indian thought that he was yielding up his life. He againrecovered consciousness, and sent the servant to Balacbac in orderto get people to carry him thence. The Indian went to carry out thatinstruction. Meanwhile a man and three women arrived, and stayedwith the father until the arrival of the men from the village whowere very slow. For the Indian who had been sent could find no onewho cared to take that charitable office upon himself, either theministers of justice, the fiscals, or the sacristans. He was ableto get three serving-lads in the convent, who made a hammock froma blanket, and carried the wounded religious in it. The latter, charging his messenger to go to Baubuen to advise Father Rois ofhis mishap, set out on his way to his village, where he arrived atnine o'clock at night. Father Rois, as soon as he received the news, got ready to go to the relief of his associate. After many frights, for everything was in an uproar, and his person ran no less risk[than that of Father Domingo], he reached the village at daybreak. Heentered the cell of the wounded father, whom he found embracing a holycrucifix, and bathed in tears. Father Rois asked him "What is this, Father Vicar-prior?" "This means death, " answered the sufferer. "Ishall die; there is no relief. " He was confessed, and received thesacred viaticum. He lived three days after that, without having hisbed made, for his extreme pains would not permit it. Had they tendedhim well at the beginning, he would have recovered, for the wound wasnot mortal, and the Indians have medicines which cure other thingsmore dangerous. But the greatest care was not exercised in this. Thethird day after nightfall, the pains attacked him much more fiercely, and convulsions and paroxysms followed. He received extreme unction, after which he lost his speech, and remained remarkably quiet; andin that calm he yielded his spirit to the Creator. 

4. The malicious Calignao, after having wounded the father, went toBalacbac, and made an effort to enter the convent in order to kill theservants of father Fray Domingo. The servants barred the doors on theinside until the wounded father arrived, and during all the three dayswhile the latter lived, the murderer remained in the village, withoutanyone daring to raise a hand against him. During that time Calignaoassaulted the convent several times, but could effect nothing, becauseof the vigilance of Father Rois. The commandant of the fort desired togo in person to punish the treachery, but he was prevented from it bythe other religious, for the reason that if he were killed the fortwas in danger; and, if that presidio were captured by the Zambals, there would not be a father or a Spaniard in Playahonda who wouldnot be sacrificed to their fury. He sent indeed a detachment of men, with orders to arrest or kill Calignao; but they were unable to do so, as all the village was interested in his liberty. They were presentat the funeral, which took place in the church on the following day, with all possible propriety. A year and a half later the father'sbones were moved to the church of his convent at Manila. 

5. It is said that God honored the place of his death or where he waswounded, by marvelous occurrences. For instance the large river onwhose shore he was shot, dried up, and was swallowed up by the earth, and no trace of it was ever found later, neither did it take a courseelsewhere; while the bed of the river became full of agoso trees. Andalthough the above tree is large, and needs more than ten years to growtall, those trees grew up in so short a time that that place appeareda dense forest, so that they choked and parched the reed-grass, whichnever sprang up again. It was said that the earth which was dyed withhis blood has never allowed any grass to grow since, although the grassabout the agoso at whose foot the father fainted is abundant and verygreen. That tree is always more flourishing and luxuriant, so that incomparison with it the other trees seem like withered things. Alsoanother smaller river which ran past Aglao and Baubuen dried up, and the earth was left very sterile. It is true that these thingswere said, but without any foundation. The large river still remainsand flows in the same course, and that of Aglao has the same course, and there is no notice or tradition that it had ever dried up; andit is not possible that so remarkable a thing could be forgotten. Itwas true that the agoso under which he rested was preserved and isstill preserved; but in that story are not registered the exaggeratedcircumstances, such as that of the grass and of the reed-grass. Isay this with assurance because I have seen it at various times, and I have passed the large river with some risk. On the bank ofthat river I was shown the spot where the father was wounded, andthe agoso in question, in which I found nothing worthy of wonder. Inregard to the other agosos and those newly produced, I proved thatthere are both old and new trees, for they are produced without anycultivation, and are conserved from time immemorial, and their verygreat age is recognized by their failing condition. [78]

6. The Augustinian Recollect fathers, who had not left thatadministration [of Zambales] voluntarily, although they could notresist the change with Mindoro, asked for testimonies that they mightpresent them at court. They protested in due form, and appointedministers in their chapters, of whose election they apprised theDominican fathers in legal form. Their recourse to court had theresult that the parties [in the matter] were referred by the Councilof the Indias to this royal Audiencia. The testimonies were broughtto it, and it became sufficiently public. On that account the fatherprocurator-general of the Order of St. Dominic, Fray Juan Peguero[79] appeared before the superior government. He stated that hisExcellency the archbishop and the governor had removed the Order of theAugustinian Recollects from the province of Zambales for reasons thatthey considered just, necessary, or reasonable, in accordance with therulings of the laws of the new Recopilación, [80] and had given it tohis province, they on their part having first made no efforts to getit. His order had received it only that they might serve God and theking. The Recollect fathers had received the island of Mindoro as arecompense, without offering any objection, and had expressly givenup their rights to the province of Zambales. Nevertheless father FrayJuan de la Madre de Dios had presented a writing before the supremeCouncil, which was sent to this royal Audiencia, where as yet, morethan eight months after the arrival of the galleons at the islands, it did not appear to have been presented. Without petitioning inany tribunal, [he said], a rumor was spread to the discredit of hisprovince and to the prejudice of the propagation of the faith amongthe Zambals. The latter, in the hope which they had received fromtheir former ministers that they would soon return to take charge ofthem, were fleeing to the mountains to become infidels, apostates, and idolaters, as they were formerly. Consequently, the ministersof his province found themselves hindered in the conversions and theadministrations of the sacraments, as they were so disturbed that itwas necessary for the commandant of the fort to seize some personswho returned from Manila and spread such a report. Not even thiswas a sufficient relief for the continual flights of the natives. Onthat account he petitioned his Lordship, in the name of his province, to be pleased to employ suitable means, and what he believed best, for the avoidance of those scandals. His Lordship furnished a copyof the judicial proceedings [81] to the Recollect side, ordering thatthey, with the reply that they should make, should give account of theroyal decree mentioned in the allegation [aforesaid, by Fray Juan dela Madre de Dios]. Notification of this was communicated, on May 2, 1685, to father Fray Joseph de Jesus Maria, procurator-general of thediscalced religious of St. Augustine. The latter said that he heardit and would answer in due form. 

7. He did so, and presented himself with the copy authorized in publicform, of the proceedings of the royal and supreme Council of the Indiasin the cause prosecuted by the father procurator-general, Fray Juan dela Madre de Dios, asking that his province should be restored to itsformer possession of the ministries of Mariveles, Masinloc, Bolinao, Puquil, and Playa-honda, and the rest of the province of Zambales. Thedecision thereon, as appeared from the said proceedings, was referredto the royal Audiencia of Manila. In regard to the contents of FatherPeguero's memorial, notwithstanding what he might petition, it shouldbe refuted as outside the truth, as a calumny, and as grievouslyoffensive to his province--which with excessive and continual work, and equal zeal in the service of both Majesties, had assisted in theadministration of the Christians and the conversion of the infidelsin the aforesaid districts, from the year one thousand six hundredand seven to the year one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine, when it was despoiled actually and contrary to law, and the Dominicanreligious introduced into those missions. Notwithstanding the above, the said memorial, proceeding by malicious reports, and with a lackof accurate information, says that in the year seventy-six the saidFather Peguero informed the government of these islands that theconversion and reduction of the Zambals--both the light-complexionedones and those with the kinky hair, on both sides of the mountains thatextend from Batan to Pangasinan, especially in the localities of Aglao, Buquil, Alupay, and Culianan, and many others--had not been thithertoin charge of any of the orders of these islands. In consideration ofthat, he petitioned that that care be assigned to his order. Despatcheswere given him in accordance with the terms of his petition, withoutsummoning the party of the Recollect province, which was in possession[of that territory] from the time mentioned above. That order was thenespecially extending its labors, and working in the reduction of theinfidels of those very same places, and in the administration of agreat number of Christians in those districts, who paid tribute totheir encomenderos. His order having offered opposition, and havingmade a petition before the royal Audiencia to be protected in itsancient possession, this was done, and the Order of St. Dominicwas excluded from its demand, as appeared from royal provision andproceedings, which would be presented if it were necessary. After hisorder had been placed in charge of the administration of Mindoro, the Dominicans succeeded in getting the governor, then Don Juan deVargas, to ask the father provincial, Fray Joseph de San Nicolas, tomake a renunciation [of those districts]. The father provincial didit unwillingly, for it was a thing that he neither could or ought todo in regard to such districts, in order that other religious mightbe instituted--as were those of St. Dominic, in the year eighty. Twograve [Recollect] religious protested in the name of their province, against the renunciation made by their Recollect provincial; and allthe ministers of Zambales protested against the violence with whichthey were despoiled of that administration, without their provincehaving until then made any other judicial or extrajudicial effortthan the conservation of their right, in order to demand it where andto what extent it may behoove them to do so. The provincial of hisprovince had formally ordered his subjects not only not to solicitthe natives of those districts to ask for, or allow them to ask for, these or other ministers; but they were to admonish them always tolive consoled and contented, and to understand that the instructionwhich they received from the fathers of St. Dominic was the same, and[given with] the same zeal for the welfare of their souls. That orderwas obeyed, and there was no notice of its infraction. On the contrary, information was received that the present Dominican ministers toldthe natives that they were returning to carry forward what had beencommenced by the Recollects. That proved that the Recollects did notkeep their convents and churches, which they had abandoned to theDominicans; as does the suggestion that father Fray Raymundo Verart[82] said that Captain Marcos de Rosales, encomendero of Marivelez, had made to him, for the latter earnestly entreated him to askthat the Recollects should be restored to the possession of thoseministeries. He offered to make that request to him in writing. 

8. Even though the religious of his province had represented to thosenatives that they would return to their ancient administration, onecould not argue from that that any injury to the propagation of thefaith, or to the credit of so holy an order [i. E. , the Dominican] wouldfollow, as the memorial declared--in formal prejudice to his own order[i. E. , the Recollect] (in regard to which that order was protesting, in order to demand whatever was proper for its side). The proposedhopes of the restoration, however, would hinder the flight of thenatives, which, it was known, proceeded from other reasons, through agreat part of the villages of Zambales having been depopulated. Thatthey had been living in idolatry from their first conversion, besidesbeing an implicatory proposition, did not appear from the sentence ofa competent tribunal, nor was it credible of all. And it was no newthing, that after some years, a few superstitions should be discovered[among the Indians], as was usually the case, and happened at everystep; for it was not an easy thing to reduce mountain infidels toa civilized life, in which task the ministers must acquire thoroughknowledge of their customs. Consequently, it had been impossible toeradicate their barbarous ferocity in committing murders, as theyhad done to a religious of the Order of St. Dominic. And because hisprovince had shirked no labor for the service of God and the king, in the welfare of souls, especially in the administration of theZambals during the space of sixty years, it desired to reap the fruit[of the harvest] that had been commenced; wherefore in furtheranceof its claim he prayed his Lordship to order and command that thepleadings which had been presented be referred to the royal Audiencia, to the end that whatever should be ruled therein be considered aslaw. The decree enacted (with the opinion of the assessor) was, that the cognizance of the entire matter be referred to the royalAudiencia, so that the parties to the suit might there plead theirclaims in equity, and in fulfilment of the decree of the supremeCouncil of the Indias. The Recollect procurator general having beennotified, appeared before the royal Audiencia with his claim togetherwith the rest of the papers annexed, which, having been presented, were considered as referred to that tribunal for official actiontherein. Notice of that decision having been given to father FrayJuan Peguero, he said that he heard it, and pleaded that the papers begiven him for his reply as was done. But I shall not give his answerhere, because of the irregularity of his pleadings, his rashness ofspeech, his boldness of opinion, and his disrespect for the royalpower, since his Majesty does not allow causes to be conducted inrude fashion, especially when they do not bear on the case in point, while personal defects of ecclesiastics were not under considerationin the present case, nor in the cause which was being prosecuted, as it concerned ministries only. 

9. In conclusion his reply was that while maintaining the contraryof what was advanced by the Recollect fathers, as their province wasnot a party [to the suit]; he petitions and prays that his Highnessdeign to issue a citation on the party [of the Recollects], to the endthat an investigation be made of all the aforesaid, as was necessary, and becoming, etc. The ruling was that the decree be communicated tothe father procurator of the Recollects, who answered as follows, namely, that he acknowledged the indecorous manner in which, inview of the sovereignty of the royal Audiencia, the good name of hisside and his subjects was injured. But that although he could answerpoint by point, he would avoid doing so, as it was a matter in which, leaving aside the requirements of law, which were to be complied with, the subject matter was getting to be a bone of contention, and apartisanship dispute--a matter which ought to be held in abhorrenceby religious, who are placed as models for all in these regions, and because law enjoins the manner in which one ought to speak inthe royal courts of justice, where it is expressly forbidden to bringforward incriminating libels in place of actions of laws; for thesewound not only the sacredness of the religious orders, but even thesovereignty of such a tribunal, to which is due the highest respect. Onthat account they ought to order the withdrawal of the two allegationspresented by Father Peguero as being indecorous, and notice ought tobe given to the said father to answer as was fitting, by representingthe authority that his province had in the administration of Zambales;in default of which, the court was to record them as having been dulypleaded. To this motion, the gentlemen [of the Audiencia] agreed thatthe decree should issue, and the clerk of the assembly summoned thesaid Father Peguero in due form for the examination, who thereuponrefused such style of procedure until he had presented his groundsfor opposing such action [i. E. , the above decision of the Audiencia]. 

10. The said father procurator pleaded before his Highness thatDoctor Calderon, the senior auditor, during his week had refused tosign a paper in which he [i. E. , the Recollect procurator-general], pleaded in regard to the pending article; and having been orderedto present himself in the royal Audiencia, he did this by means oftwo religious at a time when the said doctor was the only memberpresent in the Audiencia, because of the illness of his associatejudges. There a decree was entered which ordered that the writ andother papers pertaining to this matter be presented by a procuratorof the royal Audiencia, who could be punished in default for hisnegligence. And in view of the fact that he considered this measureburdensome and harmful to his order and person, as he was condemnedbefore sentence was passed on the point, and the order was preventedfrom prosecuting this or any other cause in the royal courts, becauseof their well-known poverty, he prayed his Highness to deign torepeal the said act, and to allow his province the liberty of havingit prosecuted by its own prosecutors. A decree to that effect waspassed and the trial set for the first day, when the said Doctor DonDiego Calderon should be present. 

