The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century, Volume XXXIX, 1683-1690

 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIX

 Preface 9

 Miscellaneous Documents, 1683-1690

 Dampier in the Philippines (concluded). William Dampier; London, 1697 21 Petition for Dominican missionaries. Francisco de Villalva; [Madrid, 1687?] 122 Events in Filipinas, 1686-88. [Unsigned and undated. ] 131 The Pardo controversy. Juan Sanchez, and others; Manila, 1683-89 149 Official visitation by Valdivia. [Unsigned; Manila, 1689-90. ] 276

 Bibliographical Data 303

ILLUSTRATIONS

 View of the city of Manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in Dampier's Nouveau voyage autour du monde (French trans. , Amsterdam, 1698) between pp. 434 and 435; from copy in Library of Congress 89

 Map of the Philippine Islands; photographic facsimile from Pierrè du Val's La géographie universelle, "Isles Philippines" (Paris, 1682), between pp. 306 and 307; from copy of original map in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris 129

 Autograph signature of Pedro Murillo Velarde, S. J. ; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 195

PREFACE

The present volume, which covers the period 1683-90, is mainlydevoted to an account of the controversy between Archbishop Pardoand the religious orders on one side, and the secular government onthe other--a conflict of which such events as the disputes betweenSalazar and Dasmariñas (1591) and Guerrero and Corcuera (1635-36)were but preliminary skirmishes. In this case the archbishop gainsthe ascendency, being reënforced by one of the governors. 

Dampier's account of his sojourn in the islands is here concluded fromthe preceding volume. He finds the Mindanaos friendly to the English, but distrustful of the Dutch and Spaniards. They are ingenious andclever in metal-work, and with very primitive tools and appliancesmake excellent utensils and ship-repairs; another industry oftheirs is shipbuilding. The English ship remains about a week on thesouthern shore of Mindanao, to wait for favorable weather, and thenproceeds to the Rio Grande of Mindanao, where it arrives July 18. Thenatives there are anxious to secure trade with the English merchants, and Dampier regrets that his companions did not resolve to give upfreebooting for Spice-Island trade, especially as they were so wellfitted, by experience and training, for establishing a trading-post, and had an excellent equipment for that purpose. The English officersmaintain friendly intercourse with the natives, which enables themto see much of Malay life and customs. Some of the English sailorsdesert here, some are poisoned by the natives, and most of the crewbecome drunken and disaffected. The captain neglects to disciplinethem, and finally the crew sail away with their ship and leave him(January 14, 1687), with thirty-six of his men, at Mindanao. Theyhalt at Guimarás Island to "scrub" their ship and lay in water; then(February 10) sail northward past Panay. At Mindoro they encountersome Indians, from whom they gain information as to the commerce ofManila, which they intend to attack and pillage. On February 23, theEnglish begin their piratical acts in the Philippines by capturing aSpanish bark, near the coast of Luzón. After describing that island, he relates how some of the English sailors left at Mindanao findtheir way to Manila. The men on Dampier's vessel, not finding theChinese vessels that they expected to seize, decide to wait on thecoast of Cambodia and Siam until the time when the Acapulco galleonis expected. Having cruised along the mainland until July 29, theydirect their course to the Batanes Islands, north of Luzón, arrivingthere August 6; they trade with the natives, clean the ship, and lay inprovisions, intending to go afterward to harry the Manila commerce. Buta fierce storm arises (September 25), driving them about for a week, and disheartening the men; and finally (October 3) they sail fromthe northern end of Luzón past the eastern coast of that island andLeyte, until they reach Sarangani, where they halt to repair theirship. Departing thence November 2, they go to Australia, and Dampiersoon afterward leaves the ship--spending the next four years in theMalasian Islands, and, after numerous and varied adventures, arrivingin England in September, 1691. 

Francisco de Villalva, procurator for the Dominicans at Madrid, petitions for royal aid in sending forty missionaries of that orderto the Philippines. 

Some unknown Jesuit furnishes a "diary of events from June, 1686 to June, 1687. " These include the arrivals and departures ofships from the port of Cavite; the deaths of prominent persons; thedissensions between the Jesuits and the archbishop, and between thereligious orders; the conflicts between governor and Audiencia, andtheir relations with the archbishop; attacks by pirates; and othernews-items, of miscellaneous character. A similar record (whether bythe same hand is uncertain) continues through 1688. 

A notable event in the history of the islands was thecontroversy (1681-89) between Archbishop Pardo and the secularauthorities. Hundreds of documents and printed books are extantconcerning this dispute, but our limited space will not allow usto reproduce many of these; it seems most useful for our purposeto give an outline of the main events during that time, as told bysome of those who took part therein, both secular and religious, andrepresenting different sides of the controversy. These contemporarydocuments are reënforced with abundant citations from the chroniclersof the religious orders--the Augustinian Diaz, the Jesuit MurilloVelarde, the Dominican Salazar, and the Recollect Concepción;these are found in the annotations accompanying our text. The firstaccount is that written by Juan Sánchez, secretary of the Audiencia, dated June 15, 1683; he relates the difficulties which arose betweenthe secular and the religious authorities during the three yearspreceding that date--that controversy having begun in 1680, withthe complaint of the cura of Vigan against the acting head of thediocese of Nueva Segovia, that the latter does not reside at the seatof that bishopric, and interferes with the above cura. The Audienciaundertakes to settle the affair, and the archbishop insists that itbelongs to his jurisdiction. His cathedral chapter are offended atcertain proceedings of his, and jealous of the influence acquiredover him by Fray Raimundo Berart, a friar of the Dominican order(to which Pardo also belongs). The new bishop of Nueva Segoviaalso claims that the Vigan case belongs to his jurisdiction, notthe archbishop's. Several other cases occur in which Pardo actsin an arbitrary manner, among them his seizure of a shipment ofgoods for the Jesuits, and his excommunication of a Jesuit fordeclining to render him an accounting in a certain executorshipentrusted to the latter--Ortega alleging that this affair, as purelysecular, pertains to the Audiencia alone. The Audiencia endeavor torestrain Pardo, but in vain; and the strained relations between themquickly grow into open hostilities. The situation is complicatedby various antagonistic elements, which may be briefly summarizedthus: The archbishop's arbitrary conduct toward his own clerics andother persons, and his strenuous insistence on his ecclesiasticalprerogatives; the undue influence over him obtained by his Dominicanbrethren; the jealousies between the various religious orders; and, still more fundamental, the unceasing conflict between ecclesiasticaland secular authority--the latter embodied mainly in the Audiencia, as the governors often ranged themselves against that tribunal, underthe pressure of ecclesiastical influence. To these may be added theremoteness of the colony from Spain, and its smallness, which rendersthe limits within which these human forces are at work more narrow andcircumscribed, and therefore intensifies their action. After a longconflict between Pardo and the Audiencia, in which their weapons areused freely on both sides--decrees, appeals, protests, censures, andlegal technicalities of every sort, civil and canonical--that tribunaldecides (October 1, 1682) to banish the archbishop, a sentence whichis not executed until May 1, 1683. He is then seized by the officialsof the Audiencia, and deported to Lingayén, a village in Cagayán. Hisassistant bishop, Barrientos, demands the right to act in Pardo'splace; but his claim is set aside in favor of the cathedral chapter, or cabildo--which declares the see vacant in consequence of Pardo'sexile. Another Dominican, Francisco de Villalba, is banished to NuevaEspaña for seditious preaching; and others are sent to Cagayán. 

The narration of events in Manila is continued in another document, from July, 1684, to June, 1685; this account is unsigned, but itsuggests the hand of the preceding writer, Sánchez. On August 24 ofthe former year occurs the formal entrance into the city of the newgovernor, Curuzelaegui. This change of administration gives opportunityfor the return of the banished Dominicans, and an agitation for therestoration of Pardo to his see, which is quickly accomplished. Soonhe lays an iron hand on all persons who had formerly opposedhim. Excommunications are imposed on ex-governor Vargas, the auditors, and other persons concerned in the archbishop's banishment; and themembers of the cathedral chapter are suspended, and their officialacts during his absence are annulled. They are not absolved until nearthe end of Lent (1685), and this is done in public, and very harshly, with great humiliation to the penitents. At the urgent remonstrancesand entreaties of Curuzelaegui, Pardo finally consents to absolve theex-governor, Vargas; but he loads this concession with conditions sogrievous and humiliating that Vargas is unwilling to accept them. 

Another unsigned document relates the "occurrences during thegovernment of Cruzalaegui, " of which a part, relating to the Pardocontroversy only, is placed here with others on that subject; it coversonly the first year, 1684-85. This writer also sympathizes with theauditors; his account is given mainly as an index of popular feelingon one side of the controversy. A letter from Auditor Bolivar to hisagent at Madrid (June 15, 1685) presents an interesting view of theaffair from the inside, and of the intrigues which kept Manila ina ferment during most of Pardo's term of office. Bolivar dares notwrite to the Council of the Indias, lest his letters be seized; hetherefore directs his agent to take certain measures in his behalf, "for one cannot trust in friars. " He recounts the proceedings in theresidencia of Vargas, in which there are many false witnesses. Hethinks that the Spaniards of Manila are more fickle than any others, and regards that colony as "a little edition of hell. " He is eagerto get away from the islands, and urges his friend to secure forhim permission to do so, and to make arrangements so that he maynot be needlessly detained in the islands. A letter from the JesuitPimentel (February 8, 1686) relates the scheming by which Pardo'sreturn from exile was facilitated. Another unsigned paper contains"news since the year 1688;" the writer claims that his intention is"only that the truth may be known. " This account is mainly occupiedwith the fate of the auditors and other officials who had incurredPardo's wrath by taking part in his banishment. They are subjectedto imprisonment, privation, and exile; a reign of terror prevails inManila; and the governor is in close alliance with the archbishop, so that there "is no recourse, except to God. " The writer mentionsseveral things in condemnation of the governor's personal character, and regards him as unscrupulous and tyrannical. Finally, the Dominicanaccount of this controversy is related by Vicénte de Salazar, one of the official historians of that order, in his biography ofPardo. In 1677 that prelate enters upon the vacant see of Manila;he finds many ecclesiastical abuses and social scandals, and muchofficial corruption. Undertaking to correct these, he incurs theenmity of many persons, and the ecclesiastical tribunal is filledwith cases. For nearly three years the relations of the archbishopwith the governor and Audiencia remain friendly; but finally (1680)certain ecclesiastics under censure have recourse to the Audienciaagainst the archbishop's authority, and this soon leads to hostilitiesbetween the religious and secular branches of the government. Next thecathedral chapter become insubordinate to Pardo, their proper head, and they too appeal to the Audiencia; and a long legal war ensues, in which the weapons are official acts on both sides. At last (in1682) the Audiencia decree Pardo's banishment from his see, buthold this measure in suspense for a time. He irritates the Jesuits, by proceeding against one of their number who is acting as executorfor an estate, and seizes goods belonging to that order which arebrought by the Acapulco galleon; and soon the archbishop encounterscomplaints and clamors from all sides. The decree of banishment isenforced, and Pardo is arrested (March 31, 1683) and deported to thevillage of Lingayén, in the province of Pangasinán. The cabildo assumethe government of the archbishopric, ignoring Pardo's appointment ofBarrientos to that office; and many of Pardo's supporters are banishedor otherwise chastised. A new governor coming to the islands, thearchbishop is reinstated in his see (November 16, 1685) and the caseis afterward decided by the courts of Rome and Madrid in his favor. Hefinds much to do in restoring his church to its former condition, anddefending the ecclesiastical rights and privileges--an undertakingwhich keeps him engaged in conflicts, but cannot abate his zeal andconstancy. In the outcome he is vindicated, even God taking vengeanceon the enemies of the archbishop, whose saintly qualities are extolledby Salazar. Pardo dies on December 31, 1689. 

A royal official comes to the islands (1688) to bring suit againstthe auditors who had banished the archbishop; but he finds thatall of them are dead, except Bolivar, and even he dies while onhis way to Manila. Accounts (ca. 1690) of Valdivia's proceedingsare given by a Dominican and a Jesuit respectively (as appears frominternal evidence). He reconciles the Jesuits and the Dominicans inManila; sends Vargas, sentenced in residencia to pay 100, 000 pesos, to Pangasinán; and sides with the archbishop in everything. Thisencourages Pardo to continue taking vengeance on his enemies; andhe and Valdivia chastise whomsoever they will, in highly arbitraryfashion--the visitor aiding Pardo in many cases, and in othersinflicting penalties on citizens of Manila in connection with purelysecular affairs. Vargas is sent into exile, the archbishop refusingto the last to absolve him, notwithstanding the commands of theAudiencia. The second letter, written from Nueva España (probably1691), apparently by a Jesuit, relates briefly the proceedingsof Valdivia in the islands. The writer sends a warning to combatthe influences that will be exerted at court to secure the see forBarrientos; and asserts that Valdivia has appropriated to himselfgreat wealth (part of which has been seized) obtained from the Manilaproceedings. The governor died in April, 1690. 

The Editors May, 1906. 

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS, 1683-1690

 Dampier in the Philippines (concluded). William Dampier; 1697. Petition for Dominican missionaries. Francisco de Villalva; [1687?]. Events in Filipinas, 1686-88. [Unsigned and undated. ] The Pardo controversy. Juan Sanchez, and others; 1683-89. Official visitation by Valdivia. [Unsigned; 1689-90. ]

Sources: The first document is concluded from VOL. XXXVIII, q. V. Thesecond is obtained from a rare pamphlet in the British Museum; thethird and fifth, from the Ventura del Arco MSS. , iii, pp. 625-638, 727-732; and 589-596, 641-673; the fourth, mainly from the samevolume, with additions from Retana's Archivo, i, no. Iv, and Salazar'sHist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 490-513. 

Translations: All save the first document are translated by EmmaHelen Blair. 

DAMPIER IN THE PHILIPPINES

(CONCLUDED)

CHAP. XII

 Of the Inhabitants, and Civil State of the Isle of Mindanao. The Mindanayans, Hilanoones, Sologues, and Alfoorees. Of the Mindanayans, properly so called; Their Manners and Habits. The Habits and Manners of their Women. A Comical Custom at Mindanao. Their Houses, their Diet, and Washings. The Languages spoken there, and Transactions with the Spaniards. Their fear of the Dutch, and seeming desire of the English. Their Handy-crafts, and peculiar sort of Smiths Bellows. Their Shipping, Commodities, and Trade. The Mindanao and Manila Tobacco. A sort of Leprosie there, and other Distempers. Their Marriages. The Sultan of Mindanao, his Poverty, Power, Family, &c. The Proes or Boats here. Raja Laut the General, Brother of the Sultan, and his Family. Their way of Fighting. Their Religion. Raja Laut's Devotion. A Clock or Drum in their Mosques. Of their Circumcision, and the Solemnity then used. Of other their Religious Observations and Superstitions. Their abhorrence of Swines Flesh, &c. 

This Island is not subject to one Prince, neither is the Languageone and the same; but the People are much alike, in colour, strength, and stature. They are all or most of them of one Religion, which isMahometanism, and their customs and manner of living are alike. TheMindanao People, more particularly so called, are the greatestNation in the Island, and trading by Sea with other Nations, theyare therefore the more civil. I shall say but little of the rest, being less known to me, but so much as hath come to my knowledge, take as follows. There are besides the Mindanayans, the Hilanoones, (as they call them) or the Mountaneers, the Sologues and Alfoores. [1]

The Hilanoones live in the Heart of the Country: They have littleor no commerce by Sea, yet they have Proe's that row with 12 or 14Oars apiece. They enjoy the benefit of the Gold Mines; and with theirGold buy forreign Commodities of the Mindanao People. They have alsoplenty of Bees-Wax, which they exchange for other Commodities. 

The Sologues inhabit the N. W. End of the Island. [2] They are theleast Nation of all; they Trade to Manila in Proes, and to some ofthe neighboring Islands, but have no Commerce with the Mindanao People. 

The Alfoores are the same with the Mindanayans, and were formerlyunder the subjection of the Sultan of Mindanao, but were dividedamong the Sultan's Children, and have of late had a Sultan of theirown; but having by Marriage contracted an alliance with the Sultanof Mindanao, this has occasioned that Prince to claim them again ashis Subjects; and he made War with them a little after we went away, as I afterwards understood. 

The Mindanayans properly so called, are Men of mean statures; smallLimbs, straight Bodies, and little Heads. Their Faces are oval, theirForeheads flat, with black small Eyes, short low Noses, pretty largeMouths; their Lips thin and red, their Teeth black, yet very sound, their Hair black and straight, the colour of their Skin tawney, butinclining to a brighter yellow than some other Indians, especiallythe Women. They have a Custom to wear their Thumb-nails very long, especially that on their left Thumb, for they do never cut it butscrape it often. They are indued with good natural Wits, are ingenious, nimble, and active, when they are minded; but generally very lazy andthievish, and will not work except forced by Hunger. This lazinessis natural to most Indians; but these People's lazinesz seems ratherto proceed not so much from their natural Inclinations, as from theseverity of their Prince of whom they stand in awe: For he dealing withthem very arbitrarily, and taking from them what they get, this dampstheir Industry, so they never strive to have any thing but from Handto Mouth. They are generally proud, and walk very stately. They arecivil enough to Strangers, and will easily be acquainted with them, and entertain them with great freedom; but they are implacable totheir Enemies, and very revengeful if they are injured, frequentlypoisoning secretly those that have affronted them. 

They wear but few Cloaths; their Heads are circled with a shortturban, fringed or laced at both ends; it goes once about the Head, and is tied in a knot, the laced ends hanging down. They wear Frocksand Breeches, but no Stockings nor Shooes. 

The Women are fairer than the Men; and their Hair is black and long;which they tie in a knot, that hangs back in their Poles. They aremore round visaged than the Men, and generally well featured; onlytheir Noses are very small, and so low between their Eyes, that insome of the Female Children the rising that should be between the Eyesis scarce discernable; neither is their any sensible rising in theirForeheads. At a distance they appear very well; but being nigh, theseImpediments are very obvious. They have very small Limbs. They wear buttwo Garments; a Frock, and a sort of Petticoat; the Petticoat is onlya piece of Cloth, sewed both ends together; but it is made two Foottoo big for their Wastes, so that they may wear either end uppermost;that part that comes up to their Wastes, because it is so much toobig, they gather it in their Hands, and twist it till it fits closeto their Wastes, tucking in the twisted part between their Waste andthe edge of the Petticoat, which keeps it close. The Frock fits looseabout them, and reaches down a little below the Waste. The Sleevesare a great deal longer than their Arms, and so small at the end, that their Hands will scarce go through. Being on, the Sleeve fitsin folds about the wrist, wherein they take great pride. 

The better sort of People have their Garments made of long Cloth;but the ordinary sort wear Cloth made of Plantain-tree, which theycall Saggen; [3] by which name they call the Plantain. They haveneither Stocking or Shooe, and the Women have very small Feet. 

The Women are very desirous of the Company of Strangers, especiallyWhite Men; and doubtless would be very familiar, if the Custom of theCountry did not debar them from that freedom, which seems coveted bythem. Yet from the highest to the lowest they are allowed liberty toconverse with, or treat strangers in the sight of their Husbands. 

There is a kind of begging Custom at Mindanao, that I have not metelsewhere with in all my Travels; and which I believe is owing to thelittle Trade they have; which is thus: When Strangers arrive here, the Mindanao Men will come aboard, and invite them to their Houses, and inquire who has a Comrade, (which word I believe they have fromthe Spaniards) or a Pagally, and who has not. A Comrade is a familiarMale-friend; a Pagally [4] is an innocent Platonick Friend of theother Sex. All Strangers are in a manner oblig'd to accept of thisAcquaintance and Familiarity, which must be first purchased with asmall Present, and afterwards confirmed with some Gift or other tocontinue the Acquaintance: and as often as the Stranger goes ashore, he is welcome to his Comrade or Pagally's House, where he may beentertained for his Money, to Eat, Drink, or Sleep, and complimented, as often as he comes ashore, with Tobacco and Betel-Nut, which isall the Entertainment he must expect gratis. The richest Mens Wivesare allow'd the freedom to converse with her Pagally in publick, and may give or receive Presents from him. Even the Sultans and theGenerals Wives, who are always coopt up, will yet look out of theirCages when a Stranger passeth by, and demand of him if he wants aPagally: and to invite him to their Friendship, will send a Presentof Tobacco and Betel-nut to him by their Servants. 

The chiefest City on this Island is called by the same Name ofMindanao. It is seated on the South side of the Island, in lat. 7d. 20 m. N. On the banks of a small River, about two Mile from theSea. The manner of building is somewhat strange: yet generally usedin this Part of the East-Indies. Their House are all built on Posts, about 14, 16, 18, or 20 Foot high. These Posts are bigger or less, according to the intended magnificence of the Superstructure. Theyhave but one Floor, but many Partitions or Rooms, and a Ladder orStairs to go up out of the Streets. The Roof is large, and coveredwith Palmeto or Palm-leaves. So there is a clear passage like a Piazza(but a filthy one) under the House. Some of the poorer People thatkeep Ducks or Hens, have a fence made round the Posts of their Houses, with a Door to go in and out; and this Under-room serves for no otheruse. Some use this place for the common draught of their Houses, but building mostly close by the River in all parts of the Indies, they make the River receive all the filth of their House; and at thetime of the Land-floods, all is washed very clean. 

The Sultan's House is much bigger than any of the rest. It standson about 180 great Posts or Trees, a great deal higher than thecommon Building, with great broad Stairs made to go up. In the firstRoom he hath about 20 Iron Guns, all Saker and Minion, placed onField-Carriages. The General, and other great Men have some Guns alsoin their Houses. About 20 paces from the Sultan's House there is asmall low House, built purposely for the Reception of Ambassadorsor Merchant Strangers. This also stands on Posts, but the Floor isnot raised above three or four Foot above the Ground, and is neatlyMatted purposely for the Sultan and his Council to sit on; for theyuse no Chairs, but sit cross-legg'd like Taylors on the Floor. 

The common Food at Mindanao is Rice, or Sago, and a small Fish ortwo. The better sort eat Buffalo, or Fowls ill drest, and abundanceof Rice with it. They use no Spoons to eat their Rice, but every Mantakes a handful out of the Platter, and by wetting his Hand in Water, that it may not stick to his Hand, squeezes it into a lump, as hardas possibly he can make it, and then crams it into his Mouth. Theyall strive to make these lumps as big as their Mouths can receivethem; and seem to vie with each other, and glory in taking in thebiggest lump; so that sometimes they almost choke themselves. Theyalways wash after Meals, or if they touch any thing that is unclean;for which reason they spend abundance of Water in their Houses. ThisWater, with the washing of their Dishes, and what other filth theymake, they pour down near their Fire-place: for their Chambers arenot boarded, but floored with split Bamboes, like Lathe, so thatthe Water presently falls underneath their dwelling Rooms, where itbreeds Maggots, and makes a prodigious stink. Besides this filthiness, the sick People ease themselves, and make Water in their Chambers;there being a small hole made purposely in the Floor, to let it dropthrough. But healthy sound People commonly ease themselves, and makeWater in the River. For that reason you shall always see abundanceof People, of both Sexes in the River, from Morning till Night;some easing themselves, others washing their bodies or Cloaths. Ifthey come into the River purposely to wash their Cloaths, they stripand stand naked till they have done; then put them on, and march outagain: both Men and Women take great delight in swimming, and washingthemselves, being bred to it from their Infancy. I do believe it isvery wholsom to wash Mornings and Evenings in these hot Countries, at least three or four Days in the Week: For I did use my self to itwhen I lived afterwards at Ben-cooly, and found it very refreshing andcomfortable. It is very good for those that have Fluxes to wash andstand in the Rivers Mornings and Evenings. I speak it experimentally;for I was brought very low with that distemper at Achin; but bywashing constantly Mornings and Evenings I found great benefit, and was quickly cured by it. 

In the City of Mindanao they speak two Languages indifferently: theirown Mindanao Language, and the Malaya; but in other parts or theIsland they speak only their proper Language, having little Commerceabroad. They have Schools, and instruct the Children to Read andWrite, and bring them up in the Mahometan Religion. Therefore manyof the words, especially their Prayers, are in Arabick; and manyof the words of civility the same as in Turkey; and especially whenthey meet in the Morning, or take leave of each other, they expressthemselves in that Language. 

Many of the old People, both Men and Women, can speak Spanish, for theSpaniards were formerly settled among them, and had several Forts onthis Island; and then they sent two Friers to the City, to convertthe Sultan of Mindanao and his People. At that time these Peoplebegan to learn Spanish, and the Spaniards incroached on them andendeavoured to bring them into subjection; and probably before thistime had brought them all under their yoak, if they themselves hadnot been drawn off from this Island to Manila, to resist the Chinese, who threatened to invade them there. When the Spaniards were gone, the old Sultan of Mindanao, Father to the present, in whose timeit was, razed and demolished their Forts, brought away their Guns, and sent away the Friers; and since that time will not suffer theSpaniards to settle on the Islands. 

They are now most afraid of the Dutch, being sensible how they haveinslaved many of the Neighboring Islands. For that Reason they have along time desired the English to settle among them, and have offeredthem any convenient Place to build a Fort in, as the General himselftold us; giving this Reason, that they do not find the English soincroaching as the Dutch or Spanish. The Dutch are no less jealousof their admitting the English, for they are sensible what detrimentit would be to them if the English should settle here. 

There are but few Tradesmen at the City of Mindanao. The chiefestTrades are Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, and Carpenters. There are buttwo or three Goldsmiths; these will work in Gold or Silver, and makeany thing that you desire: but they have no Shop furnished with Wareready made for Sale. Here are several Blacksmiths who work very well, considering the Tools that they work with. Their Bellows are muchdifferent from ours. They are made of a wooden Cylinder, the Trunkof a Tree, about three Foot long, bored hollow like a Pump, and setupright on the ground, on which the Fire it self is made. Near thelower end there is a small hole, in the side of the Trunk next theFire, made to receive a Pipe, through which the Wind is driven tothe Fire by a great bunch of fine Feathers fastened to one end ofthe Stick, which closing up the inside of the Cylinder, drives theAir out of the Cylinder through the Pipe: Two of these Trunks orCylinders are placed so nigh together, that a Man standing betweenthem may work them both at once alternately, one with each Hand. Theyhave neither Vice nor Anvil, but a great hard Stone or a piece of anold Gun, to hammer upon: yet they will perform their work making bothcommon Utensils and Iron-works about Ships to admiration. They workaltogether with Charcoal. Every Man almost is a Carpenter, for theycan work with the Ax and Adds. Their Ax is but small, and so made thatthey can take it out of the Helve, and by turning it make an Adds ofit. They have no Saws; but when they make Plank, they split the Treein two, and make a Plank of each part, plaining it with the Ax andAdds. This requires much pains, and takes up a great deal of time;but they work cheap, and the goodness of the Plank thus hewed, whichhath its grain preserv'd entire, makes amends for their cost and pains. 

They build good and serviceable Ships or Barks for the Sea, somefor Trade, others for Pleasure; and some Ships of War. Their tradingVessels they send chiefly to Manila. Thither they transport Bees-wax, which, I think, is the only Commodity, besides Gold that they vendthere. The Inhabitants of the City of Mindanao get a great deal ofBees-wax themselves: but the greatest quantity they purchase isof the Mountaneers, from whom they also get the Gold which theysend to Manila; and with these they buy their Calicoes, Muslins, and China Silk. They send sometimes their Barks to Borneo and otherIslands; but what they transport thither, or import from thence, Iknow not. The Dutch come hither in Sloops from Ternate and Tidore, and buy Rice, Bees-wax, and Tobacco: for there is a great deal ofTobacco grown on this Island, more than in any Island or Countryin the East-Indies, that I know of, Manila only excepted. It isan excellent sort of Tobacco; but these People have not the Art ofmanaging this Trade to their best advantage, as the Spaniards haveat Manila. I do believe the Seeds were first brought hither fromManila by the Spaniards, and even thither, in all probability, fromAmerica: the difference between the Mindanao and Manila Tobacco is, that the Mindanao Tobacco is of a darker colour; and the Leaf largerand grosser than the Manila Tobacco, being propagated or planted ina fatter Soil. The Manila Tobacco is of a bright yellow colour, of anindifferent size, not strong, but Pleasant to Smoak. The Spaniards atManila are very curious about this Tobacco, having a peculiar way ofmaking it up neatly in the Leaf. For they take two little Sticks, each about a Foot long, and flat, and placing the Stalks of theTobacco Leaves in a row, 40 or 50 of them between the two Sticks, they bind them hard together, so that the Leaves hang danglingdown. One of these bundles is sold for a Rial at Fort St. George:but you may have 10 or 12 pound of Tobacco at Mindanao for a Rial:and the Tobacco is as good, or rather better than the Manila Tobacco, but they have not that vent for it as the Spaniards have. 

The Mindanao People are much troubled with a sort of Leprosie, thesame as we observed at Guam. This Distemper runs with a dry Scurf allover their Bodies, and causeth great itching in those that have it, making them frequently scratch and scrub themselves, which raiseth theouter skin in small whitish flakes, like the scales of little Fish, when they are raised on end with a knife. This makes their skinextraordinary rough, and in some you shall see broad white spotsin several parts of their Body. I judge such have had it, but arecured; for their skins were smooth, and I did not perceive them toscrub themselves: yet I have learnt from their own mouths that thesespots were from this Distemper. Whether they use any means to curethemselves, or whether it goes away of it self, I know not: but I didnot perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did neverrefrain any Company for it; none of our People caught it of them, for we were afraid of it, and kept off. They are sometimes troubledwith the Small Pox, but their ordinary Distempers are Fevers, Agues, Fluxes, with great pains, and gripings in their Guts. The Countryaffords a great many Drugs and Medicinal Herbs, whose Virtues arenot unknown to some of them that pretend to cure the Sick. 

The Mindanao Men have many Wives: but what Ceremonies are used whenthey Marry I know not. There is commonly a great Feast made by theBridegroom to entertain his Friends, and the most part of the Nightis spent in Mirth. 

The Sultan is absolute in his Power over all his Subjects. He is buta poor Prince; for as I mentioned before, they have but little Trade, and therefore cannot be rich. If the Sultan understands that any Manhas Money, if it be but 20 Dollars, which is a great matter among them, he will send to borrow so much Money, pretending urgent occasions forit; and they dare not deny him. Sometimes he will send to sell onething or another that he hath to dispose of, to such whom he knowsto have Money, and they must buy it, and give him his price; and ifafterwards he hath occasion for the same thing, he must have it ifhe sends for it. He is but a little Man, between 50 or 60 Years old, and by relation very good natured, but over-ruled by those abouthim. [5] He has a Queen, and keeps about 29 Women, or Wives more, in whose company he spends most of his time. He has one Daughter byhis Sultaness or Queen, and a great many Sons and Daughters by therest. These walk about the Streets, and would be always begging thingsof us; but it is reported that the young Princess is kept in a Room, and never stirs out, and that she did never see any Man but her Fatherand Raja Laut her Uncle, being then about Fourteen Years Old. 

When the Sultan visits his Friends, he is carried in a small Couch onfour Mens shoulders, with eight or ten armed Men to guard him; buthe never goes far this way; for the Country is very Woody, and theyhave but little Paths, which render it the less commodious. When hetakes his pleasure by Water, he carries some of his Wives along withhim. The Proes that are built for this purpose, are large enough toentertain 50 or 60 Persons or more. The Hull is neatly built, witha round Head and Stern, and over the Hull there is a small slightHouse built with Bamboes; the sides are made up with split Bamboes, about four Foot high, with little Windows in them of the same, to openand shut at their pleasure. The roof is almost flat, neatly thatchedwith Palmeto Leaves. This House is divided into two or three smallPartitions or Chambers, one particularly for himself. This is neatlyMatted underneath, and round the sides; and there is a Carpet andPillows for him to sleep on. The second Room is for his Women, muchlike the former. The third is for the Servants, who tend them withTobacco and Betel-Nut; for they are always chewing or smoking. Thefore and after-parts of the Vessel are for the Marriners to sit andRow. Besides this, they have Outlayers, such as those I described atGuam; only the Boats and Outlayers here are larger. These Boats aremore round, like the Half-Moon almost; and the Bamboes or Outlayersthat reach from the Boat are also crooked. Besides, the Boat is notflat on one side here, as at Guam; but hath a Belly and Outlayerson each side: and whereas at Guam there is a little Boat fasten'd tothe Outlayers, that lies in the Water; the Beams or Bamboes here arefasten'd traverse-wise to the Outlayers on each side, and touch notthe Water like Boats, but 1, 3 or 4 Foot above the Water, and serve forthe Barge Men to sit and Row and paddle on; the inside of the Vessel, except only just afore and abaft, being taken up with the apartmentsfor the Passengers. There run a-cross the Outlayers two tire of Beamsfor the Padlers to sit on, on each side the Vessel. The lower tireof these Beams is not above a Foot from the Water: so that upon anythe least reeling of the Vessel, the Beams are dipt in the Water, and the Men that sit are wet up to their Waste: their Feet seldomescaping the Water. And thus as all our Vessels are Rowed from within, these are Paddled from without. 

The Sultan hath a Brother called Raja Laut, a brave Man. He is thesecond Man in the Kingdom. All Strangers that come hither to Trademust make their Address to him, for all Sea Affairs belong to him. HeLicenceth Strangers to Import or Export any Commodity, and 'tis byhis Permission that the Natives themselves are suffered to Trade:Nay the very Fishermen must [t]ake a Permit from him: So that there isno Man can come into the River or go out but by his leave. He is twoor three Years younger than the Sultan, and a little Man like him. Hehas eight Women, by some of whom he hath Issue. He hath only one Son, about twelve or fourteen Years old, who was Circumcised while we werethere. His Eldest Son died a little before we came hither, for whomhe was still in great heaviness. If he had lived a little longer heshould have Married the young Princess, but whether this second Sonmust have her I know not, for I did never hear any Discourse aboutit. Raja Laut is a very sharp Man; he speaks and writes Spanish, whichhe learned in his Youth. He has by often conversing with Strangers, got a great sight into the Customs of other Nations, and by SpanishBooks has some knowledge of Europe. He is General of the Mindanayans, and is accounted an expert Soldier and a very stout Man; and theWomen in their Dances, Sing many Songs in his praise. 

The Sultan of Mindanao sometimes makes War with his Neighbors theMountaneers or Alfoores. Their Weapons are Swords, Lances and someHand-Cressets. The Cresset [6] is a small thing like a Baggonet, whichthey always wear in War or Peace, at Work or Play, from the greatestof them to the poorest, or the meanest Persons. They do never meeteach other so as to have a pitcht Battle, but they build small Worksor Forts of Timber, wherein they plant little Guns, and lie in sightof each other 2 or 3 Months, skirmishing every Day in small Parties, and sometimes surprizing a Brestwork; and whatever side is like to beworsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they selltheir lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any quarter given, but the Conqueror cuts and hacks his Enemies to pieces. 

The Religion of these People is Mahometanism, Friday is their Sabbath;but I did never see any difference that they make between this Dayand any other Day, only the Sultan himself goes then to the Mosquetwice. Raja Laut never goes to the Mosque, but Prays at certainHours, Eight or Ten times in a Day; where-ever he is, he is verypunctual to his Canonical Hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore, on purpose to Pray. For no Business nor Company hinders him from thisDuty. Whether he is at home or abroad, in a House or in the Field, he leaves all his Company, and goes about 100 Yards off, and therekneels down to his Devotion. He first kisses the Ground, then praysaloud, and divers times in his Prayers he kisses the Ground, and doesthe same when he leaves off. His Servants, and his Wives and Childrentalk and sing, or play how they please all the time, but himself isvery serious. The meaner sort of People have little Devotion: I didnever see any of them at their Prayers, or go into a Mosque. 

In the Sultan's Mosque there is a great Drum with but one Head calleda Gong; which is instead of a Clock. This Gong is beaten at 12 a Clock, at 3, 6, and 9; a Man being appointed for that Service. He has a Stickas big as a Man's Arm, with a great knob at the end, bigger than aMan's Fist, made with Cotton, bound fast with small Cords: with thishe strikes the Gong as hard as he can, about 20 strokes; beginning tostrike leisurely the first 5 or 6 strokes; then he strikes faster, andat last strikes as fast as he can; and then he strikes again slowerand slower so many strokes: thus he rises and falls three times, and then leaves off till three Hours after. This is done Night and Day. 

They circumcise the Males at 11 or 12 Years of Age, or older; and manyare circumcised at once. This Ceremony is performed with a great dealof Solemnity. There had been no Circumcision for some Years beforeour being here; and then there was one for Raja Laut's Son. Theychuse to have a general Circumcision when the Sultan, or General, or some other great Person hath a Son fit to be Circumcised; forwith him a great many more are Circumcised. There is notice givenabout 8 or 10 Days before for all Men to appear in Arms, and greatpreparation is made against the solemn Day. In the Morning before theBoys are Circumcised, Presents are sent to the Father of the Child, that keeps the Feast; which, as I said before, is either the Sultan, or some great Person: and about 10 or 11 a Clock the Mahometan Priestdoes his Office. He takes hold of the fore-skin with two Sticks, and with a pair of Scissors snips it off. After this most of theMen, both in City and Country being in Arms before the House, beginto act as if they were ingaged with an Enemy, having such Arms as Idescribed. Only one acts at a time, the rest make a great Ring of 2or 300 Yards round about him. He that is to exercise comes into theRing with a great shriek or two, and a horrid look; then he fetchestwo or three large stately strides, and falls to work. He holds hisbroad Sword in one Hand, and his Lance in the other, and traverseshis Ground, leaping from one side of the Ring to the other; and ina menacing posture and look, bids defiance to the Enemy, whom hisFancy frames to him; for there is nothing but Air to oppose him. Thenhe stamps and shakes his Head, and grinning with his Teeth, makesmany ruful Faces. Then he throws his Lance, and nimbly snatches outhis Cresset, with which he hacks and hews the Air like a Mad-man, often shrieking. At last, being almost tired with motion, he fliesto the middle of the Ring, where he seems to have his Enemy at hisMercy, and with two or three blows cuts on the Ground as if he wascutting off his Enemy's Head. By this time he is all of a Sweat, andwithdraws triumphantly out of the Ring, and presently another enterswith the like shrieks and gesture. Thus they continue combating theirimaginary Enemy all the rest of the Day: towards the conclusion ofwhich the richest Men act, and at last the General, and then the Sultanconcludes this Ceremony: He and the General with some other great Men, are in Armor, but the rest have none. After this the Sultan returnshome, accompanied with abundance of People who wait on him there tillthey are dismist. But at the time when we were there, there was anafter-game to be played; for the General's Son being then Circumcised, the Sultan intended to give him a second visit in the Night, so theyall waited to attend him thither. The General also provided to meethim in the best manner, and therefore desired Captain Swan with hisMen to attend him. Accordingly Captain Swan ordered us to get ourGuns, and wait at the General's House till further Orders. So about40 of us waited till Eight a Clock in the Evening. When the Generalwith Captain Swan, and about 1000 Men, went to meet the Sultan, withabundance of Torches that made it as light as Day. The manner of themarch was thus: First of all there was a Pageant, and upon it twodancing Women gorgeously apparelled, with Coronets on their Heads, full of glittering Spangles, and Pendants of the same, hanging downover their Breast and Shoulders. These are Women bred up purposely fordancing: Their Feet and Legs are but little imployed, except sometimesto turn round very gently; but their Hands, Arms, Head and Body are incontinual motion, especially their Arms, which they turn and twist sostrangely, that you would think them to be made without Bones. Besidesthe two dancing Women, there were two old Women in the Pageant, holdingeach a lighted Torch in their Hands, close by the two dancing Women, by which light the glittering Spangles appeared very gloriously. ThisPageant was carried by six lusty Men: Then came six or seven Torches, lighting the General and Captain Swan, who marched side by side next, and we that attended Captain Swan followed close after, marching inorder six and six abreast, with each Man his Gun on his Shoulder, and Torches on each side. After us came twelve of the General's Menwith old Spanish Match-locks, marching four in a row. After them aboutforty Lances, and behind them as many with great Swords, marching allin order. After them came abundance only with Cressets by their sides, who marched up close without any order. When we came near the Sultan'sHouse, the Sultan and his Men met us, and we wheel'd off to let thempass. The Sultan had three Pageants [that] went before him: In thefirst Pageant were four of his Sons, who were about 10 or 11 Yearsold. They had gotten abundance of small Stones, which they roguishlythrew about on the People's Heads. In the next were four young Maidens, nieces to the Sultan, being his Sisters Daughters; and in the 3d, there were three of the Sultan's Children, not above six Yearsold. The Sultan himself followed next, being carried in his Couch, which was not like your Indian Palankins, but open, and very littleand ordinary. A multitude of People came after, without any order:but as soon as he was past by, the General, and Captain Swan, and allour Men, closed in just behind the Sultan, and so all marched togetherto the General's House. We came thither between 10 and 11 a Clock, where the biggest part of the Company were immediately dismist; butthe Sultan and his Children, and his Nieces, and some other Personsof Quality, entred the General's House. They were met at the Head ofthe Stairs by the General's Women, who with a great deal of Respectconducted them into the House. Captain Swan, and we that were withhim followed after. It was not long before the General caused hisdancing Women to enter the Room, and divert the Company with thatpastime. I had forgot to tell you that they have none but vocalMusick here, by what I could learn, except only a row of a kind ofBells without Clappers, 16 in number, and their weight increasinggradually from about three to ten pound weight. These were set in arow on a Table in the General's House, where for seven or eight Daystogether before the Circumcision day, they were struck each with alittle Stick, for the biggest part of the Day making a great noise, and they ceased that Morning. So these dancing Women sung themselves, and danced to their own Musick. After this the General's Women, andthe Sultan's Sons, and his Nieces danced. Two of the Sultan's Nieceswere about 18 or 19 Years Old, the other two were three or four YearsYounger. These Young Ladies were very richly drest, with loose garmentsof Silk, and small Coronets on their Heads. They were much fairerthan any Women that I did ever see there, and very well featured;and their Noses, tho' but small, yet higher than the other Womens, and very well proportioned. When the Ladies had very well divertedthemselves and the Company with dancing, the General caused us to firesome Sky-rockets, that were made by his and Captain Swan's Order, purposely for this Nights Solemnity; and after that the Sultan andhis retinue went away with a few Attendants, and we all broke up, and thus ended this Days Solemnity: but the Boys being sore withtheir Amputation, went straddling for a fortnight after. 