11. The auditor, in order to justify his act in the royal Audiencia, related that Father Peguero had brought a paper to his house for himto fill out to the effect that the petition, which as he declared, he was going to present to the royal courts, should come before him, the said auditor, during his week; and that in consideration of thefact that it was a matter that concerned priests against priests, of religious missionaries against religious of the same institute, it could not set forth allegations that were wanting in fraternalcharity and profound humility. This he signed without reading it, while charging the father procurator to present it in the royal courts, as was done on the day when his Lordship was the only member present[in the Audiencia]. The petition was granted and an order issued tohave the papers served on the Recollect father procurator, who wasbid to file his answer thereto; furthermore, in order to determinethis point, the abovesaid auditor ordered that the case so far asconcerned the examination of the same be laid before him. Peguero, not content with what was done, presented another petition in regardto the same cause, that it might be signed officially and passed. Buthaving glanced over it, he found that this should not be done, asit contained other unbecoming expressions based on the one that hadbeen presented previously, and therein at variance with the laws andordinances of the royal Audiencia, wherefore he told the said fatherprocurator to hand his petition back and present it when all themembers [of the Audiencia] were assembled. The result was that theirillness still continuing, two lay-brethren, religious of the Order ofPreachers, entered the chamber and requested that the petition thatthey presented be granted, which was the same as had been presentedby the father procurator Peguero, in which his Highness was able torecognize the irregularity of the statements, and his inability tosanction such proceedings, through his desire for public peace, andto the end that such holy orders be not embarrassed with injuriouswrits. Consequently, in order to prevent disrespectful petitionsfrom being presented in those tribunals, his Highness had to decreewhat was most in consonance with loyalty to both their Majesties, and the public peace. 

12. This decree was as follows: "Decision of the royal court thisday, September eleven, one thousand seven hundred and five. [83]The measure passed by Señor Calderon is approved, and in accordancetherewith, a decree to that effect shall be issued. Because of theirgreat poverty, only the first petitions of the Indians shall bereceived without attorney. "

13. The decree so enacted had the effect that the office ofprocurator-general of the province of Santissimo Rosario was changedand given to father Fray Domingo Escalera, [84] who together withthe procurator-general of the Recollects, presented a joint petitionto his Highness to deign to have the preceding writs annulled, asthey were not suitable and germane to the case, nor respectful to theroyal Audiencia and the parties [in the suit]. This was handed to thefiscal for review, who said that, because of their joint agreement, and moreover, because the writs were not germane to the case in thechief point of the pending suit, greater harmony would result to thetwo orders which were at law, and to the public cause, and that ifthe writs were juridically annulled because of their contents, hisHighness could order the execution of what the parties petitioned, and such decree would be valid and efficacious--an opinion howeverthat had no definitive result. Then in regard to the writ presentedby the Recollect procurator Father Escalera rejoined that, inasmuchas such ministries were handed to his province by the government, if his Highness were pleased to order that they be restored to theplaintiff province his province was ready to do its part, and for thatpurpose he renounced this copy of the proceedings, and any other, ashe had nothing to petition or plead. Therefore, in consideration ofthe decrees already passed in which he considered himself as cited, his Highness should deign to issue an order for whatever shouldbe his pleasure. Consequently, a decree was drawn up embodying theordinances that had been made in which the parties were recorded ashaving been cited, as they considered themselves as cited, and theRecollect procurator presented proofs to the effect that his provincehad never renounced such ministries, but had always violently protestedagainst the fact of their having been despoiled thereof, in supportof which it had been prosecuting the cause in the Council. For theDominicans, their prior provincial, father Fray Christoval Pedroche, answered the citation by saying that his province had held thoseministries in encomienda and trust in the name of his Majesty throughthe vice-patron, and consequently, if any act of spoliation had beencommitted, his province was not a party thereto, just as it was nota party to the present proceedings. Therefore he was ready to returnthem whenever his Highness so ordered; and hence he did not opposethe claim of the Recollect fathers. In answer to their statement thatthey had elected priors for those missions in all their provincialchapters, and that therein they had no other consideration than theservice of God in those missions and the spiritual welfare of souls, he petitioned that his province be adjudged as not a party in thesaid suit, protesting moreover that he would not plead, or in any wayoppose his Highness's decision. When the parties were cited, an orderwas issued by the court that with these decrees be united those whichwere enacted by the master-of-camp, Don Juan de Vargas Hurtado, forthe assignment of the Zambals to the Dominican fathers. The decreeshaving thus been brought together, various motions were made, inwhich proceedings the Dominicans always by joint action refused tobe recognized as a party thereto. Whereupon the members of the courthaving examined the proceedings after their previous examination bythe fiscal, declared, that notwithstanding the reply of the fatherprovincial of the Order of Preachers in which he petitioned that hisorder be declared not to be a party, they maintained, as they nowmaintained, that he was a legitimate party in these proceedings;moreover that they ordered him, as they now repeated their order, that he notify the father procurator-general of the said order toanswer to the summons within three days, and to make full returnthereto. He was also warned that if, at the expiration of said limit, he had not done so, the royal courts would declare the proceedingsso far as taken as sufficient, and the case would be prosecutedin them. The Dominican procurator having been cited and notified, said that he obeyed the decree of his Highness, that he heard it, but that there was no answer to be given, as he was not a party, as hehad already declared, and that in case that it was necessary he wouldrepeat the same answer of his father provincial. This occurrence tookplace on November twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and ninety. 

14. Thus this matter [expediente] rested until the year one thousandseven hundred and ten, when the alférez, Nicolas Guerrero, one of theordinary attorneys of the royal Audiencia, presented a certificateempowering him as the chief authorized agent of the province of SanNicolas, to act as their attorney in the matter in hand. Thereupon, he declared that in maintenance of the claim of the said province, it was advisable to examine the minutes of the proceedings hithertoconducted in the royal courts, in regard to the restitution oftheir former missions of Zambales and everything pertaining tothem. Accordingly, he prayed his Highness to deign to order thesecretary to produce the said minutes, which on being given to thesaid attorney, he appeared before his Highness and stated that inaccordance with the last royal order of six hundred and ninety, wherebythe other party was required to answer fully, this had not been done, but that the party had merely referred to its former pleadings, andthat any other answer had not been made during the space of twentyyears, so that the suit had been unduly prolonged; and moreover, thatthe matter having been recently investigated, his side has a paper(which he now presents with all solemnity), namely, a private letterfrom the father provincial of the Dominicans, Fray Pedro Mejorada, [85] in reply to one from the provincial of the Recollects, FrayFrancisco de la Madre de Dios, in which he declares, that he answeredin the same manner as his province had done on former occasions; thathe would not oppose the abandoning of the said missions as he was nota party thereto, for his province had taken these under their chargesolely in compliance with the orders of Governor Don Juan de Vargasand Archbishop Don Phelipe Pardo; that, moreover, at the present timewhen his province was so straitened through the lack of religious, if they were not succored in that regard it would be necessary forthem to take other steps. Wherefore (he added), so far as matters havenow gone he might do what he pleased, for his province would offer noopposition, and was prepared to give up those missions if so requestedand charged to do. In this letter, moreover, among other points, itwas inferable that his province was ready to leave the said missionsof Zambales. Therefore the attorney petitioned and prayed his Highnessto deign to have the case brought up for final trial, declaring hisclient as entitled to the possession of such missions, to whom theyshould therefore be restored. Thereupon the judges decided that themeasures so far taken together with that letter should be acted upon;that the trial should be proceeded with without prejudice to whateverhad already been decided, and that all the papers in the case behanded over to the fiscal of this royal Audiencia, for his opinion(within three days) of what steps it was advisable to take. Thereupon, for reasons given, the latter replied that what had been advised bythe fiscal of the royal and supreme Council ought to be carried out, and hence a similar order might issue from this royal Audiencia, with notice to the reverend fathers provincial, parties in interest, that so far as concerned their spiritual care the natives might berelieved promptly. In accordance with this, the judges ordered that allparties should proceed to the chamber for final sentence. Thereupontheir decision was that the reverend fathers provincial should beapprised of the sentence as given in this cause for their judgment inthe exercise of their rights; and that whether they assented or not, they should appear to hear the decision to be given. 

15. The parties being notified, and a report of the proceedings havingbeen proclaimed, sentence was then given as follows: "In the city ofManila, October twenty-two, one thousand seven hundred and twelve:The president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria ofthese islands assembled in the royal courts thereof, having examinedin relation the proceedings prosecuted on the part of the Recollectprovince and religious of San Nicolas de Tolentino of these islands, against the province of Santo Rosario and the religious of St. Dominicin regard to the restitution of the spiritual administration ofthe natives of the province of Zambales, hereupon declared that theyought to restore--and they hereby have restored--to the said Recollectprovince, and religious of San Nicolas of these islands the spiritualadministration of the natives of Zambales, in the same manner as theyheld it at the time when the very reverend and devout father provincialof the said order, Fray Joseph de San Nicolas de Tolentino, resigned, handed over, and separated them from his administration in the formeryear one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine. In consequence whereofthey moreover ordered--and they have so ordered--that there be madeout in due form for the party of the said Order of San Nicolas awarrant to that effect. Thus was it decreed, ordered, and subscribedto in the presence of his Majesty's fiscal. 

Doctor TorralvaLicentiate VillaThe Fiscal"

In the presence of Antonio de Yepes y Arce, notary-public. Theirdecision was heard and obeyed promptly by the party to the suit, andproper warrants having been received, the spiritual administration ofthe Zambals was peacefully restored to the province of San Nicolasof the Augustinian Recollects. Perhaps the very reverend fatherchronicler, Fray Domingo Collantes, [86] did not have at hand theseoriginal documents when he penned the fourth part of the chronicles ofhis province of Santissimo Rosario which has been recently published;and this must be the reason for the so great diversity in the [storyof the] restoration of Zambales, and for the minuteness with whichit is discussed here. 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources:

1. Jesuit letters. --From Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 1-3, 69-72. 

2. Discovery of Palaos. --From Lettres édifiantes (1st Paris ed. ) i(1717), pp. 112-136, from a copy in the library of the WisconsinHistorical Society. 

3. Recollect missions. --From Pedro de San Francisco de Assis's Historiageneral de los religiosos descalzos de San Agustin (Zargoza, 1756), all that relates to Philippine missions; from a copy in the Library ofCongress. Also Juan de la Concepción's Historia de Philipinas, viii, pp. 3-16, 135-144, and ix, pp. 123-150; from a copy in possession ofthe Editors. 

4. Appendix: Moro pirates. --From Combés's Historia de Mindanao, Iolo, etc. ; Murillo Velarde's Historia de Philipinas; Diaz's Conquistas;and other works, as is fully indicated in the text. 

APPENDIX: MORO PIRATES

 Moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth century. 

Sources: This account is compiled from various historians--Combés, Murillo Velarde, Diaz, Concepción, and Montero y Vidalas is fullyindicated in the text. 

Translation: This is made by Emma Helen Blair. 

MORO PIRATES AND THEIR RAIDS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

I

[In previous volumes have appeared various accounts of the piraticalraids made, down to 1640, by the Mahometan Malays of Mindanao and othersouthern islands against the Spaniards and the native tribes whomthey had subjected in the northern islands. A very brief outline ofthat information is here presented, with citations of volumes whereit appears, as a preliminary to some further account which shallsummarize this subject for the remainder of the seventeenth century. ]

[When Legazpi first explored the Philippines, he sent some of hisofficers to open up trade with Mindanao, then reputed to be rich ingold and cinnamon (Vol. II, pp. 116-118, 147, 154, 209, 210). Atthe outset, much jealousy arose among the Spaniards against theMahometan Malays (whom they called Moros) of that and other islandsin the southern part of the Eastern archipelago, for two reasons--theMoros were "infidels, " and they far excelled the Spaniards as traders(Vol. II, pp. 156, 159, 186, 187; IV, pp. 66, 151, 174). Moreover, the natives were everywhere hostile to the Spaniards because thePortuguese representing themselves to be Castilians, had previouslymade cruel raids on some of those islands, notably Bohol (Vol. II, pp. 117, 184, 207, 208, 229; III, p. 46). In that first year, 1565, aBornean vessel was captured by the Spaniards, after a desperate fight;but hostilities then went no further (Vol. II, pp. 116, 206). TheMoros of the Rio Grande of Mindanao proffered (1574) their submissionto the Spanish power, apparently being in some awe of it (Vol. III, p. 275). Governor Sande had expansive ideas of Spanish dominion, andin 1578-79 undertook an expedition for the subjugation of Borneo, Mindanao, and Joló; he obtained a temporary success, but the Morosagain asserted their independence as soon as the Spaniards departed(Vol. IV, pp. 125, 130, 148-303; XV, pp. 54, 132). This expeditionwas partly caused by piratical raids made by the Borneans (Vol. IV, pp. 151, 153, 154, 159; VI, p. 183), and the Joloans (Vol. IV, pp. 176, 236) against the northern islands. Apparently this punishmentintimidated the Moros for a time; the next important raid by them wasin 1595 (Vol. IX, p. 196; XI, p. 266). In 1591 Esteban Rodriguez deFigueroa had made a contract with Gomez P. Dasmariñas for the conquestof Mindanao (Vol. VIII, pp. 73-77). The island had then been partlyexplored and much of it assigned to Spaniards in repartimiento; someof these allotments are mentioned in Vol. VIII, pp. 127, 128, 132(a list of those bestowed in 1571 is found in the Pastells edition ofColin's Labor evangélica, i, p. 157, note 1). Instructions were givento Figueroa on November 13, 1595 (Vol. IX, pp. 181-188), and in thefollowing spring he set out with an armed force; but hardly had hebegun the campaign when he was slain by a Moro (Vol. IX, pp. 195, 196, 263-265, 276, 277; XV, pp. 89-93; XVI, pp. 270-272). Juan de Ronquillosucceeded him, and for the time "pacified" the hostile Moros (Vol. IX, pp. 281-298; X, pp. 41, 42, 49, 168, 169, 214, 215; XI, p. 236; XV, pp. 95-100; XVI, pp. 273, 274); see his own report of the campaign(Vol. X, pp. 53-74) and Tello's (Vol. X, pp. 219-226; cf. Vol. XI, pp. 135-139). In 1599 the Spanish fort at La Caldera was dismantled(Vol. XI, pp. 138, 139, 237; XV, pp. 190, 191); this emboldened theMoros to renew their piracies, and from 1600 on they harassed theVisayan Islands and even Luzón--not only the Mindanaos but their alliesthe Ternatans, and the Joloans (Vol. XI, pp. 238, 239, 292-301, 303;XII, pp. 32, 39-41, 134-137; XIII, pp. 49, 146, 147; XV, pp. 192-196, 209, 265-267; XVIII, pp. 185-187, 331, 333; XIX, pp. 67, 68, 215-218, 223-225; XXII, pp. 89, 90, 203-206; XXIII, p. 259; XXIV, pp. 35-37, 102-104, 139, 142, 143, 329; XXV, pp. 86, 105, 152-154, 199; XXVI, p. 285; XXVII, pp. 215-226, 316). Similar raids were made by theCamucones, Moros from some small islands near Borneo (Vol. XVIII, p. 79; XXII, pp. 89, 132, 133, 202, 296-298, 303; XXIV, pp. 97, 138; XXV, pp. 154-156; XXVII, pp. 314-316; XXIX, pp. 31, 200). Theseattacks kept the peaceful natives in constant fear; their villageswere burned and plundered, and their fields ravaged; and thousands werecarried away to be sold as slaves, being thus dispersed among the MalayIslands. In 1621 Hernando de los Rios Coronel stated that ten thousandChristians were held captive in Mindanao (Vol. XIX, p. 264). Attimes the Spaniards sent armed fleets in pursuit of these pirates, but the latter would escape, on account of the superior lightness andswiftness of their vessels. Punitive expeditions were sent to theirvillages, some of which were futile, but others inflicted on themsevere punishment--Jolo: 1602 (Vol. XV, pp. 240-243, 264, 265), 1626(XXII, pp. 207-210), 1628 (XXII, pp. 293-295; XXIV, pp. 143-145), 1630(XXIII, pp. 87, 88, 98; XXIV, pp. 163-165); and Mindanao: 1625 (XXII, pp. 116-119, 218, 224). It was proposed to enslave any Moro pirateswho might be captured (Vol. XVII, pp. 187, 296, 331; XXIX, p. 269), and this was sometimes done (Vol. XXII, p. 134). Finally, Corcueraundertook to chastise them effectually; and in 1637 he led a largeand well-equipped expedition to Mindanao, which captured Corralat'sstronghold and devastated nearly all the coast of that island, drivingout Corralat as a fugitive and intimidating other chiefs who hadintrigued with him against the Spaniards (Vol. XXVII, pp. 253-305, 319-325, 346-357; XXIX, pp. 28-30, 60, 86-101, 116-134). Corcuerafollowed up this success by another in Joló, in 1638 (Vol. XXVII, p. 325; XXVIII, pp. 41-63; XXIX, pp. 32, 36, 43, 44, 135, 136), and inthe following year a Spanish expedition severely chastised the Morosaround Lake Lanao, in Mindanao (XXIX, pp. 159, 161-163, 273-275);further military operations in Joló and Mindanao, on a smaller scale, occurred during 1638-39 (Vol. XXIX, pp. 141-166, 198-200). It may benoted, further, that the Jesuits established missions there at an earlydate, evangelists of that order going with Figueroa in 1596 (Vol. XII, pp. 313-321; XIII, pp. 47-49, 86-89; XXII, p. 117; XXVIII, pp. 94-99, 151, 171); and others were founded by Augustinian Recollects (XXI, pp. 196-247, 298-303; XXIV, p. 115; XXVIII, pp. 152, 175, 340-345). ]

II

[The second reduction of Joló--by Almonte, in 1639 (Vol. XXIX, p. 143)--subdued all of that archipelago, save the Guimbanos, afierce Moro people inhabiting the mountains of Sulu (Joló) Island, who were hostile to the Joloans of the coast. When Almonte orderedthem to cease disturbing the pacified Joloans, the Guimbanos made aninsolent reply, telling the Spaniards to come to their country andlearn the difference between them and the Joloans. Almonte thereforesent (July, 1639) troops, under Luis de Guzman and Agustin de Cepeda, to subdue these proud mountaineers; and after a fierce battle theGuimbanos retreated, leaving four hundred dead on the field, and threehundred captives in the hands of the Spaniards--of whom eight died, including Guzman, besides twenty Indian auxiliaries. (Murillo Velarde, Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 96 b, 97. ) After the departure of Almontefrom Joló, affairs went ill, Morales being unfit for his post asgovernor of those islands, although he was valiant in battle. Havingabducted a beautiful girl, daughter of a chief named Salibanza, a conspiracy against him was formed by the enraged father; this wasdiscovered, and the leaders seized. This, with several arbitrary andhostile measures of Morales, stirred up the Joloans to revolt, andan affray occurred between them and the Spaniards, in which Moraleswas wounded. Juan Ruiz Maroto was sent to relieve him from office, and tried to pacify the natives, but in vain; he then sent Pedrode la Mata Vergara to harry all the coast of Joló, who burned manyvillages and carried away three thousand captives. Mata, being obligedto return to Mindanao, was succeeded by Morales, who rashly attacked(near Párang, Sulu Island) a force of Moros with troops exhausted byforced marches; the Spaniards, although in numbers far superior tothe Moros, were ignominiously put to flight, thirty-nine of theirnumber being slain, including Morales and another officer. At thistime Cepeda was governor of Joló, and he soon found it necessary tochastise the natives, who were encouraged to rebellion by their recentvictory. (Combés, Hist. De Mindanao, col. 402-412; Murillo Velarde, Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 121-122; Montero y Vidal, Hist. Piratería, i, pp. 175-181, 199-211. ) An account of his exploits in this directionis furnished by letters of the Jesuit Miguel Paterio to Father JuanLopez, regarding the expeditions of Cepeda (to whom Combés dedicatedhis book), written in 1643-44 (ut supra, col. Cix-cxv); we present themhere as a specimen of the proceedings in these punitive expeditions. ]

Relation of the exploit which was accomplished in the villages ofParan by Captain and Sargento-mayor Don Agustin de Zepeda, warden ofthe forts in Jolo. 

After the disaster to Admiral Morales, the Guimbanos of the villages ofParan were very arrogant and haughty, so that, however much they wereinvited, with assurance of peace and pardon, to lay down their armsbefore those of our king, and to restore the Spanish weapons that theywere keeping, they paid no heed to it. Seeing this, Sargento-mayorDon Augustin de Çepeda, the better to justify the expedition thathe intended to make against them, sent word to them through otherGuimbanos who were our friends, that they must restore the arms thatthey had taken from the Spaniards, and that if they did not restorethese he would wage war against them. To this they replied that thosearms were converted into lances, and that nothing would be given upto the Spaniards, whether Don Agustin marched against them or not. Thecaptain and sargento-mayor received this reply on Tuesday, December 29, and on Wednesday, the thirtieth of the same month, he determined tomake a daylight attack on them with the utmost secrecy. Accordingly, atfour in the afternoon, almost all the soldiers made their confessions, and the sargento-mayor exhorted them to rouse all their courage, as brave soldiers, since they were fighting for both the majesties[i. E. , the divine and the royal], and they had the sure protectionof the mother of God, our Lady of Good Success. Then they set outfrom the hill of Jolo with only twenty-five Spaniards and threeofficers, [Cepeda's lieutenants being] Adjutant Diego de los Reyesand Alférez Gaspar de Chaves; and twenty-two Pampangos and Cagaians, with their officers, also ten or fifteen servants with their pikesand shields. Of this infantry the captain formed three divisions, giving to each one its own watchword--to the first one, "Jesus bewith all;" to the second, "Our Lady of Good Success;" to the third, "Saint Ignatius"--and each division was ordered to render aid accordingto its watchword, and as the enemy should sound the call to arms. Withthis order, they began their march, and proceeded until nightfall, when they marched in single file, since the road and the darknessgave no opportunity for doing otherwise. They passed rivers, ravines, marshes, and miry places, until they arrived at a village of a Guimbanochief named Ulisten, near which they heard coughing in the houses;and [they moved] so cautiously that they were not perceived. Thesargento-mayor did not choose to enter this village, not only becausethe chief had showed his friendship for the Spaniards, but becausehis only intention was to punish the people of Paran, who had meritedthis by their acts in the past and by the haughty spirit that theyshowed. For the same reason, he would not enter another village nearthis one, belonging to another chief, named Sambali--who, if it werenot for the purpose that the commander had in mind, deserved to losehis head for his rebellious disposition in not being friendly to theSpaniards. From the hill to these two villages may be a journey ofabout two leguas and a half; the road is very bad, and of the sort thathas been described, [passing through] marshes and rough places; and, with the darkness of a moonlight night, to go among trees, thickets, and tangled briers was intolerable and full of difficulty. Not lesswearisome was the road which they still must take to reach the peopleand village of Paran, and even more difficult: but neither the onenor the other could weaken or diminish the tenacity, spirit, andvalor which not only the captain but his soldiers displayed. Theytraveled all night in this way until a little before daybreak, whenthey mistook the road, and took another, which did not lead to thevillage where they meant to go; but God chose that the people of thatvery village should serve as guides [to the Spaniards], by furnishingthem light--for on account of quieting some infants who were crying, they kindled lights in the houses. The sargento-mayor ordered them tomarch toward that place, where they arrived at daybreak; and there theyremained about half an hour, waiting for the dawn to brighten so thatthey might break the countersign [87] and make the daylight attack[dar el albasso] on the said village, which they did. For when itbecame light, and the day was brightening, they broke the watchword, which was "St. Ignatius;" and the division to which that belonged madethe first attack on the houses, jointly with the vanguard, which wentahead to reconnoiter. All the forces united to make this assault on thehouses, and to break through the defenses of the village and enter, all in order, with lighted matches and to sound of drums, as theydid. In their houses this occasioned a great tumult; some were slainby musket-balls, some by lance-thrusts; others escaped naked, fleeingwithout thought of their kindred or their possessions, abandoning theirweapons and whatever they had; others, finally, were burned to deathin their houses, to which our men set fire--the natives remaining inthem either through fear, or that they might not fall into our handsand be slain by our lances. They hid themselves, therefore, for thegreater protection--only to have their houses, and their granariesof rice, and their bodies burned [here], and finally their souls inhell. Besides this, their cultivated fields were laid waste, set outwith all the plants that they rear--bananas, sugar-cane, and otherplants which furnish them with food; and our men did the same withthese, destroying and burning everything. This done they looked about, scanning the country in all directions, and saw an impregnable height;and when the commander understood that this was (as it proved to be)the citadel of the enemies, he gave the order to march thither. Theyproceeded by a path or trail so narrow that they were obliged toascend in single file; and when they reached the top of the said hillthey found a plateau, more spacious than that of our hill of Jolo, on which were houses, some fortified and some small ones. The formerwere full of provisions and contained some Guimbanos. These, seeingour men and recognizing them as enemies, immediately abandoned thehouses and took to flight, throwing themselves headlong from theheights. Our men entered the place, and burned the houses with therice and other things contained in them; and they laid waste thefields and destroyed what had been planted in them, as they had donein the villages before ascending the hill. Our men were occasionedno little anxiety by their failure, after this exploit, to find theroad by which to leave the hill; for, as it had in every directionprecipices and rugged heights, they had great difficulty and hardshipin getting away from the hill, on account of not being able to strikethe path by which they had entered. But finally the Blessed Virginwho hitherto had been our Lady of Success, chose to show also thatshe was our Lady of Good Success--which she did by enabling our mento depart in safety from the hill. For the alférez, going to make ahasty reconnoissance with four arquebusiers, and some servants armedwith pikes and shields, saw [traces of men's] work among the trees thatcovered the hill; and, upon reaching the place, ascertained that therewas a path by which he could descend. Notifying the troops of this, they went down the hill by this path, and thus returned to the housesthat they had burned, all marching in regular order. They approachedthe seashore through a level field, passing near the harbor wherethe natives had slain Admiral Morales; and, as they advanced throughthe open country, they encountered four Guimbano Indians, shouting[or grimacing?--haciendo carracheo], who came from a grove that wasgrowing on the said seashore. When our men tried to get near them, these Indians took to their heels, retreating toward the grove--where, it was understood, they had an ambuscade; and as it was now eleveno'clock, the sargento-mayor did not think it best to delay [his return]longer. Accordingly, they marched in the same order, and to the soundof drums, toward the fortification that stood on the seashore, goingthrough fields and mangrove thickets, and along beaches and pools ofwater, another two leguas and a half, until they reached the harborwhere they had provided some boats. In these the sargento-mayor andall his troops embarked, and returned to these forts, with greatsatisfaction and rejoicing at so complete a success, without losingone of our men, or encountering any danger. Many salvos were firedfrom the boats in which they came, and from the forts, in honor oftheir protectors, Jesus, Mary, and Ignatius. 