They are not, as I said before, very curious or strict in observingany Days, or Times of particular Devotions, except it be Ramdam [i. E. , Ramadan] time, as we call it. The Ramdam time was then in August, as I take it, for it was shortly after our arrival here. In thistime they Fast all Day and about seven a Clock in the Evening, theyspend near an Hour in Prayer. Towards the latter end of their Prayer, they loudly invoke their Prophet, for about a quarter of an Hour, both old and young bawling out very strangely, as if they intendedto fright him out of his sleepiness or neglect of them. After theirPrayer is ended, they spend some time in Feasting before they taketheir repose. Thus they do every Day for a whole Month at least;for sometimes 'tis two or three Days longer before the Ramdam ends:For it begins at the New Moon, and lasts till they see the next NewMoon, which sometimes in thick hazy Weather is not till three or fourDays after the Change, as it happen'd while I was at Achin, wherethey continued the Ramdam till the New Moon's appearance. The nextDay after they have seen the New Moon, the Guns are all dischargedabout Noon, and then the time ends. 

A main part of their Religion consists in washing often, to keepthemselves from being defiled; or after they are defiled to cleansethemselves again. They also take great care to keep themselves frombeing polluted, by tasting or touching any thing that is accountedUnclean; therefore Swines Flesh is very abominable to them; nay, any one that hath either tasted of Swines flesh, or touched thoseCreatures, is not permitted to come into their Houses in many Daysafter, and there is nothing will scare them more than a Swine. Yetthere are wild Hogs in the Islands, and those so plentiful, that theywill come in troops out of the Woods in the Night into the very City, and come under their Houses, to romage up and down the Filth that theyfind there. The Natives therefore would even desire to lie in waitfor the Hogs, to destroy them, which we did frequently, by shootingthem and carrying them presently on board, but were prohibited theirHouses afterwards. 

And now I am on this Subject, I cannot omit a Story concerning theGeneral. He once desired to have a pair of Shoes made after theEnglish Fashion, tho' he did very seldom wear any: So one [of] ourMen made him a Pair, which the General liked very well. Afterwardssome Body told him, That the Thread wherewith the Shoes were sowed, were pointed with Hogs-bristles. This put him into a great Passion;so he sent the Shoes to the Man that made them, and sent him withalmore Leather to make another Pair, with Threads pointed with someother Hair, which was immediately done, and then he was well pleased. 

CHAP. XIII

 Their coasting along the Isle of Mindanao, from a Bay on the East-side to another, at the S. E. End. Tornadoes and boisterous Weather. The S. E. Coast, and its Savannah and plenty of Deer. They coast along the South-side to the River of Mindanao City, and anchor there. The Sultan's Brother and Son come aboard them, and invite them to settle there. Of the Feasibleness and probable Advantage of such a Settlement, from the neighboring Gold and Spice Islands. Of the best way to Mindanao by the South Sea and Terra Australis; and of an accidental Discovery there by Captain Davis, and a probability of a greater. The Capacity they were in to settle here. The Mindanayans measure their Ship. Captain Swan's Present to the Sultan: his Reception of it, and Audience given to Captain Swan, with Raja Laut, the Sultans Brother's Entertainment of him. The Contents of two English Letters shewn them by the Sultan of Mindanao. Of the Commodities, and the Punishments there. The General's Caution how to demean themselves: at his Persuasion they lay up their Ships in the River. The Mindanaians Caresses. The great Rains and Floods at the City. The Mindanaians have Chinese Accomptants. How their Women dance. A Story of one John Thacker. Their Bark eaten up, and their Ship endangered by the Worm. Of the Worms here and elsewhere. Of Captain Swan. Raja Laut, the General's Deceitfulness. Hunting wild Kine. The Prodigality of some of the English. Captain Swan treats with a Young Indian of a Spice-Island. A Hunting Voyage with the General. His punishing a Servant of his. Of his Wives and Women. A sort of strong Rice-drink. The General's foul Dealing and Exactions. Captain Swan's Uneasiness and indiscreet Management. His Men Mutiny. Of a Snake twisting about on their Necks. The main part of the Crew go away with the Ship, leaving Captain Swan and some of his Men: Several others poisoned there. 

Having in the two last Chapters given some Account of the Natural, Civil, and Religious State of Mindanao, I shall now go on with theprosecution of our Affairs during our stay there. 

'Twas in a Bay on the N. East-side of the Island that we came to anAnchor, as hath been said. We lay in this Bay but one Night, and partof the next Day. Yet there we got Speech with some of the Natives, who by signs made us to understand, that the City Mindanao was onthe West-side of the Island. We endeavored to persuade one of them, to go with us to be our Pilot, but he would not: Therefore in theAfternoon we loosed from hence, steering again to the South East, having the Wind at S. W. When we came to the S. E. End of the IslandMindanao, we saw two small Islands [7] about three Leagues distantfrom it. We might have passed between them and the main Island, as we learnt since, but not knowing them, nor what dangers we mightencounter there, we chose rather to Sail to the Eastward of them. Butmeeting very strong Westerly Winds, we got nothing forward in manyDays. In this time we first saw the Islands Meangis, [8] which areabout 16 Leagues distant from the Mindanao, bearing S. E. I shall haveoccasion to speak more of them hereafter. 

The 4th Day of July we got into a deep Bay, four Leagues N. W. Fromthe two small Islands before mentioned. But the Night before, in aviolent Tornado, our Bark being unable to beat any longer, bore away, which put us in some pain for fear she was overset, as we had like tohave been our selves. We anchored on the South West side of the Bay, in fifteen fathom Water, about a Cables length from the shore. Here wewere forced to shelter our selves from the violence of the Weather, which was so boisterous with Rains, and Tornadoes, and a strongWesterly Wind, that we were very glad to find this place to Anchor in, being the only shelter on this side from the West Winds. 

This Bay is not above two Mile wide at the Mouth, but farther in itis three Leagues wide, and seven fathom deep, running in N. N. W. Thereis a good depth of Water about four or five Leagues in, but Rockyfoul Ground for about two Leagues in, from the Mouth on both sides ofthe Bay, except only in that place where we lay. About three Leaguesin from the mouth, on the Eastern side, there are fair sandy Bays, and very good anchoring in four, five, and six fathom. The Land onthe East side is high, Mountainous, and Woody, yet very well wateredwith small Brooks, and there is one River large enough for Canoesto enter. On the West side of the Bay, the Land is of a mean heightwith a large Savannah, bordering on the Sea, and stretching from themouth of the Bay, a great way to the Westward. 

This Savannah abounds with long Grass, and it is plentifully stock'dwith Deer. The adjacent Woods are a covert for them in the heat ofthe Day: but Mornings and Evenings they feed in the open Plains, asthick as in our Parks in England. I never saw any where such plentyof wild Deer, tho' I have met with them in several parts of America, both in the North and South Seas. 

The Deer live here pretty peaceably and unmolested, for there are noInhabitants on that side of the Bay. We visited this Savannah everyMorning, and killed as many Deer as we pleased, sometimes 16 or 18 ina Day; and we did eat nothing but Venison all the time we staid here. 

We saw a great many Plantations by the sides of the Mountains, onthe East side of the Bay, and we went to one of them, in hopes tolearn of the Inhabitants whereabouts the City was, that we might notover-sail it in the Night; but they fled from us. 

We lay here till the 12th Day before the Winds abated of their fury, and then we sailed from hence, directing our course to the Westward. Inthe Morning we had a Land Wind at North. At 11 a Clock the Sea breezecame at West, just in our Teeth, but it being fair Weather, we kepton our way, turning and taking the advantage of the Land breezes byNight, and the Sea breezes by Day. 

Being now past the S. E. Part of the Island, we coasted down on theSouth side, and we saw abundance of Canoas a fishing, and now andthen a small Village. Neither were these Inhabitants afraid of us(as the former) but came aboard; yet we could not understand them, nor they us, but by signs: and when we mentioned the word Mindanao, they would point towards it. 

The 18th Day of July we arrived before the River of Mindanao; themouth of which lies in lat. 6 d. 22 m. N. And is laid in 231 d. 12m. Longitude West, from the Lizard in England [9]. We anchored rightagainst the River in 15 fathom Water, clear hard Sand; about 2 Milesfrom the shore, and 3 or 4 Miles from a small Island, that lay withoutus to the Southward. We fired 7 or 9 Guns, I remember not well which, and were answered again with 3 from the shore; for which we gave oneagain. Immediately after our coming to an Anchor Raja Laut, and one ofthe Sultan's Sons came off in a Canoa, being rowed with 10 Oars, anddemanded in Spanish what we were? and from whence we came? Mr. Smith(he who was taken Prisoner at Leon in Mexico) answered in the sameLanguage, that we were English, and that we had been a great whileout of England. They told us that we were welcome, and asked usa great many questions about England; especially concerning ourEast India Merchants; and whether we were sent by them to settle aFactory here? Mr. Smith told them that we came hither only to buyProvision. They seemed a little discontented when they understoodthat we were not come to settle among them: for they had heard ofour arrival on the East-side of the Island a great while before, and entertained hopes that we were sent purposely out of Englandhither to settle a Trade with them; which it would seem they are verydesirous of. For Capt. Goodlud had been here not long before to treatwith them about it; and when he went away told them (as they said)that in a short time they might expect an Ambassador from England, to make a full bargain with them. 

Indeed upon mature thoughts, I should think we could not have donebetter, than to have complied with the desire they seemed to have ofour settling here; and to have taken up our quarters among them. For asthereby we might better have consulted our own profit and satisfaction, than by the other loose roving way of life; so it might probablyhave proved of publick benefit to our Nation, and been a means ofintroducing an English Settlement and Trade, not only here, butthrough several of the Spice-Islands, which lie in its neighborhood. 

For the Islands Meangis, which I mentioned in the beginning of thisChapter, lye within twenty Leagues of Mindanao. These are three smallIslands that abound with Gold and Cloves, if I may credit my AuthorPrince Jeoly, [10] who was born on one of them, and was at that time aSlave in the City of Mindanao. He might have been purchased by us ofhis Master for a small matter, as he was afte[r]wards by Mr. Moody, (who came hither to trade, and laded a Ship with Clove-Bark) andby transporting him home to his own Country, we might have gotten aTrade there. But of Prince Jeoly I shall speak more hereafter. TheseIslands are as yet probably unknown to the Dutch, who as I said before, indeavor to ingross all the Spice into their own Hands. 

There was another opportunity offered us here of settling on anotherSpice-Island that was very well inhabited: for the Inhabitantsfearing the Dutch, and understanding that the English were settlingat Mindanao, their Sultan sent his Nephew to Mindanao while we werethere to invite us thither: Captain Swan conferr'd with him about itdivers times, and I do believe he had some Inclination to accept theoffer; and I am sure most of the Men were for it: but this never cameto a head, for want of a true understanding between Captain Swan andhis Men, as may be declared hereafter. 

Beside the benefit that might accrue from this Trade with Meangis, and other the Spice Islands, the Philippine Islands themselves, by alittle care and industry, might have afforded us a very beneficialTrade, and all these Trades might have been managed from Mindanao, by settling there first. For that Island lyeth very convenient forTrading either to the Spice-Islands, or to the rest of the PhilippineIslands: since as its Soil is much of the same nature with either ofthem, so it lies as it were in the Center of the Gold and Spice Tradein these parts; the Islands North of Mindanao abounding most in Gold, and those South of Meangis in Spice. 

As the Island Mindanao lies very convenient for Trade, so consideringits distance, the way thither may not be over-long and tiresome. TheCourse that I would choose should be to set out of England aboutthe latter end of August, and to pass round Terra del Fuego, andso stretching over towards New Holland, coast it along that Shoretill I came near to Mindanao; or first I would coast down near theAmerican Shore, as far as I found convenient, and then direct my Courseaccordingly for the Island. By this I should avoid coming near any ofthe Dutch Settlements, and be sure to meet always with a constant briskEasterly Trade Wind, after I was once past Terra del Fuego. Whereasin passing about the Cape of Good Hope, after you are shot over theEast-Indian Ocean, and are come to the Islands, you must pass throughthe Streights of Malacca or Sundy, or else some other Streights Eastfrom Java, where you will be sure to meet with Country [i. E. , contrary]-winds, go on which side of the Equator you please; and this wouldrequire ordinarily 7 or 8 Months for the Voyage, but the other I shouldhope to perform in 6 or 7 at most. In your return from thence also youmust observe the same Rule as the Spaniards do in going from Manila toAcapulco; [11] only as they run towards the North-Pole for variableWinds, so you must run to the Southward, till you meet with a Windthat will carry you over to Terra del Fuego. There are places enoughto touch at for Refreshment, either going or coming. You may touchgoing thither on either side of Terra Patagonica, or, if you please, at the Gallapagoes Islands, [12] where there is Refreshment enough;and returning you may probably touch somewhere on New Holland, andso make some profitable discovery in these Places without going outof your way. And to speak my Thoughts freely, I believe 'tis owingto the neglect of this easie way that all that vast Tract of TerraAustralis which bounds the South Sea is yet undiscovered: those thatcross that Sea seeming to design some Business on the Peruvian orMexican Coast, and so leaving that at a distance. To confirm which, I shall add what Captain Davis [13] told me lately, That after hisdeparture from us at the Haven of Ria Lexa [14] (as is mentioned inthe 8th Chap. ) he went after several Traverses, to the Gallapagoesand that standing thus Southward for Wind, to bring him about Terradel Fuego, in the Lat. Of 27 South, about 500 Leagues from Copayapo, [15] on the Coast of Chili, he saw a small sandy Island just by him;and that they saw to the Westward of it a long Tract of pretty highLand, tending away toward the North West out of sight. This mightprobably be the Coast of Terra Australis Incognita. 

But to return to Mindanao; as to the capacity we were then in, ofsettling our selves at Mindanao, although we were not sent out ofany such design of settling, yet we were as well provided, or better, considering all Circumstances, than if we had. For there was scarce anyuseful Trade, but some or other of us understood it. We had Sawyers, Carpenters, Joyners, Brickmakers, Bricklayers, Shoemakers, Taylors, &c. We only wanted a good Smith for great Work; which we might havehad at Mindanao. We were very well provided with Iron, Lead, and allsorts of Tools, as Saws, Axes, Hammers, &c. We had powder and Shotenough, and very good small Arms. If we had designed to build a Fort, we could have spared 8 or 10 Guns out of our Ship, and Men enough tohave managed it, and any Affair of Trade beside. We had also a greatAdvantage above raw Men that are sent out of England into these places, who proceed usually too cautiously, coldly and formally, to compassany considerable design, which Experience better teaches than anyRules whatsoever; besides the danger of their Lives in so great andsudden a change of Air: whereas we were all inured to hot Climates, hardened by many Fatigues, and, in general, daring Men, and suchas would not be easily baffled. To add one thing more, our Men werealmost tired, and began to desire a quietus est; and therefore theywould gladly have seated themselves any where. We had a good Shiptoo, and enough of us (beside what might have been spared to manageour new Settlement) to bring the News with the Effects to the Ownersin England: for Captain Swan had already 5000 l. In Gold, which heand his Merchants received for Goods sold mostly to Captain Harris[16] and his Men: which if he had laid but part of it out in Spice, as probably he might have done, would have satisfy'd the Merchantsto their Hearts content. So much by way of digression. 

To proceed therefore with our first Reception at Mindanao, RajaLaut and his Nephew sat still in their Canoa, and would not comeaboard us; because, as they said, they had no Orders for it from theSultan. After about half an Hour's Discourse, they took their leaves, first inviting Captain Swan ashore, and promising him to assist himin getting Provision; which they said at present was scarce, but inthree or four Month's time the Rice would be gathered in, and then hemight have as much as he pleased: and that in the mean time he mightsecure his Ship in some convenient place, for fear of the Westerlywinds, which they said would be very violent at the latter end ofthis Month, and all the next, as we found them. 

We did not know the quality of these two Persons till after theywere gone; else we should have fir'd some Guns at their Departure:When they were gone, a certain Officer under the Sultan came aboardand measured our Ship. A custom derived from the Chinese, who alwaysmeasure the length and breadth, and the depth of the Hold of all Shipsthat come to load there; by which means they know how much each Shipwill carry. But for what reason this Custom is used either by theChinese, or Mindanao Men, I could never learn; unless the Mindanaiansdesign by this means to improve their skill in Shipping, against theyhave a Trade. 

Captain Swan, considering that the Season of the Year would obligeus to spend some time at this Island, thought it convenient tomake what interest he could with the Sultan; who might afterwardseither obstruct, or advance his designs. He therefore immediatelyprovided a Present to send ashore to the Sultan, viz. 3 Yards ofScarlet Cloth, 3 Yards of broad Gold Lace, a Turkish Scimiter and aPair of Pistols: and to Raja Laut he sent 3 Yards of Scarlet Cloth, and 3 Yards of Silver Lace. This Present was carried by Mr. HenryMore in the Evening. He was first conducted to Raja Laut's House;where he remained till report thereof was made to the Sultan, whoimmediately gave order for all things to be made ready to receive him. 

About Nine a Clock at Night, a Messenger came from the Sultan to bringthe Present away. Then Mr. More was conducted all the way with Torchesand armed Men, till he came to the House where the Sultan was. TheSultan with eight or ten Men of his Council were seated on Carpets, waiting his coming. The Present that Mr. More brought was laid downbefore them, and was very kindly accepted by the Sultan, who causedMr. More to sit down by them, and asked a great many questions ofhim. The discourse was in Spanish by an Interpreter. This Conferencelasted about an Hour, and then he was dismist, and returned againto Raja Laut's House. There was a Supper provided for him, and theBoats Crew; after which he returned aboard. 

The next Day the Sultan sent for Capt. Swan: He immediately wentashore with a Flag flying in the Boats Head, and two Trumpets soundingall the way. When he came ashore, he was met at his Landing by twoprincipal Officers, guarded along with Soldiers, and abundance ofPeople gazing to see him. The Sultan waited for him in his Chamberof Audience, where Captain Swan was treated with Tobacco and Betel, which was all his Entertainment. 

The Sultan sent for two English Letters for Captain Swan to read, purposely to let him know, that our East-India Merchants did designto settle here, and that they had already sent a Ship hither. One ofthese Letters was sent to the Sultan from England, by the East-IndiaMerchants. The chiefest things contained in it, as I remember, for Isaw it afterwards in the Secretaries Hand, who was very proud to shewit to us, was to desire some privileges, in order to the building of aFort there. This Letter was written in a very fair Hand; and betweeneach Line, there was a Gold Line drawn. The other Letter was leftby Captain Goodlud, directed to any English Men who should happento come thither. This related wholly to Trade, giving an account, at what rate he had agreed with them for Goods of the Island, andhow European Goods should be sold to them; with an account of theirWeight and Measures, and their difference from ours. 

The rate agreed on for Mindanao Gold, was 14 Spanish Dollars, (which is a current Coin all over India) the English Ounce, and 18Dollars the Mindanao Ounce. But for Bees-wax and Clove-bark, I donot remember the rate neither do I well remember the rates of EuropeCommodities; but I think the rate of Iron was not above four Dollarsa Hundred. Captain Goodlud's Letter concluded thus, Trust none ofthem, for they are all Thieves, but Tace is Latin for a Candle. Weunderstood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was robb'd of some Goodsby one of the General's Men, and that he that robb'd him was fledinto the Mountains, and could not be found while Captain Goodlud washere. But the Fellow returning back to the City some time after ourarrival here, Raja Laut brought him bound to Captain Swan, and toldhim what he had done, desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased;but Captain Swan excused himself; and said it did not belong to him, therefore he would have nothing to do with it. However, the GeneralRaja Laut, would not pardon him, but punished him according to theirown Custom, which I did never see but at this time. 

He was stript stark naked in the Morning at Sunrising, and boundto a Post, so that he could not stir Hand nor Foot, but as he wasmov'd; and was placed with his Face Eastward against the Sun. In theAfternoon they turned his Face toward the West, that the Sun mightstill be in his Face; and thus he stood all Day, parcht in the Sun(which shines here excessively hot) and tormented with the Moskitosor Gnats: After this the General would have kill'd him, if CaptainSwan had consented to it. I did never see any put to Death; but Ibelieve they are barbarous enough in it: The General told us himselfthat he put two Men to Death in a Town where some of us were with him;but I heard not the manner of it. Their common way of punishing is tostrip them in this manner, and place them in the Sun; but sometimesthey lay them flat on their Backs on the Sand, which is very hot;where they remain a whole Day in the scorching Sun, with the Moskito'sbiting them all the time. 

This action of the General in offering Captain Swan the punishment ofthe Thief, caus'd Captain Swan afterwards to make him the same offerof his Men, when any had offended the Mindanao Men: but the Generalleft such Offenders to be punished by Captain Swan, as he thoughtconvenient. So that for the least Offence Captain Swan punished hisMen, and that in the sight of the Mindanaians; and I think sometimesonly for revenge; as he did once punish his Chief Mate Mr. Teat, he that came Captain of the Bark to Mindanao. Indeed at that timeCaptain Swan had his Men as much under command as if he had been ina King's Ship; and had he known how to use his Authority, he mighthave led them to any Settlement, and have brought them to assist himin any design he had pleased. 

Captain Swan being dismist from the Sultan, with abundance ofcivility, after about two Hours Discourse with him, went thence to RajaLaut's House. Raja Laut had then some difference with the Sultan, andtherefore he was not present at the Sultan's reception of our Captain, but waited his return, and treated him and all his Men with boiled Riceand Fowls. He then told Captain Swan again, and urged it to him, thatit would be best to get his Ship into the River as soon as he could, because of the usual tempestuous Weather at this time of the Year;and that he should want no assistance to further him in any thing. Hetold him also, that as we must of necessity stay here some time, soour Men would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warnhis Men to be careful to give no afront to the Natives; who, he said, were very revengeful. That their Customs being different from ours, hefeared that Captain Swan's Men might some time or other offend them, though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him this friendly warning, to prevent it: that his House should always be open to receive himor any of his Men, and that he knowing our Customs, would never beoffended at any thing. After a great deal of such Discourse he dismistthe Captain and his Company, who took their leave and came aboard. 

Captain Swan having seen the two Letters, did not doubt but that theEnglish did design to settle a Factory here: therefore he did not muchscruple the honesty of these People, but immediately ordered us to getthe Ship into the River. The River upon which the City of Mindanaostands is but small, and hath not above 10 or 11 Foot Water on theBar at a Spring-tide: therefore we lightened our Ship, and the Springcoming on, we with much ado got her into the River, being assisted by50 or 60 Mindanaian Fishermen, who liv'd at the Mouth of the River;Raja Laut himself being aboard our Ship to direct them. We carriedher about a quarter of a Mile up, within the Mouth of the River, and there moored her, Head and Stern in a hole, where we always rodeafloat. After this the Citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard, toinvite our Men to their Houses, and to offer us Pagallies. 'Twas a longtime since any of us had received such Friendship, and therefore wewere the more easily drawn to accept of their kindnesses; and in a veryshort time most of our Men got a Comrade or two, and as many Pagallies;especially such of us as had good Cloths, and store of Gold, as manyhad, who were of the number of those, that accompanied Captain Harrisover the Isthmus of Darien, the rest of us being Poor enough. Nay, the very Poorest and Meanest of us could hardly pass the Streets, butwe were even hal'd by Force into their Houses, to be treated by them;altho' their Treats were but mean, viz. Tobacco, or Betel-Nut, or alittle sweet spiced Water. Yet their seeming Sincerity, Simplicity, andthe manner of bestowing these Gifts, made them very acceptable. Whenwe came to their Houses, they would always be praising the English, as declaring that the English and Mindanaians were all one. This theyexprest by putting their two Fore-fingers close together, and saying, that the English and Mindanaians were samo, samo, [17] that is, allone. Then they would draw their Fore-fingers half a Foot asunder, and say the Dutch and they were Bugeto, which signifies so, that theywere at such distance in point of Friendship: And for the Spaniards, they would make a greater Representation of distance than for theDutch: Fearing these, but having felt, and smarted from the Spaniards, who had once almost brought them under. 

Captain Swan did seldom go into any House at first, but into RajaLaut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of his Men aswere ashore, and had no Money to Entertain themselves, resorted thitherabout 12 a Clock, where they had Rice enough boiled and well drest, andsome scraps of Fowls, or bits of Buffaloe, drest very nastily. CaptainSwan was served a little better, and his two trumpeters sounded allthe time that he was at Dinner. After Dinner Raja Laut would sitand Discourse with him most part of the Afternoon. It was now thatRamdam time, therefore the General excused himself, that he could notEntertain our Captain with Dances, and other Pastimes, as he intendedto do when this solemn Time was past; besides, it was the very heightof the wet Season, and therefore not so proper for Pastimes. 

We had now very tempestuous Weather, and excessive Rains, which soswell'd the River, that it overflowed its Banks; so that we had muchado to keep our Ship safe: For every now and then we should have agreat Tree come floating down the River, and sometimes lodge againstour Bows, to the endangering the breaking our Cables, and either thedriving us in, over the Banks, or carrying us out to Sea; both whichwould have been very dangerous to us, especially being without Ballast. 

The City is about a Mile long (of no great breadth) winding withthe Banks of the River on the Right Hand going up, tho' it hath manyHouses on the other side too. But at this time it seemed to stand asin a Pond, and there was no passing from one House to another but inCanoas. This tempestuous Rainy Weather happened the latter end of July, and lasted most part of August. 

When the bad Weather was a little asswaged, Captain Swan hired aHouse to put our Sails and Goods in, while we careen'd our Ship. Wehad a great deal of Iron and Lead, which was brought ashore into thisHouse. Of these Commodities Captain Swan sold to the Sultan or General, Eight or Ten Tuns, at the Rates agreed on by Captain Goodlud to bepaid in Rice. The Mindanaians are no good Accomptants; therefore theChinese that live here, do cast up their Accompts for them. After thisCaptain Swan bought Timber-trees of the General, and set some of ourMen to Saw them into Planks, to Sheath the Ship's bottom. He had twoWhip-Saws on Board, which he brought out of England, and four or fiveMen that knew the use of them, for they had been Sawyers in Jamaica. 

When the Ramdam time was over, and the dry time set in a little, the General, to oblige Captain Swan, entertained him every Night withDances. The dancing Women that are purposely bred up to it, and makeit their Trade, I have already described. But beside them, all theWomen in general are much addicted to Dancing. They Dance 40 or 50 atonce; and that standing all round in a Ring, joined Hand in Hand, andSinging and keeping time. But they never budge out of their places, nor make any motion till the Chorus is Sung; then all at once theythrow out one Leg, and bawl out aloud; and sometimes they only Claptheir Hands when the Chorus is Sung. Captain Swan, to retaliate theGeneral's Favours, sent for his Violins, and some that could DanceEnglish Dances; wherewith the General was very well pleased. Theycommonly spent the biggest part of the Night in these sort of Pastimes. 

Among the rest of our Men that did use to Dance thus before theGeneral, there was one John Thacker, who was a Seaman bred, andcould neither Write nor Read; but had formerly learnt to Dance inthe Musick-Houses about Wapping: This Man came into the South Seaswith Captain Harris, and getting with him a good quantity of Gold, and being a pretty good Husband of his Share, had still had someleft, besides what he laid out in a very good Suit of Cloaths. TheGeneral supposed by his Garb and his Dancing, that he had been ofnoble Extraction; and to be satisfy'd of his Quality, asked of ourMen, if he did not guess aright of him? The Man of whom the Generalasked this Question told him, he was much in the right; and thatmost of our Ship's Company were of the like Extraction; especiallyall those that had fine Cloaths; and that they came aboard only tosee the World, having Money enough to bear their expences where-everthey came; but that for the rest, those that had but mean Clothes, they were only common Seamen. After this, the General shew'd a greatdeal of Respect to all that had good Clothes, but especially to JohnThacker, till Captain Swan came to know the Business, and marr'd all;undeceiving the General, and drubbing the Noble-Man: For he was somuch incensed against John Thacker, that he could never indure himafterwards; tho' the poor Fellow knew nothing of the Matter. 

About the middle of November we began to work on our Ship's bottom, which we found very much eaten with the Worm: For this is a horridplace for Worms. We did not know this till after we had been inthe River a Month; and then we found our Canoas bottoms eaten likeHoney-combs; our Bark, which was a single bottom, was eaten thro';so that she could not swim. But our Ship was sheathed, and the Wormcame no farther than the Hair between the sheathing Plank, and themain Plank. We did not mistrust the General's Knavery till now: forwhen he came down to our Ship, and found us ripping off the sheathingPlank, and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his Head, andseemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a Ship with twobottoms before. We were told that in this place, where we now lay, a Dutch Ship was eaten up in two months time, and the General had allher Guns; and it is probable he did expect to have had Ours: Which Ido believe was the main Reason that made him so forward in assistingus to get our Ship into the River, for when we went out again we hadno Assistance from him. We had no Worms till we came to this place:For when we Careen'd at the Marias, the Worm had not touch'd us; nor atGuam, for there we scrubb'd; nor after we came to the Island Mindanao;for at the S. E. End of the Island we heel'd and scrubb'd also. TheMindanaians are so sensible of their destructive Insects, that wheneverthey come from Sea, they immediately hale their Ship into a dry Dock, and burn her bottom, and there let her lye dry till they are readyto get to Sea again. The Canoas or Proes they hale up dry, and neversuffer them to be long in the Water. It is reported that those Wormswhich get into a Ships bottom in the salt Water, will die in thefresh Water; and that the fresh Water Worms will die in Salt Water:but in brackish Water both sorts will increase prodigiously. Now thisplace where we lay was sometimes brackish Water, yet commonly fresh;but what sort of Worm this was I know not. Some Men are of Opinion, that these Worms breed in the Plank; but I am perswaded they breedin the Sea: For I have seen Millions of them swimming in the Water, particularly in the Bay of Panama; for there Captain Davis, CaptainSwan and my self, and most of our Men, did take notice of them diverstimes, which was the reason of our Cleaning so often while we werethere: and these were the largest Worms that I did ever see. I havealso seen them in Virginia, and in the Bay of Campeachy; in thelatter of which places the Worms eat prodigiously. They are alwaysin Bays, Creeks, Mouths of Rivers, and such places as are near theshore; being never found far out at Sea, that I could ever learn:yet a Ship will bring them lodg'd in its Plank for a great way. 

Having thus ript off all our Worm-eaten Plank, and clapt on new, bythe beginning of December 1686, our Ships bottom was sheathed andtallowed, and the 10th Day went over the Bar, and took aboard theIron and Lead that we could not sell, and began to fill our Water, and fetch aboard Rice for our Voyage: But C. Swan remain'd ashorestill, and was not yet determin'd when to sail, or whither. But Iam well assured that he did never intend to Cruise about Manila, ashis Crew designed; for I did once ask him, and he told me, That whathe had already done of that kind he was forc'd to; but now being atLiberty, he would never more Engage in any such Design: For, said he, there is no Prince on Earth is able to wipe off the Stain of suchActions. What other Designs he had I know not, for he was commonlyvery Cross; yet he did never propose doing any thing else, but onlyordered the Provision to be got Aboard in order to Sail; and I amconfident if he had made a motion to go to any English Factory, mostof his Men would have consented to it, tho' probably some would havestill opposed it. How ever, his Authority might soon have over-sway'dthose that were Refractory; for it was very strange to see the Awethat these Men were in of him, for he punished the most stubborn anddaring of his Men. Yet when we had brought the Ship out into the Road, they were not altogether so submissive, as while it lay in the River, tho' even then it was that he punished Captain Teat. 

I was at that time a Hunting with the General for Beef, which hehad a long time promised us. But now I saw that there was no Creditto be given to his Word; for I was a Week out with him and saw butfour Cows, which were so wild, that we did not get one. There werefive or six more of our Company with me; these who were young Men, and had Dalilahs there, which made them fond of the Place, all agreedwith the General to tell Captain Swan, that there were Beeves enough, only they were wild. But I told him the Truth, and advised him notto be too credulous of the General's Promises. He seemed to be veryangry, and stormed behind the General's Back, but in his Presencewas very mute, being a Man of small Courage. 

It was about the 20th Day of December when we returned from Hunting, and the General designed to go again to another place to Hunt for Beef;but he stayed till after Christmas-day, because some of us designedto go with him; and Captain Swan had desired all his Men to be aboardthat Day, that we might keep it solemnly together: And accordinglyhe sent aboard a Buffaloe the Day before, that we might have a goodDinner. So the 25th Day about 10 a Clock, Captain Swan came aboard, and all his Men who were ashore: For you must understand that neara third of our Men lived constantly ashore, with their Comrades andPagallies, and some with Women servants, whom they hired of theirMasters for Concubines. Some of our Men also had Houses, whichthey hired or bought, for Houses are very cheap, for five or sixDollars. For many of them having more Money than they knew what to dowith, eased themselves here of the trouble of telling it, spending itvery lavishly, their prodigality making the People impose upon them, to the making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought, andto the endangering the like impositions upon such Englishmen as maycome here hereafter. For the Mindanaians knew how to get our SquiresGold from them (for we had no Silver, ) and when our Men wanted Silver, they would change now and then an Ounce of Gold, and could get forit no more than 10 or 11 Dollars for a Mindanao Ounce, which theywould not part with again under 18 Dollars. Yet this, and the greatprices the Mindanaians set on their Goods, were not the only way tolessen their stocks; for their Pagallies and Comrades would often bebegging somewhat of them, and our Men were generous enough, and wouldbestow half an Ounce of Gold at a time, in a Ring for their Pagallies, or in a Silver Wrist-band, or Hoop to come about their Arms, in hopesto get a Nights Lodging with them. 

When we were all aboard on Christmas-day, Captain Swan and histwo Merchants; I did expect that Captain Swan would have made someproposals, or have told us his designs; but he only dined and wentashore again, without speaking any thing of his Mind. Yet even then Ido think that he was driving on a design, of going to one of the SpiceIslands, to load with Spice; for the Young Man before mentioned, who Isaid was sent by his Unkle, the Sultan of a Spice Island near Ternate, to invite the English to their Island, came aboard at this time, andafter some private Discourse with Captain Swan, they both went ashoretogether. This Young Man did not care that the Mindanaians should beprivy to what he said. I have heard Captain Swan say that he offeredto load his Ship with Spice, provided he would build a small Fort, and leave some Men to secure the Island from the Dutch; but I amsince informed, that the Dutch have now got possession of the Island. 

The next Day after Christmas the General went away again, and five orsix Englishmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of goinga hunting; and we all went together by Water in his Proe, togetherwith his Women and Servants, to the hunting place. The General alwayscarried his Wives and Children, his Money and Goods with him: so weall imbarked in the Morning, and arrived there before Night. I havealready described the fashion of their Proes, and the Rooms made inthem. We were entertained in the General's Room or Cabbin. Our Voyagewas not so far, but that we reached our Port before Night. 

At this time one of the General's Servants had offended, and waspunished in this manner: He was bound fast flat on his Belly, on aBamboe belonging to the Proe, which was so near the Water, that bythe Vessel's motion, it frequently delved under Water, and the Manalong with it; and sometimes when hoisted up, he had scarce time toblow before he would be carried under Water again. 

When we had rowed about two Leagues, we entered a pretty largedeep River, and rowed up a League further, the Water salt all theway. There was a pretty large Village, the Houses built after theCountry fashion. We landed at this place, where there was a Housemade ready immediately for us. The General and his Women lay at oneend of the House, and we at the other end, and in the Evening allthe Women in the Village danced before the General. 

While he staid here, the General with his Men went out every Morningbetimes, and did not return till four or five a Clock in the Afternoon, and he would often complement us, by telling us what good Trust andConfidence he had in us, saying that he left his Women and Goodsunder our Protection, and that he thought them as secure with us six, (for we had all our Arms with us) as if he had left 100 of his ownMen to guard them. Yet for all this great Confidence, he always leftone of his principal Men, for fear some of us should be too familiarwith his Women. 

They did never stir out of their own Room when the General was atHome, but as soon as he was gone out, they would presently come intoour Room, and sit with us all Day, and ask a Thousand Questions of usconcerning our English Women, and our Customs. You may imagine thatbefore this time, some of us had attained so much of their Languageas to understand them, and give them Answers to their Demands. Iremember that one Day they asked how many Wives the King of Englandhad? We told them but one, and that our English Laws did not allowof any more. They said it was a strange Custom, that a Man shouldbe confined to one Woman; some of them said it was a very bad Law, but others again said it was a good Law; so there was a great Disputeamong them about it. But one of the General's Women said positively, That our Law was better than theirs, and made them all silent by theReason which she gave for it. This was the War Queen, as we calledher, for she did always Accompany the General whenever he was calledout to Engage his Enemies, but the rest did not. 

By this Familiarity among the Women, and by often discoursing [with]them, we came to be acquainted with their Customs and Priviledges. TheGeneral lies with his Wives by turns; but she by whom he had thefirst Son, has a double Portion of his Company: For when it comesto her turn, she has him two Nights, whereas the rest have him butone. She with whom he is to lye at Night, seems to have a particularRespect shewn her by the rest all the precedent Day; and for a Markof distinction, wears a striped silk Handkerchief about her Neck, by which we knew who was Queen that Day. 

We lay here about five or six Days, but did never in all that timesee the least sign of any Beef, which was the Business we came about;neither were we suffered to go out with the General to see the wildKine, but we wanted for nothing else: However, this did not please us, and we often importuned him to let go out among the Cattle. At last hetold us, That he had provided a Jar of Rice-drink to be merry with us, and after that we should go with him. 

This Rice-drink is made of Rice boiled and put into a Jar, where itremains a long time steeping in Water. I know not the manner of makingit, but it is very strong pleasant Drink. The Evening when the Generaldesigned to be merry, he caused a Jar of this Drink to be brought intoour Room, and he began to drink first himself, then afterwards his Men;so they took turns till they were all as drunk as Swine, before theysuffered us to drink. After they had enough, then we drank, and theydrank no more, for they will not drink after us. The General leaptabout our Room a little while; but having his Load soon went to sleep. 

The next Day we went out with the General into the Savannah, where wehad near 100 Men making of a large Pen to drive the Cattle into. Forthat is the manner of their Hunting, having no Dogs. But I saw notabove 8 or 10 Cows, and those as wild as Deer so that we got nonethis Day: yet the next Day some of his Men brought in 3 Heifers, which they kill'd in the Savannah. With these we returned aboard, they being all that we got there. 

Captain Swan was much vext at the Generals Actions; for he promisedto supply us with as much Beef as we should want, but now either couldnot, or would not make good his promise. Besides, he failed to performhis Promise in a bargain of Rice, that we were to have for the ironwhich he sold him, but he put us off still from time to time, andwould not come to any Account. Neither were these all his Tricks;for a little before his Son was Circumcised, (of which I spake inthe foregoing Chapter) he pretended a great streight for Money, to defray the Charges of that Day; and therefore desired CaptainSwan to lend him about 20 Ounces of Gold; for he knew that CaptainSwan had a considerable quantity of Gold in his possession, whichthe General thought was his own, but indeed [he] had none but whatbelonged to the Merchants. However he lent it the General, but whenhe came to an Account with Captain Swan, he told him, that it wasusual at such solemn times to make Presents, and that he received itas a Gift. He also demanded Payment for the Victuals that our Captainand his Men did eat at his House. These things startled Captain Swan, yet how to help himself he knew not. But all this, with other inwardtroubles, lay hard on our Captain's Spirits, and put him very muchout of Humour; for his own Company also were pressing him every Dayto be gone, because, now was the heighth of the Easterly Monsoon, the only Wind to carry us farther into the Indies. 

About this time some of our Men, who were weary and tired withwandring, ran away into the Country and absconded, they being assisted, as was generally believed, by Raja Laut. There were others also, who fearing we should not go to an English Port, bought a Canoa, and designed to go in her to Borneo: For not long before a MindanaoVessel came from thence, and brought a Letter directed to the chiefof the English Factory at Mindanao. This Letter the General wouldhave Captain Swan have opened, but he thought it might come from someof the East-India Merchants whose Affairs he would not intermeddlewith, and therefore did not open it. I since met Captain Bowry [18]at Achin, and telling him this Story, he said that he sent that Letter, supposing that the English were settled there at Mindanao, and by thisLetter we also thought that there was an English Factory at Borneo:so here was a mistake on both sides. But this Canoa, wherewith someof them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from them, andthreatned the Undertakers very hardly. However, this did not so fardiscourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their Designstaking Air, they were again frustrated by Captain Swan. 

The whole Crew were at this time under a general Disaffection, andfull of very different Projects; and all for want of Action. Themain Division was between those that had Money and those that hadnone. There was a great Difference in the Humours of these; for theythat had Money liv'd ashore, and did not care for leaving Mindanao;whilst those that were poor liv'd Aboard, and urg'd Capt. Swan to goto Sea. These began to be Unruly as well as Dissatisfy'd, and sentashore the Merchants Iron to sell for Rack and Honey, to make Punch, wherewith they grew Drunk and Quarelsome: Which disorderly Actionsdeterr'd me from going Aboard; for I did ever abhor Drunkenness, which now our Men that were Aboard abandon'd themselves wholly to. 