From this expedition and victory I have learned some things aboutGuimba which are worth mentioning here. The first is, that two daysafterward the people of Paran made war on the chiefs Ulis and Sambaliwhom we mentioned above, complaining that these chiefs had not warnedthem that the Spanish troops had passed close to their villages, and even because they had allowed the Spaniards to pass them. May Godestablish them in peace, and grant them light and a knowledge of thetruth. And after this expedition, as I have said, one of the chiefs inthe villages to the east named Suil, complained that the sargento-mayorhad not informed him of it, so that Suil with all his men might haveaccompanied the Spaniards. Although he may not be sincere, thanks arereturned to him, and probably his offer was prompted by the admirationand high opinion that he entertains for our men since this exploit;or because he feared lest the like fate might befall him. He and otherchiefs beyond Guimba to the east have sent to tell me that, althoughthose who killed the sargento-mayor are their brothers, they will notfor that reason fail to be the friends of the Spaniards; and that theywill come to the village of the Lutaos who are in this fort [i. E. , at Joló] to talk with the father and treat of peace. And it cannotbe denied that there has been a great disturbance among them sincethis expedition, and it has caused among them all not only fear, but astonishment also, to see that so few Spaniards could dare totraverse almost all of Guimba, marching almost all the way among thesettlements, without being seen. In this affair not only the cautionof the Spaniards, but their courage in penetrating among so manybarbarians, the most valiant in all these islands, is causing greatadmiration--which is increased at seeing how so few Spaniards made sogreat a number of enemies take to flight; for in all the villages thereare nearly a thousand barbarians who carry arms. It is certain that, considering the circumstances of this exploit, it adds prestige toseveral others that have been performed; and I even venture to saythat it is astonishing, if we consider what occurred in one night, the perils that they went through, the daring of so few soldiers amongso many enemies, and, finally, their accomplishing what they did indestroying and burning the villages and their people, without injury toany one of our men. All this causes the Moros who see these occurrencesclose to them to wonder and fear, and apparently they are talking inearnest of becoming friends and vassals of his Majesty. [Marginal note:"For Father Juan Lopez, rector of Cavite. "]

[Another letter by Father Paterio, written from Jolo, February 28, 1644, relates the particulars of another expedition by Zepeda intoGuimba, six days previous to that date. The native chiefs on the eastside of the island are intimidated by the punishment inflicted onParan, and are inclined to submit to the victorious Spanish arms;but those on the west desire to take revenge for the massacre oftheir tribesmen. A conference of the latter chiefs is accordinglyheld at the village of Ulis, where they talk of making an attackon the Spanish forts at Jolo. They invite Suil, one of the friendlychiefs, to join them; but he sends word to the Spaniards (February9) of the plot against them. Zepeda is then absent in Zamboanga, butreturns soon afterward; and another warning from Suil being receivedten days later, Zepeda decides to inflict summary punishment on theplotters. He therefore leads an expedition against the village of Ulis, on February 21, and, as before, attacks the village at daylight. Thistime, the natives have had warning of the intended assault, and attemptresistance; but they are defeated with considerable loss--among theslain being Ulis, "who was the idol of that island, and whom allobeyed, " and three other chiefs. In this fight the Spaniards losebut four lives--a soldier, an officer, and two servants. This causeseven more fear and awe than even the former expedition, and bringsthe recalcitrants quickly to terms--Suil and other chiefs proposingto leave their homes and go to dwell near the Spanish forts. Later, the Spaniards complete this castigation by ravaging the country, burning and destroying all before them, "by which the Spanish armshave acquired greater reputation and glory than that which they hadlost on former adverse occasions. " Then other islands adjacent toJolo are intimidated, and two battles are fought with their natives, who lose many men therein. As a reward for his services, Zepeda ishonored by Corcuera with the governorship of Zamboanga. ]

The Joloans remained at peace, as thoroughly chastised as were theMindanaos, curbing their haughty arrogance, and repressing their hatredin consideration of the advantages of the time. Among the agreementsfor the peace, they accepted one that a fort for the Spaniardsshould be erected at their harbor-bar; this was maintained with manydifficulties and little advantage, unless from the pearl-fishery, which yielded many and valuable pearls. [88] The island of Joló aboundsin these, so that on the Dutch hydrographical maps they have given itthe name "Island of Pearls, " on account of the many fine pearls whichthe Joloans sent in those years to Nueva Batavia by ambassadors fromtheir king, asking their alliance, and aid against the Spaniards. TheDutch granted them protection, those valuable gifts arousing in themgreater desires for profit--although afterward the first aid that theyfurnished the Joloans cost them very dear. But in this year of 1641the Joloans had a fortunate opportunity for recouping themselves forpast expenses, with a mass of amber [89] as large as an ox's body, which the sea cast up on their shores, which yielded them greatprofits, and increased the reputation of their island. This sortof find is usually very frequent in those islands, since they arebeaten by many currents which flow from the archipelago; and thus goesdrifting on the waves what the sea hurls from its abysses, along withother debris, under the fury of the wind--this so precious substance, whether it be the excrement or vomit of whales, or a reaba which thesea produces in its depths. But in Joló it is apt to be more oftenfound, because those islands are scattered and their coasts prolongedfor many leguas opposite many currents and channel-mouths. And forthis reason some amber is usually found in Capul, an island beaten byso many currents--as the ships which come on the return from NuevaEspaña know by experience--and also in Guiguan and on the beachesof Antique. Near Punta de Naso the sea cast up, in the year 1650, an enormous piece of amber, although it had not the fine quality andexcellence of that which comes from Japón. (Diaz's Conquistas, p. 447. )

[For several years after Corcuera's expedition against the Mindanaos(1637), various military operations were conducted in that islandby the Spanish forces, notably under Pedro de Almonte. Corralat andother Moro chiefs were sufficiently reduced to render them nominallypeaceful; but they formed various plots and conspiracies against theSpaniards, and, on the other hand, these availed themselves of thejealousies and personal interests of the Mindanao chiefs to separatethem and neutralize their efforts. The foolish arrogance of a Spanishofficer, Matías de Marmolejo, caused an attack on his detachment byCorralat and Manaquior; all the Spaniards save Marmolejo and sixothers were slain (June 1, 1642), including the Jesuit BartoloméSánchez, and the survivors were captured by Corralat. But whenCorcuera heard of this encounter he was so angry that he orderedMarmolejo to be ransomed and afterwards to be beheaded in the plazaat Zamboanga, for disobedience to his orders. He also ordered thatthe fort at La Sabanilla be demolished, and the men there be sentto punish Corralat, which was done. That chief, to revenge himself, intrigued with the people of Basilan to secure possession of theSpanish fort there; but its little garrison defended it against theMoro fleet until aid could be sent them from Zamboanga. As soon asDiego Fajardo became governor of the Philippines in Corcuera's place, he endeavored to secure peace in Mindanao, and finally (June 24, 1645) a treaty of peace was signed by Corralat and his leading chiefs, and Francisco de Atienza and the Jesuit Alejandro López. This treatysettled questions of mutual alliance, of boundaries of possessions, of trade, of ransom of captives, and of freedom for the ministrationsof Jesuit missionaries. Christian captives in Corralat's domain shouldbe ransomed at the following rates; "for men and women, in the primeof life, and in good health, each forty pesos; for those who were moreyouthful, thirty pesos; for aged and sick persons, twenty pesos; forchildren at the breast, ten pesos. " In this very year Salicala, sonof the king of Joló, had gone to Batavia to seek aid from the Dutch;the latter sent some armed vessels, which cannonaded the Spanish fortat Joló for three days, but finally were obliged to depart withouthaving accomplished anything. This occurrence increased Fajardo'sanxiety in regard to the cost and danger incurred in attempting tomaintain three forts in Joló; and he sent orders to Atienza, commandantat Zamboanga, to withdraw the garrisons from Joló and demolish thoseforts--an embarrassing command, since both Joloans and Dutch werethen making raids among the northern islands. Both Fajardo and Atienzarelied on the Jesuit Alejandro Lopez to bring about the pacificationof both the Mindanaos and the Joloans, a task which he accomplished sosuccessfully that on April 14, 1646, a treaty was signed, by Atienzaand Lopez, [90] with Raya Bongso of Joló (the same who, with his wifeTuambaloca, was conquered by Corcuera's troops in 1638) and the envoysof Corralat. Combés gives the full text of both this and the formertreaty. A Dutch fleet attempted to make a landing near Zamboanga, but were repulsed by the Spaniards with much loss. Corralat andMoncay came to hostilities, and the former implored the aid of theSpaniards; Atienza sent an armed force to succor Corralat, and Moncayfled. Salicala of Joló and Panguian Cachilo of Guimba undertook (1648)to raid the Visayan Islands; but the latter was attacked and slain bya Spanish squadron, which so intimidated Salicala that he hastenedback to Joló. Meanwhile, a notable event occurred in Mindanao, theconversion of Corralat's military commander, Ugbu, to the Christianfaith--which of course tended to strengthen the ties between Corralatand the Spaniards; and Ugbu afterward rendered them efficient servicein the Palapag insurrection, which caused his death. Salicala died(1649) and his parents, Bongso and Tuambaloca, were thus able tomaintain the peace which they had established with the Spaniards; thatqueen afterward left Joló, retiring to Basilan. Moncay also died, soonafterward, and was succeeded in Buhayen by Balatamay, a Manobo chiefwho had married Moncay's daughter; he joined Corralat in alliancewith the Spaniards. In January, 1649, Pedro Duran de Monforte wentwith an armed fleet to northeastern Borneo, to punish its peoplefor aiding the Joloans in their raids; the Spaniards plunderedseveral villages, burned three hundred caracoas, and carried awaytwo hundred captives. The expedition was accompanied by Jesuits, whoafterward opened successful missions in Borneo. The insurrection of1649-50 spread to Joló and Mindanao, but was quelled by the Spaniards(see Vol. XXXVIII). (Combés, Hist. Mindanao, col. 269-348, 425-498;Murillo Velarde, Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 149-153. Cf. Concepción, Hist. De Philipinas, vi, pp. 205-281; Montero y Vidal, Hist. Piratería, i, pp. 182-189, 212-231. )]

[In 1653 Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara succeeded to the government ofthe Philippines. ] One of his first undertakings was to establish peacewith the ruler of Mindanao, Cachil Corralat, whom it was expedient toassure for the sake of the tranquillity of the Pintados Islands--whichwere more exposed than the others to the incursions of their armedfleets, since Manila had not enough soldiers and vessels with whichour people could go forth to hinder the operations of the Moros. Thegovernor sent as his ambassador Captain Don Diego de Lemus, and FatherFrancisco Lado of the Society of Jesus, who were very kindly receivedby the Moros; and he gave them to understand that no one desiredpeace more than he did, since the warning was still fresh that hadbeen given him by the war which was waged against him by Governor DonSebastian Hurtado de Corcuera in person--which had obliged Corralatto wander as a fugitive through the lands of his enemy the king ofBuhayen, exposed to many perils. It seems as if the desire whichCorralat showed to maintain the peace might be regarded as sincere;for if he had chosen to avail himself of the opportunity afforded bythe past years, when all our forces and power were fully occupied inresisting the cruel invasions of the Dutch, without doubt he couldhave made great ravages in the villages of the Pintados Islands;and therefore this must be attributed to an especial providenceof the divine mercy. All [these dealings with the envoys] werecunning measures of the shrewd Moro to lull [91] our vigilance withfeigned appearances of peace, for never was he further from pursuingit--partly through greed for the booty of slaves, a great part ofwhich belonged to him; partly because his captains and other personsinterested in these piratical raids persuaded him to avail himselfof the opportunity furnished by the weakness of our forces. Corralatdetermined to renew his former hostile acts, and began by preparingvessels and supplies; and in order to cover up better his damnableintention, he sent to the governor of Manila an ambassador to confirmthe peace. This man was called Banua, and was no less fraudulent thanSimon the Greek. On the route he left many tokens of this; for in thevillage of Tunganan, among the Subanos, he treated very contemptuously[92] the father minister, Miguel Pareja of the Society of Jesus--who, as the pious religious that he was, turned the other cheek, as thegospel commands. Banua arrived at Manila in the year of 1655, where hedischarged very well his office as ambassador, and even better thatof spy--and well he knew his double trade; for among other thingshe demanded that restitution be made to Corralat of some Mindanaoslaves, and of the pieces of artillery which Don Sebastian Hurtado deCorcuera had taken from him in war; but this and other petitions ofthe ambassador had no satisfactory issue. Banua returned [to Mindanao], and Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara despatched to accompany him CaptainDon Claudio de Rivera, and Father Alejandro Lopez of the Societyof Jesus, who went with holy zeal for establishing in Mindanao thepreaching of the true faith. They arrived at Zamboanga, where theyhad sufficient warnings of the danger to which they were going; butwith fearless courage they continued their journey until they reachedCorralat. He received them without any of the ostentation usual foran embassy, but rather with frowns and displeasure; and when he readthe letters from the governor of Manila--which were excellent for anoccasion in which our strength might be greater, but the present timedemanded shrewder dissimulation--the Moro king was much disturbed, and displayed extreme anger. The end of this embassy (of which anexcellent account is given by Father Francisco Combés in his Historiade Mindanao, book viii, chap. 3) was that Corralat ordered his nephewBalatamay to slay Father Alejandro Lopez and his associate, FatherJuan de Montiel, and Captain Claudio de Rivera. [93] Corralat sentthe letters of the governor to the kings of Joló and of Ternate, to incite them to make common cause in defense of their professionas Mahometans, but they did not choose to risk breaking the peace;on the contrary, the king of Ternate handed over the letters to thegovernor of our forts there, Francisco de Esteybar, who restored themto the governor of Manila. (Diaz, Conquistas, pp. 549-551. )

Corralat, fearing the vengeance of the Spaniards, wrote to the governorof Zamboanga throwing the responsibility for what had occurred on hisnephew Balatamay, whom he could not chastise on account of the latterbeing so powerful. He also wrote to Manrique de Lara, attributing thedeaths of the Jesuits and other Spaniards to imprudent acts committedby Father López, and entreated the governor that, mutually forgivinginjuries, affairs might remain as they had previously been. Buthis complicity in the event came to be discovered, through anotherletter directed in June, 1656, to the sultan of Joló, exhortingthe latter to unite with him for defending the religion which bothprofessed. The Joloan monarch sent his letter to the governor ofZamboanga in order to demonstrate his loyalty. Similar assistancewas solicited by Corralat from the Dutch and from the sovereigns ofMacasar and Ternate; and to the latter, in order to stimulate himmore, he sent the original letter of Manrique de Lara, presentingthe question under the religious aspect only--a letter which theSpanish governor of Ternate was able to recover, and he sent it toits author. The captain-general of Filipinas, not considering hisforces sufficient for waging war on the powerful sultan of Mindanao, notified the governor of Zamboanga [94] to accept Corralat's excusesas sufficient until he could ascertain whether reënforcements werearriving from Nueva España and they could avenge so many injuries. 

The sultan, seeing that his insolent conduct did not receive theenergetic and effectual punishment that it deserved, gained newcourage, and sent out his people to make raids through the coasts ofZamboanga and Basilan--terminating the campaign by looting Tanganan, where they took captive the headman of that village, named Ampi, and twenty-three persons besides. In the Calamianes Islands also theMindanaos committed horrible ravages. The governor of the Moluccas, DonFrancisco de Esteybar, received orders to go to Zamboanga, conferringupon him, besides the command of the said post, the office of governorand captain-general of all the southern provinces of Filipinas. On thesecond of December of the said year 1656 he arrived at Zamboanga. Whenthis valiant chief was informed of what had occurred, and learned thatthe pirates were equipping at Simuay [River] a squadron to invade theVisayas, he declared war on Corralat, without stopping to considerwhether his forces were inferior or not to those of the enemy, trustingto the courage of his followers and the justice of his cause for theissue of the undertaking. In this document he ordered that ten caracoasshould set out, under command of Don Fernando de Bobadilla; and thesevessels went to sea on December 30. This commander detached AdmiralDon Pedro de Viruega at the village of Sosocon, and Sargento-mayor DonFélix de Herrera at Point Taguima. Through his spies, Corralat knew ofthe departure of the squadron, and declined to send his boats againstthe Spanish armada; and during twenty days Bobadilla waited in vainfor the pirate vessels. During this time the dato of Sibuguey, Mintun, went to Zamboanga, offering the aid of his people against Corralat, perhaps in order not to be the leader in paying for the losses ofthe war. It was reported that the sultan had sent four vessels to thevillage of that chief for rice, and Bobadilla set out to intercept thisconvoy (January 2, 1657). On arriving at La Silanga, [95] two smallcaracoas went ahead to reconnoiter the place; these boats conquereda large vessel; but their crews intimidated the Lutaos who were inthe Spanish ship, telling them that they would soon be destroyed byCorralat, who was expected in Mintun with fifteen vessels. As theLutaos of Bobadilla's squadron were inclined toward the sultan, orwere afraid of falling into his power, they threatened the commandantthat they would abandon the field when the battle was at its height, if the Spaniards compelled them to fight against Corralat. In viewof this, Bobadilla was obliged to return to Zamboanga, losing sopropitious an opportunity to avenge the wicked perfidy of the oldsultan. Nevertheless, he seized a considerable number of small boats, full of rice, and forty captives. The sultan, now a declared enemy, and attributing to our weakness the failure to punish the murder ofthe ambassadors, commanded his squadrons to commit piracies, under thecommand of Prince Balatamay. That deceitful Moro, after committingthe most outrageous acts of violence in Marinduque and Mindoro, returned to Mindanao with a multitude of captives and very rich spoils. 

While Balatamay was raiding the above-mentioned islands, a splendidsquadron sailed from Cavite by order of the governor-general, in command of an officer whose name is not told in the histories, from whom brilliant conduct was expected, to judge from the valorof which he boasted in drawing-rooms; but, far from fulfilling hisduty, he lingered in Balayan under pretext of securing supplies ofrice, and then in Mindoro, carrying out his cowardly purpose of notencountering the Moros, notwithstanding that the forces under hiscommand were more than sufficient to destroy the pirates. To the endthat he might operate in conjunction with the said squadron, Esteybarordered Alférez Luis de Vargas to scour the coasts of Mindanao; butas the commander of the squadron failed to carry out the instructionsthat he had received, Vargas, as he could not find him, confined hisefforts to burning a village on the bay of Simuay, where he seizedseveral captives. Bobadilla reduced to ashes the old capital ofCorralat, Lamitan, its inhabitants having fled to the woods. Alsoin the said year of 1657 the dato Salicala of Mindanao scoured theseas with his squadron; the natives in consternation abandoned theirvillages without daring to resist him, and he carried away as captivesmore than a thousand Indians--his audacity going so far that he sailedinto the bay of Manila. 

Esteybar then equipped a small squadron of caracoas and vintas, whichdeparted from Zamboanga on January 1, 1658, resolved to chastisethe pirate severely. He spread the report that they were going toSibuguey. He reached that river in seven days and, placing partof his forces in charge of Sargento-mayor Itamarren, he destroyedthe village of Namucan, and at Luraya burned many boats. Four pilanscaptured the joanga which had carried Father López to Simuay, manned byMoros from Mintun. Suddenly changing his course, he took the route toPunta de Flechas, in order to go to the capital of Corralat, but sentbeforehand thirty Spaniards, with Captain Don Pedro de Viruega, to thedistrict of Butig. Its chief Matundin, at the head of five hundred men, was defeated, the grain-fields ravaged, and the village reduced toashes. The tilled land of this district was exceedingly rich, sinceit is the principal source of supply for rice in Mindanao. Greatdamage was also done in La Sabanilla by Captain Don Juan GonzálezCarlete. On the nineteenth of January the squadron encountered a largeDutch ship surrounded by some pirate vessels. Esteybar attempted tosecure a free passage without bringing on a contest, to which end hehoisted a white flag; but the commander of the Dutch ship displayeda red flag, firing all his cannon against the Spanish vessels. Then, without heeding the superiority of the enemy, Bobadilla came againstthe ship, all his men rowing as hard as they could; and Esteybarattacked it at the stern. The Spaniards then were going to board theship with a rush, when a ball fired from the vessel of Esteybar seton fire the Santa Barbara [i. E. , powder-magazine] of the Dutch ship, thus blowing it into pieces. Only twenty-four of its crew survived, and these were drawn out of the sea and made prisoners. Esteybarcontinued his voyage to Simuay, the bar of which was fortified withheavy stockades; moreover, at its ends were two forts, garrisonedby Malays, Macassars, and Dutchmen. This did not frighten Esteybar, and he made preparations to capture the posts of the enemy, in spiteof advice to the contrary from his captains. While he was decidingthe best method of accomplishing this, he passed with his squadronto the river of Buhayen, sending in by one of its entrances thevaliant Bobadilla with some vessels, and by the other Sargento-mayorItamarren. The former sacked the villages and ravaged the grain-fieldsof Tannil and Tabiran, the latter those of Lumapuc and Buhayen; theydestroyed a powerful armada which had been prepared for raiding theislands, and carried away as spoil many versos, muskets, campilans, crises, and all kinds of weapons. 

In the village of Buhayen resided Prince Hamo, son of Moncay, from whom the kingdom had been usurped; he mounted a white flagand a cross above his house, being desirous of forming an alliancewith the Spaniards, but they, being warned by experience with thetreasons of the Moros, continued the hostilities, without attachingany importance to that signal. While they constructed rafts with whichto attack the fortress of Corralat, Captain Antonio de Palacios wentto destroy the village of Tampacan and its environs; and AdjutantAntonio Vázquez disembarked with orders to cut off the retreat ofthe enemy's spies. These were twenty in number, thoroughly armed;Vázquez rushed upon them, and at the first encounter killed fiveand wounded six of them, and the rest were shot to death in thewoods. Esteybar returned to the bar of Buhayen; he knew that at aday's journey from there was a village of Lutaos, called Maolo, and, desirous to chastise that settlement and obtain information about thatcoast, he sent Sargento-mayor Itamarren--who, finding it deserted, set fire to the village, killed four Moros, and captured two others, the only ones who waited for the attack. 

Notwithstanding these provocations, and others that were directlyoffered to Corralat in the environs of his fortifications, it wasimpossible to draw him out into the open country. Having constructed anumber of rafts, on which were placed pieces of artillery, the governorwent aboard the largest of them, and with the aid of the vesselscannonaded the fort of Corralat for the space of four hours, but hedefended it well. It was evident that the difficulties of assaultingit were insuperable, and that the artillery was operating with butlittle result, on account of the condition of the sea; accordingly itwas decided to retire to the bar of Buhayen. The squadron went to LaSabanilla on the seventeenth of February; here Esteybar received ordersto return to Molucas, and he proceeded to Zamboanga. Notwithstandingthe well-known valor of this chief, and the injuries inflicted on theMoros during the two months of the campaign, this retreat gave muchsatisfaction to Corralat, since it freed him from [the danger of]going as a wanderer through the hills, as on previous occasions. 

The valiant Esteybar had been replaced as governor of the militarypost of Zamboanga by Don Fernando de Bobadilla--a chief no lesscourageous and resolute--with the same titles and preeminences as theformer. Corralat, in order better to secure his dominions against theaggressions of the Spaniards, made Namu, king of Buhayen, establisha fort at the mouth of the river, the opposite shore of which waslikewise fortified by Corralat; he entrusted to Marundin the defenseof the bar of Simuay, and to the Basilan chiefs Ondol and Boto theconstruction of a fortification at the entrance of the estuary ofZamboanga. Don Diego Zarria Lazcano took the place of Bobadilla, the former remaining at the head of the armada. 

The datos Linao and Libot of Joló, and Sacahati of Tawi-Tawi, withthirteen vessels, scoured the coasts of Bohol, Leyte, and Masbate. NearLuban they put to death father Fray Antonio de San Agustin, who onaccount of his ailments could not retreat to the interior of thatisland as did the rest who were going with him in their vessel. Asquadron sailed from Manila in command of Don Pedro Duran de Monforte;they went to Luban, Mindoro, Panay, and Gigantes without discoveringthe pirates, and returned to the capital. The Moros were able toreturn to Joló with many spoils and eighty captives; but the sultanof that island sent back the said captives, in order to prove that hedesired peace with the Spaniards. (Montero y Vidal. Hist. Piratería, i, pp. 236-244. Cf. Combés, Hist. Mindanao, col. 533-549, 570-587. )

Great were the calamities suffered by the Filipinas Islands in theseyears of 1657 and 58, which might have occasioned their entire ruin, if divine Providence had not manifestly preserved them, at theexpense of miracles and prodigies. Even the arrogance of the Dutchrecognized this, when they saw their proud forces humiliated by theunequal strength of ours; and it was acknowledged by the inhabitantsof these islands, recognizing the divine clemency. In the former ofthose years the scourge of divine justice was the great armada ofMindanao corsairs, which, commanded by Salicala, a Moro of much valor, infested the Pintados Islands; and their insolence went so far thatthey came in sight of the great bay of Manila. The poor natives whogroaned under the yoke of captivity to these pirates amounted to morethan a thousand; and as it was impossible for most of them to furnishransom for their persons, they usually died as slaves of the Moros. Ihave not been able to learn the reason why no assistance was givento deliver them by going out to find those pirates--although I donot believe that it was the absence of compassion in Governor DonSabiniano Manrique de Lara, but rather his lack of means, and hisbeing engrossed with more pressing affairs. This was followed by theplagues of innumerable locusts, which, laying waste the fields, madegeneral havoc, occasioning the famine which was the worst enemy ofthe poor; this was followed by its inseparable companion, pestilence, which made great ravages with a general epidemic of smallpox. (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 556. )

General Don Agustin de Cepeda went to Zamboanga as governor (June16, 1659), without any events worthy of mention occurring during thetime while he exercised that office; afterward he went to assume thegovernment of Molucas. He who took his place [96] experienced greatannoyances with the Jesuits, who in their histories relate in greatdetail how much he tried to injure their interests; but Don FernandoBobadilla was again charged with the government of Zamboanga (February15, 1662). 

The authorities and citizens of Manila were the victims in May, 1662, of a fearful panic, on account of the claim by the powerful Chinesepirate Kue-Sing that the little realm of Filipinas should renderhim homage and be declared his tributary, under penalty of his goingwith his squadrons to destroy the Spaniards--as he had done with theDutch, expelling them from Formosa. This embassy, which was brought toManila by the Dominican father Fray Victorio Ricci, and the consequentindignation against the Chinese, were the origin of an insurrectionby those who resided in Manila, which was subdued; and the conferenceof authorities resolved to expel them from the country and repelby force of arms the aggression of Kue-Sing--the governor-generalmaking ready great armaments, and whatever preparations for defenseseemed to him necessary that he might come out victorious from thetremendous danger that threatened the island. 

But the most important and most far-reaching of the measuresadopted by the council at which Manrique de Lara presided was theabandonment of the advantageous post of Zamboanga--the advancedsentinel of our domination over the coasts inhabited by the fierceMalay Mahometans--and those of La Sabanilla, Calamianes, and Iligan(which were also important in the highest degree), with the intentionof concentrating in Manila all the forces which garrisoned those posts(May 6). This notification caused, among the Spanish subjects of thoselands, or it may be among the Lutaos, profound sorrow and the utmostfear. They complained bitterly of the unprotected state in which theywere left, remaining exposed to the vengeance of the Moros--who nolonger could consider them as belonging to their race, and bore amortal hatred to them for having become Christians. [97] These justcomplaints, and the knowledge of the damages which would result fromthe withdrawal of the Spanish forces, impelled the governor of thefort, Don Fernando Bobadilla, and the learned Father Combés to entreatthe governor-general to revoke his mandate, both explaining to him thevery cogent and strong reasons which prompted their advice. The newsthat the Spaniards were involved in so tremendous a conflict encouragedthe Joloans to repeat once more their terrible incursions. The datosof Joló, Tawi-Tawi, Lacay-Lacay, and Tuptup, equipped sixty vessels, and, dividing their forces into several small squadrons, sacked andburned the villages of Poro, Baybay, Sogor, Cabalian, Basey, Dangajon, Guinobatan, and Capul. They killed Captain Gabriel de la Peña; theycaptured an official of the same class, Ignacio de la Cueva, and theJesuit father Buenaventura Barcena; they went even to the mountainsin pursuit of the religious; and all the Indians whom they caughtthey carried away as captives to their own country, killing many ofall ages and classes. 

The governor-general of the islands sent a squadron to pursue thepirates, but they accomplished nothing. From Zamboanga AdjutantFrancisco Alvarez went out alone to encounter them; he captured thecaracoa of the pirate Gani, a relative of Salé, and of thirty captiveswhom the latter was carrying away. Alvarez freed twenty-two--afterwardgoing to an island of Joló, where he captured twelve Moros. Bobadilla, in answer to his message, on November 8 received pressing orders toreturn to Manila without loss of time, the governor yielding so faras to allow that he might leave in the fortress of Zamboanga at mostfifty Spaniards. This was equivalent to condemning those unfortunatesto a sure death, and the Jesuit fathers protested against it, sayingthat necessarily they would incur the same fate; but finally thesupreme authority of the islands decided upon the total abandonmentof the posts above mentioned. Nevertheless Bobadilla, with the objectof encouraging the Lutaos and leading the Moros to believe that hewas not abandoning the post, sent in pursuit of them Don Juan deMorales Valenzuela, with two caracoas, to the islands called "Orejasde Liebre, " on January 2, 1663; but on the fourth of the same monthhe received a new and more positive order from the captain-general, dated October 11, that without delay or any excuse he must abandonZamboanga. At sight of this, Bobadilla warned Morales that thewithdrawal must be made, as was done on the seventh--as promptly aspossible fulfilling the said imperious mandate, convinced that itwas now altogether impossible to oppose so plain a decision. 