Yet these Disorders might have been crusht, if Capt. Swan had used hisAuthority to Suppress them: But he with his Merchants living alwaysashore, there was no Command; and therefore every Man did what hepleased and encouraged each other in his Villanies. Now Mr. Harthop, who was one of Captain Swan's Merchants, did very much importune himto settle his Resolutions, and declare his Mind to his Men; which atlast he consented to do. Therefore he gave warning to all his Men tocome Aboard the 13th day of January, 1687. 

We did all earnestly expect to hear what Captain Swan would propose, and therefore were very willing to go Aboard. But unluckily for him, two days before this Meeting was to be, Captain Swan sent Aboardhis Gunner, to fetch something ashore out of his Cabbin. The Gunnerrummaging to find what he was sent for, among other things took outthe Captain's Journal from America to the Island Guam, and laid [it]down by him. This Journal was taken up by one John Read, a Bristol man, whom I have mentioned in my 4th Chapter. He was a pretty Ingeniousyoung Man, and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. He was alsoaccounted a good Artist, and kept a Journal, and was now promptedby his curiosity, to peep into Captain Swan's Journal, to see howit agreed with his own; a thing very usual among Seamen that keepJournals, when they have an opportunity, and especially young Men, whohave no great experience. At the first opening of the Book, he lightson a place in which Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly against mostof his Men, especially against another John Reed a Jamaica man. Thiswas such stuff as he did not seek after: But hitting so pat on thissubject, his curiosity led him to pry farther; and therefore whilethe Gunner was busie, he convey'd the Book away, to look over it athis leisure. The Gunner having dispatch'd his business, lock'd upthe Cabbin-door, not missing the Book, and went ashore. Then JohnReed shewed it to his Namesake, and to the rest that were aboard, who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe for mischief; onlywanting some fair pretence to set themselves to work upon it. Thereforelooking on what was written in this Journal to be matter sufficientfor them to accomplish their Ends, Captain Teat, who as I said before, had been abused by Captain Swan, laid hold on this opportunity to berevenged for his Injuries, and aggravated the matter to the height;perswading the Men to turn out Captain Swan from being Commander, inhopes to have commanded the Ship himself. As for the Sea-men they wereeasily perswaded to anything; for they were quite tired with this longand tedious Voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home, and therefore did not care what they did, or whither they went. It wasonly want of being busied in some Action that made them so uneasie;therefore they consented to what Teat proposed, and immediately allthat were aboard bound themselves by Oath to turn Captain Swan out, and to conceal this design from those that were ashore, until theShip was under Sail; which would have been presently, if the Surgeonor his Mate had been aboard; but they were both ashore, and theythought it no Prudence to go to Sea without a Surgeon: Thereforethe next Morning they sent ashore one John Cookworthy, to hasten offeither the Surgeon or his Mate, by pretending that one of the Men inthe Night broke his Leg by falling into the Hold. The Surgeon toldhim that he intended to come aboard the next Day with the Captain, and would not come before: but sent his Mate, Herman Coppinger. 

This Man sometime before this, was sleeping at his Pegallies, and aSnake twisted himself about his Neck; but afterwards went away withouthurting him. In this Country it is usual to have the Snakes come intothe Houses, and into the Ships too; for we had several come aboardour Ship when we lay in the River. But to proceed, Herman Coppingerprovided to go aboard; and the next day, being the time appointed forCaptain Swan and all his Men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him, neither of us mistrusted what was designing by those aboard, till wecame thither. Then we found it was only a trick to get the Surgeon off;for now, having obtained their Desires, the Canoa was sent ashore againimmediately, to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard; butnot to tell the Reason, lest Captain Swan should come to hear of it. 

The 13th Day in the Morning they weighed, and fired a Gun: Capt. Swanimmediately sent aboard Mr. Nelly, who was now his chief Mate, tosee what the matter was: To him they told all their Grievances, andshewed him the Journal. He perswaded them to stay till the next day, for an Answer from Captain Swan and the Merchants. So they came toan Anchor again, and the next Morning Mr. Harthop came aboard: Heperswaded them to be reconciled again, or at least to stay and getmore Rice: But they were deaf to it, and weighed again while he wasaboard. Yet at Mr. Harthop's Perswasion they promised to stay till 2a Clock in the Afternoon for Captain Swan, and the rest of the Men, if they would come aboard; but they suffered no Man to go ashore, except one William Williams that had a wooden Leg, and another thatwas a Sawyer. 

If Capt. Swan had yet come aboard, he might have dash'd all theirdesigns; but he neither came himself, as a Captain of any Prudenceand Courage would have done, nor sent till the time was expired. Sowe left Captain Swan and about 36 Men ashore in the City, and 6 or8 that run away; and about 16 we had buried there, the most of whichdied by Poison. The Natives are very expert at Poisoning, and do itupon small occasions: Nor did our Men want for giving Offence, throughtheir general Rogueries, and sometimes by dallying too familiarly withtheir Women, even before their Faces. Some of their Poisons are slowand lingering; for we had some now aboard who were Poison'd there;but died not till some Months after. 

CHAP. XIV

 They depart from the River of Mindanao. Of the time lost or gain'd in sailing round the World: With a Caution to Seamen, about the allowance they are to take for difference of the Suns declination. The South Coast of Mindanao. Chambongo Town an Harbour with its Neighbouring Keys. Green Turtle. Ruins of a Spanish Fort. The Westermost point of Mindanao. Two Proes of the Sologues laden from Manila. An Isle to the West of Sebo. Walking Canes. Isle of Batts, very large; and numerous Turtles and Manatee. A dangerous Shoal. They sail by Panay belonging to the Spaniards, and others of the Philippine Islands. Isle of Mindora. Two Barks taken. A further account of the Isle Luconia, and the City and Harbour of Manila. They go off Pulo Condore to lye there. The Shoals of Pracel, &c. Pulo Condore. The Tar-tree. The Mango. Grape-tree. The Wild or Bastard Nutmeg. Their Animals. Of the Migration of the Turtle from place to place. Of the Commodious Situation of Pulo Condore; its Water and its Cochinchinese Inhabitants. Of the Malayan Tongue. The Custom of prostituting their Women in these Countries, and in Guinea. The Idolatry here, at Tunquin, and among the Chinese Seamen, and of a Procession at Fort St. George. They refit their Ship. Two of them dye of Poyson they took at Mindanao. They take in Water, and a Pilot for the Bay of Siam. Puly Uby; and Point of Cambodia. Two Cambodian Vessels. Isles in the Bay of Siam. The tight Vessels and Seamen of the Kingdom of Champa. Storms. A Chinese Jonk from Palimbam in Sumatra. They come again to Pulo Condore. A bloody Fray with a Malayan Vessel. The Surgeon's and the Author's desires of leaving their Crew. 

The 14th Day of January, 1687, at 3 of the Clock in the Afternoonwe sailed from the River of Mindanao, designing to cruise beforeManila. [19]

[During their stay at Mindanao the English first notice the change oftime due to their having journeyed westward. There and in other placesthey find the people reckoning a full day ahead of themselves, due tothe fact that the Portuguese had journeyed thither to the eastward. Thecomputation at the Ladrones is the same as their own. "But how thereckoning was at Manila, and the rest of the Spanish Colonies inthe Philippine Islands, I know not; whether they keep it as theybrought it, or corrected it by the Accounts of the Natives, and of thePortuguese, Dutch and English, coming the contrary way from Europe. "]

We had the Wind at N. N. E. Fair clear Weather, and a brisk Gale. Wecoasted to the Westward, on the South-side of the Island of Mindanao, keeping within 4 or 5 Leagues of the Shore. The Land from hence tendsaway W. By S. It is of a good height by the Sea, and very woody, and in the Country we saw high Hills. 

The next Day we were abrest of Chambongo [i. E. , Zamboanga]; a Townin this Island, and 30 Leagues from the River of Mindanao. Here issaid to be a good Harbour, and a great Settlement, with plenty ofBeef and Buffaloe. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerlyfortified here also: There are two shoals lie off this place, 2 or3 Leagues from the Shoar. From thence the Land is more low and even;yet there are some Hills in the Country. 

About 6 Leagues before we came to the West-end of the Island Mindanao, we fell in with a great many small low Islands or Keys, and abouttwo or three Leagues to the Southward of these Keys, there is a longIsland stretching N. E. And S. W. About 12 Leagues. [20] This Islandis low by the Sea on the North-side, and has a Ridge of Hills in themiddle, running from one end to the other. Between this Isle and thesmall Keys, there is a good large Channel: Among the Keys also thereis a good depth of Water, and a violent Tide; but on what point ofthe Compass it flows, I know not, nor how much it riseth and falls. 

The 17th Day we anchored on the East-side of all these Keys, in8 fathom Water, clean Sand. Here are plenty of green Turtle, whoseflesh is as sweet as any in the West Indies: but they are very shy. Alittle to the Westward of these Keys, on the Island Mindanao, we sawabundance of Coco-nut Trees: Therefore we sent our Canoa ashore, thinking to find Inhabitants, but found none, nor sign of any;but great Tracts of Hogs, and great Cattle; and close by the Seathere were Ruins of an old Fort. The Walls thereof were of a goodheighth, built with Stone and Lime; and by the Workmanship seem'd tobe Spanish. From this place the Land trends W. N. W. And it is of anindifferent heighth by the Sea. It runs on this point of the Compass4 or 5 Leagues, and then the Land trends away N. N. W. 5 or 6 Leaguesfarther, making with many bluff Points. 

We weigh'd again the 14th Day, and went thro' between the Keys; but metsuch uncertain Tides, that we were forced to anchor again. The 22d daywe got about the Westermost Point of all Mindanao, and stood to theNorthward, plying under the Shore, and having the Wind at N. N. E. Afresh Gale. As we sailed along further, we found the Land to trendN. N. E. On this part of the Island the Land is high by the Sea, withfull bluff Points, and very woody. There are some small Sandy Bays, which afford Streams of fresh Water. 

Here we met with two Prows [i. E. , praus] belonging to the Sologues, one of the Mindanaian Nations before mentioned. They came from Manilaladen with Silks and Calicoes. We kept on this Western part of theIsland steering Northerly, till we came abrest of some other of thePhilippine Islands, that lay to the Northward of us; then steeredaway towards them; but still keeping on the West-side of them, andwe had the Winds at N. N. E. 

The 3d of February we anchored in a good Bay on the West side ofthe Island, in Lat. 9 d. 55 min. Where we had 13 Fathom-water, goodsoft Oaze. This Island hath no Name that we could find in any Book, out lieth on the West side of the Island Sebo. [21] It is about 8 or10 Leagues long, mountainous and woody. At this place Captain Read, who was the same Captain Swan had so much railed against in hisJournal, and was now made Captain in his room (as Captain Teat wasmade Master, and Mr. Henry More Quarter-Master) ordered the Carpentersto cut down our Quarter-Deck, to make the Ship snug, and the fitterfor sailing. When that was done, we heeled her, scrubbed her Bottom, and tallowed it. Then we fill'd all our Water, for here is a delicatesmall run of Water. 

The Land was pretty low in this Bay, the Mould black and fat, andthe Trees of several Kinds, very thick and tall. In some placeswe found plenty of Canes, [22] such as we use in England forWalking-Canes. These were short-jointed, not above two Foot and ahalf, or two Foot ten Inches the longest, and most of them not abovetwo Foot. They run along on the Ground like a Vine; or taking holdof the Trees, they climb up to their very tops. They are 15 or 20Fathom long, and much of a bigness from the Root, till within 5 or6 Fathom of the end. They are of a pale green Colour, cloathed overwith a Coat of short thick hairy Substance, of a dun Colour; but itcomes off by only drawing the Cane through your Hand. We did cut manyof them, and they proved very tough heavy Canes. 

We saw no Houses, nor sign of Inhabitants; but while we lay here, there was a Canoa with 6 Men came into this Bay; but whither theywere bound, or from whence they came, I know not. They were Indians, and we could not understand them. 

In the middle of this Bay, about a Mile from the Shore, there isa small low woody Island, not above a Mile in Circumference; ourShip rode about a Mile from it. This Island was the Habitation ofan incredible number of great Batts, with Bodies as big as Ducks, or large Fowl, and with vast Wings: For I saw at Mindanao one ofthis sort, and I judge that the Wings stretcht out in length, couldnot be less assunder than 7 or 8 Foot from tip to tip; for it wasmuch more than any of us could fathom with our Arms extended to theutmost. The Wings are for Substance like those of other Batts, of aDun or Mouse colour. The Skin or Leather of them hath Ribs runningalong it, and draws up in 3 or 4 Folds; and at the joints of thoseRibs and the Extremities of the Wings, there are sharp and crookedClaws, by which they may hang on any thing. [A further descriptionof the great bats and their habits follows. ] At this Isle also wefound plenty of Turtle and Manatee, but no Fish. 

We stay'd here till the 10th of February, 1687, and then havingcompleated our Business, we sailed hence with the Wind at North. Butgoing out we struck on a Rock, where we lay two Hours: It was verysmooth Water, and the Tide of Flood, or else we should have lostour Ship. We struck off a great piece of our Rudder, which was allthe damage that we received, but we more narrowly mist losing ourShips this time, than in any other in the whole Voyage. This is avery dangerous Shoal, because it does not break, unless probably itmay appear in foul Weather. It lies about two mile to the Westward, without the small Batt Island. Here we found the Tide of Flood settingto the Southward, and the Ebb to the Northward. 

After we were past this Shoal, we Coasted along by the rest of thePhilippine Islands, keeping on the West-side of them. Some of themappeared to be very Mountainous dry Land. We saw many Fires in theNight as we passed by Panay, a great Island settled by Spaniards, and by the Fires up and down it seems to be well settled by them;for this is a Spanish Custom, whereby they give Notice of any Dangeror the like from Sea; and 'tis probable they had seen our Ship theday before. This is an unfrequented Coast, and 'tis rare to have anyShip seen there. We touched not at Panay, nor any where else; tho'we saw a great many small Islands to the Westward of us, and someShoals, but none of them laid down in our Draughts. 

The 18th Day of Feb. We anchored at the N. W. End of the IslandMindora, [23] in 10 Fathom-water, about 3 quarters of a Mile fromthe Shore. Mindora is a large Island; the middle of it lying inLat. 13. About 40 Leagues long, stretching N. W. And S. E. It is Highand Mountainous, and not very Woody. At this Place where we anchoredthe Land was neither very high nor low. There was a small Brook ofWater, and the Land by the Sea was very Woody, and the Trees highand tall, but a League or two farther in, the Woods are very thin andsmall. Here we saw great tracks of Hogs and Beef, and we saw some ofeach, and hunted them; but they were wild, and we could kill none. 

While we were here, there was a Canoa with 4 Indians came fromManila. They were very shy of us a while: but at last, hearing usspeak Spanish, they came to us, and told us, that they were going toa Fryer that liv'd at an Indian Village towards the S. E. End of theIsland. They told us also, that the Harbour of Manila is seldom ornever without 20 or 30 Sail of Vessels, most Chinese, some Portugueze, and some few the Spaniards have of their own. They said, that whenthey had done their business with the Fryer they would return toManila, and hoped to be back again at this place in 4 Days time. Wetold them, that we came for a Trade with the Spaniards at Manila, andshould be glad if they would carry a Letter to some Merchant there, which they promised to do. But this was only a pretence of ours, to get out of them what intelligence we could as to their Shipping, Strength, and the like, under Colour of seeking a Trade; for ourbusiness was to pillage. Now if we had really designed to have Tradedthere, this was as fair an opportunity as Men could have desired: forthese Men could have brought us to the Frier that they were going to, and a small Present to him would have engaged him to do any kindnessin the way of Trade: for the Spanish Governors do not allow of it, and we must Trade by stealth. 

The 21st Day we went from hence with the Wind at E. N. E. A smallgale. The 23d Day in the Morning we were fair by the S. E. End of theIsland Luconia, the Place that had been so long desired by us. Wepresently saw a Sail coming from the Northward, and making after herwe took her in 2 Hours time. She was a Spanish Bark, that came froma place called Pangasanam, a small town on the N. End of Luconia, as they told us; probably the same with Pagassinay, which lies on aBay at the N. W. Side of the Island. She was bound to Manila but hadno goods aboard; and therefore we turned her away. 

The 23d. We took another Spanish Vessel that came from the same placeof the other. She was laden with Rice and Cotton-Cloth, and bound forManila also. These Goods were purposely for the Acapulco Ship: TheRice was for the Men to live on while they lay there, and in theirreturn: and the Cotton-cloth was to make Sail. The Master of thisPrize was Boatswain of the Acapulco Ship which escaped us at Guam, and was now at Manila. It was this Man that gave us the Relation ofwhat Strength it had, how they were afraid of us there, and of theaccident that happen'd to them, as is before mentioned in the 10thChapter. We took these two Vessels within 7 or 8 Leagues of Manila. 

Luconia I have spoken of already: but I shall now add this furtheraccount of it. It is a great Island, taking up between 6 and 7degrees of Lat. In length, and its breadth near the middle is about60 Leagues; but the ends are narrow. The North end lies in about19 d. North Lat. And the S. End in about 12 d. 30 m. This greatIsland hath abundance of small Keys or Islands lying about it;especially at the North-end. The South-side fronts towards the restof the Philippine Islands: Of these that are its nearest Neighbours, Mindora, lately mentioned, is the chief, and gives name to the Seaor Streight that parts it and the other Islands from Luconia: beingcalled the Streights of Mindora. 

The Body of the Island Luconia is composed of many spacious plainSavannahs, and large Mountains. The North-end seems to be more plainand even, I mean freer from Hills, than the South-end: but the Landis all along of a good heighth. It does not appear so flourishingand green as some of the other Islands in this Range; especiallythat of St. John, Mindanao, Batt Island, &c. Yet in some places itis very Woody. Some of the Mountains of this Island afford Gold, and the Savannahs are well stockt with herds of Cattle, especiallyBuaffaloes[sic]. These Cattle are in great plenty all over theEast-Indies; and therefore 'tis very probable that there were many ofthese here even before the Spaniards come hither. But now there arenow also plenty of other Cattle, as I have been told, as Bullocks, Horses, Sheep, Goats, Hogs, &c. Brought hither by the Spaniards. 

It is pretty well inhabited with Indians, most of them, if not all, under the Spaniards, who now are masters of it. The Native Indians dolive together in Towns; and they have Priests among them to instructthem in the Spanish Religion. 

Manila the chief, or perhaps the only City, lies at the foot ofa ridge of high Hills, facing upon a spacious Harbour near theS. W. Point of the Island, in about the Lat. Of 14 d. North. It isenviron'd with a high strong Wall, and very well fortify'd withForts and Breast-works. The Houses are large, strongly built, andcovered with Pan-tile. The Streets are large and pretty regular;with a Parade in the midst, after the Spanish fashion. There are agreat many fair Buildings, beside Churches and other Religious Houses;of which there are not a few. 

The Harbour is so large, that some hundreds of Ships may ride here:and is never without many, both of their own and strangers. I havealready given you an account of the two Ships going and coming betweenthis place and Acapulco. Besides them, they have some small Vesselsof their own; and they do not allow the Portuguese to trade here, butthe Chinese are the chiefest Merchants, and they drive the greatestTrade; for they have commonly 20 or 30, or 40 Jonks in the Harbour ata time, and a great many Merchants constantly residing in the City, beside Shop-keepers, and Handy-crafts-men in abundance. Small Vesselsrun up near the Town, but the Acapulco. Ships and others of greaterburthen, lye a League short of it, where there is a strong Fort also, and Store-houses to put Goods in. 

I had the major part of this relation 2 or 3 years after this time, from Mr. Coppinger our Surgeon, for he made a Voyage hither fromPorto Nova, a Town on the Coast of Coromandel; in a Portuguese Ship, as I think. Here he found 10 or 12 of Captain Swan's men; some ofthose that we left at Mindanao. For after we came from thence, theybrought a Proe there, by the Instigation of an Irish man, who wentby the name of John Fitz-Gerald, a person that spoke Spanish verywell; and so in this their Proe they came hither. They had been herebut 18 months when Mr. Coppinger arrived here, and Mr. Fitz-Geraldhad in this time gotten a Spanish Mustesa Woman to Wife, and a goodDowry with her. He then professed Physick and Surgery, and was highlyesteemed among the Spaniards for his supposed knowledge in those Arts:for being always troubled with sore Shins while he was with us, hekept some Plaisters and Salves by him; and with these he set up uponhis bare natural stock of knowledge, and his experience in Kibes. Butthen he had a very great stock of Confidence withal, to help out theother, and being an Irish Roman Catholick, and having the SpanishLanguage he had a great advantage of all his Consorts; and he alonelived well there of them all. We were not within sight of this Town, but I was shewn the Hills that over-looked it, and drew a draft ofthem as we lay off at Sea; which I have caused to be engraven amonga few others that I took my self:. .. . 

[The season for successful operations near Manila having passed, the mutineers decide to go to some islands near the Cambodian shoreto wait until about May, the time for the Acapulco galleon, choosingthose islands as they were somewhat retired. The prisoners are setashore on the island of Luzon, and that island is left February 26. OnMarch 14 anchor is cast on Pulo (or Island) Condore, the largest andonly inhabited one of those islands which lie in north latitude 8°40'. A short description of the islands, their products, fauna, and inhabitants (who are Cochinchinese) and some of their customsfollows. At this island the ship is careened and refitted. Therealso "2 of our Men died, who were poison'd at Mindanao, they toldus of it when they found themselves poison'd, and had linger'd eversince. They were opened by our Doctor, according to their own Requestbefore they died, and their Livers were black, light and dry, likepieces of Cork. " After filling the water-butts anchor is weighed(April 21) and the course taken to Pulo Ubi near Siam, reaching thatisland April 23. From that date until May 13 they cruise about thebay of Siam where they are becalmed. May 24 they anchor again at PuloCondore, together with a Chinese vessel laden with pepper from Sumatra;from its men they learn that the "English were settled in the IslandSumatra, at a place called Sillabar; and the first knowledge we hadthat the English had any settlement on Sumatra was from these. " [24]An attempt there to investigate a Malayan vessel ends fatally for anumber of the English; for the Malays, thinking them to be pirates, set upon the boarding party, and kill a number of them. At thatisland also the surgeon, Herman Coppinger, attempts to escape, butis taken back to the ship. Dampier is only deterred from making thesame attempt because he desires a more convenient opportunity. "Forneither he nor I, when we were last on board at Mindanao, had anyknowledge of the Plot that was laid to leave Captain Swan, and runaway with the Ship; and being sufficiently weary of this mad Crew, we were willing to give them the slip at any place from whence wemight hope to get a passage to an English Factory. "]

CHAP. XV

 They leave Pulo Condore, designing for Manila, but are driven off from thence, and from the Isle of Prata, by the Winds, and brought upon the Coast of China. Isle of St. John, on the Coast of the Province of Canton; its Soil and Productions, China Hogs, &c. The Inhabitants; and of the Tartars forcing the Chinese to cut off their Hair. Their Habits, and the little Feet of their Women. China-ware China-roots, Tea, &c. A Village at St. John's Island, and of their Husbandry of their Rice. A Story of a Chinese Pagoda, or Idol-Temple, and Image. Of the China Jonks, and their Rigging. They leave St. John's and the Coast of China. A most outragious Storm. Corpus Sant, a Light, or Meteor appearing in Storms. The Piscadores, or Fishers Islands near Formosa: A Tartarian Garrison, and Chinese Town on one of these Islands. They anchor in the Harbour near the Tartars Garrison, and treat with the Governour. Of Amoy in the Province of Fokieu, and Macao a Chinese and Portuguese Town near Canton in China. The Habits of a Tartarian Officer and his Retinue. Their Presents, excellent Beef. Samciu, a sort of Chinese Arack, and Hocciu a kind of Chinese Mum, and the Jars it is bottled in. Of the Isle of Formosa, and the five Islands; to which they give the Names of Orange, Monmouth, Grafton, Bashee, and Goat-Islands, in general, the Bashee-Islands. A Digression concerning the different depths of the Sea near high or low Lands. The Soil, &c. As before. The Soil, Fruits and Animals of these Islands. The Inhabitants and their Cloathing. Rings of a yellow Metal like Gold. Their Houses built on remarkable Precipices. Their Boats and Employments. Their Food, of Goat Skins, Entrails, &c. Parcht Locusts. Bashee, or Sugar-cane Drink. Of their Language and Original, Launces and Buffaloe Coats. No Idols, nor civil Form of Government. A young Man buried alive by them; supposed to be for Theft. Their Wives and Children, and Husbandry. Their Manners, Entertainments, and Traffick. Of the Ships first Entercourse with these People, and Bartering with them. Their Course among the Islands; their stay there, and provision to depart. They are driven off by a violent Storm, and return. The Natives Kindness to 6 of them left behind. The Crew discouraged by those Storms, quit their design of Cruising off Manila for the Acapulco Ship; and 'tis resolved to fetch a Compass to Cape Comorin, and so for the Red-Sea. 

[The first part of this chapter, as is seen by the above list ofcontents, relates to China and islands near the Chinese coast. Mostof the second half of the chapter relates to the Bashee or BatanesIslands and is as follows. ]

We stayed here [i. E. , at the Piscador Islands near China] till the29th Day [of July, 1687], and then sailed from hence with the Windat S. W. And pretty fair Weather. We now directed our course forsome Islands we had chosen to go to, that lye between Formosa andLuconia. They are laid down in our Plots without any name, only witha figure of 5, denoting the number of them. It was supposed by us, that these Islands had no Inhabitants, because they had not any nameby our Hydrographers. Therefore we thought to lye there secure, andbe pretty near the Island Luconia, which we did still intend to visit. 

In going to them we sailed by the South West end of Formosa, leavingit on our Larboard-side. This is a large Island; the South-end isin Lat. 21 d. 20 m. And the North-end in 25 d. 10 m. North Lat. TheLongitude of this Island is laid down 142 d. 5 m. To 143 d. 16m. Reckoning East from the Pike of Tenariffe, so that 'tis but narrow;and the Tropick of Cancer crosses it. It is a High and Woody Island, and was formerly well inhabited by the Chinese, and was then frequentlyvisited by English Merchants, there being a very good Harbour tosecure their Ships. But since the Tartars have conquered China, they have spoiled the Harbour, (as I have been informed) to hinderthe Chinese that were then in Rebellion, from Fortifying themselvesthere; and ordered the Foreign Merchants to come and Trade on the Main. 

The sixth day of August we arrived at the five Islands that we werebound to, and anchored on the East-side of the Northermost Island, in 15 Fathom, a Cable's length from the Shore. Here, contrary to ourExpectation, we found abundance of Inhabitants in sight; for therewere 3 large Towns all within a League of the Sea; and another largerTown than any of the three, and the backside of a small Hill closeby also, as we found afterwards. These Islands lie in Lat. 20 d. 20m. North Lat. By my Observation, for I took it there, and I findtheir Longitude according to our Drafts, to be 141 d. 50 m. TheseIslands having no particular Names in the Drafts, some or other ofus made use of the Seamens priviledge, to give them what Names wepleased. Three of the Islands were pretty large; the Westermost isthe biggest. This the Dutchmen who were among us called the Princeof Orange's Island, in honour of his present Majesty. It is about7 or 8 Leagues long, and about two Leagues wide; and it lies almostN. And S. The other two great Islands are about 4 or 5 Leagues to theEastward of this. The Northermost of them, where we first anchored, Icalled the Duke of Grafton's Isle, as soon as we landed on it; havingmarried my W[i]fe out of his Dutchess's Family, and leaving her atArlington-house, at my going Abroad. This Isle is about 4 Leagues long, and one League and a half wide, stretching North and South. The othergreat Island our Seamen called the Duke of Monmouth's Island. Thisis about a League to the Southward of Grafton Isle. It is about 3Leagues long, and a League wide, lying as the other. Between Monmouthand the South end of Orange Island, there are two small Islands of aroundish Form, lying East and West. The Eastermost Island of the two, our Men unanimously called Bashee Island, [25] from a Liquor whichwe drank there plentifully every day, after we came to an Anchor atit. The other, which is the smallest of all, we called Goat Island, from the great number of Goats there; and to the Northward of them all, are two high Rocks. 

Orange Island, which is the biggest of them all, is not Inhabited. Itis high Land, flat and even on the top, with steep Cliffs against theSea; for which Reason we could not go ashore there, as we did on allthe rest. 

[Some general remarks on high and low lands and anchorages nearbyfollow, in which the author states almost as an axiom that goodanchorages are found near low lands, while high rocky lands havepoor anchorages. ]

But to return from this Digression, to speak of the rest of theseIslands. Monmouth and Grafton Isles are very Hilly, with many ofthose steep inhabited Precipi[c]es on them, that I shall describeparticularly. The two small Islands are flat and even; only the BasheeIsland hath one steep scraggy Hill, but Goat Island is all flat andvery even. 

The Mold of these Islands in the Valley, is blackish in some places, but in most red. The Hills are very rocky: The Valleys are well wateredwith Brooks of fresh Water, which run into the Sea in many differentplaces. The Soil is indifferent fruitful, especially in the Valleys;producing pretty great plenty of Trees (tho' not very big) and thickGrass. The sides of the Mountains have also short Grass; and some ofthe Mountains have Mines within them, or the Natives told us, Thatthe yellow Metal they shewed us, (as I shall speak more particularly)came from these Mountains; for when they held it up they would pointtowards them. 

The fruit of the Islands are a few Plantains, Bonanoes, Pineapples, Pumkins, Sugar-canes, &c. And there might be more if the Natives would, for the Ground seems fertile enough. Here are great plenty of Potatoes, and Yames, which is the common Food for the Natives, for Bread-kind:For those few Plantains they have, are only used as Fruit. They havesome Cotton growing here of the small Plants. 

Here are plenty of Goats, and abundance of Hogs; but few Fowls, either wild or tame. For this I have always observed in my Travels, both in the East and West Indies, that in those Places where thereis plenty of Grain, that is, of Rice in one, and Maiz in the other, there are also found great abundance of Fowls; but on the contrary, few Fowls in those Countries where the Inhabitants feed on Fruits andRoots only. The few wild Fowls that are here, are Parakites, and someother small Birds. Their tame Fowl are only a few Cocks and Hens. 

Monmouth and Grafton Islands are very thick inhabited; and BasheeIsland hath one Town on it. The Natives of these Islands are shortsquat People; they are generally round visaged, with low Foreheads, and thick Eye-brows; their Eyes of a hazle colour, and small, yetbigger than the Chinese; short low Noses, and their Lip and Mouthsmiddle proportioned. Their Teeth are white; their Hair is black, and thick, and lank, which they wear but short; it will just covertheir Ears, and so it is cut round very even. Their Skins are of avery dark copper colour. 

They wear no Hat, Cap, nor Turban, nor any thing to keep off theSun. The Men for the biggest part have only a small Clout to covertheir Nakedness; some of them have Jackets made of Plantain-leaves, which were as rough as any Bear's-skin: I never saw such ruggedThings. The Women have a short Petticoat made of Cotton, which comes alittle below their Knees. It is a thick sort of stubborn Cloth, whichthey make themselves of their Cotton. Both Men and Women do wear largeEar-rings, made of that yellow Metal before mentioned. Whether it wereGold or no I cannot positively say: I took it to be so; it was heavy, and of the colour of our paler Gold. I would fain have brought awaysome to have satisfied my Curiosity; but I had nothing where withto buy any. Captain Read bought two of these Rings with some Iron, of which the People are very greedy; and he would have bought more, thinking he was come to a very fair Market, but that the paleness ofthe Metal made him and the Crew distrust its being right Gold. Formy part, I should have ventured on the purchase of some, but havingno property in the Iron, of which we had great store on board, sentfrom England, by the Merchants along with Captain Swan, I durst notbarter it away. 

These Rings when first polished look very gloriously, but time makesthem fade, and turn to a pale yellow. Then they make a soft Pasteof red Earth, and smearing it over their Rings, they cast them intoa quick Fire, where they remain till they be red hot; then they takethem out and cool them in Water, and rub off the Paste; and they lookagain of a glorious Colour and Lustre. 

These People make but small low Houses. The sides which are made ofsmall Posts, watled with Boughs, are not above 4 foot and a half high:the Ridge-pole is about 7 or 8 foot high. They have a Fire-placeat one end of their Houses, and Boards placed on the Ground to lyeon. They inhabit together in small Villages built on the sides andtops of rocky Hills, 3 or 4 rows of Houses one above another, and onsuch steep Precipices, that they go up to the first Row with a woodenLadder, and so with a Ladder still from every Story up to that aboveit, there being no way to ascend. The Plain on the first Precipice maybe so wide, as to have room both for a Row of Houses that stand allalong on the Edge or Brink of it, and a very narrow Street runningalong before their Doors, between the Row of Houses and the foot ofthe next Precipice; the Plain of which is in a manner level to thetops of the Houses below, and so for the rest. The common Ladder toeach Row or Street comes up at a narrow Passage left purposely aboutthe middle of it; and the Street being bounded with a Precipice alsoat each end, 'tis but drawing up the Ladder, if they be assaulted, and then there is no coming at them from below, but by climbing upas against a perpendicular Wall: And that they may not be assaultedfrom above, they take care to build on the side of such a Hill, whosebackside hangs over the Sea, or is some high, steep, perpendicularPrecipice, altogether inaccessible. These Precipices are natural; forthe Rocks seem too hard to work on; nor is there any sign that Arthath been employed about them. On Bashee Island there is one such, and built upon, with its back next the Sea. Grafton and MonmouthIsles are very thick set with these Hills and Towns; and the Natives, whether for fear of Pirates, or Foreign Enemies, or Factions amongtheir own Clans, care not for Building but in these Fastnesses; whichI take to be the Reason that Orange Isle, though the largest, and asFertile as any, yet being Level, and exposed, hath no Inhabitants. Inever saw the like Precipices and Towns. 

These Towns are pretty Ingenious also in building Boats. Their smallBoats are much like our Deal Yalls, but not so big; and they arebuilt with very narrow Plank, pinn'd with wooden Pins, and someNails. They have also some pretty large Boats, which will carry40 or 50 Men. These they Row with 12 or 14 Oars of a side. Theyare built much like the small ones, and they Row doubled Banked;that is, two Men setting on one Bench, but one Rowing on one side, the other on the other side of the Boat. They understand the use ofIron, and work it themselves. Their Bellows are like those at Mindanao. 

The common Imployment for the Men is Fishing; but I did never seethem catch much: Whether it is more plenty at other times of the YearI know not. The Women do manage their Plantations. 

I did never see them kill any of their Goats or Hogs for themselves, yet they would beg the Panches of the Goats that they themselvesdid sell to us: And if any of our surly Seamen did heave them intothe Sea, they would take them up again, and the Skins of the Goatsalso. They would not meddle with Hog-guts, if our Men threw away anybeside what they made Chitterlings and Sausages of. The Goat-skinsthese People would carry ashore, and making a Fire they would singeoft all the Hair, and afterwards let the Skin lie and Pearch on theCoals, till they thought it eatable; and then they would knaw it, and tear it to pieces with their Teeth, and at last swallow it. ThePaunches of the Goats would make them an excellent Dish; they drest itin this manner. They would turn out all the Chopt Grass and Cruditiesfound in the Maw into their Pots, and set it over the Fire, and stirit about often: This would Smoak and Puff, and heave up as it wasBoyling; wind breaking out of the Ferment, and making a very savoryStink. While this was doing, if they had any Fish, as commonly theyhad 2 or 3 small Fish, these they would make very clean (as hatingnastiness belike) and cut the Flesh from the Bone, and then mince theFlesh as small as possibly they could, and when that in the Pot waswell boiled, they would take it up, and strewing a little Salt into it, they would eat it, mixt with their raw minced Flesh. The Dung in theMaw would look like so much boil'd Herbs minc'd very small; and theytook up their Mess with their Fingers, as the Moors do their Pilaw, [26] using no Spoons. 

They had another Dish made of a sort of Locusts, whose Bodies wereabout an Inch and an half long, and as thick as the top of one'slittle Finger; with large thin Wings, and long and small Legs. Atthis time of the Year these Creatures came in great Swarms to devourtheir Potato-leaves, and other Herbs; and the Natives would go outwith small Nets, and take a Quart at one sweep. When they had enough, they would carry them home, and Parch them over the Fire in an earthenPan; and then their Wings and Legs would fall off, and their Heads andBacks would turn red like boil'd Shrimps, being before brownish. TheirBodies being full, would eat very moist, their Heads would crackle, in one's Teeth. I did eat once of this Dish, and liked it well enough;but their other Dish my Stomach would not take. 

Their common Drink is Water; as it is of all other Indians: Besidewhich they make a sort of Drink with the Juice of the Sugar-cane, which they boil, and put some small black sort of Berries amongit. When it is well boiled, they put it into great Jars, and let itstand 3 or 4 days and work. Then it settles and becomes clear, andis presently fit to drink. This is an excellent Liquor, and very muchlike English Beer, both in Colour and Taste. It is very strong, and Ido believe very wholesome: For our Men, who drunk briskly of it all dayfor several Weeks, were frequently drunk with it, and never sick afterit. The Natives brought a vast deal of it every day to those aboardand ashore: For some of our Men were ashore at work on Bashee Island;which Island they gave that Name to from their drinking this Liquorthere; that being the Name which the Natives call'd this Liquor by:and as they sold it to our Men very cheap, so they did not spareto drink it as freely. And indeed from the plenty of this Liquor, and their plentiful use of it, our Men call'd all these Islands, the Bashee Islands. 

What Language these People do speak I know not: for it had no affinityin sound to the Chinese, which is spoke much through the Teeth;nor yet to the Malayan Language. They called the Metal that theirEar-rings were made of Bullawan, which is the Mindana word for Gold;therefore probably they may be related to the Philippine Indians; forthat is the general Name for Gold among all those Indians. I could notlearn from whence they have their Iron; but it is most likely they goin their great Boats to the North end of Luconia, and Trade with theIndians of that Island for it. Neither did I see any thing beside Iron, and pieces of Buffaloes Hides, which I could judge that they boughtof Strangers: Their Cloaths were of their own Growth and Manufacture. 

These Men had Wooden Lances, and a few Lances headed with Iron;which are all the Weapons that they have. Their Armour is a piece ofBuffaloe-hide, shaped like our Carters Frocks, being without Sleeves, and sowed both sides together, with holes for the Head and the Arms tocome forth. This Buff-Coat reaches down to their Knees: It is closeabout their Shoulders, but below it is 3 Foot wide, and as thick asa Board. 

I could never perceive them to Worship any thing, neither had they anyIdols; neither did they seem to observe any one day more than other. Icould never perceive that one Man was of greater Power than another;but they seemed to be all equal; only every Man ruling his own House, and the Children Respecting and Honouring their Parents. 

Yet 'tis probable that they have some Law, or Custom, by which theyare govern'd; for while we lay here we saw a young Man buried alivein the Earth; and 'twas for Theft, as far as we could understand fromthem. There was a great deep hole dug, and abundance of People came tothe Place to take their last Farewell of him: Among the rest, therewas one Woman who made great Lamentation, and took off the condemn'dPerson's Ear-rings. We supposed her to be his Mother. After he hadtaken his leave of her and some others, he was put into the Pit, and covered over with Earth He did not struggle, but yielded veryquietly to his Punishment; and they cramm'd the Earth close upon him, and stifled him. 

They have but one Wife, with whom they live and agree very well;and their Children live very obediently under them. The Boys go outa Fishing with their Fathers; and the Girls live at home with theirMothers: And when the Girls are grown pretty strong, they send themto their Plantations, to dig Yames and Potatoes; of which they bringhome on their Heads every day enough to serve the whole Family;for they have no Rice nor Maize. 

Their Plantations are in the Valleys, at a good distance from theirHouses; where every Man has a certain spot of Land, which is properlyhis own. This he manageth himself for his own use; and provides enough, that he may not be beholding to his Neighbour. 

Notwithstanding the seeming nastiness of their Dish of Goats Maw, they are in their Persons a very neat cleanly People, both Men andWomen: And they are withal the quietest and civilest People thatI did ever meet with. I could never perceive them to be angry withone another. I have admired to see 20 or 30 Boats aboard our Ship ata time, and yet no difference among them; but all civil and quiet, endeavouring to help each other on occasion; No noise nor appearanceof distaste: and although sometimes cross Accidents would happen, which might have set other Men together by the Ears, yet they werenot moved by them. Sometimes they will also drink freely, and warmthemselves with their Drink; yet neither then could I ever perceivethem out of Humour. They are not only thus civil among themselves, but very obliging and kind to Strangers; nor were their Children rudeto us, as is usual. Indeed the Women, when we came to their Houses, would modestly beg any Rags, or small pieces of Cloth, to swaddletheir young ones in, holding out their Children to us; and beggingis usual among all these wild Nations. Yet neither did they beg soimportunely as in other Places; nor did the Men ever beg any thingat all. Neither, except once at the first time we came to an Anchor(as I shall relate) did they steal any thing; but dealt justly, andwith great sincerity with us; and made us very welcome to their Houseswith Bashee drink. If they had none of this Liquor themselves, theywould buy a Jar of Drink of their Neighbours, and sit down with us:for we could see them go and give a piece or two of their Gold forsome Jars of Bashee. And indeed among Wild Indians, as these seemto be, I wonder'd to see buying and selling, which is not so usual;nor to converse so freely, as to go aboard Stranger's Ships with solittle caution: Yet their own small Trading may have brought themto this. At these entertainments they and their Family, Wife andChildren drank out of small Callabashes; and when by themselves, theydrink about from one to another; but when any of us came among them, they would always drink to one of us. 