The governor of Zamboanga made a solemn surrender of the fort to themaster-of-camp of the Lutao natives, Don Alonso Macombon, receivingfrom him an oath of fidelity to hold it for the king of Españaand defend it from his enemies; but Don Alonso refused to includeamong these the sultan of Mindanao, on the pretext that he had notsufficient strength to oppose the dreaded Corralat. The governor, fearing his defection, did not leave him any artillery. The Jesuitsalso surrendered to Macombon their houses and churches, carrying awaythe images, ornaments, chalices, and books; and six thousand Christiansremained in Zamboanga exposed to the rage of the Mahometans. SomeLutaos, although not many, decided to go to the province of Cebú, or to that of Dapitan; others scattered through Joló or Mindanao insearch of safety, returning to their former religion. 

The abandonment of our military posts in Mindanao was, although it isexcused by the embarrassed condition of the capital of the islands, an exceedingly imprudent measure, since, in order to provide for anuncertain danger, the Visayan Islands were left exposed to anotherwhich was more immediate and real--to say nothing of the retrogressionthat must necessarily result to our domination among the nativesof Mindanao, where at that time over seventy thousand Christianslived. The pirate who could cause such a panic in the authorities ofManila, and occasioned so great losses to the undertaking of subduingthe Mahometan Malay pirates, died without carrying out his threats. 

During the government of Don Juan de Vargas (1679), the sultan ofBorneo sent an embassy to ask that mercantile dealings might beestablished with Filipinas; and Vargas in his turn sent anotherand a very distinguished one, headed by Sargento-mayor Don JuanMorales de Valenzuela. In 1701 occurred in the south of Filipinasan event as tragic as unusual. The sultan of Joló went to visitthe ruler of Mindanao, for greater ostentation taking with him asescort a squadron composed of sixty-seven vessels. At sight of such aretinue the sultan of Mindanao, Cutay [98] (the successor of the notedCorralat), feared that the other had designs that were not peaceable, and commanded that the mouth of the river should be closed; but thesultan of Joló, offended thereat, dared the other to a personalcombat. This challenge was accepted, and the two sultans engagedin a hand-to-hand contest, so fierce that each slew the other; andimmediately war was kindled between the two peoples. The Joloans, breaking down the stakes which closed the river, retired to theirown island with many weapons and spoils. The new ruler of Mindanaoasked aid from the governor of Manila, Don Domingo Zubálburu; butthe latter advised that they should lay aside their dissensions, and for that purpose sent the Jesuit Father Antonio de Borja, whowas able to attain his object. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. Piratería, i, pp. 244-252. Cf. Combés, Hist. Mindanao, col. 610-640. )

The king of Joló, on the contrary, had for many years maintained peaceand friendly relations with the Spaniards, much to the resentment ofhis chiefs and captains, who derived much more profit from hostileraids than from trade and peace; therefore by means of theirconfidential agents they spread the report that the king of Jolówas talking of sending an armed fleet of twenty joangas to plunderthese islands. The principal author of this was a Joloan named Linao, who was on intimate terms with the Spaniards, and a Guimbano namedPalía. But the king of Joló was very far from thinking of such changes, and it would have been better for us if we had not so readily believedit. At this information Don Fernando de Bobadilla despatched his armadaagainst Joló, under General Don Pedro de Viruega; but when he reachedthat island he found that the story that they had spread abroad againstthe king was false, and Don Pedro, having talked with him, went backto Zamboanga well satisfied of his peaceable attitude. But it was notlong before the former rumors against the king of Joló were againcurrent; the author of them was Linao, who desired a rupture [withthe Spaniards], so that he with other pirates might go out on raidsagainst these islands--in which enterprise he was more interestedthan in the peace of his king. This plan he carried out in companywith two others, Libot and Sacahati, who went cruising with severalvessels and did much damage in the islands of Pintados and Masbate, until they reached the Limbones; [99] from that place they chased thecorregidor of Mariveles, and captured the provincial of our discalcedAugustinian religious and those who were accompanying him, on hisreturn from visiting the Christian villages of Bolinao--although thesepersons escaped by jumping ashore. But there was one who could not dothis, father Fray Antonio de las Misas (also a discalced Augustinian), who was coming from Cuyo and Calamianes to visit those convents. Thisreligious might with good reason be regarded as a martyr; for withhis blood only were the hands of the renegade Linao stained, as hespared the lives of all the rest in his greed for ransom. Althoughthe pirates knew that the ransom of this religious promised them moreprofit [than that of an ordinary captive], their hatred to the faithprevailed over their greed, which in these barbarians is great. Thisopinion is confirmed by the cruelty with which they treated an imageof Our Lady of the People, which this religious was wearing, on whichthey used their crises with furious rage. This religious was an oldman, and greatly esteemed for his virtue; and in the order he had heldpositions of honor--prior of the convent at Manila, vicar-provincialof Cebú, and other posts in Caraga. He had a brother, a lay member ofthe Society of Jesus in these islands, who also suffered the same kindof death at the hands of the barbarous pirates called Camucones--anation as cruel as cowardly, two qualities which always go together. 

Great was the injury which these pirates inflicted on the islands, and although the alcalde-mayor of Balayan went out against themwith some armed vessels they could not be found, either by him orby some other vessels which went from Manila for this purpose with aconsiderable force of men, on account of the adroitness with which theMoros concealed themselves, avoiding an encounter--to such an extentthat the belief was current in Manila that these were not outsideenemies, but insurgent Indians of the country, until a Spaniardwho had been seized by the enemy at the shoals of Mindoro made hisescape from them, and his account undeceived the people of Manila. Thegovernor despatched an armed fleet in command of Admiral Pedro Duránde Monforte, a soldier of long experience, but this remedy came toolate; for the pirates, satiated with burning villages, plundering, and taking captives, had returned to their own country. Accordinglythe armada, having vainly scouted along Lubán, Mindoro, and Panay, returned to Manila, having accomplished nothing save the expenseswhich were caused for the royal exchequer, which is the paymasterfor these and other cases of negligence. 

The distrust which was felt regarding the maintenance of the peace bythe king of Joló perhaps occasioned anger that he had not preventedthese injuries; but he, knowing that if he did not make amends itwould be a cause for justifiable hostilities, sent an embassy to thegovernor (who was Don Diego Sarria Lazcano), exonerating himself andpromising to chastise Linao, Libot, and Sacahati; this he did, and manycaptives were restored, which was no slight [amends]. King Corralatraised his false alarms, as he was wont to do when that suited him, and also made some trifling raids through the agency of the people ofSibuguey, and threatened the Zebuans at Dapitán. But all became quietwhen the office of governor of those coasts was assumed (June 16, 1659)by Don Agustín de Cepeda, a great soldier--who died in decrepit oldage as master-of-camp of these Filipinas. Corralat knew, much to hissorrow, the valor of this able officer, and therefore did not dare toanger him, content that the Spaniards should leave him in peace. DonAgustín, as a prudent man, determined to try measures to secure peace;and, conferences having been held, those measures were carried out, with very advantageous arrangements for our forces. 

The frequent raids of these Moro pirates, both Mindanaos and Joloans, were one of the greatest hardships which these Filipinas Islandssuffered through many continuous years; they were the scourge of thenatives of the islands of Pintados and Camarines, Tayabas, and Mindoro, as being nearest to the danger and most weak for defense. Thesepeople paid with their beloved liberty for our neglect to defendthem--not always deserving of blame, on account of the mutations of thetimes. Few Spaniards have been the prey of these vile thieves, exceptsome who were very incautious; but amends have been made for theseby many religious and some secular priests, ministers in the Indianvillages, who have suffered rigorous captivities and cruel deaths. Nosmall amount of expenditure has fallen on the royal exchequer; forthose pirates have caused innumerable expenses in armed fleets, mostof them useless because the news of the loss did not reach us untilthe pirates were returning unhurt to their own lands. At times it hasgiven even the governors and captains-general of these islands plentyto do in defending them from these pilfering thieves, as we saw inthe first part of this history, in the case of Don Sebastián Hurtadode Corcuera and others. All the life of Cachil Corralat--which was avery long one, for it exceeded ninety years--and that of his fatherBahisan kept our vigilance continually on the alert, and caused usto found and maintain the fortified posts of Zamboanga, Sabanilla, Malanao, and others--which caused so much expense and no profits;for the forts defend only a small space, and the sea has many roads, and thus they did not hinder the Moro fleets from sallying forthwhenever they chose. Moreover, Corralat had all the Lutaos for spies, on account of their great reverence for him, and because they werein secret as much Mahometans as himself; for never is a Lutao foundwho has not been circumcised, or one who eats pork--and it is thiswhich constitutes their Mahometanism, as also having many wives andbeing enemies of Christians; for in other respects they are atheists, and do not know what the Koran is or what it contains. And, as I haveheard from military men who have experience in these wars, the onlyrestraint upon these Joloan and Mindanao enemies is in armed fleets, which go to search for them in their homes and inflict on them allthe damage they can, without going inland; for the Spaniards will notfind any one there on whom to avenge themselves, since the inhabitantsare safe in their thick forests and on impregnable heights. 

After so many years of misfortunes the divine mercy took pity on thesepoor natives, on whom the cruelty and greed of the Moros had so longfattened, selecting as an agent the very Corralat who had been thecause of the past havoc. With old age and experience he came to see theinjury which was resulting to his people (and most of all to the kingsof Mindanao) from having enemies so valiant as the Spaniards had provedto be; and therefore while he lived he maintained peace with Manila, with friendly relations and the benefit of commerce on both sides. Andwhen his death arrived, which was at the end of the year 1671, he lefthis nephew and heir, Balatamay, strictly charged to keep the peace, with heavy curses and imprecations, according to their custom; and hispeople obeyed him so well that for a long time no raid was heard of;nor was there any by the Camucones, who are subject to Borney. Theking of Joló, Paguián, has preserved the same peace and friendship;for all the Moro tribes of these regions reverenced Corralat as if hewere Mahoma himself. For he was a Moro of great courage, intelligence, and sagacity, besides being exceedingly zealous for his accursed sect, and a great sorcerer--for all of which he probably has met condignpunishment. (Diaz, Conquistas, pp. 564-567. )

The governor [i. E. , Manuel de León, in 1674] commanded Juan CanosaRaguses, a skilful builder of lateen-rigged vessels, to construct twogalleys; these sailed very straight and light, and did good service infrightening away the Camucones, pilfering and troublesome pirates, whoin most years infested the Pintados Islands with pillaging and seizureof captives. These are a barbarous, cruel, and cowardly people, andthey cannot have one of these traits without the others. They inhabita chain of small islands, which extend from Paragua to Borney; someof them are Mahometans and others heathens. They have done much harmto the islands of Bisayas, which they ravaged quite at their ease--somuch so that in the year 1672 they carried away the alcalde-mayor, DonJosé de San Miguel, as we have mentioned elsewhere. They have a greatadvantage in the extreme swiftness of their vessels, which enables themto find their defense in flight. Their confidence and boldness went sofar that they ventured to infest the coasts of Manila. The provincial, Fray José Duque, while going to visit the convents in the islandsof Pintados, came very near being captured with his companion, FrayAlvaro de Benavente; for they were attacked by a squadron of thesepirates near the island of Marinduque, where they would have beena prey to Moro cruelty, if they had not been favored by the divinekindness. [This acted] through the agency of Captain Francisco Ponce, a veteran soldier, who killed the captain and another of the pirates;and also of a sudden wind, which gave wings to the champan for placingitself in safety. With the building of these galleys the Camucones wereinspired with such terror that for many years they did not ventureto sally out for their usual raids, so much in safety as before. Thefirst time, Sargento-mayor Pedro Lozano went out to scour the seasthrough which the Camucones might come to make their raids. In thefollowing year, Captain Don José de Novoa went out--a brave Galician, the encomendero of Gapang--and as commander of the second galleyCaptain Simón de Torres, an able soldier from Maluco; and they scouredthe coasts of Mindanao, committing some acts of hostility, their soleobject therein being to cause more terror than harm. And thus it was, that with the fear which those piratical tribes had conceived of thegalleys neither Joloans, Mindanaos, nor Camucones dared, so long asthese lasted, to commit their former ravages. The same thing occurswhenever there are galleys, even though they do not go out to sea andare shut up in the port of Cavite. It is therefore very expedient tokeep vessels of this sort, in order to be free from the invasions ofthose pirates. In view of this, Governor Don Domingo de Zabálburu builttwo other galleys, which was the cause of the Joloans, Mindanaos, andCamucones remaining, throughout his term of office, within their ownboundaries, although they had been in previous years, as we have seen, a continual plague to these islands. (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 711. ) [100]

NOTES

[1] Juan de Zarzuela was born in Argete on February 11, 1640. Whensixteen years old, he entered the Jesuit novitiate, and ten years laterwent to the Philippines. He was rector at Iloilo, and vice-rector atCavite; rector and vice-rector at San José during seven years, andprocurator of the province during five; and filled other posts. Hedied in Manila, May 27, 1706. (Murillo Velarde, fol 394 b. )

[2] A light sailing vessel, with one mast; a sloop. Cf. Dutch bylander, a coasting vessel. 

[3] Gaspar Marco was born in Biar, Valencia, January 25, 1660, andbecame a Jesuit novice in 1682. Seven years later, he came to Manila, and was for fifteen years procurator of the college there. Afterfilling other offices, he was sent as procurator of the province toMadrid and Rome. He was taken ill in Spain, and died on September 8, 1716. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 406. )

[4] Paul Clain (originally Klein) was born at Agra, Bohemia, andentered the Jesuit order September 14, 1669. In 1678 he went to Mexico, and four years later to the Philippines; he there was rector in severalcolleges, provincial, professor, and missionary. He died on August 30, 1717. (Sommervogel, ii, col. 1197. )

[5] Antonio Tuccio (misprinted Fuccio in our text) was born atMessina, April 16, 1641, and became a Jesuit novice at the age ofseventeen. After completing his studies, he was a teacher during fiveyears; in 1672 went to the Philippines, where he was rector at Caviteand Manila, and twice provincial. He died at Manila, February 4, 1716. (Sommervogel, viii, col. 265. )

[6] Guiuan is the name of a village and port on the extreme southcoast of Samar; it has a good anchorage for vessels, even in typhoons. 

[7] Taclobo: the Tagálog name for the enormous shells of the giantclam (Tridacna); they sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh hundreds of pounds. The valves are frequently used forbaptismal fonts, and are sometimes burned to make lime. (OfficialHandbook of the Philippines, part i, p. 153. )

[8] Full accounts of the earlier knowledge of these islands, unsuccessful efforts to locate and discover them, and the organizationof a mission to go there for the conversion of the natives, aregiven in Murillo Velarde's Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 375 b. , 379;and Concepción's Hist. De Philipinas, ix, pp. 151-171. Both thesewriters use Clain's letter, more or less closely following hisaccount. Gregorio Miguel, in his Estudio sobre las Islas Carolinas(Madrid, 1887), p. 32, cites a MS. At Sevilla, dated 1567, written byJuan Martinez (see our Vol. II, pp. 149-150), to show that the PalaosIslands were first seen in 1566, by the captain of the Spanish ship"San Jerónimo, " Pero Sanchez Pericón. It was not until 1710, however, that they were actually discovered. The name Palaos (corruptedto Pelew) was given them on account of the vessels, called paraos(cf. Javanese prau), used by the natives. For description of theislands, their people, and the customs and mode of life of thesenatives, with a vocabulary of their language, see Miguel, ut supra, pp. 32-60. 

[9] Following is a translation of the title-page of this work:"General history of the discalced religious of the Order of thehermits of the great father and doctor of the Church, San Agustin, of the congregation of España and of the Indias. Volume Four. ByFather Fray Pedro de San Francisco de Assis, pensioned lecturer, calificador of the Holy Office, apostolic missionary, father ofthe province of Aragon, ex-definitor-general, and chronicler of thesaid congregation. Dedicated to St. Nicholas of Tolentino. Containingthree decades, extending from the year 1661 to that of 1690. Zaragoza;printed by Francisco Moreno, in the year 1756. "

[10] A sidenote at this point in the original is as follows: "Historiade la Provincia del Santo Rosario, volume ii, book ii, chapter xv. " Thereference is of course to Baltasar de Santa Cruz's book. 

[11] A sidenote in the original refers to volume iii of the RecollectHistory by Santa Theresa, Decade vii, book i, chapter iv, section vii, folio 241, nos. 507-515. The Philippine portion of this book appearsin our Vol. XXXVI, pp. 113-188. 

[12] Juan Polanco (not Palanco), was a native of the Burgos mountainregion, and professed in the Dominican convent of Valladolid, July 13, 1639. As he showed evident signs of a brilliant mind he was sent to thecollege of San Gregorio of Valladolid, after graduating from which hereturned to the convent as lecturer in philosophy. Thence he went tothe convent of Trianos as master of students, but later joining thePhilippine mission arrived at those islands in 1658. Destined forthe instruction of the Chinese he was sent to the Chinese missionsas soon as he had mastered the language. His two years in China wereyears of continual suffering, imprisonment, and torment. Recalled, although against his will, to become procurator for his province inMadrid and Rome, and to act as definitor in the general chapter, hegave up his mission work. Always of a humble and obedient disposition, when he was ordered to return immediately to Spain on one occasionafter he had just conducted a mission to Mexico, he obeyed withouthesitation, but he had scarcely reached the convent at Sevilla, when he died, December 2, 1671. At the chapter held at Rome 1668, he petitioned the beatification of the Japanese martyrs. See Reseñabiográfica, ii, pp. 1-3. 

[13] A sidenote in the original at this point refers to the Chronicasof San Antonio, i, book i, chapter xvii. 

[14] A sidenote of the original reads: "All this appears from FatherFray Juan Francisco de San Antonio, ut supra, book ii, chapter xviii, folio 364, and chapter xix, folio 372. "

[15] A sidenote of the original refers to San Antonio, i, book i, chapter lv, folio 220, and chapter lvii, folio 224. 

[16] So called perhaps from the long robe probably worn by women whowere allowed to take partial vows. 

[17] A sidenote at this point refers to Father Nieremberg's Oculta ycuriosa philosophia, last treatise, folio 431. This book is rightlynamed Curiosa y oculta filosofia, and was published in two parts inMadrid, 1643. Juan Eusebio Nieremberg was born in Madrid either in 1590or 1595. His father was a Tyrolese, and his mother a Bavarian. Educatedat the university at Salamanca, he took the Jesuit habit in the samecity in 1614. He became known for his learning and ability and forfourteen years filled the chair of natural history at the royalschool at Madrid, and for three years after that lectured on thescriptures. At the same time he was held in high esteem as a confessor, and was solicited by many prominent people as such. In 1642, he gave upteaching entirely because of an attack of paralysis. His death occurredat Madrid, April 7, 1658. He was the author of many works in Spanishand Latin, some of which have been translated into French and Arabic, and other languages. See Rose's New General Biographical Dictionary, and Hoefer's Nouvelle Biographie générale. 

[18] Sidenotes at this point in the original refer as follows:"Volume i of this History [i. E. , the volume by Andrés de San Nicolas, for extract from which see our Vol. XXI], decade ii, chapter ix, folio 452; volume iii [i. E. , the volume by Diego de Santa Theresa, from which appear extracts in Vol. XXXVI, pp. 113-188], marginalnumbers, 233, 257 et seq. , 530 et seq. , 540, 596, and 649. "

[19] There is a a sidenote reference here in the original to SantaCruz's Historia, part ii, book i, chapter xxiii. 

[20] A sidenote of the original refers here to Santa Theresa'sHistoria, marginal numbers 649 and 651. 

[21] See Vol. XL, p. 179, note 78. 

[22] A sidenote here refers to Santa Theresa's Historia, no. 259 ff. 

[23] The references in the margin at this point are to San Andrés'sHistoria, folios 451, 452; Luis de Jesús's Historia, folios 39, 40, 44, 45, 70, 282, 284-295, and 353; Santa Theresa's Historia, marginalnumbers 250 ff. , 366 ff. , 519, 522, 534, 599, 603, 615-629, 646 ff. , and 740 ff. 

[24] Subhastación: literally, sale of goods at public auction. 

[25] Our author also refers in sidenotes at this place to Luis deJesús's Historia, folios 45, 167 ff. , 284-295, and 353; and to SantaTheresa's Historia, marginal numbers 328, 522, 534, 648, 741, and 1153. 

[26] A sidenote reference at this point reads: "See Volume iii ofthis Historia [i. E. , Santa Theresa's], marginal numbers 737-742. "

[27] The reference is to volume i of the series of histories ofthe Recollect order, the volume by Andrés de San Nicolás, decade 2, chapter vi from folio 419. 

[28] A reference here in the original is to Santa Cruz's Historia, folio 499. 

[29] A sidenote refers to San Antonio's Chronicas, i, book i, chapter39, no. 407, folio 139. 

[30] A sidenote refers at this point to Santa Theresa, nos. 239 ff. , and 737 ff. 

[31] See Vol. XL, p. 123, note 46. 

[32] Mindoro has an area of 3, 851 square miles, according to theestimate of the Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 65, 66. It hasa maximum length of 100 miles and its greatest width is about 60miles. Though represented as having two mountain ranges those who havecrossed the island say that it has but one. The highest elevation ofthat range is Mt. Halcón, about 8, 800 ft. High. The island has muchvaluable timber. The settlements are mostly confined to the coast, and are small, while some wild people live in the interior. 

[33] Of "yonote" Colin (Labor evangélica, p. 29) says: "They [i. E. , the inhabitants of Mindoro] pay their tribute in yonote, which is akind of black hemp, produced by certain palms. It is used for thelarger cables of ships, which are made in the rope factory of thevillage of Tal. " Cf. Bonote, Vol. X, p. 58; and Vol. XIV, p. 257. 

[34] San Antonio, i, p. 102, notes that the island of Mindoro wasformerly called Maìt. Its Chinese name was Ka-may-en (see Vol. XXXIV, p. 187, note 15). 

[35] Our author refers in a sidenote to San Agustin's Conquistas, book ii, chapter i, pp. 216, 250. The first page makes no mention ofthe "simplicity. "

[36] The sidenote reference to San Antonio is to his Chronicas, volume i, p. 103. 

[37] A sidenote reference is to San Agustin's Conquistas, pp. 216, 224, 292. 

[38] See Vol. II, p. 59, note 22. 

[39] Sidenote reference: San Agustin, ut supra, p. 292. 

[40] Sidenote reference: San Agustin, p. 250. 

[41] Sidenote references: Father Fray Marcelo de Ribadeneyra, in hisHistoria, folio 84; father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio in hisChronicas, volume i, folio 20. 

[42] Murillo Velarde (folio 123 verso, no. 306) records that twoJesuits were sent to Mindoro to work in the field of the secularsin 1640. Juan de Polanco, O. P. , notes that about 1645 there werefour or five Jesuits in Mindoro who worked among the people of theuplands (see Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evangélica, iii, p. 735). San Antonio notes (i, p. 203) Jesuit residences in thejurisdiction of Mindoro. 

[43] A sidenote reference is to nos. 400, 715, ante. 

[44] Our author refers in a sidenote to San Antonio, i, p. 207. 

[45] A sidenote reference is to folio 80 of Joseph Sicardo'sChristiandad del Japon, . .. Memorias sacras de los martyres de lasilustres religiones . .. Con especialdad, de los religiosos del ordende S. Augustin (Madrid, 1698). 

[46] A sidenote refers to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff. 

[47] A sidenote refers to San Antonio, i, p. 207. The present totalpopulation of Mindoro (according to the Census of the Philippinesii, p. 407) is 28, 361, of which the civilized or Christian peoplenumber 21, 097. The native peoples include Bicols, Ilocanos, Mangyans, Painpangans, Pangasináns, Tagálogs, Visayans, and Zambals. The wildpeople are all Mangyans. 

[48] See ante, note 47. See also the Census of the Philippines (i, pp. 472, 473, 547, 548), which says that the Mangyans are probablya mixture of Negritos with other native peoples, and possibly someslight infusion of white blood in some localities. 

[49] The reference is to I Corinthians iii, 6. 

[50] A sidenote here refers to nos. 32-38 ante. 

[51] The original refers at this point to Luis de Jesús, folios 36, 42 ff. 

[52] A sidenote reference is to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff. 

[53] A sidenote reference is to San Antonio, i, p. 215. 

[54] The present population of the island of Romblón is 9, 347, allcivilized. This must be differentiated from the province of Romblón, which contains a number of islands, and has a population of 52, 848. TheCalamianes or Culión group is located in the southwestern part of thearchipelago between Mindoro and Paragua between lat. 11° 39' and 12°20' N. , and long. 119° 47' and 120° 23' E. , or a sea area of 1, 927square miles. This group consists of well over 100 islands, islets, and mere rocks, many of them unnamed. The largest islands in the groupare Busuanga, Calamian, and Linacapan. The population of Calamianesis given as follows for a number of years: 1876, 16, 403; 1885, 21, 573;1886, 17, 594; 1887, 16, 016; 1888, 14, 739; 1889, 16, 876; 1891, 18, 391;1892, 18, 053; 1893, 19, 292; 1894, 18, 540; 1895, 16, 186; 1896, 15, 620;1897, 15, 661; 1898, 14, 283. While the falling off in later yearsmay be accounted for possibly by the movements of population duringthe insurrectionary period, it must be assumed that the returnsfor the earlier years are incorrect, for they would not naturallyvary so greatly from year to year. See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 412-415; and Census of the Philippines, ii, pp. 197, 198, 405;and iii, pp. 12-16. 

[55] A sidenote refers to Santa Theresa, no. 1228. 

[56] Tomás Antonio Manrique de la Cerda, conde de Paredes, marquésde la Laguna, and knight of the Order of Alcantára, took office asviceroy of Mexico, November 30, 1680. The chief events of his termwere the piratical raids, chiefly by French corsairs. His residenciawas taken in 1686, and about two years later he returned to Spain. SeeBancroft's Mexico, iii, pp. 190-207. 

[57] The island of Masbate has an area of 1, 236 square miles. It ismountainous, the mean elevation ranging from 2, 000 to 2, 500 feet. Itspresent total population is 29, 451, all civilized, and the greatmajority Visayan. See Census of the Philippines, i, p. 66, ii, pp. 30, 392, 407. 

[58] Ticao belongs to the present province of Masbate. It is verysmall, containing an area of only 121 square miles. In shape it islong and narrow, and not of great elevation. Its present populationis 10, 183. The chief known occupation is agriculture. See ut supra, i, p. 66, ii, p. 30. 

[59] The same general description as that of Ticao fits Burías. Likethat island, it also belongs to the province of Masbate. Its area is197 square miles, and its population 1, 627. See ut supra, i, p. 66, ii, p. 30. 

[60] Sidenotes at this point refer to San Agustin's Conquistas, book ii, chapter i, p. 215; book iii, chapter xxv, pp. 515, 516, 529. 

[61] A sidenote refers to San Antonio, i, folio 219. 

[62] A sidenote reference is to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff. 

[63] A sidenote refers to ut supra, no. 739. 

[64] Miguel Poblete was archbishop of Manila from 1653 to 1668. 

[65] Bolinao is now located on the northeastern end of the ZambalPeninsula. Before being moved by the Dominicans, it must have beenlocated on the island of Santiago or Purra, just across the channelfrom its present location. Its present population (see Census ofPhilippines, ii, p. 244), is 5, 397. 

[66] Today located on the coast. Its present population is 6, 139. SeeCensus of Philippines, ii, p. 244. 

[67] Masinloc (see ut supra) has a present population of 3, 230. 

[68] Iba, now the capital of the province of Zambales, is located ona river a very short distance from the coast. Its present populationis 4, 482. See Census of Philippines, ii. , p. 244. 

[69] The modern Cabangán is located on the coast road a few milessouth of Iba. Its present population (see ut supra) is 3, 015. 

[70] The village of Subic is located on the northern side of thebay of the same name, and its present population (see ut supra) is2, 525. Subic Bay is one of the best natural harbors in the Philippines. 

[71] See the Dominican account of their missions among the Zambals, as given by Salazar, in Vol. XLIII. 