They have no sort of Coin; but they have small Crumbs of the Metalbefore described, which they bind up very safe in Plantain Leaves, or the like. This Metal they exchange for what they want, givinga small quantity of it, about 2 or 3 Grains, for a Jar of Drink, that would hold 5 or 6 Gallons. They have no Scales, but give it byguess. Thus much in general. 

To proceed therefore with our Affairs, I have said before, thatwe anchored here the 6th day of August. While we were furling ourSails, there came near 100 Boats of the Natives aboard, with 3 or4 Men in each; so that our Deck was full of Men. We were at firstafraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 small Arms on ourPoop, and kept 3 or 4 Men as Centinels, with Guns in their Hands, ready to fire on them if they had offered to molest us. But theywere pretty quiet, only they pickt up such old Iron that they foundon our Deck, and they also took out our Pump-Bolts, and Linch-Pinsout of the Carriages of our Guns, before we perceived them. At last, one of our Men perceived one of them very busie getting out one of ourLinch Pins; and took hold of the fellow, who immediately bawl'd out, and all the rest presently leaped overboard, some into their Boats, others into the Sea; and they all made away for the Shore. But whenwe perceived their Fright, we made much of him that was in hold, who stood Trembling all the while; and at last we gave him a smallpiece of Iron, with which he immediately leapt overboard and swamto his Consorts; who hovered about our Ship to see the Issue. Thenwe beckned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to lose aCommerce with them. Some of the Boats came aboard again, and theywere always very Honest and Civil afterward. 

We presently after this sent a Canoa ashore, to see their manner ofliving, and what Provision they had: The Canao's Crew were made verywelcome with Bashee drink, and saw abundance of Hogs, some of whichthey bought, and returned aboard. After this the Natives broughtaboard both Hogs and Goats to us in their own Boats; and every day weshould have 15 or 20 Hogs and Goats in Boats aboard by our side. Thesewe bought for a small matter; we could buy a good fat Goat for anold Iron Hoop, and a Hog of 70 or 80 pound weight for 2 or 3 poundof Iron. Their drink also they brought off in Jars, which we boughtfor old Nails, Spikes, and Leaden Bullets. Besides the fore-mentionedCommodities, they brought aboard great quantities of Yams and Potatoes;which we purchased for Nails, Spikes, or Bullets. It was one Man'swork to be all day cutting out Bars of Iron into small pieces with acold Chisel: And these were for the great Purchases of Hogs and Goats, which they would not sell for Nails, as their Drinks and Roots. Wenever let them know what Store we have, that they may value it themore. Every Morning, as soon as it was light, they would thus comeaboard with their Commodities; which we bought as we had occasion. Wedid commonly furnish our selves with as many Goats and Roots as servedus all the day; and their Hogs we bought in large Quantities, as wethought convenient; for we salted them. Their Hogs were very sweet;but I never saw so many Meazled ones. 

We filled all our Water at a curious Brook close by us in Grafton'sIsle, where we first anchored. We stayed there about three or fourdays, before we went to other Islands. We sailed to the Southward, passing on the East-side of Grafton Island, and then passed thro'between that and Monmouth Island; but we found no Anchoring till wecame to the North end of Monmouth Island, and there we stopt duringone Tide. The Tide runs very strong here, and sometimes makes a shortchopping Sea. Its course among these Islands is S. By E. And N. ByW. The Flood sets to the North, and Ebb to the South, and it risethand falleth 8 Foot. 

When we went from hence, we coasted about 2 Leagues to the Southward, on the West side of Monmouth Island; and finding no Anchor-ground, we stood over to the Bashee Island, and came to an Anchor on theNorth East part of it, against a small sandy Bay, in 7 fathom cleanhard Sand, and about a quarter of a Mile from the Shore. Here is apretty wide Channel between these two Islands, and Anchoring all overit. The Depth of Water is 2, 14, and 16 Fathom. 

We presently built a Tent ashore, to mend our Sails in, and stay'dall the rest of our time here, viz. From the 13th day of August tillthe 26th day of September. In which time we mended our Sails, andscrubb'd our Ships bottom very well; and every day some of us went totheir Towns, and were kindly entertained by them. Their Boats alsocame aboard with their Merchandize to sell, and lay aboard all Day;and if we did not take it off their Hands one Day, they would bringthe same again the next. 

We had yet the Winds at S. W. And S. S. W. Mostly fair Weather. In Octoberwe did expect the Winds to shift to the N. E. And therefore we providedto sail (as soon as the Eastern Monsoon was settled) to cruize offat Manila. Accordingly we provided a stock of Provision. We salted70 or 80 good fat Hogs, and bought Yams and Potatoes good store toeat at Sea. 

About the 24th day of September, the Winds shifted about to the East, and from thence to the N. E. Fine fair Weather. The 25th it came atN. And began to grow fresh, and the Sky began to be clouded; and theWind freshened on us. 

At 12 a clock at night it blew a very fierce Storm. We were then ridingwith our best Bower [27] a Head and though our Yards and Top-mastwere down, yet we drove. This obliged us to let go our Sheet-Anchor, veering out a good scope of Cable, which stopt us till 10 or 11 aclock the next day. Then the Wind came on so fierce, that she droveagain, with both Anchors a-head. The Wind was now at N. By W. And wekept driving till 3 or 4 a clock in the afternoon: and it was wellfor us that there were no Islands, Rocks, or Sands in our way, forif there had, we must have been driven upon them. We used our utmostendeavours to stop here, being loath to go to Sea, because we had sixof our Men ashore, who could not get off now. At last we were drivenoff into deep Water, and then it was in vain to wait any longer:Therefore we hove in our Sheet Cable, and got up our Sheet Anchor, and cut away our best Bower, (for to have heav'd her up then wouldhave gone near to have foundred us) and so put to Sea. We had veryviolent Weather the night ensuing, with very hard Rain, and we wereforced to scud with our bare Poles till 3 a Clock in the morning. Thenthe Wind slacken'd, and we brought our Ship to, under a mizen, andlay with our Head to the Westward. The 27th day the Wind abated much, but it rained very hard all day, and the Night ensuing. The 28th daythe Wind came about to the N. E. And it cleared up, and blew a hardGale, but it stood not there, for it shifted about to the Eastward, thence to the S. E. Then to the South, and at last settled at S. W. Andthen we had a moderate Gale and fair Weather. 

It was the 29th day when the Wind came to the S. W. Then we made allthe Sail we could for the Island again. The 30th day we had the Wind atWest, and saw the Islands; but could not get in before night. Thereforewe stood off to the Southward till two a Clock in the morning; then wetackt, and stood in all the morning, and about 12 a clock, the 1st dayof October, we anchored again at the place from whence we were driven. 

Then our six men were brought aboard by the Natives, to whom we gave3 whole Bars of Iron, for their kindness and civility, which was anextraordinary to them. Mr. Robert Hall was one of the Men that wasleft ashore. I shall speak more of him hereafter. He and the rest ofthem told me, that after the Ship was out of sight, the Natives beganto be more kind to them than they had been before, and persuaded themto cut their Hair short, as theirs was, offering to each of themif they would do it, a young Woman to Wife, and a small Hatchet, and other Iron Utensils, fit for a Planter, in Dowry; and withalshewed them a piece of Land for them to manage. They were courtedthus by several of the Town where they then were: but they took uptheir head quarters at the House of him with whom they first wentashore. When the Ship appeared in sight again, then they importunedthem for some Iron, which is the chief thing that they covet, evenabove their Ear-rings. We might have bought all their Ear-rings, orother Gold they had, with our Iron-bars, had we been assured of itsgoodness; and yet when it was touch'd and compar'd with other Gold, we could not discern any difference, tho' it look'd so pale in thelump; but the seeing them polish it so often, was a new discouragement. 

This last Storm put our Men quite out of heart: for although it was notaltogether so fierce as that which we were in on the Coast of China, which was still fresh in Memory, yet it wrought more powerfully, andfrighted them from their design of cruising before Manila, fearinganother Storm there. Now every Man wisht himself at home, as theyhad done an hundred times before: But Captain Read, and Captain Teatthe Master, persuaded them to go toward Cape Comorin, and then theywould tell them more of their Minds, intending doubtless to cruizein the Red Sea; and they easily prevailed with the Crew. 

The Eastern Monsoon was now at hand, and the best way had been togo through the Streights of Malacca; but Captain Teat said it wasdangerous, by reason of many Islands and Shoals there, with which noneof us were acquainted. Therefore he thought it best to go round on theEast-side of all the Philippine Islands, and so keeping South towardthe Spice Islands, to pass out into the East-Indian Ocean about theIsland Timor. 

This seemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous altogetherfor Sholes; but not for meeting with English or Dutch Ships, whichwas their greatest Fear. I was well enough satisfied, knowing thatthe farther we went, the more Knowledge and Experience I should get, which was the main Thing that I regarded; and should also have themore variety of Places to attempt an Escape from them, being fullyresolv'd to take the first opportunity of giving them the slip. 

CHAP. XVI

 They depart from the Bashee Islands, and passing by some others, and the N. End of Luconia. St. John's Isle, and other of the Philippines. They stop at the two Isles near Mindanao; where they re-fit their Ship, and make a Pump after the Spanish fashion. By the young Prince of the Spice Island they have News of Captain Swan, and his Men, left at Mindanao: The Author proposes to the Crew to return to him; but in vain; The Story of his Murder at Mindanao. The Clove-Islands. Ternate. Tidore, &c. The Island Celebes, and Dutch Town of Macasser. They coast along the East side of Celebes, and between it and other Islands and Sholes, with great difficulty. Shy Turtle. Vast Cockles. A wild Vine of great Virtue for Sores. Great Trees; one excessively big. Beacons instead of Buoys on the Sholes. A Spout: a Description of them, with a Story of one. Uncertain Tornadoes. Turtle. The Island Bouton, and its chief Town and Harbour Callasusung. The Inhabitants Visits given and receiv'd by the Sultan. His Device in the Flag of his Proe: His Guards, Habit, and Children. Their Commerce. Their different esteem (as they pretend) of the English and Dutch. Maritime Indians sell others for Slaves. Their Reception in the Town. A Boy with 4 rows of Teeth. Parakites. Crockadores, a sort of White Parrots. They pass among other inhabited Islands, Omba, Pentare, Timore, &c. Sholes. New Holland: laid down too much Northward. Its Soil, and Dragon-trees. The poor winking inhabitants: their Feathers, Habit, Food, Arms, &c. The way of fetching Fire out of Wood. The Inhabitants on the Islands. Their Habitations, Unfitness for Labour, &c. The great Tides here. They design for the Island Cocos, and Cape Comorin. 

The third Day of October 1687, we sailed from these Islands, standingto the Southward; intending to sail through among the Spice Islands. Wehad fair Weather, and the Wind at West. We first steer'd S. S. W. Andpassed close by certain small Islands that lye just by the North-endof the Island Luconia. [28] We left them all on the West of us, andpast on the East-side of it, and the rest of the Philippine Islands, coasting to the Southward. 

The N. East-end of the Island Luconia appears to be good ChampionLand, of an indifferent heighth, plain and even for many Leagues;only it has some pretty high Hills standing upright by themselves inthese Plains; but no ridges of Hills, or chains of Mountains joyningone to another. The Land on this side seems to be most Savannah, or Pasture: The S. E. Part is more Mountainous and Woody. 

Leaving the Island Luconia, and with it our Golden Projects, wesailed on to the Southward, passing on the East-side of the restof the Philippine Islands. These appear to be more Mountainous, and less Woody, till we came in sight of the Island St. John; thefirst of that name I mentioned: the other I spake of on the Coast ofChina. This I have already described to be a very woody Island. Herethe Wind coming Southerly, forced us to keep farther from the Islands. 

The 14 day of October we came close by a small low woody Island, that lieth East from the S. E. End of Mindanao, distant from it about20 Leagues. I do not find it set down in any Sea-Chart. 

The 15th day we had the Wind at N. E. And we steered West for the IslandMindanao, and arrived at the S. E. End again in the 16th day. Therewe went in and anchored between two small Islands, which lie inabout 5 d. 10 m. North Lat. I mentioned them when we first came onthis Coast. Here we found a fine small Cove, on the N. W. End of theEasternmost Island [i. E. , Sarangani], fit to careen in, or hale ashore;so we went in there, and presently unrigg'd our Ship, and provided tohale our Ship ashore, to clean her bottom. These Islands are about 3or 4 Leagues from the Island Mindanao; they are about 4 or 5 Leaguesin Circumference, and of a pretty good heighth. The Mold is blackand deep; and there are two small Brooks of fresh Water. 

They are both plentifully stored with great high Trees; thereforeour Carpenters were sent ashore to cut down some of them for ouruse; for here they made a new Boltsprit, which we did set here also, our old one being very faulty. They made a new Fore-yard too, and aFore-top-mast: And our Pumps being faulty, and not serviceable, theydid cut a Tree to make a Pump. They first squared it, then sawed it inthe middle, and then hollowed each side exactly. The two hollow sideswere made big enough to contain a Pump-box in the midst of them both, when they were joined together; and it required their utmost Skill toclose them exactly to the making a tight Cylinder for the Pump-box;being unaccustomed to such work. We learnt this way of Pump-makingfrom the Spaniards; who make their Pumps that they use in their Shipsin the South-Seas after this manner; and I am confident that thereare no better Hand-pumps in the World than they have. 

While we lay here, the young Prince that I mentioned in the 13thChapter, came aboard. He understanding that we were bound fartherto the Southward, desired us to transport him and his Men to his ownIsland. He shewed it to us in our Draft, and told us the Name of it;which we put down in our Draft, for it was not named there; but Iquite forgot to put it into my Journal. 

This Man told us, that not above six days before this, he saw CaptainSwan, and several of his Men that we left there, and named the Names ofsome of them, who, he said, were all well, and that now they were atthe City of Mindanao; but that they had all of them been out with RajaLaut, fighting under him in his Wars against his Enemies the Alfoores;and that most of them fought with undaunted Courage; for which theywere highly honoured and esteemed, as well by the Sultan, as by theGeneral Raja Laut; that now Capt. Swan intended to go with his Mento Fort St. George, and that in order thereto, he had proffered fortyOunces of Gold for a Ship; but the Owner and he were not yet agreed;and that he feared that the Sultan would not let him go away tillthe Wars were ended. 

All this the Prince told us in the Malayan tongue, which many of ushad learnt; and when he went away he promised to return to us againin 3 days time, and so long Captain Read promised to stay for him(for we had now almost finished our Business) and he seemed very gladof the opportunity of going with us. 

After this I endeavoured to perswade our Men, to return with the Shipto the River of Mindanao, and offer their Service again to CaptainSwan. I took an opportunity when they were filling of Water, therebeing then half the Ships Company ashore; and I found all these verywilling to do it. I desired them to say nothing, till I had triedthe Minds of the other half, which I intended to do the next day;it being their turn to fill Water then; But one of these Men, whoseemed most forward to invite back Captain Swan, told Captain Readand Captain Teat of the Project, and they presently disswaded the Menfrom any such Designs. Yet fearing the worst, they made all possiblehaste to be gone. 

I have since been informed, that Captain Swan and his Men stayedthere a great while afterward; and that many of the Men got passagefrom thence in Dutch Sloops to Ternate, particularly Mr. Rofy, and Mr. Nelly. There they remained a great while, and at last gotto Batavia (where the Dutch took their Journals from them) and so toEurope; and that some of Captain Swan's Men died at Mindanao; of whichnumber Mr. Harthrope, and Mr. Smith, Captain Swan's Merchants weretwo. At last Captain Swan and his Surgeon going in a small Canoa aboardof a Dutch Ship then in the Road, in order to get Passage to Europe, were overset by the Natives at the Mouth of the River; who waitedtheir coming purposely to do it, but unsuspected by them; where theyboth were kill'd in the Water. This was done by the General's Order, assome think, to get his Gold, which he did immediately seize on. Otherssay, it was because the General's House was burnt a little before, and Captain Swan was suspected to be the Author of it; and others say, That it was Captain Swan's Threats occasioned his own Ruin; for hewould often say passionately, that he had been abused by the General, and that he would have satisfaction for it; saying also, that now hewas well acquainted with their Rivers, and knew how to come in at anytime; that he also knew their manner of Fighting, and the Weakness oftheir Country; and therefore he would go away, and get a Band of Mento assist him, and returning thither again, he would spoil and takeall that they had, and their Country too. When the General had beeninformed of these Discourses, he would say, What, is Captain Swan madeof Iron, and able to resist a whole Kingdom? Or does he think that weare afraid of him, that he speaks thus? Yet did he never touch him, till now the Mindanayans kill'd him. It is very probable there mightbe somewhat of Truth in all this; for the Captain was passionate, and the General greedy of Gold. But whatever was the occasion, sohe was killed, as several have assured me, and his Gold seized on, and all his Things; and his Journal also from England, as far as CapeCorrientes on the Coast of Mexico. This Journal was afterwards sentaway from thence by Mr. Moody (who was there both a little before anda little after the Murder) and he sent it to England by Mr. Goddard, Chief Mate of the Defence. 

But to our purpose: Seeing I could not persuade them to go to CaptainSwan again, I had a great desire to have had the Prince's Company:But Captain Read was afraid to let his fickle Crew lie long. Thatvery day that the Prince had promised to return to us, which wasNovember 2, 1687, we sailed hence, directing our course South-West, and having the Wind at N. W. 

[The course of the ship after leaving Mindanao may be seen from theheading to this chapter. Of Australia (or New Holland, as it was thencalled) Dampier says: "New Holland is a very large tract of Land. Itis not yet determined whether it is an Island or a main Continent;but I am certain that it joyns neither to Asia, Africa, nor America. "]

[From Australia (chap. Xvii) the adventurers sail along until theyreach Nicobar Island, where Dampier and two others receive permissionto remain, together with four Malays and a Portuguese; and have variousadventures with the natives of that island. Finally leaving there(chap. Xviii), they go to Sumatra, where the small band is decimatedby the death of one Malay and the Portuguese. The two Englishmen go tothe English factory. Leaving the island, Dampier sets out as boatswainof an English ship for Nicobar, but returns to Achin. Thence he makesvarious voyages (in 1688 and 1689) in Eastern waters, and finallybecomes gunner at the English factory at Bencouli (1690); but, thatpost proving uncongenial, he deserts and takes passage for England(January 2, 1691). The journey to the Dutch colony at the Cape of GoodHope (chap. Xix--misnumbered xx) witnesses a slight engagement betweenthe French, with whom hostilities have broken out, and the Dutch andEnglish; and the mysterious death of many of the sailors on the Englishvessel, from the bad water, Dampier thinks. England is finally reached(chap. Xx), and the author's long voyage is over, September 16, 1691. ]

PETITION FOR DOMINICAN MISSIONARIES

Fray Francisco de Villalva of the Order of Preachers, andprocurator-general (in virtue of powers which he presents) of theprovince of Santo Rosario, which the said order has in the FilipinasIslands, declares: That, as is well known, the religious of hisorder in the said islands have converted to the Catholic faith, and now have in their charge, the provinces of Cagayan, Pangasinan, Mandayas, part of Tagalos, Zambales, and the island of Babuyanes--inwhich territory there is diversity of languages, and a great numberof convents provided with ministers for the instruction of the Indiannatives; from this labor always has been and still is gathered thespiritual harvest which is well known. Moreover, those fathers havemade extensive conquests in various parts of those kingdoms, foundingmany churches--as they actually are maintaining public worship atthis very time in the vast empire of Great China. There they aresuffering immense hardships and persecutions, shedding their blood inthe violent acts committed by tyranny, in order to plant there theChristian faith and religion; for this cause, and in its defense, seventy-eight religious have given their lives as martyrs in thatprovince, leaving the church made illustrious by this triumph. Andbesides this, they have in the city of Manila their principal convent, which continually maintains the practices of hearing confessions, preaching, and giving consolation in the sicknesses and trials of thecitizens, with great comfort to all. They have also the college ofSanto Tomàs, in which are taught grammar, the arts, and scholasticand moral theology, to the benefit of all that community and theentire archipelago. They support students holding fellowships, usuallytwenty-four to thirty, without receiving any stipend: and have thussent out, as they are still doing, graduates of much learning, forthe dignities and curacies of those islands. They have also anothercollege, that of San Juan de Letran, with more than a hundred orphanboys, the sons of poor soldiers who have died in the service of yourMajesty--giving them all that is necessary for their support, andinstructing them in reading, writing, religious conduct, and virtue;while those boys who are not inclined to study are aided in obtainingpositions as soldiers, artillerists, mariners, and in other occupationsin which they are employed to the service of your Majesty. Anotherenterprise is also at the expense and charge of the said religiousorder and province--the Parian, which is the silk-market of theChinese; it is close to the walls of Manila, and from five to sixthousand Chinamen usually reside in it. For the Christians preaching intheir own language is furnished every feast-day in their own church, and there is continual preaching to the heathen through the streets;with this labor they have made a great many conversions, and gained anenormous number of souls. For this same nation those fathers maintaina hospital, in which, with the good example of those religious, andtheir instruction and continual assistance in the sicknesses of theChinese, they have gained so great a harvest that from its foundation(which was in the former year of 1588) to the present year of 1677, [29] seldom has a patient died without receiving the water of holybaptism. This religious order also have at San Juan del Monte asanctuary which is the object of devotion of all that colony; andat the port of Cavite, three leguas distant from Manila--where thegalleons and other vessels of smaller size are built--they have theconvent of San Thelmo, the religious of which assist the soldiers, mariners, and sailors with their preaching and instruction, so thatall of them may live Christian and orderly lives. 

This religious province administers the functions entrusted toit without any worldly advantage, receiving neither imposts norfees for burials, marriages, feast-days, or sermons--its religiousbeing supported only by the stipend which your Majesty assigns tothe ministers in the mission villages; and from this amount theyspend much and distribute [alms] among the poor and needy Indians oftheir districts. Nor is there in any convent of the said province anyfixed income; nor has the province ever accepted deposits or valuablearticles, or permitted its individual religious to keep these thingsin their cells, or anything except a breviary and the holy Bible, for the preaching of the holy gospel. Their clothing is of coarse, rough frieze without, and their inner garments of what your Majesty(whom may God guard) grants them as alms. All this is evident by thepublicity of the facts, and by official information which on variousoccasions has been sent to the glorious Catholic sovereigns, yourMajesty's predecessors, and to their royal and supreme Council ofthe Indias by the governor and royal Audiencia of the islands, andthe cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, of the said city of Manila. 

In consideration of these things, and of the fact that so numerousChristian communities are persevering in the Catholic faith, and thatthese are spreading with the new conversions, his Majesty who is nowin glory, moved by the fervent zeal which he always had for the good ofsouls, continued to send to the said islands religious of the Order ofSt. Dominic, in order that by their apostolic lives and doctrine theymight teach and preach the holy gospel. And finally, in the past yearof 1668 her Highness the queen-regent, the mother of your Majesty, was pleased to grant permission that some of those religious shouldgo thither at the cost of the royal treasury; in accordance with thisthirty-three religious went to those islands, thirty priests and threelay brethren. [30] But, although that permission and the number ofmissionaries were enough for one shipment, they do not suffice for thesuccor of so many souls as that province has in its charge, and forthe new conversions which continually present themselves. Moreover, with the long voyage, the unaccustomed climates, the continual toil, and the austerity which is observed by this province--which follows theprimitive rule of its order--the number of its members must necessarilydiminish. This has actually been the case, since from the time whenpermission was given for the last shipload of religious, which wasnine years ago, a greater number have died than those who went to theislands in that band, as was evident from the last reports which thesaid province sent [to España], and which the petitioner will exhibit, if necessary. And today, counting in the sick, crippled, and old men, there are not ninety priests in the said province; and even thoughthere were many more, since more are actually necessary it is highlyexpedient that other and fresh religious should go thither, that theymay be rendering themselves capable in the languages and ministries, so that ready and intelligent laborers may never be lacking for theinstruction and teaching of the natives, and for the new conversions, which our sovereigns the Catholic kings of España have so earnestlystriven to maintain and increase, sending religious every four or sixyears, and sometimes every two years; without the ministries beingless than they are now, nor do fewer die now than then. 

In order to provide those who should go, and to find the number forwhom your Majesty shall be pleased to grant permission, to obtaininformation about them, to examine into their virtue and learning, and to secure a judicious choice, the petitioner needs about a year, in which time he can go personally to the convents of the threeprovinces of España; for the importance of so delicate a matter willnot permit that it be entrusted to letters alone. Accordingly, heshould have at least the time until St. John's day next, or when thefirst fleet shall be equipped; otherwise he cannot sail from Españaand make a voyage to Filipinas with religious. To reach those islands, two years are usually required, and at the very least more than oneyear; and by that time eleven or twelve years will have passed sincethe last permission [of that sort]. In that protracted course of time, there must necessarily have occurred many deaths among the laborerswho work in that vineyard--of whose labor and conversion of soulsGod has made watch-towers for our sovereigns the Catholic kings ofEspaña, and for their royal and supreme Council of the Indias, uponwhom is laid this heavy weight of obligation--in fulfilling which theyhave always made every exertion, giving permissions, orders, means, and aid to the ministers who have gone thither to cultivate that field. 

Therefore the said province, and the said Fray Francisco de Villalvain its name, have recourse to the kindness and fervent zeal of yourMajesty, with which you have always striven for the preservation andpropagation of the Catholic faith; and prostrate at your royal feethe entreats that your Majesty will be pleased to take pity on so manysouls and the conversions for which the religious of St. Dominicare caring and in which they are laboring in the said FilipinasIslands. They ask that you will grant to the said province fortyreligious, [31] and a suitable number of lay brethren; and to thepetitioner permission to conduct them thither in his company, and thenecessary supplies for him and them, so that on the first opportunitywhen there is a fleet they may embark for their voyage. In this, Godour Lord will regard himself as well served; and that poor and remoteprovince will be anew constrained, in return for this favor and grace, to continue its prayers and sacrifices for the life and health ofyour Majesty, and for the welfare and increase of your entire monarchy. 

EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1686-88

Diary of new events in Filipinas, from June, 1686 to June in 87

On June 11, 1686, the galleon "Santo Niño" discovered, twenty-twoleguas from the island of San Juan, a new island, larger than anyof those discovered in Marianas; it is named San Bernabé, because itwas discovered on the day of that saint. 

On July 11 the bells were rung in Manila for the arrival of the galleon"Santa Rosa. "

On the twelfth they hanged five Sangleys, who were found guilty inthe mutiny. 

On the fourteenth news came that all the people who were in the lanchathat lost its course in Marianas had safely reached port in Cagayan. 

On the eighteenth the courier [32] arrived with the mail. 

On the nineteenth the auditor Don Diego Calderon died. 

On the second of August, Licentiate Don Rafael Tome, a student inSan José, died. 

On the twenty-seventh, the sloop for Marianas sailed from Cavite;and Fathers Diego de Zarzosa and Jacinto Garcia, [33] and BrotherMelchor de los Reyes, embarked in it. 

On the twenty-sixth, our mail reached Manila. On the twenty-eighth, that from Roma was opened, and no [provision for our] governmentwas found. 

At the beginning of September, the Augustinians brought suit againstus before the archbishop, regarding the administration of Mariquina. 

On the sixth of October, Father Jose Lopez died in Palapag. 

On the twelfth the father provincial, Francisco Salgado, [34] andthe father rector, Luis Pimentel, [35] were notified of the judicialdecision by the archbishop--who, declaring himself to be a competentjudge, notwithstanding [our] challenge of his cognizance, although hehad approved our licenses and our administration of the sacraments, revoked the said licenses, and decreed that no one of the Societyshould minister in Mariquina, [36] and that the ministry there shoulddevolve upon the Augustinians. 

On the same day, the twelfth of October, it was decided in a provincialcouncil that the paths of government should be opened. The first wasentered by Father Geronimo de Ortega, and the second by Father JuanAndres de Palavicino; but, on account of the death of both these, Father Luis Pimentel--at the time, rector of the college of SanIgnacio--began to govern. 

On the thirteenth of October, the armada entered the port of Cavite. 

On the fifteenth, Father Antonio Jaramillo [37] began to officiateas rector of the college of Manila. 

On the eighteenth of October, a decree was made known to the provisor, who had gone to Mariquina and Pasig, forbidding any official whateverof the archbishopric from taking action in matters pertaining to thelawsuit of Mariquina. 

On the twenty-first, a decree was made known to the archbishop strictlycharging him that he must refrain from taking action in the lawsuitof Mariquina, and that he must exhibit the records. 

On the eighteenth of December, the archbishop was notified and chargednot to disturb us in the Mariquina affair. On the nineteenth, a similarcharge was laid upon the prior of Pasig; and another, on the twentieth, on the prior-general of the Augustinians. 

On the same day, the twentieth of December, the archbishop sent adenunciation of excommunication, with the curse of God--Father, Son, and Holy Spirit--and his own, and that of the apostles Peter and Paul, to the governor and to Auditor Bolivar, in order that they shouldnot interfere in the Mariquina affair. 

Year of 1687

On the twenty-first of January, 1687, General Don Juan de Zalaeta wasarrested by order of the governor, and thrust into the sulphur dungeon[calabozo de azufre]. Item, they also arrested Licentiate Don Miguelde Lozama, and conveyed him, wearing two pairs of fetters, to thefort of San Gabriel. The goods of both were seized, and several oftheir clerks arrested. 

On the twenty-second, Doña Ynes, the wife of the said Don Miguel, sent a petition to the said governor, who answered that the judge ofthe suit was Don Francisco Velasco, alcalde-in-ordinary. Doña Ynes camebefore the royal Audiencia, and that body passed an act providing thatthe said alcalde should, after taking the confession of the accused, present the documents within twenty-four hours. The governor, havingseen this decree, issued another, prohibiting further action bythe royal Audiencia, and ordering the alcalde to prosecute the casewithout surrendering the documents. At night the governor summoned theauditors and fiscal to a conference, and made an address to them--fromwhich resulted, as was noticed, great fear in the auditors, who almostdecided to forsake the Audiencia, and take refuge in sanctuary. 

On the seventh of February, they arrested the auditor Don Diegode Viga, put him on a vessel, and conveyed him to the island ofMariveles. At the same time they made the most careful search, inorder to seize the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar; but by that time hehad fled to sanctuary. 

On the fourteenth of February, they took from his house, where shehad remained with guards, Doña Josefa Moran de la Cueva, the wifeof the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar, and carried her into banishmentat Abucay. 

On the sixteenth, they also seized Doña Ynes, sister of the said DoñaJosefa, and wife of Licentiate Don Miguel de Lezama, and carried herto the same place, Abucay. 

On the twenty-sixth of February, the college of the Society of Jesuswas surrounded [by soldiers], to remove thence the person of theauditor Don Pedro de Bolivar; and not finding him, the men remainedon guard, both within and without the college, for the space of ninedays. In that time they searched the house eleven times--four ofthese with violence, wrenching the locks from doors, and breaking opentables; but they did not find the said Don Pedro. At the end of thenine days, he showed himself, of his own accord, and they arrestedhim and took him to Mariveles; several days before they had removedfrom the said island the auditor Don Diego de Viga, and transferredhim to that of Lucban. 

Just about this time a new Audiencia was formed, which was thusarranged: the governor was its president; the royal fiscal becamean auditor, Captain Don Jose Cervantes was judge of Audiencia, andCaptain Juan de Agulo attorney-general. 

On the fourth of March--the day on which [the college of] the Societywas first searched with violence--the English pirate captured a sloopof the king's, which was coming from Pangasinan laden with threethousand cabans of cleaned rice. Item, he also captured a champanbelonging to the alcalde of Pangasinan, which came laden with riceand other products. [38]

On the same day, the fourth of March, the archbishop sent to Mariquinato investigate whether Father Diego de Ayala was officiating ascura; the latter prevented the notary from doing so, and, when otherpeople went to make the said investigation, he told them that theyneed not take that trouble--that he was acting as cura in virtue ofthe bull of St. Pius V and of his assignment [to that parish] by the[royal] patron. 

On the fifth of March there was preaching in the royal chapel by aRecollect friar, against whom the governor issued a royal decree verysharply rebuking him, which he caused to be read to all the religiousorders. A few days later, the archbishop sent an act to the prior ofPasig, ordering him to officiate as cura to the people of Cainta. [39]

About Christmas, the royal magazines in Panay were burned, and in themsome six thousand cabans of rice. On the first of March, Saturday, theAugustinians set fire to the cottage on the ranch which the collegeof the Society of Jesus at Yloilo owns in Suaraga. On the followingSaturday, March 8, fire visited the Augustinians, destroying a visita, a church and convent, and more than forty houses in the village. Item, and the following Saturday, March 15, the church and house wereburned in the village of Dumangas, without their being able to savetheir valuables, or to prevent the burning of the pious offerings[colectas] of Cebu, which had been stored [in that convent]; and, besides this, more than two thousand cabans of rice. 

On the sixteenth of March, Passion Sunday, while Father Diego deAyala was saying mass in the village, the church was entered by armedmen, with Bachelor Teodoro de Aldana, the notary of the archbishop;the prior of Pasig, with two laymen; and other people. After masswas ended, they read to the Indians an act by the archbishop, whichcommanded them, under penalty of flogging and the galleys, to appearwithin three days before the prior of Pasig, resorting to the latterfor religious ministrations, and to repeat the sacraments. 

On the seventeenth of March, the father procurator, Antonio de Borja, [40] presented a petition to the governor that he, as vice-patron, should take measures regarding the violent spoliation which thearchbishop had inflicted on the Society. The governor referred thepetition to the royal fiscal, as being his Lordship's counselor, but the said fiscal excused himself. Then it was referred to DoctorCervantes, to Fray Francisco de Santa Ynes, and to many other persons, both ecclesiastics and laymen, but all excused themselves; and inthese proceedings much time passed, so that it was the end of Maybefore anything was accomplished. 

On the nineteenth of March, in the afternoon, the secretary came todeliver in behalf of the royal court a verbal message to the fatherprocurator [sic] Antonio Jaramillo, advising him of the oversight ofthe preacher, who that morning in the sermon--at which the governorand the king's fiscal were present--had omitted to use the phrase, "very potent sir. " The same message was sent to the superiors of theother religious orders, because, several days before, the prior ofSt. Augustine and another religious, a Dominican, had fallen intothe same offense, when preaching in the royal chapel. 

On the twenty-seventh of March, Holy Thursday, the monument [41]of the Tagálogs in the church of Santo Domingo was burned. Onthe twenty-eighth, Good Friday, there was a fire in Binondo andpart of Tondo; and one thousand two hundred and sixty houses weredestroyed--two hundred and fifty-eight in the village of Tondo, and onethousand and two in that of Binondo. Thirteen persons were burned todeath, and many others escaped only with serious injuries. The firecaught three times in the church of Binondo, but the Indians of SanMiguel and Dilao put it out. 

On the twelfth of April the archbishop demanded aid from the governor, and with it arrested the cantor Don Geronimo de Herrera, and placedhim in the fort of Santiago. Soon afterward, the governor caused thearrest of Don Juan de Cordoba and one Carcano, respectively procuratorand receptor in the royal Audiencia; and afterward, on the twentiethof April, of Blas de Armenta, secretary of the court, and of CaptainDiego de Vargas and others. 

On the twenty-second of April Father Ferragut died in the college. 

On the eighteenth of April, Domingo Diaz came to give the fatherrector, Antonio Jaramillo, a copy of a petition by the Augustinians;the father rector, before he knew that the said Domingo Diaz had come, had made, in scriptis [i. E. , in writing], his protest of incompetencyof the judge, and of challenge and appeal. 

On the twenty-third of April, the father procurator, Antonio deBorja, sent to the archbishop a document in which was set forth indue form the said protest, challenge, and appeal. He also presentedto the governor a petition that he would give proper attention to thedisturbance which the Society had suffered, and the injury inflictedon the royal patronage. 

On the twenty-eighth of April, Domingo Diaz came again to give FatherBorja a copy of another petition from the Augustinians, who said thatthe challenge and appeal which he had interposed were of no force. 

On the fourth of May, they brought Captain Mateo Perea under arrestfrom the Lake [of Bay], and left him in his own house with guards. Onthe sixth of May, Domingo Diaz came to make known to Father Borja anact of the archbishop--who declaring that there was no occasion forthe challenge and appeal interposed, commanded that the parties shouldmake their complaint; and that within six days the documents for thesentence should be brought to his illustrious Lordship. On the tenthof May, Father Antonio Borja presented before the royal Audiencia aplea of fuerza, in order that he might make known the injury whichthe archbishop had done to the Society and the royal patronage. 

On the fourteenth of May, Domingo Diaz came to summon for thesentence of the archbishop the father rector, Pedro de Oriol, [42]who replied that he did not regard himself as summoned, or acknowledgehis illustrious Lordship as a competent judge. On the same day, thefourteenth, Licentiate Don Antonio Roberto was brought a prisonerfrom Marinduque; and they placed him in the provisor's house, witha pair of very heavy fetters. 

On the fifteenth of May, the father rector, Pedro de Oriol, presenteda petition to the governor, asking him to issue a juridical testimonyof his recourse [to the Audiencia] with a plea of fuerza; and thatnotification be sent to the archbishop that his illustrious Lordshipmust not take any further action until the royal court should decidewhat must be done. 

On the seventeenth of May, Domingo Diaz came to make known the sentenceof the archbishop, which declared that the Augustinians were the lawfulparish priests of Mariquina, and that the sacraments administered bythe fathers of the Society since October 12, 1686, had no force. Thereply to all was, [that such proceeding was] null, and contrary tolaw. On the nineteenth of May, Father Borja came before the royalcourt a second time with a plea of fuerza. On the twentieth of May, the royal court resolved to issue a royal decree to the archbishop, commanding him to deliver up the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit. 

On the twenty-third of May, they arrested the dean, Don Miguel Ortizde Cobarrubias, by order of the archbishop; they placed him in theprovisor's house, and seized his goods. At the end of May, theycarried the two auditors, and soon afterward Don Juan de Zalaeta andDon Miguel de Lezama, to Cagayan, as exiles; and they were placed onein each of the four garrisons that are maintained in the said province. 

On the third of June, a notary came from the archbishop with a petitionfrom the Augustinians, who were asking his illustrious Lordship toconfirm the sentence that he had pronounced. Father Borja made a reply, more than two sheets in length. 

On the fifth of June, a royal decree was made known to the archbishopthat he must exhibit the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit, andhis illustrious Lordship said that he would reply and would send thepapers--which were in regard to the value of the sacraments. 

On the eighth of June the archbishop held a consultation with theroyal Audiencia, asking its aid to arrest and punish Fathers Diegode Ayala and Pedro Cano. [43] Up to today, June 24, the archbishophas not exhibited the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit. 

News of this year of 1688 and part of the last one, with an appendixof other points

1. The ship "Santo Niño" which sailed from Cavite last year, 1687, put back to the port of Bagatao, to the grief of everyone--not onlyon account of the deterioration of property and the very considerabledamages, but also this greatly delayed the remedy which is neededby the public calamities and the oppression under which this colonylies. The ship's return to port is attributed to the excessive ladingwhich it carried, to careless arrangements and lack of proper outfit, and to the undue timidity of those who had charge of the vessel. 

2. The Recollect fathers made a raid through the lands of Silang, which they call Alipaopao, Oyaye, Malinta, etc. ; and, trying to adjudgethem to the ranch of Sarmiento, which they had recently bought throughthe agency of General Endaya, they committed unheard-of atrocitiesin the houses and grain-fields of the Indians--burning and ravagingthem as furiously and horribly as if an army of Camucones had raidedthem. The Indians lost, as appears from a juridical statement thatwas drawn up, more than three thousand pesos. 

3. A Dominican friar in Cagayan refused to absolve a Spaniard at thehour of death, in spite of all his entreaties for absolution. Althoughthe friar had begun to hear his confession, the dying man could notproceed with it, being stopped by the nausea which comes at death, and he therefore died without absolution. I do not know all thecircumstances in this case. 

4. Another friar in the same province refused to absolve AuditorDon Diego de Viga, unless he would first express I know not whatprotestations and detestations. The auditor replied that, for whatconcerned the banishment of the archbishop, his conscience had notgiven him any uneasiness, because he had understood that he actedin regard to it in accordance with the laws and decrees of our kinga sovereign so Catholic as is that of España; and that in affairsin which he had felt scruples, and had proceeded according to humanjudgment, there was nothing for which to employ the friar's zeal, and still less occasion for his trying to have him make thosedetestations and protestations. Nevertheless, the friar persisted[se estuvó en sus trece] in refusing to absolve him; and Don Diego, embracing the holy Christ and uttering fervent acts of contrition, said that he appealed to the mercy of God, and thus he died. He wasburied in consecrated ground, although afterward, it is reported, the archbishop sent orders that his bones should be disinterred, and removed from consecrated ground. 

5. Doña Josefa de la Cerda, the wife of Auditor Bolivar, died [44]in her exile, from anxiety and grief and despair. She asked fora confessor from the Society, which was not granted to her. TheDominican friar who served as parish priest in the village whereshe was an exile refused to absolve her unless she would comply withcertain conditions, with which those fathers are wont to fetter andhinder souls. She was not minded to comply with these, or to makeher confession to a religious of that order; and while a Franciscanwho had been granted to her was on his way, she died. They spread thereport that she had died impenitent, and buried her on the seashore. 

6. The archbishop, since he came back from his exile, has not ceasedto wage war on this city. He demanded aid for arresting the religiousof the seraphic father St. Francis, who preached in favor of the royalpatronage; item, for arresting those who were ministering in Mariquina, the fathers of the Society; item, for seizing Father Cano; and allthese acts proceed from the fury and partiality of Father Verart. 

7. The bishop of Sinopolis died, and orders were given that he beburied in [the church of] the Society of Jesus. This the archbishopand his friars took so ill that the latter refused to go to hisfuneral and burial, to the surprise and scandal of the whole city;and the archbishop prevented the cabildo from paying the last honorsto the bishop in the church of the said order, declaring that it waspolluted by [containing] the remains of Señor Grimaldos, who in theopinion of the said fathers died excommunicate. 

8. The archbishop forcibly took from the fathers of the Society theadministration of the village of Cainta and Jesus de la Peña, andgave it to the Augustinian fathers--thus revenging himself on thoseof the Society, whom he regarded as enemies; and for this cause hecommanded them to tear down their buildings at Jesus de la Peña, to the foundations--the governor aiding him in this atrocious act, contrary to the laws and privileges of the royal patronage. 

Appendix

1. The goods which the governor shipped as contraband, of which theaccountant made a written statement, are two hundred and thirty-fivepackages. 

2. The vessels which Endaya has built, with the authority that hepossesses, are two pataches and a champan. 

3. The amount which the governor received from the Marques de laLaguna, at Santa Rosa, was one hundred thousand pesos. 

4. What the governor did with Blas Rodriguez [45] on account of thequantity of gold taels which he gave him. 

5. Of the Dominican friar who went to look at the bulls of DonFernando, that he might enter as a Franciscan. 

6. How not even this gentleman has escaped from the anger of thearchbishop and Verart. 

7. Of the inundation in Cagayan; of the locusts, famine, earthquakes, and drouths; of disturbances, etc. [46]

8. Of the rosary entirely made of silver coins, [47] one hundred andfifty thousand in number, which, it is said, the blessed Dominicanfathers gave to the governor. 

9. Of the imprisonment of Roberto; and why and how the provisor went, with great clatter of weapons and constables, to arrest a brother ofthe Society. 

10. How Father Pedroche, who had been banished from these islands, escaped from Acapulco, and came back dressed as a Recollect. 

11. Of the Dominican friar who killed another in Cagayan. [48]

THE PARDO CONTROVERSY

Brief relation of events in the city of Manila, in the FilipinasIslands

The fiscal of the royal Audiencia of these islands, Licentiate DonDiego Viga, received two letters and an official report, with manydepositions of witnesses, which were sent to him by the alcalde-mayorof the province of Ilocos. [49] These letters and documents were tothe effect that by the continued residence of Bachelor SebastianArqueros de Robles, ecclesiastical head of the bishopric of NuevaSegovia, in the village of Vigan (which is the capital of the saidprovince of Ilocos)--under the pretext of ministering ad interim tothe natives of the village of Bangues, [50] which had for many yearsremained vacant--the natives were becoming uneasy and disturbed. Thiswas hindering in the exercise of their duties not only the officers ofjustice, but also Licentiate Diego de Espinosa Marañón, the proprietarybeneficed cura of the said village of Vigan, with whom the said actingbishop had notorious disputes. [According to the aforesaid documents], all the trouble arose from the fact that the said ecclesiasticalruler maintained his brothers and relatives in the said village, whowith his authority and presence there were causing notable injuriesand annoyances; and a decree was asked from the royal Audiencia, providing that the said acting bishop should nominate in the usualform persons for presentation to the benefice of Bangues, and thathe should change his residence to the capital of his diocese, [51]and should not live at the village of Vigan, except during the periodwhich is allowed to the ecclesiastical visitors by the holy Council. 

This royal decree was accordingly issued, and the said acting bishopreplied that his residence in the village of Vigan was by the orderand command of the archbishop, and that he had no way in which tofulfil the decree; and he presented the warrant and order which heheld for the said residence, and some informal certificates by a fewreligious. This royal Audiencia, considering the disturbances andtroubles which might result from issuing the second royal decree, ordered that it be temporarily suspended; and that meanwhile thepresident, governor, and captain-general should discuss and conferwith the archbishop as to measures for securing peace, and those mostexpedient for a good example to the community. 

This verbal reply [52] which the said archbishop gave to the saidgovernor gave occasion for the issue of a royal decree that the saidarchbishop should command the ecclesiastical ruler of Nueva Segoviato go to reside at the capital of his bishopric; but the latter wouldnot obey, excusing himself with various pretexts. The said archbishopand his attorney-general [promotor fiscal] repeatedly urged that hebe furnished with certified copies of the acts in virtue of which theroyal decrees had been issued; and in the last petition, presentedby the said attorney-general, he inserted the following clause:

"In order that his Majesty may apply the needed corrective, andremove the violence and oppression experienced by the ecclesiasticaljurisdiction; for, if one of its ministers attempts to administerjustice to a subordinate, the culprit finds shelter in the royalAudiencia--not only to free himself from ecclesiastical justice, butalso that they may begin legal proceedings against, and even exile, hissuperior and judge, who rightly desires and strives to punish him. Andall the above was made evident by the aforesaid acts; and it has cometo our knowledge through trustworthy persons that, in the petitionswhich were presented for the issuance of the said decrees, the respectdue to the archbishop and to his high office was forgotten; and that, in the investigations which were made for this purpose, inquirieswere directed into the hidden faults of ecclesiastical persons, and attempt had been made to punish them with the first of the saiddecrees, without punishing the chief authors [of those evil acts], who were laymen. Moreover, decrees had been issued only against theecclesiastical judge on account of their own hidden faults, or thoseof other persons, intimidating him therewith in order that he shouldnot administer justice in future; and a satisfactory account ought tobe given to the said archbishop of the reasons which had influencedthis royal Audiencia to issue the decrees. After [the publication of]the royal and canonical decrees, the archbishop had a right to commandthe clerk of the court to give him the said copy; but for the sake ofthe quiet and comfort of this community, he had commanded him firstto request the acts from this royal Audiencia, making the proper andnecessary requisitions therefor, and asking that the said secretaryof the Audiencia be ordered and commanded to give him the said copy. "

As it was evident that the motives which existed for the despatch ofthe first royal decree were still further justified by such writings, the second was issued, which the said archbishop obeyed no better;on the contrary he said, in the reply that he made to this secondroyal decree, that he entreated the royal Audiencia to give littlehope for aid to the ecclesiastics. [53]

The royal Audiencia, influenced by the report made to it by thefiscal, and considering the disrespectful and indecorous characterof the attorney-general's communication, and that it was entirelydirected against the reputation and equitable procedure of the supremetribunal and its ministers, issued a royal decree that the archbishopshould punish his attorney-general, and should be warned how muchhe had derogated from his own dignity by having allowed such lackof respect. To this the archbishop replied that the attorney-generaldid not deserve punishment, because the petition had been presentedby his own order and mandate. 

At this time the ecclesiastical cabildo presented themselves inrecourse to the royal Audiencia, with a paper signed by their dean, [54] the dignitaries, the canons, and the other prebends, imploringthe royal aid against the archbishop on account of the acts of fuerzaand violence which were suffered by the cabildo, its members, and allthe clergy. [55] They declared that the worst of these were due to thefact that the said archbishop had at his side a religious of the Orderof St. Dominic, named Fray Raymundo Verart; [56] that the archbishophad retained him, ever since he came from Spain, under the title ofcounselor [asesor] and director; that he had gained such influencethat he directed all the actions of the said archbishop; and thathis decisions were so extraordinary that he kept all minds in a stateof notable disquiet--to such a degree that he even refused recoursefrom the acts of fuerza, endeavoring to render the jurisdiction of thearchbishop absolute, and to exclude his Majesty (as represented in theAudiencia) from his highest prerogative, that of aid to his oppressedecclesiastical vassals. They represented that the archbishop acted asan advocate in the very suits in which he was judge; that he livedoutside the city, in a hospital of Sangleys [57] which is in chargeof the religious of St. Dominic, from which resulted injury and delayin the despatch of business; that he could think of nothing but hisfriars, and behaved as one of them--for on the day of election ofprovincial he had rendered obedience to the father who was elected, and in the procession he walked in the fifth rank--regarding himselfas first of all a friar, although he was archbishop-elect; and thathe treated the cabildo and its members ill, showing aversion to them. 

With this petition for relief the dean and cabildo presented amass of records in proof of their argument, asking that decrees beissued: one for the archbishop, that he should remove from his sidethe said Fray Raymundo; [58] and another for the father provincialof St. Dominic, that he should send the said religious to the remoteparts of the missions in charge of his order, agreeably to the purposeand vocation for which he had come to these islands at the cost ofthe royal exchequer. 

In this matter both first and second decrees were issued for the saidarchbishop and the father provincial of St. Dominic, neither of whomwas willing to render obedience, the archbishop returning some veryuncivil answers. [59] Finally, the latter took exception to DoctorDon Diego Calderon, assigning as the cause of this proceeding hisremarks about the ecclesiastical jurisdiction; he also challenged DonDiego Antonio de Viga [the fiscal] for the mode of expression whichhe had used in his writings. By this expedient the proceedings ofthe Audiencia were suspended, for lack of judges--for at that timeit contained only the two gentlemen, Don Francisco de Montemayor andDon Diego Calderon--until Doctors Don Christoval de Grimaldo and DonPedro Sebastian de Bolivar y Mena, the recently-arrived [auditors], [60] could examine the question of the said challenge. At the petitionof Doctor Don Estevan Lorenzo de la Fuente y Alanis, who also had justarrived, they declared that there was no cause for it; and withoutdoubt it would result thus, since the challenge was not sworn to, orpresented, in accordance with the regulations of the royal laws. Theylikewise commanded that the said archbishop be requested and charged tomaintain in all things friendly relations with the [royal] ministers, not only in writing to them but in speech. When he was notified ofthis royal decree, he gave a very sharp answer, and concluded bysaying that his own behavior would be governed in accordance withthe actions of the ministers, as he thus tells them in all his replies. 

This royal Audiencia, considering his insolent replies and disobedienceto the royal decrees, and the scandals thus caused, and that the wholearose from the influence of Father Raymundo Verart, determined, forthe more thorough justification and proof of the whole matter; thatan investigation should be made by the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar, with regard to the injuries and other pernicious consequences whichwere being caused to the public welfare, and which gave occasion to thecomplaint of the ecclesiastical cabildo about the assistance renderedto the archbishop by the said father Fray Raymundo Verart--[all themore] as his illustrious Lordship had, before the said father came tothese islands, conducted himself in entire harmony and most friendlyintercourse with the royal Audiencia, the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the other courts. The affair being in this condition, the saidfather provincial, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, was summoned beforethe royal [court in] session, where they related to him the perniciousconsequences to the public welfare which were accruing from the saidassistance [of Father Verart], and were steadily increasing on accountof his acts of disobedience. The said provincial was admonished tothe fulfilment and execution of what was charged upon him in the saidtwo royal decrees, making him responsible for all the difficultiesthat might result; but he resisted them at every point, repeating his[former] replies. This bold attitude caused the Audiencia, on even morejustifiable grounds, to despatch a third decree, which the said fatherprovincial, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, persisted in disobeying. 

In the midst of these proceedings, another decree against the saidarchbishop was claimed and demanded by Bachelor Diego de EspinosaMarañón, saying that his Lordship had denied the just appeal that hehad made from an act which entailed [on him] an irreparable hardship;and a royal decree was issued for him that the said archbishop mustgrant the said appeal; or, even if he were not obliged to grant it, his acts must be sent [to the Audiencia], in order to know whetherhe committed fuerza in denying the appeal. [61] The said archbishopdid not obey this decree; before this, he had not, at the outset, consented to let a receptor of this royal Audiencia enter to makeknown to him one of its acts; and the matter was not followed up(although in this recourse they went so far as to despatch the seconddecree), for Bachelor Diego de Espinosa Marañón desisted from it, at the instance of certain persons. 

To the above-mentioned changes and indispensable acts of assistancegranted by this royal Audiencia, is added that which was secured bythe illustrious bishop-elect of Nueva Segovia, Doctor Don FranciscoPizarro de Orellana, who came before the royal Audiencia, sayingthat the archbishop had, in the credentials which he had given to thebishop, reserved for his own cognizance the case of Bachelor Diego deEspinosa Marañón--although this was a trial in the first instance, and the said bachelor was under the bishop's parochial care and wascura of the benefice of Vigan, one of the parishes belonging to hisbishopric. The said bishop requested a royal decree that the papersshould be furnished to him by the said archbishop in the customaryform, and that the said cases should be referred to him. In thisaffair they went so far as to issue the fourth royal decree; but thesaid archbishop did not obey one of them. [62]

The same resistance was encountered by four other royal decrees issuedagainst the said archbishop, at the demand, and appeal from fuerza, interposed by Master Don Geronimo de Herrera y Figueroa, cantor ofthis holy cathedral church. He was a prisoner of the said archbishopin the college of Santo Tomás of this city, an indictment having beenbrought against him, charging him with being guilty of disrespect forthe archiepiscopal dignity, and having at the session of the cabildoconcurred in their demand for relief, [63] of which mention hasbeen made--that the said archbishop should remove from his side FrayRaymundo Verart, and the rest that is stated above. The said MasterDon Geronimo had alleged that the said archbishop was not competentto act as judge, of which exception he had notified the prelate; butthe latter without settling this question--which, as pre-judicial, [64] ought to have been summarily decided--proceeded in the case. Evenif he were a competent judge, he ought to proceed with the adjunctjudges, [65] as ordained by the holy Council of Trent; but, [not]heeding these considerations, the said archbishop proceeded withfuerza and violence, which he wreaked on Don Geronimo's person. Thiscase was decidedly within the cognizance of this royal Audiencia, andto its organization and civil jurisdiction belongs the removal of thefuerza with which the prelate had oppressed Don Geronimo. Upon thisground they issued the said four decrees, to attain their object, inorder that the said archbishop should send them the acts, so that itmight be ascertained whether or not he had committed fuerza, or elseshould send these with his notary; but he refused to obey the decrees. 

The royal Audiencia, striving, in whatever pertained to its side, to avoid inflicting the chastisement which his actions demanded, inorder to see whether their tolerance would constrain him to lay asidehis arbitrary proceedings, had suspended, with the clause "for thepresent, " the execution of the penalties of banishment which he wasdeclared to have incurred. [66] This suspension had been attributedto negligence of the Audiencia--at which all the people were quitedisconsolate; afterward it was known that the court had not actedwithout very deliberate resolution, which had been influenced nolittle by the zealous efforts of the governor; when all were hopingfor a change in the sentiments of the archbishop, the courage of theauditors was still further strengthened. For the Order of the Society[of Jesus] presented an executory decree, issued by the royal andsupreme Council of Indias, in regard to the precedence of the collegeof San Joseph over that of Santo Tomas, which is in charge of theDominican religious--in which matter the Society has encountered muchopposition from that order; they have even gone so far as to break outin threats, which the Society has seen carried out. But immediatelythe ecclesiastical attorney-general, with license from the archbishop(who had made legal complaint), demanded in the royal Audiencia aidand the proper documents against the decree, [67] in order that thecommander of the capitana "Santa Rosa"--which had just put back throughstress of weather, and had not yet reached the port--might be furnishedwith a warrant for the seizure of the bales [of merchandise] which, he said, were coming in the said ship on the account of the Societyof Jesus. At the same time the reverend Father Francisco Salgado, provincial of the said order of the Society, came before the saidroyal Audiencia with a plea of appeal, on account of which the saidarchbishop instituted suit against that father's order, opposing thenumerous privileges and bulls of exemption which aid it. While theseactions were pending, and before anything had been decided in them, the said father provincial made representations that, notwithstandingthe said questions were still (as I have said) unsettled, he wasinformed that a notary of the said archbishop had gone to the saidship on various matters of business, thus showing lack of respect tothis royal Audiencia. He urged that documents should be issued, inorder that no further proceedings be taken in this matter, and thatthe commander of the ship should not permit [the seizure of goods]until the points at issue were settled. But, although these decreeswere issued, they produced no result; for, as is evident from competenttestimony, the agents of the archbishop went to the said ship, on theday following that on which the attorney-general had demanded aid, and, without presenting any warrant to the commander, had undertakenand proceeded to make seizures and deposits of bales. [68] This affairwas not finally decided, because it was known outside of court thatthe archbishop had relinquished his claims therein. [69]

In this royal Audiencia a suit was pending for a long timebetween Captain Don Pedro de Sarmiento y Leoz, as husband of DoñaMichaela de Lisarralde [70]--daughter of Don Juan de Lisarralde, and great-granddaughter of Doña Maria de Roa, deceased, who had beenexecutrix for the said Don Juan de Lisarralde, and guardian of thesaid Doña Michaela--against Father Geronimo de Ortega of the Societyof Jesus (who had been executor [71] for Bachelor Nicolás Cordero, andis executor for the said Doña Maria de Roa), over the guardianship andinheritance which belonged to the said Doña Michaela, and the accountwhich had been demanded for all the above affairs. The said father, in conformity with the acts which had been made known to him in thisregard, presented the accounts in the royal Audiencia, after theappointment, acceptance, and oath-taking of auditors therefor. Thissuit, as stated, lasted a long time, [72] and in it came up revisedacts of the said royal Audiencia ordering that all who were interestedin the said executorships should prefer their claims in the said royalAudiencia. The affair being in this condition, the said captain DonPedro Sarmiento--urged on by Licentiate Nicolàs de la Vega Caraballo, [73] an ally of the archbishop--demanded before the said archbishopthat the said Father Ortega should be commanded, under penalty ofcensure, to furnish him the said accounts. This command was laidupon him by repeated acts; nevertheless, the said father refused[the ecclesiastical] jurisdiction, since he had [the case] in acompetent tribunal, pending judgment, and the said accounts hadbeen presented--in proof of which he presented sworn statements tothe said archbishop. Nevertheless, the latter persisted in orderingthe said father to give him the said accounts--even going so far asto denounce him as excommunicated. The ground for this action was, that in the ecclesiastical court demand had been made by the said DonPedro for the surrender of the bequest [74] to the said ArchdeaconCordero. Father Ortega made appeal in the proper quarter from thiscensure, but the archbishop refused to allow the said appeal; fromthis arose the recourse to royal aid from the act of fuerza in havingdenied to the father the said appeal and attempted to compel himto what he had no right to do--the surrender of the said accounts, which had already been presented in the said royal Audiencia. [75]On that account, and because of the very nature of the case, it waswholly within the cognizance of the royal Audiencia, and concernedlaymen. For this reason, the usual royal decree was issued, in orderthat the notary should come to make report. This being made knownto the archbishop, he made a very prolix reply, taking the ground, in very disrespectful language, that the appeal was not legitimate, and that he was not obliged to send the documents; but saying that, upon the necessary declarations, and with the stipulation that the actsshould not pass into the possession of any official of the Audiencia, but must remain in the hands of his own notary, he would give ordersthat the latter should go to make the report, whenever the Audienciashould command it, but he must refuse to absolve the said father. TheAudiencia, in order to avoid new occasions for controversy with thisprelate, overlooked his imposing upon it a condition, and one whichwas so unusual. Domingo Diaz [76] having made the report, and notedin the course of it two false assertions--which he discovered whileinspecting the acts, having read them through--the said notary wentaway, carrying them with him, without waiting for the opinion anddecision of the said royal Audiencia on them to be affirmed. Thattribunal declared the said suit, [77] and the cognizance of it, as itconcerned laymen, to be altogether secular--as were also questionsof guardianship, inheritance, the charge of property, dowries, and other matters of that nature; and that, by virtue of this, all[episcopal] acts regarding these questions be suspended in this royalAudiencia. As for the pious legacies contained in the said testaments, the archbishop was declared to have committed fuerza in not granting toFather Ortega the appeal which he had interposed before the delegateof his Holiness; and the Audiencia resolved that, in consequence ofall the above facts, the prelate should absolve the said father, andimmediately remove his name from the list of excommunicated persons, and that a royal decree [to this effect] be issued in his behalf. Whenthis was made known to the archbishop, he gave an extremely insolentand uncivil reply, opposing the authority of this royal Audiencia, the royal jurisdiction, the governor, and the auditors. He refusedto send the acts [to the Audiencia], or to absolve the said father, and declared in plain terms that he would persist in this opposition, and that the Audiencia might therefore inflict whatever violence theychose on him and his dignity. 

Another instance: Sargento-mayor Don Juan Gallardo--who was chiefmagistrate, castellan, and commander of the seamen and sailors, in the port of Cavite (the most important port in these islands, and its command one of the highest military posts)--had a prisoner, an artillerist named Lorenço Magno. [78] The said archbishop senthim a letter of requisition, demanding that Don Juan hand over tohim the said prisoner and the suit that had been brought against him;or that he should declare under oath whether or not that suit was inhis hands. In this letter of requisition the archbishop did not statethe cause for which his illustrious Lordship said he had accused theaforesaid [prisoner, which was] bigamy. The said castellan, moreover, noticed in it certain imperative expressions and the archbishopaddressed him as vos [i. E. , "you"], [79] in the manner which iscustomary in the royal decrees. The said castellan sent the prisoner tothe archbishop, who issued another letter of requisition, in the sameform as the preceding, at the petition of Francisca Ignacia, wife ofthe said Lorenço Magno--against whom, it was declared, he was carryingon a suit for divorce--demanding that immediately, without any delay, under penalty of excommunication and a fine of five hundred pesos, the said castellan should within three hours deliver to the notary acertified statement of the suit which he had instituted against thesaid Lorenço Magno. The castellan came before the royal Audiencia withhis deposition regarding these two letters of requisition, demandingthat the said archbishop be requested and charged to observe, in thecommunications that he might send to the judicial officers of hisMajesty, the forms ordained by law, treating the magistrates with thecourtesy due to their position. These acts having been considered inthe Audiencia, a royal decree was despatched requiring that the saidarchbishop must, in the requisitions which he might send to the royalmagistrates, treat them with due politeness, conforming to the formsof law and usage--not using imperative terms, or the word vos. Whenthe archbishop was notified of this royal decree, he gave an answerfull of uncivil, improper, and disrespectful expressions against theroyal jurisdiction, the governor, and the auditors. The latter hadissued an act that Doctor Don Joseph Zervantes and Master Nicolas dela Vega Caravallo should not meddle with the profession of advocate, into which they had thrust themselves--from which resulted consequencespernicious to the public welfare, since they had not taken the coursesof study in the school of law. When notified of the act, they repliedthat the archbishop had already ordered them not to plead in seculartribunals, and the said Caravallo added that he was the only onewho could issue such commands. On the following day the archbishopissued an act in opposition to that of the Audiencia, commanding thatno petitions should be accepted in his court that were not signed bythe said Doctor Zervantes and Master Caravallo. The fiscal, when allthe replies had been shown to him, demanded that, without givingopportunity for any further acts of disobedience or disrespect, they should execute upon the person of the reverend archbishop thepenalties which he had been declared to have incurred--banishment, and the loss of his secular revenue [temporalidades]; and that, forthis purpose, the clause "for the present, " contained in the act ofOctober 1 in the past year of 82, be revoked and erased, and the actput into execution on May 1 of the said year [i. E. , 1683]. These actshaving been considered by the royal Audiencia with the attention andmature deliberation which so grave a matter demanded, it was decidedthat sentence of banishment should be executed on the archbishop, andthat he should be sent to the village of Lingayen, in the province ofPangasinan, a village of Christian Indians in charge of the Dominicanreligious. This charge was committed to Doctor Don Christòval Grimaldode Herrera and Sargento-mayor Juan de Veristain, alcalde-in-ordinary, who fulfilled it with the utmost discretion, quietness, and moderation;[80] and the archbishop was embarked in a barcoluengo, in which theforethought of the governor had provided all his kitchen equipment, with everything else that was necessary for his support and the needsof the voyage. [81]

The royal Audiencia had proceeded very cautiously, for, foreseeing thetumults or disturbances that are wont to arise on such occasions, andendeavoring to avoid whatever could serve as an incentive thereto, theyrecognized that the ringing of the bells in making any demonstrationsmight act as such incentive; and they asked the governor to commandthat guards be posted in the bell-tower of the church, and in the houseof Master Juan Gonçalez de Guzman, the provisor, so that the lattercould not order any demonstration to be made while the sentence ofbanishment was being executed. On the same day when this was done, theroyal Audiencia sent a decree to the cabildo, ordering that they shouldconduct themselves in all respects amicably with the royal Audienciaand the other royal officials, not allowing any acts of violence tobe inflicted on the vassals of his Majesty, or hindering them fromappealing to the Audiencia in cases of fuerza. The cabildo were alsowarned not to accept any documents of appointment from the rulerof the archbishopric, or allow him to exercise jurisdiction, untilthe person appointed should present himself before the royal court, where he must take the customary oath. To this decree the cabildorendered obedience; and, the very illustrious master Don Fray XimenezBarrientos, bishop of Troya and assistant bishop of these islands, having presented himself before the cabildo with the appointmentof ruler [of the archdiocese]--which the archbishop had conferredupon him on the twenty-seventh of March, when the said archbishopwas already declared an exile--he was referred by the cabildo to theAudiencia. Being present there, his appointment was, in consequenceof the demand made by the fiscal that license should not be grantedto him, suspended in that court, for weighty reasons there presented, and it was referred to the Council, in order that his Majesty mightdecide according to his pleasure; and [it was declared that] in theinterim the cabildo should govern the archdiocese. [82] And here itoccurs to me to remark, parenthetically, that, although the secretsand the justifiable motives of the Audiencia are inscrutable, we mayregard it as probable that their principal reason for this actionwas their knowledge of the fact that this bishop, a few days afterarriving in this city, had preached in the convent of Santo Domingo, on the day of the naval battle, [83] and the entire tendency of hissermon was to disparage the royal jurisdiction and rebuke those whowould appeal to it. He said that this entire city was a university ofvices, although of that he could have had no experience; and it washe who had exerted most influence on the actions of the archbishop, over and over again strengthening him in acts of disobedience [to thesecular government]. The cabildo, since the Audiencia had not acceptedthe said bishop as ecclesiastical ruler, declared that the see wasvacant by interpretation [of that act]; and the bishop of Troya repliedthat they could not have sent him better news, as he did not desire totake charge of other men's flocks. Thereupon he immediately went backto the convent of San Juan del Monte, outside the walls of this city;[84] and on the following day a Dominican religious set out to stirup the other religious orders (except the Society), that after sunsetprayers they should ring the bells for an interdict. This was done by[the convent of] Santo Domingo. [85] [He also told them] that MasterJuan Gonzalez de Guzmàn, provisor of the said archbishop, would postas excommunicated the dean, Master Don Miguel Ortiz de Cobarrubias, whom the cabildo had appointed ecclesiastical ruler. At this, the deanasked the governor for the aid of some infantry, to go to the conventof Santo Domingo, to which the said master had retreated, to removehim thence. This was granted; but, on going to the said convent, they encountered much opposition to their entrance, on the part ofthe religious. The dean was so insolently treated by them that he wasobliged, in order to prevent greater troubles, to return and informthe governor and the royal Audiencia, then in session. That courtissued a royal decree to notify the superiors of the religious ordersthat in publishing an interdict [86] they must follow the metropolitanchurch [matriz]; and thus was prevented a great scandal, disturbance, and popular commotion in this city--in which, since the said sentenceof banishment was carried out, the utmost peace has been experienced, nor has there occurred the slightest disturbance. 

I must not omit, since it is a part of this account, the followinginformation: On Epiphany [dia de Reyes; in 1682] while the royalAudiencia were present in the holy cathedral church, a sermon waspreached there by father Fray Francisco de Villalva, a Dominicanreligious, whose language was insolent in the highest degree. Hespoke openly and expressly against the governor, the auditors, andthe ecclesiastical cabildo (which he pointed out as the source ofdisturbances in the community), saying to the archbishop: "Let not yourillustrious Lordship concern himself with the secular revenues; look toGod [for maintenance]. " He tried to disparage the royal jurisdiction, and rebuked appeals to the Audiencia--saying so much that he gave causefor that tribunal to send by its chaplain a message to the archbishop, asking him to order the preacher to cease. His illustrious Lordshipreplied that the preacher was doing his duty, and the latter, inthe face of these demonstrations, went on with the sermon even tothe end. Afterward, by order of the court, the auditor Don Pedro deBolivar put the said father on a ship, to be taken to the provinceof Cadbalogan--in which he must remain until the opportunity shouldarrive, by the departure of a ship [from Manila], for him to embarkfor Madrid, whither the acts were to be sent. This was carried out, and, although the ship was driven back to port, he is now going onboard the capitana. [87] May God conduct these affairs for our good, and preserve your Grace [88] for many years. Manila, June 15, 1683. 

Juan Sanchez

A curious relation of events in the city of Manila since the arrivalof the ships in the year 1684. 

On the ninth of July the bells were rung for the [arrival of the]ship "Santa Rosa, " with certain news that it was opposite Baco, andhad brought the new governor, Admiral Don Gabriel de Curucelaeguiy Arriola--who, on account of the fury of the storms, would not beable to make his entrance into this city until August 24. [On thatoccasion] he was received with loud applause, triumphal arches, andlaudatory speeches. On that day occurred some memorable events. Atfive o'clock in the morning there was a severe earthquake, althoughit caused but little damage to the city. In the afternoon, whilehis Lordship, before entering through the Puerta Real, was takingthe customary oath in order that the keys might be delivered to him, the horse of his Majesty's fiscal became unruly, and attacked thosewho were near him with kicks and bites. He who came out worst fromthis was the secretary whom his Lordship brought over; he was injuredin one leg by some kicks, from the effects of which he suffered forseveral days. [89] When the governor had entered the city, and whenhe was about two pike-lengths from the gate, the balcony above it, which was full of people, fell; some were killed, others crippled ormaimed, and others bruised. Among them were friars and lay-brothers, negroes and whites. With these events, the common people began toindulge in much gossip. 

When Don Gabriel had taken possession of his government, his first actwas to retire Captain Mateo Lopez Perea, and to make Captain MiguelSanchez government secretary, quite contrary to their wishes. Thesecond was to appoint as chief chaplain of the royal chapel the canonMaster Don Pablo de Aduna, as a reward for having always withdrawnhimself from the cabildo, without choosing to acknowledge it asecclesiastical ruler. The third (and the source of many others) wasto bring back our troubles, so that the whole pancake [tortilla] wasturned bottom upwards--even going so far as to revoke the sentenceof banishment on the archbishop, and bring him to Manila. This, asthose say who understand the matter, is the most extraordinary thingthat has occurred anywhere in the Spanish domain; for he was exiledfor disobeying sixteen royal decrees and I have given an accountto his Majesty of these sixteen points of disobedience, or [rather]this disobedience of sixteen points. The preambles of these points, or their history, required much time and no little paper; but theywill be summarized as briefly as possible. 

After the exile of the archbishop, the actions, conversations, and sermons of the Dominican fathers were so wild and extravagant, against the members of the Audiencia, the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the Theatins [i. E. , the Jesuits], that their mildest act was tocall all of the latter Pharisees or heretics, and utter other jestsof that sort, even from the pulpit. Consequently the royal Audienciafelt obliged to advise its president, then Don Juan de Vargas, thathe should apply a corrective to these acts. This was a royal decree, requesting and charging the [Dominican] provincial to send to theport of Cavite the friars Bartolome Marron, [90] Raimundo Verart, and P. Pedroche, [91] and to make them ready, at the cost of theorder, for [the journey to] España; and to send to Cagayan the twolecturers in theology, Fray Juan de Santo Domingo [92] and FrayFrancisco de Vargas, [93] and not allow them to leave that provincewithout a special order from the government. The provincial answeredthat those religious had not done any of the things that were allegedof them except by his order, and that therefore the blame, if therewere any, was his and not theirs; and that all of them were readyto die for the faith. Again he was requested and charged as before, the provincial [94] also being summoned to go to España, to giveaccount of his acts. These orders were resisted, whereupon the conventwas surrounded with infantry. As the provincial and Fray Pedrocherefused to go out afoot, the soldiers took them from the convent, carrying them with the utmost propriety and respect, by order ofthe provisor, who was summoned for this function. They went away, Father Pedroche hurling excommunications, from which escaped only thealcalde-in-ordinary Pimentel, who conveyed them to Cavite, becausehe had given them excellent bread and pastries. At this, not only theDominican fathers and their friends took to flight, but Quintero [95]and his barangay--especially when they saw some embarked for España, and others for Cagayan. Then, the news of the change in governmenthaving come, was begun the fabrication of a scheme or plot, wellcovered up, as follows:

They fully persuaded the governor that this [96] one was aschismatic--as it were, another Inglaterra in the time of Henry VIII;and, to forward their schemes--as he had, before all the religiousorders, recognized the cabildo as ecclesiastical ruler--they persuadedthe father provincial of St. Augustine, Father José Duque, to render, and command all his friars to render, obedience to the bishop of Troya[97]--who had been nominated as head of the diocese by the archbishop, but whose appointment the royal Audiencia had suspended. The fatherprovincial did so, in a circular letter sent to all the friars ofhis order, arousing the resentment that might be expected in theecclesiastical cabildo, and much more in the royal Audiencia. 

As soon as the news of the ship arrived, the Troyan wrote and madepublic a document with this title: "Advice to those who come asstrangers to these islands, that they may not err in their judgment ofthings pertaining to the banishment of the archbishop. " This paper hadno solidity, and answer to it was made in another, in which the formerwas utterly demolished [98] with sharp arguments. The provincial madeanother reply, over his signature, of the same quality as the formerdocument, but with not slight attacks on the authority and patronageof our king. On the same day when the governor entered the city [i. E. , August 24] in the afternoon, on that morning came into Manila FrayBartolome Marron (who went about secretly), and Fathers Juan de SantoDomingo and Juan de Vargas, who were the lecturers exiled to Cagayan;the latter went publicly through the city, scorning the royal authorityby which they were exiled. Immediately began the intrigue--which, according to report, came already planned from Mejico. 

The governor questioned the religious orders, requesting and chargingthem to answer the points that go with this letter, which were setforth by the bishop of Troya. The fathers of St. Francis in theirpaper declared themselves for the king our sovereign, and approvedwhat had been done by the royal court. The Augustinian fathers said, "Viva Troya!" [99] with a document full of depositions--some madeby so evil a brain as that of Fray Raimundo Verart (but signed bythe father provincial Duque); some by two stray (that is, recentlyarrived) lecturers, one of whom confessed that he had never heardof the works of Solorzano; and the last who signed the paper wasFray Gaspar de San Agustin, the procurator-general, who on accountof being learned in grammar, thought that, as versed in the art ofNebrija [100] (who was an auditor), it was the same to know how toconjugate past tenses as to comprehend futures. [101] The Recollectfathers followed their brethren, but with so few depositions thatI judge the number did not reach the plural of the Greeks. [102]This paper was much commended, and it is something which I admired, knowing that it was the work of their provincial, Fray Ysidro; andwhen it was seen it was recognized as his by the style and mannerof expression--the stamp of the pulpit, which is that [vocation] forwhich God has given him grace. The Theatins evaded a reply, recognizingthe game (or rather flame) [juego, o fuego] that was being started;but they say that in their apology they explained this omission, andexpressed their opinions with no little care--saying that they wereignorant of what had passed in the sessions of the royal court; andthat, as it was to be inferred that the royal Audiencia had informedhis Majesty of everything, they could not pass judgment on those acts. 

These papers, or collections of papers, were going about, when theTroyan plunged in medias res and decided the question. One Sundaymorning at five o'clock, he went with his notary Caraballo, andfiscals, and an escort of soldiers, and entered all the churches(except the cathedral), where he published himself as ecclesiasticalruler, and commanded that they should not recognize the cabildo assuch. To this [he added] the penalty of major excommunication and ofbeing considered schismatics, if they did not go to render obediencewithin three days; and he left posted in all the churches copies ofhis act. [103] This was an action so extraordinary that, if thiswere a town of the common people, a riot would have occurred. Allthe members of the ecclesiastical cabildo repaired to the governor, who received them with scant welcome, and without giving them thetitle of "Lordship, " [Señoría] which is their due when they appearofficially as the cabildo. He told the dean to tell his story;and when the latter replied that that cabildo was not going to tellstories, the governor again told him to go on with his story. Theytold him in few words what had occurred, and what had just been done;but when they again told him that the bishop of Troya had taken withhim an escort of soldiers, he said that he had no knowledge of sucha thing. In conclusion, they stated that by three royal decrees theyhad been charged with the government [of the see]; and that he shouldgive them another decree, commanding them to surrender it to thebishop of Troya, or that he should approve the bishop's appointment, and immediately they would surrender the government to him; andwith that they went away. Immediately the governor held a session(or rather sessions) of the Audiencia, which lasted three days;and at the end of that time "the mountain brought forth, " [104]by a majority of votes. It resulted that, at ten o'clock at night, there was a peal of bells, as if for a ship from Castilla; and themembers of the cabildo, escorted by many personages, went to renderobedience to the Troyan. He informed them that he could not absolvethem unless they would swear obedience to the archbishop, which theymust also render to his provisor, Juan Gonzalez, on their knees, askinghis pardon for the injuries that they had done him, and making amendsfor the losses that he had suffered. When they resisted, laymen camein among them and undertook to surround them (as they did); and afterthey fell on their knees they placed their hands on the missal, and, as good men who stood in fear of God, they were granted absolution, but ad reincidentiam, until the archbishop should decree what wouldbe most expedient. On another day the Troyan was received in thecathedral, with military display, the long ringing of the bells, etc. 

The governor, who had already decided to restore the archbishop to hissee [105]--but without showing the least indication of rehabilitatingthe royal jurisdiction, and establishing obedience to what had beencommanded--despatched General Don Tomas de Andaya and Sargento-mayorDon Gonzales Samaniego [106] for his illustrious Lordship; they wereaccompanied by the Dominican father Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz. 

His illustrious Lordship came here, and was received with militarydisplay, a salvo of artillery, etc. He entered the city clad in hispontifical robes, and went to the palace of the governor, who wasawaiting him; [107] they remained a short time in conversation, thegovernor straitly charging him [to maintain] peace. Then he went tohis own house, where he found the superiors of the religious orders, who also had gathered in the cathedral with many other religious towelcome him. He remained two days within Manila, and, without visitingthe superiors, or returning their visit to him, he contented himselfwith calling on Generals Tejada, Andaya, and Quintero; and he crossed, near San Gabriel, to the house of Don Francisco de Atienza, who issargento-mayor of the army. 

Everyone promised himself an Octavian peace; but in ten or twelve dayswar made its appearance, and the more experienced were continuallyin dread. On the twenty-eighth of November, the eve of the feastof the table of the blessed sacrament, notification was sent to thecabildo, the superiors of the religious orders, and all the curas andmissionaries within and without the walls, that no one should admitinto any of their churches the auditors, Don Juan de Vargas Hurtado, and many other persons, both citizens and military officers, [108]as having incurred the penalties in the bull De la cena. At this theentire community felt as the pious reader can understand, recognizingthat the royal authority had been trampled under foot and outraged--andthe more so, that some persons who promptly came to him for absolutionwere required to swear upon the holy gospels that they would neveraid in the banishment, exile, or imprisonment of an ecclesiastic, eventhough this be ordered by the king himself, in person. Thereupon, theyfrankly declared that they would not take such an oath, and returnedto their homes, scandalized at such a reply. Those who most resentedthis stroke were the auditors, especially as, on the following day, when their platform was already placed in the cathedral, and allhad resolved to go there, the archbishop sent them a message thatthey should suspend their attendance there for a time, until theseaffairs were adjusted. Thereupon, coram omni populo [i. E. , "in thepresence of all the people"] who had gathered to see what was going on, the platform was removed [from the cathedral]. The auditors keenlyresented this; but since they are to blame in having done what theycould not be forced to do, let them pay the penalty. 

The governor astonished at a thing so unexpected, again questionedthe religious orders, in the strictest manner, on various points; theprincipal of these was in regard to the royal ministers [comision], whether or not they had incurred censure by having acted accordingto the laws of his Majesty--which was the same as inquiring whetherthe said laws were just or unjust. The Augustinians and Recollectsevaded answering this. The Franciscans were doubtful; but, learningthat the Jesuits had answered and publicly declared that now was thetime to stand by our king and give blood and life for him, and thatthey all would do so in what was not contrary to the law of God, thefathers of St. Francis were also encouraged, and they came to the sameresolution. The Theatins gave notice of their decision to the governor;but they told him that sometimes it was necessary to make the occasionand whet the blade; and, since now they were drawing the sword, theywould strike a sure blow and draw blood. Considering the feelings ofthe Audiencia, and its embarrassed condition, they sent one of theirfathers even to its hall of assembly, to make known their resolutionto the auditors; those gentlemen were much relieved, and thanked theJesuits for their courtesy. This was made known throughout the city, and the people expected that this document would be circulated; butit seems that the threat alone was as effectual as the stroke couldhave been. For, at the instance of the governor, his illustriousLordship went to the royal court on the sixth day of December, onwhich was celebrated the fiesta of St. Francis Javier; and, as theresult of his visit, the session was closed and all [the auditors]went to the fiesta, to the great joy of the entire city. We do notknow what occurred in the session of the Audiencia; [109] only one[writer] mentions that its members were absolved, and others state, more explicitly, that the absolution was only given in the archbishop'smind, and explained by himself with a sort of benediction. It seemsthat, as a result, they put an end to the lawsuits; but, when thewater stopped falling, it rained pebbles. 