[72] i. E. , Incense, or storax. The word is spelt "camangyian" in theTagálog dictionary of Noceda and Sanlucar. 

[73] The port and village of San Jacinto are located on the eastcoast of Ticao Island toward the north. The village has a presentpopulation of 4, 845. See Census of the Philippines, ii, p. 232. 

[74] Mobo is an inland village in the northeastern part of Masbate, located on a river a short distance from the capital villagecalled Masbate. Its present population is 2, 657. See Census of thePhilippines, ii, p. 232. 

[75] Domingo Pérez was born in Santa Justa near Santander, in1636. Entering the convent at Santillana, he professed as a Dominicanthere, October 14, 1659. Refusing the offer of a college educationin Alcalá de Henares, he went to the Philippines, after teachingphilosophy for a time at Mexico. Reaching Manila in December 1666, he taught philosophy until the following year, when he was assigned tothe province of Bataán, at the convent of Oriong, which was declaredindependent of Abucay in that same year. Three of his five yearsthere he acted as vicar. From Oriong he went to Samál, and thence toAbucay in 1675. Somewhat later he was sent to Balacbac, but remainedthere but a short time because of the complaints of the Recollects, who claimed that the Dominicans were usurping their territory. In 1677he was appointed vicar of Abucay, where his capacity for work and hiszeal were conspicuous. In 1678 he was appointed vicar of Binondoc, remaining there one year. When the Dominicans were given charge ofthe province of Zambales in 1679, he was made vicar of that wholedistrict. He was conspicuous throughout the province for his effortsin destroying idol worship, and his opposition to that and all mannerof vices finally ended in his murder, as related in the text. He diedon November 15, 1683. He was the author of a relation on the customsand superstitions of the Zambals, which existed in the Dominicanarchives at Manila. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 34-43. 

[76] Juan Rois (Roes, Ruiz) was a Galician, and professed in theDominican convent of Lugo, September 2, 1679. Arriving at thePhilippines that same year, he was assigned in 1680 to the houseat Masinloc, and in 1682 to that at Nueva Toledo. In 1684 he wasagain assigned to Masinloc, and in 1686 became vicar of Paynaven andvicar-provincial of Zambales. He was sent to the Batanes Islands withFather Mateo González, in 1688, where he died that same year from theunhealthfulness of the region and his hardships. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 216, 217. 

[77] Possibly the agos-os, or Ficus pungens, which is used occasionallyin house construction. See Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 341;and Ahern's Important Philippine Woods (Forestry Bureau, Manila, 1901), p. 8. 

[78] See Salazar's Historia, pp. 275-313, for the Dominican accountof the missions of Zambales, the incidents of Calignao, and the lifeof Father Domingo Pérez. Concepción evidently had before him thisaccount in compiling his own. 

[79] Juan Peguero, O. P. , was born in Estremadura, and professed in theSeville convent, November 1, 1659. After arriving in the Philippines, he was assigned to the province of Bataán, where he labored in theconvents of Samal and Abucay. He was associate in Binondoc duringthe years 1671-1673, when he became vicar of San Juan del Monte, serving also in the latter in 1680 and 1686-1691. He was vicar ofOriong 1677-1680, and became procurator, along with his other duties, in the latter year. His death occurred at the Manila convent, May21, 1691. He wrote a compendium of the history of the province, and a biography of Domingo Pérez, the latter of which he dated andsigned on February 1, 1691, and which was conserved in the Dominicanconvent at Manila. One of his works was to construct an aqueduct fromthe Pasig for the better water-supply of Manila, but an earthquaketotally destroyed his work. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 81, 82. 

[80] Doubtless the Recopilación de las Leyes de los Reynos de lasIndias, first published at Madrid, 1681. 

[81] Traslado: The reference or act of delivering written judicialproceedings to the other party, in order that on examination of themhe may prepare his answer. Appleton's New Velázquez Dictionary. 

[82] Raimundo Berart, O. P. , was a native of Cataluña, and professedin the convent of Santa Catalina Virgén y Martir, in Barcelona, atthat time being doctor in both laws at the university of Lérida. Hearrived at Manila at the age of twenty-eight, in the year 1679. Hespeedily became associate to the archbishop, Felipe Pardo, in whosedefense he wrote several manifestos which remain in MS. In 1681 theecclesiastical cabildo asked that the archbishop give him up, andprobably in answer to that demand, he was assigned to the convent ofAbucay in the province of Bataán. In 1684 he became vicar of thatconvent, and in 1686 he was appointed rector and chancellor of thecollege of Santo Tomás in Manila. He left the islands before July 13, 1689, and from that time until 1696 was in charge of the hospitiumin Mexico. In 1696 he was sent to Spain as definitor in generalchapter, and died in that country in 1713. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 195-206. 

[83] This date cannot be reconciled with the dates that follow. Itmay be an error for 1685. 

[84] Domingo de Escalera was a native of Andalucia, and professed inthe Dominican order at Madrid, September 10, 1665. He was a deacon athis arrival at the Philippines. He was first assigned to the houseof San Gabriel in Binondo; became vicar of Sámal in the provinceof Bataán in 1680, and in 1682 of Abucay, after which he was againat Binondo. During the years 1686-1690, he was procurator-general, and during part of that time (1686-1688), had charge of the nativesin the Manila convent. In 1690 he was definitor and acted as vicaragain of Binondo, where he remained until 1698, when he becamepresident of the college of San Juan de Letrán. He was appointedpresident of the hospital of San Gabriel, and procurator-general ofthe province. Although assigned as vicar of the convent of San Telmoin Cavite in 1702, he resigned that office in November of that sameyear, and went to the mission at Ituy. His death occurred on thenineteenth of the following month, and resulted from the unhealthfulregion. During the year spent among the mountains of Zambales, heformed the village of Malso. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 169, 170. 

[85] Pedro Mejorada, O. P. , professed in the convent at Salamanca, andon going to the Philippines was assigned to the Tagálog district. Heministered four years in Binondo, then the same period in Sámal, in the province of Bataán. In 1694, he was assigned as lecturer ontheology at the college of Santo Tomás in Manila, where he remainedfor four years. The following eight years were spent in Abucay andOriong. In the year 1702 he received the title of calificador of theHoly Office, and in 1706 was appointed rector and chancellor of theuniversity, which position he filled until 1710, when he was electedprovincial of the order. On the termination of that office in 1714, he was elected regent of studies in the college of Santo Tomás. InNovember of that same year, however, he resigned in order to returnto his convent at Salamanca, arriving in Madrid in 1716. Althoughlie was elected prior of the Salamanca convent, he was not to beallowed to enjoy that position, for a royal appointment as bishopof Nueva Segovia caused him, howbeit unwillingly, to return to thePhilippines. Entering those islands once more in 1718, he assumedthe duties of his office, but died in Vigan in June of the followingyear in the sixty-third year of his age, and after a residence in theislands of thirty-one years. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 230-234. 

[86] Domingo Collantes, the author of the fourth part of the Dominicanhistory of the Philippines, was a native of Villa de Herrin deCampos, in the bishopric of Palencia. He professed in the conventat Valladolid, in 1764, and arrived in Manila, July 8, 1769. Heheld several conventual posts in his order there, among them thatof provincial. The bishopric of Nueva Cáceres was later given tohim. His death occurred in Manila in 1808 at the age of sixty. SeePardo de Tavera's Biblioteca filipina, p. 107. 

[87] Spanish, romper el nombre; "to cease using the countersignof recognition, when daybreak comes, for which purpose the drums, cornets, trumpets, or other musical instruments give the signal withthe call named diana" (Dominguez); cf. French reveille. 

[88] In Sulu roadstead; anchorage is north of the town. In channelbetween Sulu roadstead and Marongas is a pearl-oyster bed, whichemploys many boats. This is an important industry, pearls andpearl-shells being the chief articles in the export trade of theisland. (U. S. Philippine Gazetteer. )

[89] Colin (who was at that time in Joló) says of this (Laborevangélica, ed. 1663, p. 49): "There was found near the island of Jolóa piece [of amber] which weighed more than eight arrobas, of the bestkind that exists, which is the gray [el gris]. " Retana and Pastellsregard Combés's ambar as meaning amber, the vegetable fossil; but itis possible that all these writers mean rather ambergris, which issupposed to be a morbid secretion of the sperm whale, and has beenused as a perfume. 

[90] It was Lopez who soon afterward, having gone to Manila to reportresults to Governor Fajardo, secured (largely through the influence ofVenegas, who was very friendly to Lopez) permission for six Jesuits tolabor in the islands of the south, the rebuilding of their residenceat Zamboanga, and the exemption of the Lutaos from tribute, and theappointment of Rafael Omen de Azevedo as governor. (Murillo Velarde, Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 151 b. )

[91] In the text, desvelar, "to keep awake"--but from the context, apparently an error of some sort. 

[92] Spanish, dió una bofetada, literally, "gave a blow in theface"--in the Spanish a play on words which it is difficult to retainin English. 

[93] This order was carried out by Balatamay, on December 13, 1655. SeeCombés's detailed account of this tragedy, as cited by Diaz. 

[94] Pedro Durán de Monforte; his term of office began in 1649, and lasted until Esteybar's arrival at Zamboanga (Dec. 2, 1656). 

[95] "La Silanga, which is a strait that is formed by the island ofTulaya with the land of Mindanao" (Diaz, p. 561). Retana and Pastells, in their edition of Combés, make Tulaya the modern Tulayan, nearSulu--an evident error, from Diaz's statement. 

[96] Referring to the governor ad interim from November, 1661 toFebruary, 1662; Combés describes at length his "persecution" of theJesuits at Zamboanga (col. 591-609), but does not mention his name. 

[97] "Hardly had Morales reached the islands, when a new despatcharrived from Manila, repeating the same orders. The silence of theSpaniards [i. E. , regarding their first order to leave the fort], and the hurried preparations that were made that very night for thewithdrawal of Morales, inflamed the injured feelings of the Lutaos, nor could any argument repress them. The governor did not attemptto do more than console them, in order that they might prudentlydecide what they should do; he told them that the Spaniards wouldnever forsake them, and that if the Lutaos would follow them therewere places in the islands, with equal and even greater advantages, where they could live; that Corralat was friendly, and the Spaniardswould charge him to maintain friendly relations with them, whichthey could with good reason expect, as he was of the same nation asthemselves; that if he should not fulfil this obligation, occasionwould not fail the Spaniards to avenge them. He also said that theycould, with the forts which he left to them, easily defend themselvesfrom their enemies; and finally, that they should await the ultimatedecision which would be brought by General Don Francisco de Atienzaon his way to Maluco, since it might improve the condition of affairs. 

"Little impression did these arguments, which the Spaniards offeredby way of consolation, make on the Lutaos. The tyrannies that theywould experience when left to their own government had no respectfor kinship, nor was there any law save that of might. To leavetheir homes was most difficult, and to transplant their villageswas to ruin them. To defend the fort supplies of ammunition andfood were required, and they had no fund to meet these costs. Theygave way to lamentations and complaints that, as they had servedthe Spaniards with their lives, they had roused in their neighbors amortal hatred; that, notwithstanding they had become Christians, theywere left abandoned, in the power of the Moros, without instruction, or defense, or honor. They recounted their services, and their sighsgrew heavier, while they declared as false the promises made to themin the beginning, which drew them away from obedience to their naturalking; and that with such an example [as this of the Lutaos before them]the peoples [of Mindanao] would not change sides in order to pleasea nation so unreliable [as the Spaniards]. The Subanos also presentedtheir piteous remonstrances that as a people of the hill-country, andof timid disposition, they were exposed to greater misfortunes. Theywent to the fort and renewed their importunities, saying that theSpaniards were deserting and abandoning them [notwithstanding] theirhumble submission, and leaving them to be slaves of their enemies;that although they had maintained the Spaniards with their tributes, provided their houses with their products, and embraced their faith, contented with the freedom which followed Spanish protection, yetnow their liberty remained at the mercy of greed, the Spaniardsprofiting by their lives for the sake of keeping up intercourse withthe Macassars and Malayos; and that it was too much to be endured, to leave in such infamous subjection vassals so obedient as they. Thegovernor, his heart pierced by their pathetic expostulations, couldgive no other satisfaction than his own anxious hopes. In the midstof these limited and sad consolations, with the arrival of the succorsfor Terrenate came anew the severe orders [for abandoning the forts];the governor was now unable to give them courage, for lack of means, and all were disconsolate; but it was necessary to execute the rigorousorder--those who remained being as sorrowful at it as were those whowere going away, and each one endeavoring to make his decision andto suit it to this emergency. Some went to Mindanao, others to Joló, and others to Basilan; many dispersed in the coasts of Zamboangan, the people of Don Alonso Macombon remaining here with him; and a fewdetermined to follow the fortunes of those who retreated thence, going to settle at Dapitan and Zebù. .. . In the vessels had to beplaced more than a thousand souls, and the military supplies. It wasa grievous abandonment, by which more than a thousand Christians wereleft exposed to the cruelty of the Moros. .. . In great part it wasdue to the obstinacy of the Jesuits, who, regarding the allowanceof fifty men as insufficient, compelled its total abandonment. Suchgarrisons have been and are sufficient to oppose the Moros in theremaining presidios; and the same would be enough in Zamboangan ifthe great extent which must be guarded, on account of the size ofthe fort, were reduced to a little, demolishing the less importantpart [of the fortifications]. But their profound thoughts fearedlest that fort would afterward remain thus scantily garrisoned, and that it would not make so much show or its administration be soconspicuous; nor would there be expended in the allowances [for it]so large sums, which they converted to their own advantage. .. . Soonthere were representations made at the court of injury resulting fromits desertion, and consequent royal decrees for its reconstruction, which did not take effect until long afterward. " (Concepción, Hist. DePhilipinas, vii, pp. 93-97. )

[98] This name is Curay in Concepción's Historia. 

[99] An island and point at the entrance to Patungan Bay, in Batangas, Luzón. 

[100] It is evident, from the above statements by Diaz, that Barrantesis incorrect in saying (Guerras piráticas, p. 17): "In this manner, so melancholy for Filipinas, ended the seventeenth century. " He hasmade this hasty and unfounded conclusion through failure to searchfor material to supply the gap which occurs at this point in thenarrative which he has used as the basis of the work above cited. Thisis a MS. Narrative of the Moro wars, for an account of which see ourVol. XXIX, p. 174, note 40.