On Saturday, December 10, the ecclesiastical cabildo, which hadgoverned the see, was notified of all these matters, and that itmust be regarded as suspended and under censure [110] for havingaccepted the government. At the same time, edicts were posted makingnull all the confessions made to the members of the cabildo or tothose persons to whom they had given license [to hear confessions], and all other things that had been effected by their authority--asmarriages, [the bestowal of] chaplaincies and curacies, etc. [111]These edicts commanded that, under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, all [persons concerned] should present themselveswithin six days, with the documents and other papers [in the case];[112] thereupon many men who were dissatisfied with their wives, andwomen tired of their husbands, tried to find other spouses who weremore congenial. The scruples of people regarding their confessionsmay well be imagined; and this, too, when Lent was past. But themost astute (although harsh) measure was the command, under the samepenalty, that no one should speak, assert, or teach anything contraryto the tenor of the said edict. The Dominican fathers, moreover, even said in the pulpits, when exultant tanquam victores capta preda, [113] that there is no person in these islands, except the Dominicanreligious, who has the ability or learning to make a decision in a caseof morals. Thus the poor prebends are suspended; nor have they anyrecourse, since the royal Audiencia is now disarmed. The archbishopproceeded to welcome them with much kindness, telling them that nowthey came to his illustrious Lordship, because they had recourse inno other direction--words which have aroused much comment, as beinginsulting to the king and inimical to his royal patronage; and headded, that they deserved to be degraded from office and handed overto the secular power. Above all, he tried to deprive them of theirprebends, and to thrust into the cathedral that dealer in fireworks, Caraballo, and others of that stamp. The worst is, that he declaresthat they cannot be dispensed from their irregular administration [ofthe see]--nor can appeal be taken to the delegate of his Holiness, or to any other--by any bishop of these islands, since all four areDominicans and follow the lead of the archbishop; and all the fourcities and bishoprics of these islands are entirely unsettled withlawsuits and excommunications at every step. No attention is paid tothe officials of his Majesty, the more discreet of whom acquiesce. Itis necessary to apply a very exemplary corrective; for they [i. E. , the ecclesiastical authorities] have gone to such an extreme thatto issue royal decrees to them is the same as to throw caps at thetarasca. [114] They act with contempt for the royal authority, whicheven the most remote barbarians fear and reverence. 

On the first of December was published the residencia of Don Juan deVargas Hurtado; and a fortnight later the city challenged the judgeof residencia, by saying that it was conducted with fraud, as thesaid judge was bribed. The challenge was admitted, and he named forhis associate Señor Calderon; as the latter declined, he named Señorde Viga, and then Señor Bolivar, both of whom did the same. The judgecontinued to nominate other persons, and all excused themselves. [115]As a result, it seems, Don Juan de Vargas was anchored to his island[116] for several years. He himself has caused this, since he has notthe dexterity to apply a curb of silver with the royal arms to CaptainQuintanilla, the scrivener of the residencia--who still endeavors tourge it on, although he does not lead the plot. 

A second embassy came from Borney; and General Don Juan de Morales isgoing with the title of ambassador, to establish peace at once. [117]They say a Theatin will accompany him, to pave the way for introducingthe faith into that kingdom. 

The commander [of the galleon] for Castilla is Don FranciscoZorrilla; the sargento-mayor, Don Bernardo de Andaya; the chiefpilot, Lazcano. [Here is the list of] alcaldes-mayor: Of Tondo, Don Pedro Lozano; of Pampanga, Samaniego; of Bulacan, Armijo; ofBay, Don Antonio de Ortega; of Balayan, Don Juan Antonio de Tabara;of Tayabas, Captain Conde; of Albay, Captain Ariola; of Pangasinan, Arcega; of Ylocos, the former sargento-mayor of Cavite; of Calamianes, Don Alonso de Leon; of Mindoro, Prada; of Panay, Don Agustin Crespo;of the island of Negros, Captain Adriano; of Caraga, Captain BlasRodriguez. For accountant of his Majesty, Juan del Pozo y Gatica;for castellan of Cavite, Don Alonso de Aponte; for sargento-mayor ofthat port, Francisco Sanchez. 

Considerable is being done on the galleon in Sorsogon, where the"Santelmo" was wrecked; they say that General Don Tomas de Andayawill go there for its construction, with title of lieutenant-governorand commander-in-chief for Mariveles; he is in high favor with thegovernor. 

The bishop of Sinopolis is coming from Cebu, his patience quiteexhausted with the follies and impertinences of Don Diego de Aguilar, who has worn out that unfortunate community with his extravagantactions, all originating in his insatiable greed. The ecclesiasticalruler of Cagayan is the bishop of Troya. 

On the twenty-third of December the members of the cabildo came againto cast themselves at the feet of the archbishop; and, after a longharangue of misereres and entreaties, he replied to them by askingif they were not ashamed to show their faces, and other things of thelike sort, in the tone of a tercerilla, [118] and then left them. Itmay well be imagined with what joy they must have celebrated theChristmas feasts. 

The evil genius of the archbishop at present is Fray Juan Ybañez, otherwise named de San Domingo; he is the lecturer that was exiled toCagayan. He has made strenuous efforts to deprive the members of thechapter of their prebends--regarding which the archbishop had threetimes sent advice to the governor; the latter replied, to the third ofthese communications, that the archbishop should say no more on thispoint, because he would not do what he asked. It is a great pity thatthis gentleman should have meddled by recalling the archbishop frombanishment, since that act has been the source of the disturbancesin this unhappy community, troubles which will exist for many years;for it cannot be doubted that he has in other respects conducted thegovernment well, and with unwearying efforts--especially in whatconcerns the increase of the royal revenues. But he is thoroughlyrepentant for his error, at seeing his hopes of peace frustrated, which was the purpose in his decision. 

1685

The prebendaries remained suspended until the fourth Sunday inLent [i. E. , March 25], when the [censure for] irregular governmentwas removed from them; but for this purpose a conference was firstsummoned by the archbishop. It included the bishop of Sinopolis, thesuperiors and masters of the religious orders--and with them crowdedin all the swarm of doctors and masters of Santo Tomas, to the nolittle annoyance of the bishop and the religious orders. In thisconference the question was asked whether the members of the cabildowere worthy of being absolved for their irregular acts. All answeredin the affirmative, except little Master Caraballo; and he said thathis illustrious Lordship could not grant the dispensation, as thesewere cases that concerned the faith, specifying his declaration inthe document which was drawn up. The Dominican fathers gave the sameopinion; but the bishop of Sinopolis replied to them, saying that ifthis were a matter contrary to the faith, as they seemed to imagine, they could not discuss it, since that pertained to another tribunal;it was finally decided that the absolution should be given to theprebendaries. When we were all expecting that this would be done, as it ought to be, within the body of the ecclesiastical cabildo, the fourth Sunday of Lent having arrived, the archbishop commandedthat there should be no preaching in any of the churches of thiscity, or in those without the walls; and that all the people shouldrepair to the cathedral in the afternoon. He commanded that two seatsshould be made ready there--one outside the church, in order that thecountless multitude who were present might enjoy this so edifying act;and the other at the great altar itself. The altar and the cibarywere covered with a canopy. 

At ten in the morning, he declared the members of the cabildo to beexcommunicated; and, the facts being as I have already stated above, they were now absolved ad reincidentiam, by the bishop of Troya;such relapse [reincidencia] had not occurred in any instance, andtherefore the declaration of the canons was without cause, and onlydirected at a very scandalous paper on the absolution--which wasperformed with great ostentation, in the following manner. 

At four in the afternoon, the archbishop being seated on the chairwhich stood outside the holy church, assisted by his provisor, JuanGonzalez, and a racionero, the prebends went to him, and, while theyknelt there, a judicial record was read to them of all the offensescommitted--that is, all the enactments made--by them while governingthe archbishopric; and, while they were there before the public inthat embarrassing condition, [en calzas y en jubon] [119] the namesof all those who supported the cabildo, and recognized that body asthe ecclesiastical ruler, were read. He even published the Theatins, on account of an opinion that they gave to the cabildo at the latter'srequest, on the question whether the cabildo could release on bailthe cantor Herrera from prison--since he did not appear, nor couldhis case be prosecuted, nor was there hope that he would appear soon, for it was more than a year and a half that he had spent in prison;the Theatins decided this query in the affirmative, saying that thecabildo not only could, but ought to, release him. Those who signedthe paper were the past provincials, Javier Riquelme, former rector ofSan José, and Tomas de Andrade, [120] rector of the great college andof their university; Fathers Alejo Lopez [121] and Jaime Vestart, atpresent masters in theology; Ysidro Clarete [122] and Pedro Lope. [123]Although the matter was so plain, and the paper was signed by so manyfathers, the archbishop annulled that act, as if he were the supremepontiff of the Church. This is a matter at which the Theatins havesmiled much, but with a smile that but conceals their annoyance. [124]The members of the chapter expressed their detestation of all thatthey had done, and took oath upon the holy gospels that they would notagain commit such crimes, besides many other oaths that they took, which were required from them--oaths very offensive to the king oursovereign. Finally, they were absolved as if they were heretics--theharshness of the archbishop reaching such a pitch that he wished toflog them, and already held in his hand the rattan for doing this;but, after many entreaties from their relatives, he refrained fromcarrying out this threat. This inquisitional act being finished, thearchbishop entered the church with them, and, seated on his chairwhile they stood, he delivered a speech in which he treated them, and the religious orders that recognized them as ecclesiasticalrulers, as if they were heretics--although the Dominican fathers, who also had thus recognized them, escaped from this. Those who weremost offended were the Theatins; and although they are now silent, one may be sure that they are gathering up their stones. Thus endedthis act, which grieved the hearts of all; and on the followingday the archbishop commanded that they should go to the conventof Santo Domingo to sing a mass, as a thanksgiving for such absurdperformances. It was sung by the treasurer Valencia, assisted by hisillustrious Lordship; and the sermon was by the father vicar-general, Fray Bartolome Marron--who, carried away by his fervent spirit, emptied his sack of foolish ideas. Among other things, he declared(besides making many threats) that the Order of St. Dominic was thesister of the clergy, and in proof of this alleged that his conventwas ruled by the cathedral clock (although this was a matter generallyknown, and of no great importance). 

Don Juan de Vargas was excommunicated, and interdicted from enteringthe church, but he was not posted as such. The archbishop would notallow them to go to say mass in his house, without heeding the wretchedhealth of his wife, or his having so large a family--and he sufferedthe more hardship, as he remained in his house on the island. [125]Besides, when he went out of his house he took with him, as always, histrumpeter; this the archbishop could not endure, for it sounded ill tothe Dominicans. Accordingly, they notified him of an act that he shouldnot be accompanied with trumpets, because he was scandalizing thosewho were weak in the faith--although it was a fact that such scandalwas not presented before either the weak or the great. With this, Vargas undertook recourse to the royal Audiencia; and, the documentbeing drawn up, he sent it to the governor, with the request that itbe considered in the session of that court. His Lordship withheld it, desiring to settle once for all with the archbishop that he shouldrecall the excommunication or interdict; but, this settlement beingsomewhat delayed, his Lordship returned the petition to Don Juan, withthe message that he must have patience for a few days, while he wouldmake every effort (as he did) to secure a settlement; but that, if heshould not accomplish it in that time, Don Juan should avail himselfof his right. During the four days, various arguments and letterspassed between his Lordship and the archbishop; and at the end ofthat time the latter, urged by the diligent efforts of the governor, consented to yield, but in the wrong direction; for he threatenedDon Juan de Vargas with being posted as publicly excommunicated, to the great annoyance of his Lordship. Don Juan de Vargas did notresort a second time to the royal tribunal; but instead he went tothe archbishop and demanded absolution. The prelate commanded him togo to Father Marron and Father Verart, and ask their pardon, and todo what they should order him to do. He did so, and they commandedhim to go to the provisor on the same errand; and the latter sent himto little Caraballo, the dealer in fireworks. All this he fulfilled, even to signing a letter for the king, in which he retracted all thathe had written against the Dominicans; in one word, he signed what theyplaced before him, already written. We all supposed that he would bequickly absolved, and he himself demanded this; but answer was madeto him that his illustrious Lordship would notify him of it, and ofthe time and manner thereof. All this was to give time for the returnfrom Cagayan of the bishop of Troya, so that Don Juan should ask hispardon and compensate him for the injuries which that prelate judgedDon Juan had inflicted on him. He came from Cagayan about Holy Week, and that time passed without any mention of absolution, until, on HolySaturday, the archbishop going to give the Easter salutations to thegovernor, the latter addressed him very fittingly--telling him that itseemed very wrong that at a time when Christ our Lord suffered for men, and not only pardoned but even excused those who were tormenting him, his Lordship, who stood in the place of Christ, was incriminating DonJuan de Vargas, and refusing to pardon him even after he had obeyed, in so edifying a manner, all the commands that had been laid upon him, although those commands were unjust, and ought not to be obeyed. Thiswas the substance of the discourse, which lasted more than an hour;and they discussed therein the question of the absolution, with thewarmth which will be related. 

The archbishop summoned an assembly, by means of the document whichI send you with this, full of contemptuous remarks about the royalauthority--as the paper itself shows, without further explanation. Thegood old man is obliged to decide with the Troyan and his friars whathe has to do, and then seek the support of the religious orders. Forthis conference a letter was written to the bishop of Sinopolis, and the latter told the fireworks secretary his poor opinion of suchconferences; that if he must do what was there determined by thefriars, and if this was to be like the former conference--so manyblack-gowns [negritos] crowding in, and, when one asked a question, its stirring up fifteen hundred other things--it was best to ceasehaving such assemblies. The bishop remained at home, but sent hiswritten opinion that the archbishop ought to absolve Don Juan deVargas, and that privately. The Franciscans and Theatins did notattend the conference, nor did they send their opinions--excusingthemselves by letter, with various pretexts, which did not taste likehoney to him. The archbishop wrote to the guardian of St. Francisan ill-tempered letter, threatening him with vengeance; but theguardian was not asleep, nor did he forget the rule of "interrogationand reply, " etc. At the said conference were present the Troyan, the Augustinian and Recollect provincials, and the two DominicansMarron and Verart, the axletrees of the other cart; these last andthe Troyan said that poor Vargas could not be absolved. Father Duque, the Augustinian provincial, declared that he could and ought to beabsolved, and that privately, saying: "As for the offences of Vargas, either they are or are not committed against the faith; if they areagainst the faith, as is being assumed, they do not belong to yourillustrious Lordship or to us, and it is not allowable to discuss themhere. " Verart sprang to his feet like a flash, and began to arguewith the Recollect. In such debates the entire afternoon went by, without their reaching any decision. At the end of a week the sentencewas uttered, and Vargas was notified that for four months he must dowhat follows: During the first month, he must go on every feast-dayto divine worship in the cathedral, clad in the sackcloth robe ofa penitent, and with a halter round his neck; and in this guise, he must listen in public to mass. The second month, he must do thesame at the convent of San Domingo; the third month, at San Gabriel;and the fourth, at Binondo--and this, when it had been decided in theconference that he should be "absolved privately, " which are the formalterms of the sentence! When he was notified of this, he appealed fromthat decree to the court where this matter legally belonged; [126]but as all the bishops were Dominicans, where could he go where theywould not confirm his sentence? Accordingly, Vargas came before theroyal Audiencia, asking a laymen's decree. [127] His petition wasconsidered in the session of that court, and [afterward] shown tothe fiscal of his Majesty, who [at the time] was absent, inspecting aChinese ship. In this state (which is not one of innocence) the affairremains at the time of this writing; but if it shall be decided beforethe ship sails [for Acapulco] I will write further. 

I only omitted to state that the first sentence of the archbishop was, that Vargas might choose between the punishment above described andthe following one (which is not to be talked about): He should erectin the plaza, at his own expense, a scaffold or stage, and then givenotice that it was there; and the archbishop would go to absolvehim thereon. Vargas must go thither naked from the girdle upward, wearing yellow hose, and carrying a green candle; and on the stage hewould be flogged. And in truth he deserved the lash, since, by notsending to España, as the royal Audiencia decided, the two friarswho made war on him, he finds himself today in so great affliction, which also occasions the royal authority to be insulted as neverbefore has been seen in all the [Spanish] realm. 

At this same time poor Don Juan de Vargas finds himself in the frayof his residencia. [128] For this investigation the governor named, as associates of the judge, his Majesty's accountant, Captain Don Juandel Pozo Gattica, and Sargento-mayor Lucas Mateo de Urquiza. The secretinquiry ended a week ago, but they have not made known the findingstherein, which are said to be favorable. Only the Dominican fathers, in whom he trusted for this emergency, have aided him by contributing[a document of] fifty-three sections, regarding his entire life andcharacter--many of these concerning the Zambals of Playahonda, whomhe had assigned to the Dominicans; [129] and the first section goesto show that he "lacked the chief qualifications of a knight"--theway in which they speak of him. The city, through its attorney, made fifty-six charges against him; and among these they demandedfrom him damages for the losses that this community had sufferedfrom the return to port of the ship or galleon "Santa Rosa"--becauseinstead of ballast they placed in it wax, and for fifteen hundredother articles that were included in the lading of the ship. As soonas the secret inquiry was ended, Admiral Faura was arrested in thefort, and Sargento-mayor Gallardo at the entrance of the bastion;and all their goods were seized--but not much of their property wasfound; if there had been, it would have showed that they were fools, and certainly they are not of that sort. All agree that six hundredthousand pesos would not suffice Don Juan de Vargas for what theydemand from him. [130]

In Camarines there are great controversies between the bishop andthe Franciscans, whose commissary, Fray Ysidro de la Madre de Dios, made very sarcastic [saladas] remarks to the bishop who, it seems, does not relish so much salt. The former acted so that the bishopdemanded from the royal Audiencia that they should send that friar toEspaña. It is to be noticed that this good religious is so devout thathis friars, on account of his modest behavior, call him "the Theatin"[i. E. , "the Jesuit"]; but seeing himself accused on such a ground, he was furiously angry, going so far as to tell the bishop thateverything was going to destruction since bishops so ignorant as hisillustrious Lordship were appointed, etc. The royal Audiencia madeno answer to the bishop's demand, except in general terms; for thatreligious has a well-established reputation, and it is acknowledgedthat he has cause [for what he says]. 

By a loyal decree the bishop of Troya was notified that he must raisethe censures that he had laid upon the alcaldes-mayor, the collectors[of tribute], and the rest of the officers of justice throughoutthe bishopric of Cagayan. Up to the time of this writing, he has notreplied; if he shall do so, I will add a note of it. 

The royal court soon responded to the petition by Don Juan de Vargas, by a royal decree which was sent to the archbishop, to the effectthat he should absolve Vargas ad reincidentiam, and send them theacts. It was doubted whether the governor would sign it, because hedisliked lawsuits and controversies, and because this was to decidethe point at issue; but he signed it. The secretary of the court wentto make the decree known, and the good old man took the document forthe ceremony of kissing it and placing it on his head--but, placing itin his breast, told the secretary that he needed time to reply to it;that those gentlemen [of the Audiencia] took their time for planningthese decrees, and expected that he would reply in haste; and thathe must send him stamped paper for a reply. The secretary repliedthat he had orders not to leave the royal decree with the bishop, and that his illustrious Lordship could answer that he heard it, and afterward reply by means of a long letter whatever he chose; butthe latter was obstinate, [131] and refused to give back the decree, and told him to wait for his answer. Since this will be actually madeby Fray Marron and Fray Verart, it will make much trouble. In fine, hehas, however, already explained extra-judicially his intention--whichis, that even if they cut off his head he will not lower a shredof sail; and if he posts the governor and auditors on the list ofexcommunicated persons, it will be [not only] what can be demanded, but what they deserve. It is expected that the contest will be renewed, [132] and affairs point to nothing less. 

The archbishop has now replied to the decree, and his answer wasto send a bunch, or olla podrida, [133] of papers which he calls"acts. " Regarding the absolution, he says therein that he cannotabsolve Don Juan de Vargas, since it is a matter which concerns theInquisition. The Audiencia held a session on the first of the month, regarding the archbishop's reply; their conclusion has not beenmade public. 

A military council was held to deliberate upon the reëstablishmentof [a fort at] Zamboanga, and all voted that this should beaccomplished. The city was informed of this, as a command of hisMajesty, in order that the citizens might aid the enterprise; butthey were of a contrary opinion, for reasons which it is said, arefrivolous. The truth is, according to report, that they do not like tobe exiled [there]. The governor demanded the opinion of the Theatins, which they gave in accordance with that of the military council, very energetically demolishing the reasons adduced by the city. Thewhole matter, it seems, is going before the royal Council. Manila, June 8, 1685. 

Occurrences during the term of government of Cruzalaegui

1. With the publication in Manila of the coming of Admiral Don Gabrielde Cruzalaegui in the ship "Santa Rosa, " to govern these islands, was revealed the obligation which he brought from Mejico to restorethe archbishop. 

2. Before the said governor arrived, the bishop of Troya publisheda document with the title, "Advice to those who come newly to theseislands, that they may not err in judgment regarding the banishmentof the archbishop. " In this writing there were propositions opposedto the Audiencia, the cabildo, and the royal decisions. 

3. Reply was made to this by an anonymous writer, against whom FrayRaimundo Verart came out with drawn sword, issuing a manifesto thatwas full of assertions hostile to the royal jurisdiction and tothe cabildo. 

4. The governor entered Manila on August 24, 1684. There was anearthquake on that day, an unusual occurrence for that time; andsoon after he had passed through the Puerta Real the balcony fell, and with it more than one hundred persons--of whom many were injured, some died, and others were crippled. 

5. The governor soon manifested the partiality that he felt for theDominicans, intriguing with Fray Francisco de Vargas and Fray Juande Ybañez, who had been sent out of the city by the royal Audiencia, but had returned to it before the entry of the said governor; hedid the same with Verart and Marron, who had been banished, but lefttheir hiding-places and appeared [in the city] when he entered it. 

6. Under cover of the favor which the governor showed to theDominicans, they made impudent speeches in the pulpits against theroyal Audiencia and the cabildo; and they refused to join them inpublic functions, regarding them as excommunicated. For the samereason, they would not go to the procession for the publication ofthe bull, even when they were commanded to do so by the commissaryof the Crusade. 

7. The cabildo rendered account to the governor, in a very learneddocument, of their government during the absence of the archbishop;the Audiencia also made him a very suitable report of what they haddone. But the governor paid no attention to either of the two reports, in order to carry his own point, the restitution of the archbishop. 

8. The governor endeavored to influence the auditors at his will, doing them some favors and making some approaches to them, whichthey, faithful to their king, resisted. Not being able to subduethem by this method, he arranged that a demand be contrived by meansof Don Tomas de Endaya and Don Francisco de Atienza (both of themregidors and belonging to his faction), that the city should sign aletter of advice to the governor, in which they should represent tohim the difficulties arising from the banishment of the archbishop, and the uneasiness of the people occasioned by their uncertainty asto what would be done in regard to the government of the cabildo, etc. ; and request his Lordship to adopt such measures as should bemost opportune to put an end to their anxiety. Those of the governor'sfollowing signed this paper very readily; those who follow the truth, reluctantly; and there was one who refused to sign. 

9. The governor consulted the religious orders upon this point, andupon the excommunications which the Dominicans were [word blottedin MS. ]. The Society of Jesus excused themselves from respondingto such a consultation, because they observed the malicious designwith which it was asked. The Franciscans at first excused themselves, but afterward answered in favor of the cabildo. The Augustinians wereready to suit the pleasure of the governor, on account of being veryintimate with the Dominicans; and the same was done by the Recollects, who follow the Augustinians in everything. 

10. With the said opinions, obtained by pressure, the governor orderedthat the bishop of Troya should begin to rule the archbishopric, underthe protection of the governor. This he did, one Sunday, which theyfixed, October 22; and he was styled governor of the archbishopric, andpersonally went about posting in the churches certain edicts in whichhe summoned the entire cabildo to appear before the ecclesiasticalcourt within the next three days, under penalty of being regarded aspublicly excommunicated, to give satisfaction for having arrogatedto themselves the government; and on the same day he took away JuanGonzalez, who was a prisoner in his own house, and carried him to[the convent of] San Agustín; and to the persons whom he found therehe intimated that they would have this man as provisor. 

11. This so violent mode of proceeding caused much disquiet in thecommunity; and if the cabildo, desiring to maintain the peace whichthe bishop of Troya and his friars were disturbing, had not yielded, some tumult among the people would have resulted, so great was theirexcitement. 

12. The ecclesiastical cabildo repaired to the governor in regard tothis case, and were coldly received by him. A session of the royalAudiencia was held; the fiscal set forth the right of the cabildo, and justified their government; but notwithstanding this the governordeclared himself for the bishop of Troya, and displayed the [written]opinions mentioned above, with which he confirmed the former pretensionof restoring the archbishop. 

13. During the four days while the sessions of the Audiencia lasted, there were long debates in the palace, and much confusion among thepeople. The governor talked loudly, and expressed opinions that thecabildo must not govern. The fiscal stripped off his robe, indignantthat the royal patronage was not respected. During those days, noreceptor or court secretary was allowed to enter the session, so thatno testimony of the proceedings should be taken. The Dominican friars[went] in crowds to the palace. Marcos Quintero, who is entirely forthem, had offered to the governor, it is said, to pay whatever finehe might impose for this. 

14. [The bishop of] Troya governed the archbishopric in the intervalbefore the archbishop was restored to his see. Endaya went on thiserrand with a royal decree, obtained by the utmost violence, andgiven very reluctantly by the auditors, who were afraid, because thegovernor intimidated them by the language he used. He received thearchbishop with [salvos of] artillery and muster of the troops. 

15. The archbishop, instigated by his friars, began to take hisrevenge on November 22 of the same year. He sent notifications to theecclesiastical cabildo, the religious orders, etc. , of an act orderingthat they should not admit into their churches the master-of-campDon Juan de Vargas Hurtado, or the auditors, or many other personsand military officers who had a share in his banishment, or in thedeportation of the Dominican provincial and other friars. 

16. The cabildo wrote to the archbishop to inquire whether entranceto the church should be denied to the auditors if they came in a bodyas the Audiencia, as they go on communion days [dias de tabla]; andhe replied that this should be done, in whatever manner they mightgo to church. In consequence of this, the Audiencia did not attendat two communion feasts; these were the commemoration of the blessedsacrament in the cathedral, and the day of St. Andrew the Apostle. 

17. The governor showed a desire to settle with the bishop hisrelations with the Audiencia; and he arranged that on the sixth ofDecember all the auditors should be present together in the palace, and that the archbishop should come to meet them, as if by chance, and talk with them, and thus have a sort of absolution conferred--amummery [mogiganga] by which they could attend that day the feast ofSt. Javier, which was celebrated at the church of the Society of Jesus. 

18. All those proscribed in the archbishop's act went to ask forabsolution; and he commanded them to take oath that they would notobey the ministers of the king in matters pertaining to ecclesiasticalpersons. For others, the formula of the oath was, that they must swearto observe the sacred canons. This proceeding caused great disquietin the minds of the citizens. 

19. Some disturbances led to others. On the ninth of Decembernotification was served on the dean and four dignitaries of thecabildo, with a canon, that they must be regarded as under censureas irregular, for having assumed the government of the church, andfor having arrested Juan Gonzalez and Don Pablo de Aduna. 

20. The cabildo found itself entirely defenseless against themanifest anger of the archbishop, without power to appeal either to[the ecclesiastical court of] Camarines--since its bishop, the headof that court, was of the Dominican faction--or to [the court of]Cagayan, since Troya was there; or to the Audiencia, since recourse tothat body was prohibited, and the governor did not wish to interferewith the archbishop. 

21. On the same day, the ninth of December, an edict of thearchbishop was posted in which were annulled the sacraments ofpenance administered by the said prebends, and the licenses whichthey had given for hearing confessions, preaching, etc. ; item, the marriages solemnized without the permission of his provisor, Juan Gonzalez--and they rained down censures, excommunications, and threats by the thousand, according to the fury of Father Verart, who directed all these. By another edict, dated January 8, all thelegal causes and suits which had been tried before the cabildo andits provisor were declared null and void. 

22. The said measures produced innumerable perplexities. Soonafterward, the archbishop attempted to deprive the said prebendsof their appointments; and to this end he held a conference withthe governor, proposing most unworthy persons in the place of thoseprebends. This proposal was considered in the session of the Audiencia, and censured as irregular and out of order; and it went no further. 

23. The archbishop issued an act against the trumpet of Don Juande Vargas, commanding that he conduct himself as an excommunicatedperson. Soon afterward (on February 10, 1685), he posted Don Juanon all the church doors as publicly excommunicated. The latter hadrecourse to the royal aid, and wrote an excellent document in hisdefense; but the governor did nothing for him, and only commandedhim to obey the archbishop and be reconciled with him. 

24. Seeing himself deprived of recourse, the poor gentleman did allthat he could to procure a reconciliation with the archbishop andthe Dominican friars. He was commanded to beg the pardon of all theaggrieved parties, even from the most inferior lay brethren; and he didthis, at the cost of many rebuffs. After this, the archbishop obligedhim to swear, declare, and attest that when he sent the archbishop in avessel to his exile he had sent him away without supplies of everythingnecessary, although this was manifestly false, for provision was madeas if for a royal person. Even when he had done what was demandedfrom him, the archbishop would not even take his name from the listof excommunicates, such was his hatred for Don Juan. Ab ira et odioet mala voluntate monachi dominici libera nos, Domine. [134]

25. The archbishop claimed that the senior auditor, Doctor Don DiegoCalderon, should [not] be absolved from the censures which, thearchbishop informed him, he had incurred because of the demand whichhe made, when he was fiscal, against Bishop Palú, [135] who landed inthese islands, with whom the Dominicans had secret dealings. Calderonreplied to the archbishop, setting forth the reasons which induced himto act as he did with Palú; and for the time the archbishop desistedfrom his intentions. 

26. The prebends endured this persecution with incrediblepatience. Again the governor wrote a letter, [endeavoring] to mediatein the question of granting a dispensation [to the cabildo] for theirirregular government, and engaged the bishop of Sinopolis as hisagent. Ybañez went to the dean to tell him that all would be settledaccording to his satisfaction, but this was nothing but a falsehoodand invention; for the dispensation [136] was conferred with theutmost ignominy for the cabildo and prebends, for the greater gloryand triumph of the Dominicans, the managers of this scene-shifting. 

27. They obliged the prebends to make certain declarations, whichwere fraudulent and misleading, so that it was difficult not toblunder in the replies, which were directed by Father Verart, themainspring of all these plots. They made the prebends take an oath;the latter consented to this, and submitted to everything, in orderto extricate themselves from so much annoyance and to be free fromenemies so powerful and so persistent. 

28. The archbishop commanded the prebends to make a statementof detestation [of their errors], in which were contained thingsprejudicial and inimical to the royal jurisdiction and prerogatives;and others, complimenting the archbishop and his friars and variousprivate persons. On the same day a conference had been held in whichit was asked whether the said prebends were worthy of being dispensed;it was decided that they were, because those who were following thecurrent with the archbishop were very influential, but those who weremore judicious and learned thought that there was no reason why thesaid dispensation was necessary. [137]

29. On the following day the archbishop again declared the members ofthe cabildo to be excommunicated, alleging that although the bishopof Troya had absolved them, he had done so only ad reincidentiam, for such time as the bishop should choose. In the said act he alsocommanded that in the afternoon of the same day they should go tothe cathedral to receive absolution and dispensation; and on the nextday they must all go to the church of Santo Domingo, to make amendsto the friars for imagined injuries. 

30. The function of the absolution and dispensation was celebrated withthe greatest publicity, and in a very marked, offensive, and injuriousmanner. An enormous number of the lower class of people were called in, from the neighboring villages--and especially from Binondoc, which isa village in charge of the Dominicans; for that purpose, the sermonswhich would occur that afternoon in some churches were suppressed, so that all the people could go to see a performance that would soexalt the Dominican fathers. 

31. The prebends went to the church, ignorant of the measures takenfor exposing them to ignominy. They found two tribunals erected, one at the church door, and the other inside, at the great altar; andthere was an enormous concourse of people. Of the religious orders, the Dominicans were there in great numbers; from the colleges, onlythe members of Santo Thomas [Tomistas]. The archbishop occupied hisjudgment-seat at the door of the church, and at either side werehis beloved Juan Gonzalez and Aduna. He called the prebends andmade them kneel before him in order to be absolved, as if they wereheretics. He handled a ferule while the Miserere lasted, althoughhe did not, on account of the entreaties of those who were present, strike the capitulars with it. Then he went inside the church, and after performing other ceremonies, took his seat on the secondplatform, where he made an address, in which he gave many and sharpstabs to those who favored the cause of the cabildo; and after thatthe performance came to an end, with much gossiping among the people, who regarded these actions as revengeful. 

32. The archbishop prepared a feast in order to regale the prebends, quite contrary to his usual manner and harsh temper; the prebendsattended it unwillingly, seeing that they had been treated like boys, and that this banquet was only a device to shut their mouths. He madethem elect another secretary for that same cabildo's corporation, and afterward inflicted punishment on him who was secretary while theygoverned; this was a poor cleric, whom he declared excommunicated andsuspended, [138] and seized his little property, for having actedofficially in the proceedings brought against Don Juan Gonzalez bythe dean as provisor. 

33. Troya returned from Cagayan, where he had gone, on thepretext of administering confirmations, during the time of thesetransactions. There he deprived of their curacies, and loaded withcensures, Licentiate Diego de las Navas and Bachelor Diego de EspinosaMarañon; and having sent them to Manila, he placed friars in theirstead. Afterward he imposed excommunications on the alcaldes-mayor andcollectors of tribute who might buy and sell goods with the Indiansof those provinces. 

34. Don Juan de Vargas, after his name had been on the list ofexcommunicates two months, and he had been interdicted for four monthsfrom entrance into the churches, solicited absolution, by a petitionto the archbishop; the latter sent it to Troya, so that he mightpoison it. Troya pushed Don Juan farther toward ruin, and--payingno attention to the reasons which the said master-of-camp Vargasbrought forward as having influenced him to banish the archbishop, in behalf of the prerogatives of the king our sovereign--he madeanswer furiously, that Don Juan must be absolved with publicity; and, although the governor advised him, the bishop paid no heed to this. 

35. At Lent in 1685, the archbishop suspended three fathers of theSociety, to whom the cabildo while it governed had given permissionto preach and hear confessions; he did this not only because of theaversion which he had taken for the cabildo, but on account of theenmity which he had always felt toward the Society. The governorcompelled two foreign ships to pay very exorbitant imposts, at whichthey were greatly dissatisfied. 

36. Don Juan de Vargas was not ready for absolution. The archbishopcalled together the theologians, to tell him whether the absolutionshould be given privately; this was decided in the affirmative by themajority of votes, but the Dominicans opposed it. The archbishop, in order to defeat the resolution, decreed that Vargas must firstperform the following penance: During an entire month, he must bepresent in the cathedral, from morning until high mass, clothed insackcloth and in the garb of a penitent, with a halter round his neck;and for another month he must, in the same manner, attend the churchof Santo Domingo; another, the hospital of San Gabriel; and another, the church of Binondoc. Then, the said penance being accomplished, hewould be absolved by Domingo Diaz, a mestizo of infamous character. Thesaid Don Juan de Vargas appealed, but the appeal was not allowed him, and he remains in the same condition up to the present time. 

Paragraphs of a letter written from Manila, June 15, 1685, by AuditorDon Pedro Sebastian de Bolivar y Mena to his agent at Madrid, DonDiego Ortiz de Valdes. 

In this ship came as governor of these islands Don Gabriel deCuruzalegui y Arriola, a knight of excellent abilities, verydisinterested, and intent on the service of his Majesty--whose royalrevenues from the department of customs, which were so impaired, have been enormously increased, of which he will, I doubt not, send statements to the Council. The trouble is, that this place isso corrupt that, even though a very good man comes here, with thebest intentions, people make him fail in his duty. Even if I had nothad a letter from you for the purpose, he would show indignationagainst me. For, having spoken to the governor at various times, and asked if you had hinted anything about me, either personallyor through Don Tomas, he has replied that such was not the case;but this did not happen to Don Diego de Viga, for he carried therecommendations of Don Tomas, and therefore has a place in [thegovernor's] affection--although he shows all kindness to me also, andI endeavor to serve him as far as I can reasonably. As soon as thisknight arrived, he made strenuous efforts to secure the restorationof the archbishop to his see--for which he made a proposition, oroffered his opinion, to the royal court, finding occasion for this inone which the secular cabildo had offered on the same subject. And, although, in the private conferences which he held with each one of usupon this matter, it was represented to him that such a solution [ofthe difficulty] was impossible--since account of it had been renderedto his Majesty, and the acts therein referred to him; and also sincethe circumstances and facts which had given cause for the archbishop'sbanishment still existed; and that no restitution had been or wouldbe made to the royal jurisdiction for the injury that he had doneit, nor had he offered any betterment in the future--he neverthelessinsisted that it must be done. And as here there is no [opportunityfor any] will, save that of a governor, since he is absolute, we allhad to acquiesce, under compulsion and pressure, in the restitution ofthe archbishop--and not only that, but also in accepting the bishopof Troya as governor ad interim until his illustrious Lordship cameback. As soon as the latter arrived, he began to unsheathe the sword, against all the human race; for he declared that all three of usauditors had incurred the excommunications imposed by the bull ofCena [Domini; i. E. , the Lord's Supper] and by the canon, commandingthat we should not be admitted into the churches. This we reportedto the governor, and reminded him of the inconveniences which, as wehad represented to him, would follow from such restitution; and he, while acknowledging this, talked of availing himself of extrajudicialmeasures to hinder those that were judicial; consequently we wereinterdicted from the church for several days. At the end of thattime, he sent to summon me, on an occasion when I was alone in theAudiencia, and told me that he had the matter settled; that the act [ofexcommunication] should be recalled--with only [the stipulation] thatthe archbishop should go to the palace at a time when we all were theretogether with his Lordship; and that, the archbishop entering withhim, we should kiss his hand, and everything would remain settled. Iinformed my associates of this, and all agreed to it, provided thatthe word "absolution" should not be used, because if it were, allof us would leave the room; moreover, we supposed that Don Juan deVargas would be included in this act, for, as he had concurred withus, as our president, it would be very proper that he should do thesame as we. I gave this reply to the governor, and he told me thatas for what concerned Don Juan de Vargas, he had already arrangedit, and that for this he was responsible. In accordance with this[agreement], we assembled at the palace. The archbishop came, and wewent forward to receive him, making the obeisance due to the prelate;with that, the prohibition was recalled, and we remained free to enterthe churches. But it was continued with Don Juan; and to this day hisname remains on the list of excommunicated persons. It is intended, as I understand, that his absolution shall be made in public, withall the ancient ceremonial forms. 

He published an act declaring that all persons who had directedthe cabildo during his absence were under censure as irregular; andannulling the marriages celebrated, the licenses given to confessors, and the confessions that had been made to them, and whatever else hadbeen done during the time of his banishment. The prebends were regardedas irregular for more than three months; at the end of that time heerected a stage at the main doors of the holy cathedral church, andthereon publicly absolved them--having previously published an edictthat at the said function should assemble all the Indians, Sangleys, mestizos, and negroes of the neighboring villages, which occasionedastonishing disturbances. 

All affairs thus remain as they were, and these vassals are without anyrecourse, since they dare not interpose that plea before the Audiencia, as it is so powerless to exercise its functions; consequently, tostate the case in few words, the archbishop does whatever suits hiswhim, without there being any one to restrain him. 

These proceedings keep me in the utmost anxiety, as I fear that sounreasonable an act as this restitution will be very ill received inthe Council, which will lose respect for the authorities here, as thematter was pending in that body. Accordingly, and on account of whatmay be carried to España, I give you this information, so that youmay, if opportunity offers, make it known, as I dare not write to theCouncil about it, for my letters may not be sent forward--as happenedto Don Juan de Vargas, while of the letters that were written againsthim copies were sent to the Council. If this should occur [now], itwould result in ruining us all. Notwithstanding these difficulties, I am on very good terms with the archbishop, so much so that in anyevent, whatever I may do, they will stand up in my favor; and theyhave even gone so far as to tell me that they are writing this yearto his Majesty, assuring him of my excellent mode of procedure, andhow incorrect was the information to the contrary. Your Grace willinquire at the secretary's office, and let me know whether this isreally so; for one cannot trust in friars, and, in order that theymay not imagine that I distrust them, I have not asked them for theletter, in order to send [a copy of it to you]. 

The viceroy of Nueva España having appointed, in accordance with thepermission given him by the Council, Don Juan de Zalaeta, the castellanof Acapulco, as judge of residencia for Don Juan de Vargas, he camehere and presented all his credentials in the royal court--where, without any contention, it was ordered that they be put into forceand carried out. Among the despatches came a royal decree forbiddingthis royal Audiencia from taking cognizance of anything belonging tothe said residencia; but, this being granted, twelve days after itspublication the said judge was challenged by the city on account of theentire case. As he had not been declared to be judge for that, but onlyan associate, the city hastened to the Audiencia in order that thiscourt might declare the said judge to be thus challenged. Among otherreasons that the city alleged for this proceeding was the statementthat in the port of Acapulco, the viceroy having commissioned the saidjudge to seize the bales and merchandise which were going in the shipson account of the said Don Juan de Vargas and his servants and friends, the judge had not carried out the said seizure, on account of fiftythousand pesos which they had given him. Although it is certain thatthe reasons adduced were very forcible, the Audiencia, recognizingthe force of the inhibitory decree, declared that they could notintermeddle by giving a decision on the said challenge; and thatthe governor should appoint associates [adjuntos] for him, in orderthat they might continue the said residencia with the said judge;and that the original documents connected with the said challengeshould be sent to the Council. Although the residencia was prosecuted, the charges [against Vargas] have not yet been published. It seems tome that it is being settled very conformably to justice, although theproceedings cannot fail to show many defects on account of the judge'sinexperience; for he is not a learned man, and here the lawyers arevery few, and the conduct of [such] a case is exceedingly difficult. 

As soon as the city brought forward in the court the challenge againstthe judge, Don Juan de Vargas challenged all three of us auditors; andin the course of the proceedings I introduced a document acknowledgingmyself as challenged; [I did this] not only on account of what DonJuan de Vargas had done for me, but because it was a brother-in-lawof mine who was under residencia, and his advocate also bore thatrelation to me. They must have had good reasons for not regarding me aschallenged, and so I had to vote. I give you information of all this, in order that if any reparation be proposed there, it may be in this;for I judge that the points and articles of this residencia willcause the utmost embarrassment in the Council, and that it will benecessary to command that it be taken again. I give thanks to our Lordthat it has not reached me; for it would cause me the utmost injuryand perplexity--partly on account of his wrong acts, partly becausethose who had written unpleasant letters to the Council now turn tail, and explain nothing. This, it may be, is attributed to the judge, whois not to blame--for here there are only false witnesses, now on oneside and now on the other; and you will confirm this information bywhat goes there, which you will not fail to know. For it seems to methat in all the lands discovered [by Spaniards] there is no countrylike this, or where its inhabitants are so inconstant. Accordingly, I assert that here neither friendship nor enmity is permanent;for if now, for example, some persons are my enemies, and on thataccount my actions are pointed out in the Council, when [the newsof] my vindication--through this or that accident--comes from therewe become reconciled, and eat, as they say, from one plate; and thesame on the other side. It is useless, therefore, to take notice ofanything in this little edition of hell [abreviado infierno]. 

I have no other request or greater desire than to leave this place; andalthough (for since I arrived in these islands I have written to youat every opportunity) I have sufficiently wearied you regarding this, I cannot cease continuing [my efforts to go away]--without urging anyfixed and assigned place, or where or how it shall be accomplished. Forevery day, Don Diego, I find myself more disconsolate, and I would bythis time be desperate if I could not trust in the good opinion thatI have of you; and therefore, hoping for your protection and stationedat your feet, I entreat you with the utmost earnestness [for a changein my position], without heeding whether or not it be a promotion. Forme the best promotion will be to go away, wherever it may be; and ifit cannot be accomplished in this way, [please] endeavor to securefor me permission, for such time as may seem proper to the Council, to pass over to Nueva España, in accordance with what I wrote lastyear, as there was no room for either of these expedients to securemy departure. I send a special power of attorney for you to makein my name surrender and renunciation of this post, for the causesand reasons which I will allege in the Council, either personallyor by my attorney; I do not do so now, on account of the damage andrisk which thus may be occasioned to me because I do not desire apost in which there is so much corruption as there is in this. Andmore, I would almost rather go to get a living by some petition orcommission than to be auditor of Filipinas; and this, Don Diego, is the truth. Here there is no liberty for anything; there is noauthority, no respect, and, above all, not an atom of profit. Then, what is such a post good for? It is only fit for ruining honor andreputation, and for this it is notorious. In case I shall get awayfrom here by any of the aforesaid ways, you will ask that a judge ofresidencia may be appointed for me, so that he may take it before Ishall go; for I do not wish to leave behind these sorrapas. You willpreviously challenge Don Diego de Viga and Don Esteban de la Fuentey Alanis; for these two gentlemen, each in his own way, are verymalicious, and have very little affection for colleagues. I knowthem well, by experience of what they have done to other persons;and I do not wish that they do the same to me. It is also necessaryto obtain for me a royal decree, so that I may not be hindered bythe governor or any one else, that all the persons in my household, and those who came with me to these islands, may return in my company;and that I may be assigned a small room for storage of my provisionsfor the voyage. For here it is not the same as in the north, [139]where there are general accommodations for the passengers; but eachone furnishes his own provisions; and, unless a place is assignedin which these may go, the transportation charges cost more than onethousand pesos; but, as those who ship bales pay for them at the rateof twelve and fifteen pesos, they have many advantages [over the rest]. 

Don Pedro Sebastian de Volibar y Mena

Extract from a letter written by Father Luis Pimentel to Father ManuelRodriguez, procurator-general of Indias, from Manila, February 8, 1686. 

Don Juan de Vargas was excommunicated and placed on the public listby Archbishop Pardo; he thereupon came before the Audiencia. Thatcourt demanded that the archbishop show them his acts, which he didnot do. A royal decree was sent to him; he replied that he could notsend the act that he had issued against Don Juan de Vargas, since hehad to send it to a superior tribunal--that is, to the tribunal of theInquisition. The auditors sent him a second decree; he replied that hewas encumbered with affairs of more importance than those of Don Juande Vargas, and could not make [formal] answer. They sent a third one, commanding him to send such answer; he replied that the doings of DonJuan de Vargas were public and manifest, so that it was not necessaryto enact anything against him, and accordingly he had no documents tosend them. The secretary of the Audiencia notified him of the fourthdecree, and had orders to read it to the archbishop, but not to giveit to him, because the three former decrees had remained in his handswithout his making any answer. The secretary was told, however, that ifthe archbishop should demand a certified copy, he should give him oneand bring back the royal decree; but the archbishop declared that ifthe decree were not surrendered to him he would not answer it. As hedid not render obedience to the four decrees, his Majesty commanded, by his royal decrees, that the archbishop should be declared banishedfrom the kingdoms. The governor went to talk with him, to start him, as they say on the road; and it is said that he found him obstinate. 

Now follows the fiction that they made arrangements, in order thatthe governor might not consider himself obliged to undo what had beendone, [140] by recalling the sentence of banishment, and bringingthe archbishop to Manila. They ordered that all the estates of thiscommunity should go to entreat the governor that the archbishopshould not be exiled; and the same persons went on this errand who[afterward] bemired themselves in causing the archbishop to return toManila. These men went about talking and declaiming to everyone in thecommunity about the great difficulties, both spiritual and temporal, which must follow from [the banishment]; but in reality all these werefantastical, since there would be no further difficulties than thosewhich the governor chose--as there were none when the archbishop wasbanished the previous time; [141] for one would hardly believe howgreat is the hatred that most persons feel toward the archbishop andhis officials, and to the Dominican friars. The Order of St. Franciswas remiss in making this request, but an auditor brought them toterms, as well as the members of the cabildos, both ecclesiasticaland secular. The most difficult thing was to subdue the Jesuits. Abishop who was a great friend of ours charged himself with this task, and easily persuaded the vice-provincial and the consultors; but Ialways have been of opinion that we ought to pursue an even course--forI immediately saw the trick, and that he was setting a trap for us, as actually happened. Finally the vice-provincial and another fatherwent, because I excused myself from going in company with the otherorders. With them went Don Fray Juan Duran, a religious of the Orderof Mercy and bishop of Sinopolis; it was he who in the name of all theorders made the address, setting forth the serious difficulties thatmust ensue in spiritual and temporal affairs. This petition beingended, the snare began; the governor told them to draw up a paperin which they were to set forth the causes that led them to make therequest, and that all the orders should sign it--which converted thepetition into advice, and he did the same with the other estates, even with the military leaders. 

The [preparation of the] paper which the orders were to sign wasentrusted to one of the bemired ones, the provincial of the AugustinianRecollects; but what he wrote was so unsatisfactory that even thebishop of Sinopolis--who was active in carrying on this affair for thegovernor, on account of being his intimate friend--did not like it;and the bishop himself therefore drew up the paper, which was signedby all the orders except the Society. Ours preferred to make its ownanswer, separately; we did so, and I send [a copy of it] with this. 

News since the year 1688

1. It is asked that the contents of this document may be readattentively; the writer asserts that it is not his intention thatcorporal injury shall come to the guilty, but only that the truthmay be known and these many evils be set forth. 

2. Early in January of the said year, very secret conferences wereheld in the palace, in which Bobadilla, Atienza, and Cervantes tookpart--all opposed to the auditors, to Zalaeta and Lezama, and to DonJuan de Vargas. They began to favor the designs of the archbishop, andthe governor to act despotically, according to the dictation of Verart. 

3. The result of the said conferences was the imprisonment ofZalaeta and Lezama, on the twenty-second of January. Their propertywas sequestered, and with great cruelty their papers were seized;and they were very closely confined in the fort. He [142] asked fora confessor from the Society, but the governor would not grant this, only consenting that he might confess to one of three fathers whom hedesignated; these were Juan Gonzalez, Don Esteban Olmedo--adherentsof himself and the Dominicans--and Doctor Atienza, brother of theAtienza already named. 

4. Toledo denounced Don Juan Zalaeta, saying that he gave him apasquinade so that he could publish it, which was of the followingtenor: The governor was seated on a chair, with his favorites Endayaand Verart at his side; at his feet lay the king, his head cut off, and his hands disjointed. This picture explains the state of affairs, which is expressed by the verses that appear below. [143]

5. The cause of Lezama's imprisonment was a paper which they attributedto him, although it was not known with certainty that he had writtenit; and both tribunals proceeded against him--the government withimprisonment and sequestration, the archbishop with censures; thetwo powers agreed very well. 

6. Guards were placed in the house of Lezama, from which resulted someextravagant remarks by Doña Josefa, the wife of Bolivar; and these setin motion what will be hereafter related. The wife of Lezama presenteda document to the governor, asking for what reason her husband hadbeen imprisoned; he sent the paper to an alcalde-in-ordinary. The saidwife had recourse to the Audiencia, who commanded the said alcaldeto deliver up the documents under penalty of five hundred pesos, buthe resorted to the governor, who forbade him to obey, and imposed apenalty of two thousand pesos if he should surrender the documents. 

7. On the same day the governor summoned the auditors to a session andconference, and with language of anger and rage informed them thatthe alcalde was proceeding by his orders in the said imprisonments, and ever, that they were involved in the same charges. At this theywere struck with great fear, with good reason dreading the governor'soutrageous manner of proceeding; and to this fear that some calamitywould happen to them also were added the reports that were currentof the dungeons that were being prepared, of various persons whom hewas arresting and examining, etc. 

8. The auditors, now terrorized, secretly retired one night to thecollege of the Society of Jesus, and carried with them the fiscal, in order to consult as to the measures of which they should availthemselves to secure their persons from the tyranny of the governor, and whether they should remain in the said college in order toadminister justice from that place, etc. They could not reach adecision in the matter, and with the same secrecy they returned totheir houses; and afterward the fiscal sold them. 

9. The reasons for the governor's hatred against Don Diego deViga were: his having proposed that the ship which served for thearmada should make a voyage in the year 1686, which was contrary tothe governor's purposes; and his proposal in the Audiencia that aconsultation should be held with the governor in regard to a packetof letters from the king which were said to have arrived, in whichthere were decisions of the utmost importance--which letters, it issupposed, the governor tried to hold back and conceal. 

10. He entertained ill-will against Bolivar for having repliedwith independence and decision to an act of which he was notifiedon the part of the bishop, in which he threatened the auditor withfearful excommunications and pecuniary fine, because the said auditorprotected the interests of the royal patronage in the suit which theAugustinians brought against the Society in regard to the villageof Jesus de la Peña, and challenged the jurisdiction of the saidarchbishop in this case. 

11. The governor [144] set spies on the steps and actions of theauditors, and seized a bit of paper, without signature, whichBolivar was sending to Viga, in which he informed the latter thatthey could not trust the fiscal, who had that very day taken dinnerwith the governor; and that he presumed the fiscal had betrayed them, disclosing their consultation above mentioned. 

12. The governor conjured from this bit of paper many mysteries;he arrested the page who carried it, and commanded that the fiscalbe summoned. He planned the exile of the auditors, with the seizureof their property and papers--in all of which meddled Cervantes, who was an enemy of the royal Audiencia, and known as such; and nowwas elevated to be the favorite of the governor by the favor of theDominicans, in order to be judge in the most important lawsuits ofthis commonwealth. 

13. On February 7 of the said year, the day following the aboveincident, they seized Don Diego de Viga, and conveyed him toMariveles, a village in charge of the Dominicans, where he stayed ina mean hut. From that place he went to Lucban, a village belongingto the same friars, where he remained in close confinement andlacking the necessary comforts; they allowed him not even anIndian servant who had remained with him. All this severity waspracticed on him, notwithstanding that (as was notorious) the saidauditor was so burdened with sickness and infirmities that in thejudgment of intelligent persons he could not hold out three months inLucban. The commandant shamefully treated a brother of the Society, who accidentally passed through that place, because he gave the saidauditor a little linen and some paper, which the prisoner entreatedfor the love of God--which it is said, was taken from him and sentto the governor; and that sacrilegious man even had the brother sentthere a prisoner and in fetters. 

14. On the same day and the following one, they searched for Bolivar invarious houses; for, when he learned what was being plotted againstthem, he had concealed himself. They surrounded his house, witha large force of soldiers; and because Doña Josefa and her sisterspoke some saucy words, in regard to certain questions that wereasked them, they were banished with much severity, and conveyed tothe village of Abucay, a village in charge of the Dominicans. [145]Doña Josefa was sent first, and afterward her sister Doña Ynes, onaccount of the latter being very ill when they carried away her sister. 

15. The governor learned that Don Pedro Bolivar was in the collegeof the Society of Jesus, and availed himself of his good friendthe archbishop to remove the auditor from sanctuary. The archbishopreadily assented to whatever he demanded; indeed, he has left no stoneunturned to injure the Society of Jesus. They surrounded the collegeof the Society with a great number of soldiers, within and without, who caused the religious incredible vexations and troubles during thenine days while this blockade lasted. The [archbishop's] provisor wason hand to incite the soldiers and make mischief; and he notified therector of an act by the archbishop requiring him to surrender Bolivar. 

16. The city and all the religious orders, except that of St. Dominic, showed great resentment at this performance and felt exceedinglyscandalized. The governor, as obstinate as Pharaoh, said that he wouldnot remove the blockade from the Society's house until Bolivar shouldmake his appearance, if it lasted a year; and that he intended todestroy the auditor. The latter, seeing the constraint and uneasinessof the religious, and the obstinacy of the governor and the archbishop, gave himself up of his own accord; and they took him away fromsanctuary in great haste, and carried him to the municipal building;and afterward, near midnight, he was sent by boat to Mariveles, with the same harshness which they had showed to Auditor Viga. 

17. The convenient pretext and imaginary reasons which they gavefor these seizures were that those auditors intended to depose thegovernor, and hand over his office to General Zalaeta. It was provedthat this plan would not suit the actual condition of affairs, evenin the judgment of a man of mediocre ability, much less in that ofthe auditors; and even if such a thing were intended, they wouldfind it impossible to secure the means for its execution, since allthe military leaders were of the governor's faction and opposed tothe auditors. 

18. Crafty actions, intrigues, seizures, and severities were employedwith persons of various stations, in order to give some semblance ofproof to the above fantastic idea; and they terrorized many personsto make them relate, if possible, what suited their purpose, and nomore. Some they tortured; others were left without food for two orthree days, and one they deprived of drink for seventeen days. Most ofthe persons thus examined had little courage, and were sons of fear, so they found it easy to tell lies; and if they were under compulsionthey would say that Judas and Mahoma were in heaven. 

19. The governor soon found himself embarrassed by the lack of anAudiencia; he therefore formed one in his own way, which was thoroughlyaccommodated to his opinions. It was composed thus: a fiscal soterrified and possessed by fear that, if he were commanded to flogan image of Christ, apparently he would not hesitate to do so; oneCervantes, as coadjutor to the fiscal, a young fellow of maliciousdisposition and perverse inclinations, who not many years beforehad been condemned to death; one Angulo, in everything a man afterCervantes's own heart--young and of little understanding; and of solittle ability that neither when he was a receptor of the Audiencia, nor now when filling the office of attorney-general [promotor-fiscal], did he know what to do, etc. 

20. Among the papers of Zalaeta was found one which was imputed to thecantor Herrera, in which he spoke ill of Endaya; and on this accountthe archbishop demanded aid from the governor, seized Herrera, [146]and placed him in the fort--treating him with ignominy unusual for[a member of] the cabildo, placing him under the guard of secularofficials, and treating him like a highwayman. Yet the said archbishophad previously favored him, and regarded lightly other offenses ofhis--for no other reason than because Herrera had, to please thearchbishop and his friars, drawn up documents expressing in positiveterms, detestation of appeals to the royal Audiencia. 

21. With these scandals and harsh measures, the city experiencedprofound affliction; the minds of the people were appalled, andthey were so shut in by fears and terrors that no one consideredhimself safe even in his own house. No one opened his lips, seeingthe two powers of the commonwealth thus jumbled together, and thatin the greatest calamities there was no recourse except to God. Theinhabitants could not communicate with one another, without criticism;nor was it even lawful to breathe, since rigorous scrutiny was madeof the most trifling acts. 

22. Great were the calamities which at this time came unexpectedlyupon this commonwealth--epidemics, famines, vessels returning toport, [attacks by] enemies, losses of vessels. The governor the morepretended that his conduct was influenced by an imaginary conspiracy;for on the night of Holy Thursday, when he went to visit the stations[of the cross], a multitude of soldiers went with him as escort, besides his usual guard, and he was accompanied by the personageswho were in league with him. 

23. Royal decrees were despatched against the preachers who zealouslyproclaimed from the pulpits the arbitrary and malicious characterof the recent acts, and the Dominicans alone had the privilege toutter whatever absurdities they pleased in the pulpits. There is nocounterpart to the satire against the Society which a [father from]Santo Tomas preached one day. 

24. Recourse to the royal Audiencia was entirely barred, as was seenin the case of Don Juan de Vargas, who thus far had been posted onthe list of excommunicates, and all persons who held intercoursewith him threatened with punishment. Tardiness and delay followedhim until the fourth decree [was issued] in regard to his absolution, and it had no result--as little carried out as was the king's decreewhich he issued in regard to the banishment of the archbishop. 

25. In Cagayan Fray Raimundo de Rosa killed Fray Juan Zambrano, hisvicar and superior; but the archbishop has not made any demonstration[of displeasure], although he has so often done so in the more venialoffenses of the clerics. The Order of St. Dominic has honored theDominicans who were most rebellious against the king with the bestoffices in the provincial chapter; and those of their following, likeAduna, Gonzalez, Carballo, Cervantes, and others, are now in highfavor, although they are hostile to the prerogatives of his Majesty. 

26. No authentic statement of the evil deeds of these years can besent to the court; for the scriveners are intimidated and will not giveofficial statements of anything of what occurs, except what may be infavor of the governor and the archbishop. Item, [this] is written inmuch distrust and fear, on account of the numerous spies who go aboutprying into and noting everything that is done. One notary is in prisonon account of a statement that he drew up; and another is in exile. 

27. The governor causes many scandals in the matter of chastity, not sparing any woman, whatever may be her rank or condition; and hekeeps some worthless women who serve as procuresses for conveying tohim those whose society will give him most pleasure. In this scandalthe zeal of neither the archbishop nor his friars is active. 

28. The governor will hinder the voyage of the ship to Nueva España, on account of the fabulous ships which, it is reported, have beenseen, according to the statement of an Indian, although there is noconfirmation of such news. The great amount that was spent in thedespatch of the armada, as the capitana of which the ship "Santo Niño"sailed, without having the desired result; the malicious purpose withwhich the said despatch was conducted, on account of his having hadinformation by way of Yndia which caused this government to hasten. 

29. As the archbishop would not absolve Don Juan de Vargas, theAudiencia again decided to banish him; but the governor kept theroyal decree signed and sealed, without being willing that it be putinto execution. Instead, he joined with the bishop of Sinopolis toconvoke the religious orders, planning that they demand that he benot banished. An inquiry was made among his partisans, who swore thatthey knew nothing of it, and had not imagined it. 

30. The archbishop prevented the confirmation of three prebends whichhis Majesty had presented--to Don Francisco Gutierrez Briceno, Bachelor Domingo de Valencia, and Doctor Pedro de Silva; thefirst-named for cantor, the second for schoolmaster, the third fortreasurer. He refused to give them canonical installation, becausethey are not among his admirers; and the last two are graduates fromthe university of the Society of Jesus. 

31. The Augustinians, in alliance with the archbishop and his friars, brought suit against the Society in regard to the administrationof Jesus de la Peña, or Mariquina. The numerous disputes [dares ettomares] which have occurred in this lawsuit, and the great eagernesswith which the archbishop has tried to favor the Augustinians;and finally, against all the right that the Society had to suchministry--by royal decree, by permission from Señor Arce, and by permitof the vice-patron, etc. --he has despoiled them of it with violence, and by the aid which the governor allowed him for tearing down anddemolishing the church of the said fathers; and he has adjudged itto the Augustinians, because the hatred and aversion which he has tothe said order [of the Jesuits] is implacable. 

32. The archbishop mortified the religious of St. Francis; on accountof regarding them as favorable to the royal patronage, he forbade them[to celebrate] the feast of the tears of that saint, and he has notgranted them many permissions which they asked from him. He deprivedthem of the celebration of the feast of the Conception in the jail; andfinally, on the day of St. Stephen the protomartyr, he gave them hiscongratulations on that feast by causing to be read an edict againstthem, in which he suspended their licenses to hear confessions andpreach. All this caused great uneasiness in the minds of the people, and gave just cause for the murmur against the said archbishop thathe had, by the measures here related, undertaken to revenge himselfon all those persons who, as he fancied, had taken part in his exile, or had in any way approved it. 

33. They attempt to absolve Auditor Calderon in the hour of death inwhat he replied, and what the Dominicans did, and how the governorpretended not to notice it. It seems as if the governor had come tothe islands for nothing else than to encourage the Dominicans in theirrebellious acts, to trample on the laws, to abolish recourse to theroyal Audiencia, to sow dissension, to be a tyrant, to disturb thepeace, and to enable the archbishop to secure whatever he wishes, eventhough he imposes so grievous a captivity on the commonwealth. [147]

Felipe Pardo as archbishop

[The Dominican side of this controversy is related by Salazar, one ofthe official historians of that order, in his Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 490-513 (chapters xviii-xxi); as this account is long, it ispresented here partly in full translation, partly in synopsis. ]

On the fourth day of August in the year 1677, dedicated to ourglorious patriarch St. Dominic, a royal decree was received inManila in which our Catholic monarch Don Carlos II appointed forarchbishop of Manila father Fray Felipe Pardo--who that year hadcompleted his second provincialate and now was filling the post ofcommissary of the Holy Office. In the latter office he had given, before this second provincialate, such proofs of good judgment thatreport of his abilities had reached Madrid; and these alone, withoutany other backing, had procured for him so high a dignity. Thechoice of him [as bishop] was received in this community withuniversal acclamation and applause, on account of the esteem thatwas merited by his abilities, accredited by the experience that allhad of his success and discretion in government--not only in the twoprovincialates which he had obtained, but also, as I have indicated, inthe commissariat of the Inquisition; all therefore confidently expectedin him a prelate discreet and accomplished in all respects. Ourfather Fray Felipe Pardo alone, distrustful of his suitability forthat office--either on account of his sixty-seven years of age, orin view of the difficulty of the task--was greatly perplexed aboutaccepting it. Indeed, it was necessary at the end of two months, tomake requisition on him, in accordance with the rules established bythe councils regarding immediate acceptance by those thus appointed, under penalty of the appointment being annulled, and the see beingagain declared vacant. [He finally accepts (November 11 of that year)the dignity of archbishop, and by special decree of the king enterson his duties before being consecrated (which occurs on October 28, 1681), "the first archbishop who has governed this archbishopricwithout being consecrated, and the first who has been consecrated inthese islands. " Having spent thirty years in that country, he hasmuch knowledge of it and of its moral and social conditions, andmuch experience in ecclesiastical government. "He was very learnedin theology, whether speculative or practical, moral or scholastic;and very expert in the despatch of business. " He is aided in hisduties by Fray Raymundo Berart, very learned in canon and civil law, who has left great opportunities of advancement in España "to come tothis poor province, to serve in the ministry of souls--as he actuallylearned the Tagal language, and spent some time in ministering tothe Indians in the district of Batan. "]

The church of this archbishopric was in great need of reform, beingfull of pernicious abuses, which had been introduced by viciouspractices, shielded by permitted usage; so that now these allegedright of possession, and that which was public and practiced by manywas regarded as lawful and allowable. False oaths were regarded, notheeding this despite to the holy name of God, as a matter of kindness, in exchange for not injuring another person by the denunciation ofhis sins; and the oath which the judges take not to engage in tradewas regularly broken, without there being any one who had scruplesin doing so. The friendships and intimacies between the two sexeswere so prevalent that the excessive familiarity which was causingso many scandals was already no occasion for them [i. E. , in publicopinion]. Executorships were hereditary, despoiling minors of theirproperty, and never rendering accounts [of those trusts]. Trading hadfound its way among the ecclesiastics, notwithstanding the ordinance[constitucion] of Clement IX recently published in these islands; andat like pace all the vices gained sway, without the least scruple orreparation, since established practice and custom had now renderedthose vices tolerated. [To remedy these evils, the archbishopvigorously devotes his energies, notwithstanding his age. ]

The first action with which his illustrious Lordship began to carryout this plan in the government of his archbishopric was, to reconcilehis cabildo with the royal Audiencia in a certain controversy betweenthem. This was, whether they should give the gospel to be kissed, not only by the auditor who then provisionally held the governmentof these islands (he was Don Francisco Mansilla), but also by hisassociate, Doctor Don Diego Calderon. As soon as the archbishop beganto rule, he settled this dispute with great sagacity, and much to thesatisfaction of both sides. Afterward another strife arose betweenthe ecclesiastical estate and the royal officials, because, at thetime of paying the former their stipends, these were curtailed onaccount of the exemption from the mesada which had been concededby his Holiness to our Catholic king; and, the amount of what theecclesiastics ought to contribute on account of this privilege notbeing liquidated, the official royal judges had acted illegally inthe collection of the said mesada, making themselves judges in theirown cause by explaining the bull of his Holiness without consentingto show it to the interested parties, although the latter had severaltimes demanded this. But our archbishop, recognizing that what theroyal officials were collecting was excessive, and that it belongedto his office and dignity to explain the doubts that might arise inthe text of the apostolic bulls, compelled the royal official judges, by dint of monitory decrees and censures, to display that privilege;and when it was seen, it was found that they had collected more thanthey should for several years past. All this he made them restore, with considerable advantage to the ecclesiastics, who were extremelygrateful for the zealous activity of his illustrious Lordship. 

In almost all the Indias were being celebrated the masses whichthey call "masses for Christmas, " [148] mingling with them certainabuses which contaminated these masses with practices that weresuperstitious, and contrary to the holy rites of the church. Thesewere tolerated under the cloak of devotion, and, although to somethey appeared mischievous, they did not dare to rebuke these ritesin public lest they excite against themselves the pious feelings ofthe common people, and as this matter was one of those which belongto the zeal and foresight of the ecclesiastical superiors. Finallythe holy Congregation of Rites, in consequence of the representationsmade by zealous persons, on January 16 in the year 1677 declared thesaid "masses for Christmas" to be not only opposed to the rubrics, but also cause for scandals, and of superstitious nature, on accountof certain ballads that were interwoven with them, and other likeabuses. This decree of the Congregation arrived in these islandsin the year eighty; acting in conformity thereto, the archbishopprohibited the said masses in his archbishopric. They were no longercelebrated while his illustrious Lordship lived, although afterwardthey were again established, but with some abatement--I know notwhether it was so everywhere--of the abuses which formerly werecustomary. He also prohibited under severe penalties the practiceof bringing sick persons to the church to receive holy communionby way of viaticum--a custom introduced into these islands fromthe infancy of their Christian faith. It had never been entirelyuprooted, although ordinances against it had been issued by variouszealous prelates in their decrees, and by our Catholic monarchs intheir royal cedulas--commanding that the holy viaticum should becarried to the houses of the sick, even though they were poor andof low estate, as are the natives of these islands. And because theprevious ordinances of the king our sovereign on this subject had nothad the desired effect, his Majesty again repeated his commands in aroyal decree of July 28, 1681, in which he charged our archbishop tobanish this abuse, the custom of carrying the sick to the church toreceive the holy viaticum, on account of the difficulties which mightfollow from it. In accordance with this, our archbishop promulgatedan edict throughout his diocese, dated September 5, 1682, commandingthat all the parish priests should carry the viaticum to the sick, without permitting them to be brought to the church; and althoughhe received from the parish priests entreaties and arguments onthis point, his illustrious Lordship did not listen to them, butcourageously proceeded in his holy undertaking. 

Besides those exceedingly just measures, at the instance of the royalAudiencia of these islands his illustrious Lordship promulgated anedict--which was affixed to the doors of the churches, with penaltyof major excommunication--that all executors of wills must within twomonths present before his tribunal the said wills, which had not beeninspected for fourteen years past; and so numerous were those thatwere presented--not to mention others dating back to forgotten times, which were not yet accomplished--that they gave him work sufficientfor several years. He issued other edicts and monitory decrees inregard to the denunciation of various crimes, and so many of thesewere continually disclosed that soon the ecclesiastical tribunal wastilled with cases, and the numerous officials in its employ could notmake room for the legal proceedings therein. Very scandalous liveswere revealed, and criminal suits were begun; but these could not beprosecuted on account of appeals and subterfuges which caused delay. 

He who attempts to correct abuses and scandals finds it necessaryto equip himself with courage to meet the hostilities which he willencounter; for abuses which have already become inveterate, andscandals favored by indulgence, cannot be overcome without strenuousefforts and repeated conflicts. Such was the case of a certain prebendwhom the predecessor of his illustrious Lordship had tried to correct, but had never been able to do so on account of the support that thedelinquent received from a certain potent personage; accordingly thearchbishop's zeal contented itself with giving information of thewhole matter to the king our sovereign--who issued on this matter aroyal decree commanding the said archbishop to correct the scandalousacts of that prebend, without fear or regard for any power. Asthis royal decree arrived at Manila when the said archbishop wasalready dead, the king our sovereign despatched another decree to ourarchbishop-elect, Don Fray Felipe Pardo, very earnestly recommendingto him the correction of the transgressions of the said prebend. [149]Notwithstanding the activity of our archbishop, he could not end theproceedings in this case for eight years, on account of the evasionsof the culprit, and the protection that he found in the officials ofthe royal Audiencia, who at every step forbade our archbishop to takeany further steps in the prosecution of the suits, thus preventinghis holy zeal from successfully checking abuses and scandals. 

This was made more plainly evident in the suit regarding anotherecclesiastic, the cura of Bigan, against whom the provisor appointedby his illustrious Lordship (since the government of that bishopricpertained to him) began to institute proceedings in a criminal suit, in consequence of various denunciations and accusations. As theculprit was on intimate terms with one of the auditors, the lattermanaged the affair so dexterously that he caused the issue of aroyal decree in which the royal Audiencia commanded the archbishopto remove thence [i. E. , from Vigan] the said provisor and obligehim to reside in the city of Lalo all to the end that he should notproceed in the suit. This measure was ineffectual, on account ofthe reply and representations made by the archbishop; the provisortherefore proceeded in his suit. The delinquent, finding himselfin a tight place, fled from Bigan and came to Manila; and, when hewas arrested by the archbishop for this flight, he demanded to bereleased on bail--which his illustrious Lordship granted, by an actin which he designated the city as the prisoner's bounds until hissuit should be ended. The culprit consented to this, thanking hisillustrious Lordship for this concession, and therewith submitting tohis tribunal. Affairs being in this condition, there came [in 1680], with proprietary appointment as bishop-elect of Nueva Segovia, a prebend of this holy church, who was an intimate friend of theculprit; the latter, availing himself of this opportunity, undertookto shake off the yoke of his illustrious Lordship's authority with anappeal to the new bishop-elect--who, desiring to shelter the other, demanded from the archbishop the acts [which he had issued]. As hisillustrious Lordship did not choose to furnish these--as this suitwas firmly established, by the consent of the delinquent himself, in his metropolitan tribunal--the new bishop had recourse to theroyal Audiencia, asking them to command the archbishop to deliver theacts. In virtue of the representation made by the new bishop, a royaldecree was despatched to Señor Pardo, in which he was commanded todeliver the said acts to the bishop of Nueva Segovia; his illustriousLordship answered this by saying that the suit proceedings thereinwere already established in his own tribunal by the delinquenthaving accepted certain acts, and the law, therefore, afforded nooccasion for removing this suit and the proceedings therein fromthe tribunal of the metropolitan, and restoring it to the culprit'sordinary judge. His illustrious Lordship well knew that all thesewere frivolous measures of delay, so that the case might not reach thepoint of sentence, and the scandals should be left without restraint, accordingly, although the second and the third royal decrees on thismatter were served upon him, he never consented to yield his rights, or to acquiesce in the illegal commands laid upon him. For this causethe officials of the royal Audiencia issued a fourth royal ordinanceand decree, condemning our archbishop to exile; this sentence was notexecuted at the time, but with occasion of the new emergencies whichafterward arose, it was enforced with severity in the following year. 

Now that the archbishop was on bad terms with the royal Audiencia, it was easy for the subordinates of his illustrious Lordship tohave recourse to this supreme tribunal in order to challenge thejurisdiction or appeal from the proceedings of the ecclesiasticaljudge; and therefore royal decrees were continually emanating, forbidding our archbishop to prosecute suits and proceedings, andcommanding him to deliver up the documents regarding them--by which thecourse of the suits was hindered or delayed. His illustrious Lordshipanswered these requisitions with so much clearness and proof that theofficials who issued them often considered themselves vanquished, anddid not follow up their efforts; and although they resented what theycalled rebellion and audacity, they found his opposition so justifiedby law that they did not dare to condemn him for disobedience, no matter how much they chose to give his conduct this title tooutsiders--for these tribunals are not accustomed to hear "no" towhat they ordain in the name of the king our sovereign. And knowingthat the greater force of the replies and representations of thearchbishop depended on the assistance of the consultor, father FrayRaymundo Berart, they strove to separate the latter from his side, in order that his illustrious Lordship, destitute of this aid, mightbe reduced with more blind submission to the decrees and despatchesof the royal Audiencia; and therefore that court issued a mandatedemanding and requiring our archbishop to remove from his side FatherBerart, and another to the same effect, addressed to our provincial, to assign that father to a ministry among the Indians. Suitable replywas made to both these decrees, without causing any change, for thetime, in the aspect of affairs--until, a new occasion and emergencyarising, they again insisted upon this point. 

At the first foundation of Manila, only two parishes were formed forthe Spaniards--one for those who lived within the walls, and anotherfor those who lived outside the city, this latter being located in aplace where at that time most of them were wont to live. Afterward thatsite appeared to them unsuitable for the conveniences of human life, and so they went to live in another part of the city, and even onthe other side of the river which washes it. Consequently, they livedvery far from their parish church, and suffered great inconvenience inattending it, because it was necessary for the administration of thesacraments that the parish priest should cross the entire city, or makethe circuit of its walls, and finally he had to cross the river. Asthis often had to be done at night, and at other times with the riskof being drowned through the fury of the winds and waves, it was soonevident how great difficulty there must be in giving prompt aid tothe sick--especially as the distance of the parish church was so greatthat many parishioners lived half a legua from it. On this account theburials also were solemnized with extreme inconvenience, and withoutthe processional order which is the custom of the church. Besidesthis, it caused great confusion that the Spaniard who was owner ofthe house should belong to the said parish, and the servants, whetherIndians or negroes, to that of the territory in which they happenedto be. The Spaniards also were ashamed of having a parish church sopoor and in so wretched a condition, for it was only a shelter ofbamboos covered with nipa. For these reasons the parishioners had atvarious times asked that they might be joined to the parishes in whichthey lived; and now, on the occasion of a controversy which arosebetween the said cura and another parish priest over the question, to which of them belonged [the interment of] a deceased person, the Spaniards publicly appeared before the ordinary, asking that hewould assign the parish churches according to the territories, inaccordance with the custom throughout the church. When this requestwas considered by his illustrious Lordship, he gave information of it, and a copy of the petition, to the vice-patron, to whom this matterpertained by law. The governor showed this to the fiscal of hisMajesty, who approved the desired change; and with this decision thegovernor decreed that the parishes should be divided according to theterritories. He gave commission for this to his illustrious Lordship, who divided and allotted the parishes in the suburbs of Manila, withthe system and order which are observed to this day declaring that toeach parish church belonged all the persons who dwelt in its territory, whether Spaniards, Indians, or negroes. 

Notwithstanding that this arrangement was in every way so judicious, and had been made by the order of the vice-patron, with the approvaland advice of the auditor fiscal, the former cura of the Spaniardsconsidered it an injury and injustice, casting the blame for it all onhis illustrious Lordship; and, making common cause with the clergy, he continued to disturb and disquiet their minds, until finallythe cabildo arrogated to itself authority, interposing a letter tohis illustrious Lordship that was very offensive to his dignity, complaining of the severity of his government, in terms that libeledhis uprightness, and other expressions that were very unbecoming andinappropriate to the dignity of a cabildo. Accordingly, for the sakeof their reputation, his illustrious Lordship was not willing to makethe document public, and he only showed it privately to the governorof these islands--who was deeply irritated at what they had done, and promised all his protection to the archbishop for correctinghis prebends. The archbishop did not choose to avail himself ofthis aid, because he intended to bring them back to sober judgmentby means of kindness and gentle treatment. He therefore replied tohis cabildo with another pastoral letter, couched in affectionateterms, and full of learning and paternal affection in which he gentlyadmonished them to recognize and correct their error. Again theywrote to his illustrious Lordship, in more submissive tone, althoughit was apparently only to pay him compliments; for almost on the sameday they appeared before the royal Audiencia with another document, making complaint against their prelate of injuries, and saying thatalthough they had represented these to his illustrious Lordship, he had not answered them to the point. The effect of this petitionwas, that the royal Audiencia issued new commands, not only to thearchbishop but to the father provincial of this province, that fatherFray Raymundo Berart (of whom the cabildo bitterly complained) mustleave his association with his illustrious Lordship, and depart to theministries among the Indians; this was carried out (at the instance ofthe father himself), in order to wreak the wrath of those who were inpower. On this occasion the royal Audiencia also ordered that a secretinvestigation be made of the lives and conduct of our religious, commencing with the archbishop; and, although a beginning was madein the fabrication of this information, the plan soon fell through onaccount of another and public report which was made, by command of thearchbishop, in favor of the religious--in which their reputation wasso well vindicated by testimony that those who undertook to blackenit through the secret inquiry were left confounded and abashed. 

All these occurrences that we have mentioned were preludes and omensof some outbreak; for the minds of the people were disquieted, andjealousy of the archbishop was plainly evident on the part, not onlyof the clergy, but of the secular government. They were eager for somefresh opportunity to arise for them to take extreme measures at onceagainst the archbishop, or at least against the religious of thisprovince. This soon occurred, in a sermon that was preached in thecathedral by a certain religious, [150] in which he explained moralprinciples that were pertinent to the disorders then prevailing. Theauditors, who were present, began to resent this; and one of themurged the governor to send a message to his illustrious Lordship, asking him to order the preacher to leave the pulpit. The governordid so, in fact: but he himself assumed authority to do this, beforehis illustrious Lordship's answer came, and ordered the preacher tostop his sermon, and proceed with mass--an act extremely injuriousto the dignity of the archbishop, that in his own church, and beforehis eyes, the governor (a secular official, too) should interfereto give commands to the ministers of the church. But his illustriousLordship was obliged to overlook this, in order not to cause greaterdisturbances or expose his episcopal dignity to the insults of thosewho had already, it appears, pronounced judgments in defiance of thecourts of the church, and were only awaiting an opportunity to assailhis jurisdiction and dignity. His illustrious Lordship did not chooseto afford this to them, at that time, although zeal stimulated him todefend the honor of the mitre; for affairs were now in such conditionthat he would [by doing so] cause more injury than benefit. 

Notwithstanding the tolerance and patience of the archbishop, on thesecond day after the sermon sentence was passed in the royal Audiencia, in accordance with the representations made by the ecclesiasticalcabildo, against the preacher, condemning him to imprisonment and tobanishment from these islands. This was carried out on the followingday; Villalba was arrested in his convent of Binondoc and conveyedthrough the public streets, being finally placed on board a vessel, in which he was sent to a remote island until the time should comefor embarking him for Nueva España. This was accomplished in due time, with great injury and hardship to that religious, and not less griefto the archbishop at seeing such dreadful disorders, and even hiszeal powerless to remedy them; for these disturbances had now reachedsuch a point, and his subordinates had now become so hard-hearted andrebellious, that they had already lost their dread of [committing]sacrilegious acts, and did not fear to lay violent hands on thepersons of ecclesiastics and religious. Accordingly, foreseeing fromthese acts of violence that which might result to his own person ifsome new occasion should arise, his prudence caused him to preparebeforehand for what might occur in such an emergency, by an act whichhe drew up with the utmost secrecy, dated on the twenty-second of thesame month of January in the year 1682. By this act he appointed, forany such occasion, as governor of the archbishopric the illustriousDon Fray Gines Barrientos, bishop of Troya and his own assistant; andmade other arrangements--which were mild and reasonable, and worthy ofhis apostolic zeal, piety, and gentleness--that would tend to quietthe disturbances which would arise from any such act of violence, and to favor absolution from the censures which would necessarily beincurred by persons who should commit such acts of irreverence. Allthis was laid away and kept with great secrecy until the followingyear, in which occurred the imprisonment of the archbishop. 

These melancholy events did not daunt the fervent courage of hisillustrious Lordship; rather, with apostolic valor and zeal heproceeded in the correction of evil deeds, notwithstanding that hehad reliable information that his case was already concluded in theroyal Audiencia and sentence of banishment pronounced against him. Hewas continually menaced with the execution of this sentence, at everynew difficulty which might arise--in this being like the great pastorJesus Christ, who, the nearer He foresaw His arrest, so much themore freely rebuked vices. It is true that our archbishop in order togive place to wrath and avoid hostilities, judiciously dissimulatedin some points which concerned his person or his privileges--for manywere the incivilities shown to him at every turn by the members of hiscabildo, who disregarded the customary forms of politeness toward him;and again, at critical moments in the controversies which arose betweenthe governor and the archbishop, the latter tried to yield what was hisright, or to overlook the lack of courtesy. But when offenses againstGod, or attacks on his church or his episcopal dignity, came in hisway, his apostolic zeal did not allow him to overlook these--themore, as he was needed by the aggrieved party on account of pointsof justice intervening at the time. And of such character were theevents which occurred in the course of this year, and were the finalincentive to the acts of violence committed against his illustriousLordship--his zealous attempt to restrain certain ecclesiastics fromcarrying on trade and traffic, to which they were greatly addicted anddevoted, in contravention of the pontifical decrees, especially ofa recent ordinance by Clement IX which prohibited the said commerceto ecclesiastics; and likewise his having endeavored to compel anexecutor to render an account of the estate which he had in his charge. 

These were the chief motives for the arrest and banishment of ourarchbishop; for, the same persons [i. E. , the Jesuits] being concernedin both of those incidents, they again disturbed people's minds, andstirred them up anew against his illustrious Lordship. Past disputesseemed lulled, and affairs had been smoothed over and adjusted, although anger against the firmness and activity of his illustriousLordship remained alive; and now the unusual character of theseincidents revived again the old complaints--those who were parties inthis affair uniting with those who were angry at what had previouslyoccurred. All joined in clamors against the archbishop, treating himas turbulent, seditious, prejudiced, contumacious, and the like; andfrom various speeches and conversations this opinion steadily grew--allregarding as already certain and evident what originated only in theirmistaken prejudices, and with this basis easily reaching a conclusion(as occurred with the majesty of Christ)--that it was necessary toremove his illustrious Lordship from their midst, in order to quietthe anxieties and disturbances which had grieved all the estates ofthe commonwealth. So in the execution of this their undertaking theydid not observe the method and plan which is prescribed in the lawsfor cases of so great importance--for there was now no disobedienceor contumacy to a second or third royal decree, or interference withthe royal patronage, or other like causes or motives which couldjustify so audacious an act. And solely at hearing the reply of hisillustrious Lordship to two royal decrees, which at the very same timewere communicated to him in regard to different matters--each one ofthese being the first one which was issued, in both cases--all theofficials of the royal Audiencia were so irritated that immediatelythey proceeded to decree that the sentence of banishment and [loss of]secular revenues, [temporalidades] which had been pronounced againsthis illustrious Lordship in the preceding year, must be executed. 

But the controversy of that year was now ended, and the partiesnow reconciled, and therefore the cause of this action was not pastbut present disputes. These were: that his illustrious Lordship hadrefused to absolve a contumacious executor whose name he had postedas excommunicate; and that he had replied to the royal decrees withapostolic freedom and liberty--in both these acts displaying hisconstancy, and zeal for maintaining his jurisdiction unimpaired. [OnMarch 29, 1683, the Audiencia decree that the sentence of banishmentbe carried out, but it is suspended for two days, that the necessarypreparations may be made secretly, in order to avoid disturbanceslike those connected with Archbishop Guerrero's banishment. Pardois arrested at midnight, by a large body of officials and soldiers, and immediately deported to Pangasinán, [151] "where the alcalde ofthat province had strict orders to detain his illustrious Lordshipthere, without allowing him to leave the provincial capital, or toperform any act of jurisdiction [152] or authority pertaining to hisepiscopal dignity, or to correspond by letter with Manila. " On thesame day, various persons are arrested as officials or near friends ofthe archbishop. The provisor takes refuge in the Dominican convent, which is at once surrounded by soldiers, an auditor threatening todemolish it with artillery; at this, the provisor surrenders himselfto the assailants, but "with certain precautions and securities, " andis kept under guard in his own house. Guards are also placed "at thebell-towers of certain churches, so that the bells might not be rungfor an interdict. All the household furniture and personal property[espolio] of the archbishop was confiscated, and placed in the royalmagazines--scrutiny being first made of the most private papers ofhis illustrious Lordship, without finding in them anything by whichhis enemies could calumniate him. "]

The bishop of Troya, Don Fray Gines Barrientos, who had been appointedgovernor of the archbishopric by his illustrious Lordship for thisemergency, when he learned of the arrest of the archbishop immediatelypresented to the cabildo the document appointing him; but that bodyappealed to the royal Audiencia, and, with either their expressedor their tacit approval, took possession of the government of thearchbishopric. They declared that the banishment of the archbishop mustbe construed as the vacation of his see, although their action mightbetter be called a spiritual adultery--for, while the spouse of thischurch was still living, the cabildo intruded their presence in orderto abuse her; and, although in reality they were but sons and subjects, they had the audacity to occupy their father's marriage-bed. At thehead of this action was the dean, who with dexterity and artificelured on the rest to consent to this monstrous deed; and becauseone, a racionero, would not consent, they thrust him out of thechapter-room. Government by the cabildo having been declared, itwas an easy thing for this same dean to cause them to appoint himas provisor; and in virtue of this fantastical jurisdiction he wenton undoing what had been done, and making blunders--liberating allthose who had been imprisoned by the [ecclesiastical] tribunal, [153] giving permission to all the clerics to hear confessions, absolving ad cautelam the excommunicated (especially the executor[i. E. , Ortega] who had been publicly posted), and promulgating anOctavian peace, like that of which the prophet says, Dicunt, "pax, pax, " et non erat pax. [154]

Among this confusion of affairs, the perplexity that existed in theconsciences of men was very noticeable: for some, endeavoring toflatter those who were in power, gave their approval to all thatthese had done, saying that they had not incurred any censure, and that the jurisdiction of the cabildo was valid; but others, with more pious judgment, regarded the said jurisdiction as eitherfanciful or monstrous, and therefore felt scruples regarding alltheir transactions--and not least in regard to intercourse withthose persons who had taken part in the arrest of the archbishopand other ecclesiastics. This was the feeling of our religious, andtherefore they endeavored to refrain from intercourse with [those]secular persons, that they might not incur danger from havingcommunication with excommunicated persons. [155] This withdrawalbeing resented by the parties concerned, they began to calumniate usas inciters of sedition, saying that with our scruples we disturbedthe peace which the cabildo and their dean had striven to introducein this community. In consequence of this, the father provincial wasnotified, in the following year, of a decree by the royal Audienciain which he was charged and commanded to banish three religious, the most prominent in his province, to the kingdom of Nueva España;and to send to the province of Cagayán two others, who were lecturersin theology--all because the Audiencia had concluded that the saidreligious, as being the most learned and serious, would persuade therest to their own opinion. The father provincial replied to this thatthe said religious were not at all to blame, since he had orderedthem to withdraw from intercourse with those who were excommunicated;[156] then they pronounced against him also sentence of banishment, which was executed with great severity on the father provincialand his associate, accompanied by the acts of violence which arementioned in the first book. [157] . .. The archbishop was verycontented in that place of his banishment, but so poor and needyin temporal revenues that for his ordinary support he was confinedto what was given him for food by the religious who was minister inthat village; he therefore resided in the convent, like any privatebrother in the order, and practiced the duties of [a member of] thecommunity as if he were a subordinate of the vicar of that house. Butoutside of food and clothing he had nothing even for almsgiving; andtherefore in the letter that I have mentioned--written to a lay friend, a citizen of this city of Manila--his illustrious Lordship asks that, for the love of God, his friend will send him some rosaries, medals, and like articles, so that he can make some return for the littlepresents which the Indians give him. And by way of acknowledgment forthe hospitality which they had showed him in the convent of Lingayen, he left in it his sole possession, a piece of the wood of the holycross--which he valued highly because it had been sent to him by thesupreme pontiff when the latter issued the bulls for his appointmentto this see. In this exile our archbishop remained during a periodof about twenty months, until at last a new opportunity arose, bywhich he was restored to his see by the royal Audiencia. 

In the year 1684 a new governor came to these islands, and as soonas he entered upon his office he began, as an unprejudiced party, to recognize the blind way in which action had been taken in theseproceedings, and the injuries and bad consequences which mightbe feared if affairs continued in this state, especially as theecclesiastical jurisdiction of the cabildo was losing repute [estandoen opiniones]. For the remedy of so many evils, he made arrangementswith the ministers of the royal Audiencia that the archbishop shouldbe restored to his see; and this was actually carried out, by decreeof that royal tribunal, in which the ministers of the royal Audienciaadmit that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction had been snatched fromthe archbishop--as if this could be thus taken away, and especiallyby lay and secular officials!

Notwithstanding that the decree for the restitution of the archbishophad gone out from the royal Audiencia, it took much persuasion tomake him acquiesce in returning to his see. One reason was, that hewas not willing to return until his Holiness and the Council shoulddecide his cause; the other, that he saw the affairs of his church insuch a condition that it was almost impossible to set them right. Butfinally, at the entreaties of good men, and as persons very influentialin this colony had gone to bring back his illustrious Lordship, hemade the decision to return to Manila, where he was received withuniversal rejoicing and applause. .. . The holy pastor went about, looking up his flock, and when he saw it so injured and despoiled bythe abuses, errors, and evil consequences which had been occasionedby the usurping jurisdiction of the cabildo--and, above all, by thecensures in which so many were involved, affecting the liberty oftheir consciences, with disregard for our holy mother the Church--heundertook to procure the reconciliation of the accused persons, inducing them first to acknowledge their errors. First of all, through the intercession of the new governor absolution was givenin private to the auditors (who had been active in his arrest andin those of other ecclesiastical persons), they humbling themselvesto ask for absolution with certain demonstrations of reverence. Themembers of his cabildo he absolved in public, with all the customarypreparations and ceremonies; and the same thing was done with otherpersons, laymen, who had been concerned in the said arrests--especiallywith the preceding governor [i. E. , Vargas] the principal author ofthese acts of violence, who, being now a private person, was not onthe same footing as the auditors, who were royal ministers and wereactually governing this commonwealth. There was much to overcome inthis point, in order that the said governor should humble himself;for he attempted by various means and pretexts to exempt himself fromthe jurisdiction of the archbishop--until, finding all paths barred, he was obliged to subject himself to that prelate's correction, andto make the necessary declarations in acknowledgement and detestationof his errors. But at the time of imposing on him public penance heshowed that his repentance was feigned; for he never was willing toaccept that penance, or to submit to the commands of his illustriousLordship. On this account he had much to suffer--although the painthat he had inflicted on the holy archbishop was incomparably greaterthan this--seeing how rebellious was his heart, and how little regardhe paid to the censures. 

The decision in the archbishop's cause from the courts of Roma andMadrid could not arrive here as soon as it was desired; for those ofthe party opposed to his illustrious Lordship had managed so wellthat they seized all the mails in which anything was going thatwas favorable to the archbishop, and they only sent to those courtswhatever would contribute to his injury. Accordingly, the good name ofthat holy prelate suffered greatly, and he was regarded as restless, seditious, and disobedient to the royal ministers. But as there was noallegation made on the side of his illustrious Lordship, and as thesentence that would be just could not be pronounced without hearingboth sides, the Council were unwilling to settle so important a matteruntil all the documents that were in favor of the archbishop shouldarrive there. And in view of the allegations made on each side, although (it is said) the royal Council had uttered the sentenceagainst his illustrious Lordship, the king our sovereign obliged themto revoke it, because at Roma the sentence was of contrary tenor, andhis Holiness earnestly charged him to protect the cause of the Church, and to reflect very carefully on all the events which had occurredin this case. In consequence of these admonitions from his Holiness, it is said, our most Catholic king Carlos II summoned the presidentof the Council of the Indias, and gave him a severe and sharp rebukefor having declared sentence against the archbishop--saying, amongother things: "How you have deceived me!" at which the said presidentwas so grieved that (according to report) he died on the third dayafter. Thereupon these matters were again considered in the Council, with more deliberation; and revoking the previous sentence, declaredthat all the irregular measures enacted by this royal Audienciawere arbitrary and illegal; they also removed from office all theauditors, for having been concerned in this proceeding [i. E. , againstthe archbishop]. In the same manner, the supreme pontiff declaredthat all those who had taken any part in the arrest and banishmentof his illustrious Lordship, and of the other ecclesiastics werepublicly excommunicated; and he made the archbishop his deputyjudge, in order to absolve them and reconcile them to the Church, after they should render such satisfaction as, in the judgment ofhis illustrious Lordship, was necessary. And to our archbishop hedespatched an apostolic letter, praising his fortitude in defendingthe ecclesiastical immunity, exhorting him to continue with thesame courage in any future difficulties that he might encounter;and to follow his own good example, acting with the same constancythat he had previously displayed. [Here follows the Latin text of thebrief; before it arrives, Pardo has a fresh opportunity to follow itsinjunctions. ] Notwithstanding that all the affairs of this commonwealthwere for the time in peace, a new difficulty and occasion arose for thearchbishop to display his constancy in defense of the ecclesiasticalimmunity; and, without fearing the threats of a new banishment, heshowed himself steadfast and brave in defending the privileges ofhis jurisdiction--so much so, that the royal Audiencia again passedsentence, of banishment anew, against his illustrious Lordship. Theywould have carried this into execution, if it had not been for theintercession of both cabildos (the ecclesiastical and the secular)and the holy religious orders who all fell at the governor's feet, entreating him not to take such a step, which would cause so greatinjury to this commonwealth; with this the rigorous intention of hisLordship was moderated, and this new blow was not inflicted. 

Not for this did the valor of his illustrious Lordship grow weak:rather, in new emergencies (and many of these arose) he bore himselfwith invincible courage; nor could his constancy be overcome, either by regard for meritorious persons, or by dangers, perils, orthreats. For he had a heart and courage of steel (as may be gatheredfrom his letters written to the governor regarding various affairs)for defending the rights of the Church--in these letters showingfortitude like that of a St. Ambrose, of a St. John Chrysostom, and ofother like holy prelates. The holy archbishop was gentle as a lamb;and all those who knew him affirm that he was merciful and affable;but in matters touching the honor of God and the immunities and rightsof His Church he was transformed into a spirited lion, nor did heever swerve from his course or accept any [personal] advantage. Andit seems that God approved his apostolic zeal and the justness of hiscause, by coming to its defense with the exemplary punishments whichHe inflicted on the enemies of the holy archbishop; so that, beforethe final settlement of these disputes arrived from Roma and Madrid, He made evident to the world his innocence, and the injustice of thosewho persecuted him--taking just vengeance upon them by their miserableand violent deaths, and other like calamities. These are not repeatedhere, since they are already related at length in the eighteenth [158]chapter of the preceding book; and God, almost by a miracle, preservedthe life of the holy archbishop so that he might before his death seehis cause concluded in his favor. Thus, if before all the world--or, tospeak more correctly, all hell--had conspired against him, at the lasthe was able to see in his own day the union, in his favor and defense, of the apostolic see on one hand, and the king our sovereign with hisroyal Council on the other; and, besides, the Supreme Judge of mortalmen taking just vengeance on his enemies, by which the ministers ofthe secular government were warned not to insult again the dignity ofthe holy archbishop. And, although various collisions were not lacking, they did not reach violence and hostilities; for every one feared him, and regarded him as a holy man whom God assisted and favored. 

No other judgment is merited by the exemplary virtues of hisillustrious Lordship; for even those most blind and obstinate in theirprejudices were obliged to confess that the archbishop was a saintlyman--as was said by the auditor who went to arrest him, as has beenpreviously stated. The holy archbishop was much given to prayer andmeditation, and inclined to silence; he was modest and sedate inhis actions; and he was very watchful in whatever he did that allshould be ordered by the divine law--continually keeping in mind theaccount that he must render to God of his ministry, a considerationwhich frequently shines out through his letters and other documentspertaining to the affairs of his high office. And this was the mostpotent stimulus which constrained him to act with so much firmnessin the affairs pertaining to his ministry, as is noticeable in theletters which he wrote thereon to the governor, and are found inthe authentic relation of his acts. In eating he was always verysparing, not only that he might observe religious abstinence, butbecause the delicate condition of his stomach could not endure theleast excess. The holy archbishop lived in extreme poverty, behavinglike the poorest religious in regard to his table, clothing, bed, and everything else. The province supplied his clothing, of rough, coarse frieze; and when a garment was torn he himself mended it withhis own hands, as the members of his household have often seen. Heemployed the income of his see in doing good to the poor, in aidingthe missions of his diocese, and in the adornment and repair of thechurches. In the university of Santo Thomas he endowed a chair ofcanonical law, on account of the need in his church for training inthis knowledge--to the end that the ecclesiastics of this archbishopmight in future be better instructed in a subject so important forthe management of the business in the ecclesiastical court; but thisfoundation was not enough to be effective, on account of unexpectedaccidents in the country. [159]

At last God chose to reward his labors, and his zeal in defenseof the Church; and thus, the previous storms calmed, God took him, triumphant over impiety and injustice, from this life to that whichis eternal, with a holy and enviable death. This occurred on the lastday of December in the year 1689, when he was seventy-eight yearsof age, most of these employed in the service of God our Lord. [160]He was given honorable burial at the steps of the clergy-house of ourchurch of Santo Domingo at Manila: and at his funeral were presentthe royal Audiencia and the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, allthe religious orders, and the rest of this community, all bitterlysorrowing for the loss of such a pastor and prelate. Although hisgovernment at first ran counter to many who were discontented, as he seemed to them excessive in his rectitude, yet finally--hiscause justified, and the truth declared by so many tribunals; andhis blameless and holy life being seen [by all]--they hailed himunanimously as a holy prelate, and an example worthy of imitation. Andeven those who formerly regarded his rule as grievous now felt thelack of such a father, and were grieved that they had not treated himwith more respect, their prejudice not having allowed them to knowhis virtue and holiness. The cabildo was left with the governmentof the cabildo, and transferred it to the bishop of Troya, Don FrayGines Barrientos, a member of our own order--not only to show theiraffection for the deceased archbishop, but to make some amends forthe resistance which in past times they had made to his rule, when, at the time of the banishment and exile of the archbishop, he hadleft the bishop with appointment as his governor. Thus the cabildomade acknowledgment of their past errors, for now were lacking intheir number the two prebends who had been the principal authors ofthat resistance, and of all the incivilities shown to his illustriousLordship; and these two seditious persons being removed, the restprofessed filial reverence to the mitre and to his episcopal dignity. 

OFFICIAL VISITATION BY VALDIVIA

 An account of the occurrences in Manila on the occasion of the arrival of the [royal] visitor, Don Francisco Campos de Valdivia. 

The said gentleman arrived in this city, [161] and on the sameday he arrested the fiscal, Don Esteban de la Puente y Alanis, seizing his goods. He did the same with the notaries who hadaided [the proceedings] against the church, and with the militaryleaders--beginning with Don Juan de Vargas, whom he left with guardsin his own house. He made inquiries into many facts which had goneforth on the part of the archbishop, and many lies on the part of theAudiencia; many false statements in the acts, and many other thingsby which people in Manila have been undeceived regarding the justacts of the archbishop--who is lauded by that visitor as upright, just, and holy; and who told all who entered his house what was goingon. He sent for the auditor Bolivar, the only one of the four whowas yet alive, who had been for another reason banished to Cagayan;he was very repentant, according to report, and was absolved withhis solemn declarations--which were published, by command of thearchbishop, in all the pulpits of Manila--expressing detestation ofall his actions against the church, in detail, up to his neglect togive aid for seizing the two hundred or more bales belonging to theSociety. He came with the intention of dying, if it were necessary, in professing what he had detested; but in Ylocos he died suddenly andwithout the sacraments, while still near Pangasinan. Of his propertyand of that of Viga, little or nothing has appeared. 

The archbishop, seeing that all that he had done had pleased theCouncil at Madrid and that at Roma, proceeded to lay aside hisscruples, by imposing and declaring an interdict against the churchof the Society, because the body of Auditor Grimaldos [162] reposedtherein; and it was kept closed from the eve of St. Ignatius's dayfor the space of two months, until the conclusion of the lawsuitwhich the widow of the said Grimaldos undertook to defend. They wentto bring out the bones for sentence, and these were so intermingledwith others--they say, it was done purposely or by artifice--that, in order not to deprive of asylum those of the just, the bones ofGrimaldos were left in the church. It was blessed by the provisorwith much solemnity, and the doors were opened with a peal of bellsand the universal joy. Seeing this obstacle removed, on account ofwhich that order were not entering that church, the Catholic visitorspoke in reconciliation of the two orders. At the first movementfor peace, our order [i. E. , the Dominican] declared that we desiredit; and an agreement was reached, all the Society repairing to ourconvent on the octave of the naval feast. Our provincial preached, the archbishop and the Audiencia being present, and, I think, allManila; for never was seen such a crowd of people. In a few days, Ithink in that same week, the feast of St. Ignatius was celebrated atthe house of the Society; it had not been done [at the proper time], since on the eve of that day the church of the Society was placedunder interdict. They had the same large attendance; Father Cani[163] preached, delivering a very spiritual and appropriate sermon. 

The archbishop, seeing that God was on his side, concluded to givea public atonement to the church. In the courtyard of our churchwas erected a stage, on which sat his illustrious Lordship and hiscabildo; one day at twelve o'clock he laid an interdict throughoutthe city, and on the following day were present all the culprits whohad concurred in violating the sacred persons and places--in a body, without swords. They were absolved, with scourges [varillas] andmiserere, and afterward his illustrious Lordship restored them tothe church. Then the next day a procession was formed, accompaniedby our Lady of the Rosary. For the morrow there was a sermon, atwhich the governor and the city were present; and in the afternoon, for the procession, all the Audiencia, and the archbishop, etc. 

The visitor sent Don Juan de Vargas to Pangasinan, as excommunicated, since he had refused to submit to the sentence of his illustriousLordship; he is still there, and will remain there. He is not goingto España, as he has not paid the amount to which he was sentenced, which the visitor imposed upon him on account of the residencia, ineither silver or jewels; nor has he provided securities for it. Asfor what concerns the residencia, the sum will be about one hundredthousand pesos; in this decision the judge has, in the opinion of all, proceeded most mercifully. The king's fiscal has been banished to theisland of Mariveles until the ship sails. The dean, Don Miguel Ortizde Cobarrubias, was involved in the libels that were current lastyear, and in other matters against the archbishop, in contraventionof what he had decreed--as he said under oath when they absolved him;accordingly he was arrested, and came out of prison deprived of allecclesiastical benefice. Our Fray Raimundo Bertist [i. E. , Berart]also is going to España. The schoolmaster, Don Francisco Briçeno, wasalso deprived of all benefice on account of his talk, and sentencedto perpetual seclusion in a convent, from which he will not emergeunless he takes the vows; they say that he is going into [the conventof] San Agustin. Very recently occurred the fall of another memberof the usurping cabildo, who in my opinion was the worst of them;but he has escaped, through his crafty devices. This is Don José deNava y Albiz, a racionero. They discovered that some sessions of thecabildo had been held without informing the new dean and canons, inopposition to his illustrious Lordship; also they found a libel againstthe archbishop and our religious order. The treasurer Valencia is alsoentangled in this matter. I do not know how the affair will end; theywill find themselves in bad health if God preserves the archbishop. 

Of the four dignitaries who came with the visitor, the two auditorsand the fiscal ranged themselves on the side of the governor, DonJuan de Vargas; and when excommunication was laid on those who shouldhave intercourse with him, these persons went in and out, entirelydisregarding this, and causing great scandal. On this account thevisitor challenged them in a suit which the party of Vargas carried tothe Audiencia; and for the same reason the archbishop kept challengingthem in regard to ecclesiastical affairs. The fiscal married thewidow of the auditor Grimaldos. The other of those auditors--who isthe senior, and who is now governing--has much fear of God; and he isall the more discreet and experienced for having been judge in Burgos. 

Among other calamities which this community has suffered, not theleast is the death of the governor, Don Gabriel de Curuzalegui, whodied April 27; for the political government depends on so many headsthat, as there is little concord among them and they are young men, much trouble is feared. 

In this year, toward the end of January, God sent us an epidemic ofinfluenza, very malignant, from which many children and old personsdied throughout the islands. The prominent persons who have diedin this city are: Don Francisco Beza, archdeacon of the cathedral;Gallardo, who died suddenly in prison; Master Don Pablo de Aduna, DonFrancisco de Ocampo, and others. The governor died poor, and with manydebts--a proof of his upright conduct. All feel that these islands havenot had [in that post] a man who was more disinterested, or who tookbetter care of the royal exchequer and the credit of the church. Godrepaid him for this, since our king sent him several letters of thanksfor what he had accomplished--especially for having brought back thearchbishop to his see, and secured the removal of that monster, theusurping government of the cabildo. The supreme pontiff wrote lettersto the archbishop, thanking him for what he had done and suffered, and encouraging him for what was before him--saying that he himselfis imitating him, and using very affectionate terms. 

Relation of events in Filipinas arising from the coming of a visitor

While all these islands were in the disconsolate and afflictedcondition of which an account was given last year, at the beginningof July arrived the patache that was despatched from Nueva España tobring the usual aid. It had a quick voyage, and in this vessel camean entire Audiencia, and a visitor. [164] The latter, disembarking atBagatao, set out for this city with the utmost speed, in a fragatabelonging to the alcalde-mayor of Leyte; and left orders in thepatache that no one should go ashore or write letters. He arrived atManila very quickly, and, landing at Cavite--where he was receivedwith a salvo of artillery--he went to the fort only. Having spentthree-quarters of an hour with Don Fernando, without going anywhereelse, he continued his journey to this city, where he arrived at twoo'clock, and was received with a salvo. He entered the coach of thegovernor, and going from the fort of Santiago (by the postern gate ofwhich he made his entry), he reached the palace. On the plaza a bodyof troops had been formed in order, who received him with a generalsalute of arquebus-shots. He spent about an hour with the governor, at the time making known to him only the commissions which he bore;meanwhile, the faces of various persons expressed their wonder, for it began to be rumored that whatever the archbishop and governorhad done received the visitor's entire approval. This statement wasvery soon confirmed; for the said visitor, leaving the palace, askedfor some soldiers, and, riding in the coach, went first to the houseof the former governor, Don Juan de Vargas, but did not find him athome because he was outside the city, in his country house, by orderof the governor. Leaving some guards there, and sending orders toDon Juan to come within the city, the visitor went to the house ofDon Pedro de Bolivar; and when he asked for him and for his goods, he was told that Don Pedro was banished, and confined in the fort atCagayan, and his goods had been confiscated and sold at public auction, by order of the governor. The visitor proceeded thence to the houseof Don Diego de Calderon, and asking for him and for his goods, hewas answered that Don Diego was dead, and they did not know of anygoods. He left that place and went to the house of Don Diego de Viga, where he made the same inquiry and answer was made that he had diedin exile and prison in Cagayan, and his goods also had been soldand confiscated by the governor. He finally proceeded to the houseof the king's fiscal, Don Esteban de la Fuente Alanis, whom he foundat home in great fear and perturbation. Immediately the visitor toldhim that he might regard the house as his prison, and withdrawinghim to an apartment, he seized all Don Esteban's goods; by this timethe afternoon was ended. On the following day, Don Juan de Vargas, having returned to the city, was promptly visited; and after a politevisit, he was told that he must remain a prisoner in his own house, without leaving it, under a penalty of one thousand ducados. On thisday, it was published that all acts by the royal Council in favorof the archbishop, the governor, and the Dominicans were approved;that the auditors were suspended; that the ex-governor was fined twothousand pesos; that all were summoned to Nueva España--where theymust await their sentence, in the place that had been selected, twenty leguas distant from Mejico; and, until a ship was ready, they were all banished from Manila to the same places where thearchbishop and the other Dominican religious had been confined. Theyall were stupefied with fear, at hearing a decision so unexpected;and those of the [archbishop's] following and partners were full ofsatisfaction and triumph. Fear increased, and no one felt any securityin so fierce a storm, thinking that the said visitor was in the placeof the governor and the Dominicans. With this it was expected thataffairs would be in worse confusion than before, and that the truthof events would be disguised and covered as those personages mightchoose, with the fraudulent statements made in the earlier accounts. 

The said visitor began his investigation, and for it demandedthat the court notaries should immediately surrender to him theoriginal documents of all the past disputes between the Audiencia andarchbishop, appeals [on the ground] of fuerza, and other causes; ofthese he furnished a list. Then, in a few days, taking the declarationof the said fiscal of the king, the visitor brought charges againsthim, and commanded that he should go into banishment on the islandof Mariveles, and from that place should answer the charges. In theintervening time while his cause was being prepared, a chaplain saidmass in his house; and the archbishop despatched a letter threateningto place him on the public list of the excommunicated, unless hefirst drew up and signed the same expressions of detestation thatDon Pedro de Bolivar had made, commanding that no priest should beallowed to say mass for him; and thus was repaid his good services tohis illustrious Lordship during the entire term of the governor DonGabriel. At the beginning, Don Esteban resisted; but seeing that hehad no human recourse, and that, when he demanded counsel from thevisitor, that person gave him to understand that he must do it, hehad to yield under compulsion, and do what was commanded him. Anotherstrong reason why he consented to do it was, that he might not goto his destination as an excommunicate; he went thither absolved, leaving the said act of detestation dated and signed, to the pleasureand satisfaction of the archbishop. 

So frequent were now the visits of the reverend Verart, and so closewas his intimacy with the visitor, that he did not leave the latter'shouse by day or even by night--so that it was soon rumored that thesaid Father Verart was the one who acted and took the management in theinquiries, investigations, and charges which were made in regard tothose who were included therein by the worthy visitor. This has beenmade more certain by time, not only by information and occurrenceswhich have come to our knowledge, but by seeing how ignorant andunlearned the said visitor was; and if Verart did not draw up theallegations and other documents, many will doubt that the visitorcould succeed in doing anything to advantage. We shall see how thewhole affair will turn out, and how thoroughly investigated the truthas to affairs in these islands will go to the Council. The governor, the archbishop, the visitor, and the Dominicans [will figure] tiedtogether by pairs, and Fray Raimundo Verart as the leader [corifeo]of the dance. 

When the patache reached the port, and the auditors this city, various mails from his Majesty were opened, and it was found that theremedy was worse than the disease itself; since the Dominicans and thearchbishop, like headlong furies, began a fierce tempest of vengeanceagainst all those who were not of their faction and at their disposal, without heeding or fearing any one who might restrain them in whateverthey might attempt. Accordingly, they made the first attack, or rathercontinued the old persecution, against the fathers of the Society(using a pretext, in order to close our church for a long time), the archbishop declaring that it had been profaned, meaning that init was interred [the body of] Don Cristobal Grimaldos--who, he said, had died an excommunicate by having incurred that penalty in thearchbishop's banishment--although it was five years since he had died, and only now for the first time did his illustrious Lordship beginto have scruples, which he could not lay aside. In order to concealbetter his revengeful spirit against the Society, he waited until theday of most publicity and greatest attendance [at our church], whichwas the day of our great patriarch St. Ignatius; choosing this day, he waited until the hour of nine, when the church was full of people, including all the religious communities of this city, and only thearrival of the royal Audiencia was awaited to begin high mass forthe saint. For that time and hour, then, his illustrious Lordshipreserved his scruples; and, sending two notaries, they published andposted on the church door his edict, declaring the church of theSociety of Jesus to be polluted--declaring under penalty of majorexcommunication, latæ sententiæ, that no faithful Christian shouldattend divine worship in the said church. All the people, therefore, were obliged to go out, and the doors were locked for two monthsand two days, from July 31 to October 2; and, although Doña ManuelaBarrientos, formerly the wife of the said Señor Grimaldos, came outin our defense--proving not only by the confessors who assisted him, but by the testimony of other witnesses, that he had died with all thesacraments and with great contrition--nothing of this was sufficientto prevent the archbishop from pronouncing notices that he had diedimpenitent and excommunicate. He therefore commanded that the bonesshould be exhumed, for which purpose the provisor, Juan Gonzalez, went one afternoon, October 2, with other officials and some negroeswith spades, and opened the tomb; but, finding many bones, and amongthem three skulls, they had to leave these in their place, as theycould not distinguish which were those of the auditor Grimaldos. On thefollowing day the said provisor came to bless our church, and the gateswere again opened, to the great joy and consolation of the people. 

At this time, when the archbishop was engaged in disinterring thebones of the said auditor Grimaldos, the visitor--who had beendeclared investigating judge for special suits and commissionsonly--was going about in another direction, making his secretinquiries about past affairs. In everything he proceeded greatly infavor of the archbishop, governor, and Dominicans, but with generalcomplaints from all the witnesses, who said that the examiner hadcome not to ascertain the truth, but to confirm the fraudulent andmalicious reports of the archbishop and the friars--for, as soon asthey said anything against the latter, they were immediately checked, and what was set down in the document was moderated; but if it wasanything in favor of them, the examiner heard it at much length, and employed his rhetoric to dilate upon it very extensively. He verysoon gave orders that Captain Lerma (who took the place of Armenta, the secretary of the Audiencia, who was banished to Pangasinan) andSargento-mayor Juan Sanchez (who was secretary of that court in thetime of the controversies between the Audiencia and the archbishop)should enter the fort as prisoners. Every day his friendship andintercourse with the governor grew more and more intimate, so muchso that not a night passed when he did not inform the governor of allthat he had accomplished that day, praising himself for having gainedcontrol of everything [de hechar todo a su barda]. This was seen bywhat occurred in the country; and he took away life from whomever hechose, as easily as if he had been a governor. It being necessary forhis investigation that Auditor Bolivar should come to this city, theexaminer demanded that he be brought from Cagayan, where he was at thetime; and the latter while coming, in good health, upon entering theprovince of Pangasinan from that of Ylocos fell dead, from [drinking]one cup of chocolate, without obtaining the sacraments. This rumor ofpoisoning was so widely spread in all this region that the governor, notwithstanding all his efforts, could not stop the mouths of all;accordingly the worthy examiner was full of fear and dread lestthey should do as much more to him, and did all that the governor, archbishop, and Dominicans desired--if before with some concealment, from that day with entire publicity--calling the archbishop a saintlyold man. 

The residencia of the ex-governor was published, and in the courseof it and of other investigations (all which were proceeding at thesame time) the goods of most of the prominent citizens of Manila wereseized and detained--some having incurred blame in certain chargesof the residencia, and others because they had been commanded by the[former] royal Audiencia and its governor and captain-general, undergrave penalties in the decrees, to find and seize the Dominicanreligious. Consequently the people were in great perplexity, notknowing what was to be done; for it went ill with them if they obeyedthe king, and still worse if they did not obey. They showed the[former] orders and decrees, but nothing availed them; consequentlyall went out after several days of imprisonment (in which time diedSargento-mayor Don Juan Gallardo), mulcted in amounts of three hundred, four hundred, and even five hundred pesos [each]. 

At the beginning of the month of October, the examiner took greatlyto heart the establishment of peace between the Dominican fathersand those of the Society, in which negotiation the governor and thearchbishop were active, since now the latter found no longer the meansfor annoying us. The affair was very diligently conducted, but alwayswith the claim of advantages for the other side. The worthy man wasquite deceived, having been told that the Dominican fathers had onlybroken off their former intercourse with our church inasmuch as ithad been polluted from the time when Auditor Grimaldos was interredin it; but this was a great lie, and quite notorious, since, a yearbefore the said auditor died, since the controversy over the arms, [165] they had ceased intercourse [with us]. Notwithstanding all this, they always directed their efforts to the end that the Society shouldyield; and, the octave of the naval feast falling on the very day ofSt. Francis de Borgia, we had to delay until the octave the feastand sermon for the saint, and went in a body to the church. Greatrejoicing was displayed in the city; much artillery was fired; the[Dominican] provincial Marron preached; the archbishop, governor, and Audiencia were present. All this was repeated on the day of theoctave of St. Francis Borgia, when Father Cani preached; and fromthat day the Dominican fathers and their archbishop have displayed, at least externally, their former friendliness. 

A little while afterward, on the day of St. Peter [of] Alcantara, [166] occurred the most fearful earthquake that ever, according toreport, was known in these islands, the shocks being repeated atvarious times. The father rector went to the archbishop to ask hispermission to offer the act of contrition, but he refused to allowit--saying that he had thought of something else that was better, which was, to carry the Virgin of the Rosary through the streets, all reciting the rosary aloud. Moreover, in order to make peace withGod and placate His just anger, he commanded one day that a generalinterdict be rung, publishing as excommunicated all those who had inany manner been concerned in the banishment of his illustrious Lordshipand the other Dominican religious, and all the officers who had takenpart in the blockade of the convent of Santo Domingo. Afterward, having erected a scaffold or stage in the courtyard of his convent, he published the absolution--for which they went past him one by oneto be absolved, without sword or hat. In this were ranked all themilitary and officials of Manila--all solemnly swearing never again totake action or render obedience for such occasions, even though theking should command them to. All those who were absent were likewiseabsolved, Don Juan de Vargas being excepted, nominatim. This functionwas ended by the promise that with this God would be placated, and theearth rendered quiet--although His Divine Majesty, for [the ends of]His lofty judgments, continued the incessant tremblings of the earth. 

It seems that with this the tragedies were ended, all [the culprits]absolved, and the earth blessed; but his illustrious Lordship andthe friars, recalling to mind the former preposterous attempt tochange all the [members of the] cabildo and arrange it according totheir own humor and taste, and seeing themselves masters of the field, without any one remaining who could resist them, undertook to put thatscheme into execution, bringing against all the prebends such suitsas they pleased. Commencing with the dean, after a long imprisonmentthey passed sentence on him that he should be deprived of his dignityand should go to España; and, being meanwhile suspended from office, he should remain in Manila. Then they put in his place, and made dean, the provisor Juan Gonzalez--a person of the qualifications that we allknow. Soon they attacked in the rear the good old archdeacon, DoctorFrancisco Deza, and brought against him a very infamous complaint, entirely unworthy of his exemplary life and gray hairs, in orderto deprive him of his prebend. God chose, rather, to take him tohimself; but on the day when he died they seized all his goods, and placed in the prebend the cura of Quiapo, Caraballo--a Visayanby birth, and a notorious [167] mestizo. By way of courtesy, theypassed then to the schoolmaster, Don Francisco Gutierrez; and, notfinding any worse fault than the report that he had spoken ill of hisprelate, it was enough for their purpose. After a long imprisonment, his sentence was pronounced--the loss of his prebend, and perpetualseclusion in a religious order, which he might choose; accordingly, he entered the convent of San Agustin. Thus they had a position intowhich to thrust a student from Santo Tomas, named Altamirano--of whom, when I say that he is a nephew of Cervantes, there is nothing moreto be added. Another prebend, a racionero, named Don Jose de Nava, they got into their clutches a little while ago--because it is knownthat he wrote to his Majesty the excellent qualifications of thosewhom his illustrious Lordship was placing in the cabildo, which areadmirable and undoubted--and seized all his goods. They are keepinghim in fetters, in a place where he does not even know whether it isday or night, without [allowing him to] communicate with a soul. Thatthey might more effectually form the entire cabildo from their ownfaction, and to suit themselves, his illustrious Lordship postededicts regarding the two canonries, the doctoral and the magistral, saying that his Majesty commands that these prebends shall be given bycompetition in this cathedral, as in the others. Those who competedfor them were the Japanese Naito, the little Visayan Caraballo, the mulatto Rocha, and Altamirano; and although Doctor Don Jose deAtienza entered the competition, and gave his competitive discoursein public, and preached on short notice to the admiration of hishearers, no one in the city doubts that he will not succeed inobtaining anything, as he is not of their faction and was graduatedby the Society. He felt so certain of this that he said so in hissermon. For they will strive to form the entire cabildo of their ownmen and from their following, so that, even if the archbishop dies, the Dominican fathers will not cease to rule, which is the objectat which they aim. Thus far the canonries have not been conferred;it seems that they are waiting until the ship shall sail, so thatthey may send word [to España that the matter remains] in doubt; butno one has any doubt that two will surely enter upon these prebends, and that Atienza has no chance at all. That clique are proceeding, in regard to everything, in a reckless and very insolent manner, and without any caution, for there is no one who can resist them; andtherefore they have rendered themselves formidable in this country, and the arbitrators of all matters. It is hoped that the storm willnot be so severe now, with the entrance of the royal Audiencia uponthe government--on account of the very unexpected and sudden death ofthe governor, Don Gabriel de Curuzelaegui, the abettor of all thesedoings. This occurred in the month of April last, and was caused bya retention of urine, which ended his life in three days. At thattime, governor, archbishop, investigating judge, and Dominicans werepreparing a farrago of documents to mislead the Council and to furthertheir own reckless proceedings; they even notified the ex-governor, Don Juan de Vargas, that he must go into exile to Pangasinan, towhich place he had banished the archbishop. He made an urgent pleafor his absolution, in view of his Majesty's decree which ordered thearchbishop to absolve him, but the latter would not listen to it. Onthe day when they carried him into exile, he entered the house of thearchbishop, and, ascending the stairs on his knees until he reachedthe prelate's feet, Don Juan begged him, with tears in his eyes, toabsolve him; but the archbishop, with a heart like a tiger's, refusedto hear him, and answered him only with harsh words. He told Don Juanthat he must submit to the penance imposed, which required him to wearthe sackcloth robe, the halter round his neck, the yellow breeches, etc. , going through the churches, as he had been commanded to do;and that, if he did not consent to this, he must go to Lingayenwithout absolution. Thence he repaired to the royal Audiencia, whoissued a royal decree to the archbishop that he must absolve DonJuan; but immediately the governor and archbishop joined hands toavert this pressure, and drew up an iniquitous accusation against theauditors, containing many falsehoods and charges. Among other things, they brought forward evidence that the auditors had illicit relationswith Doña Isabel, the wife of Don Juan de Vargas, and this by severalwitnesses. It may be imagined what sort of a country this is, and howmuch credit is due to the accusations that are made here--and to thewitnesses in Manila, who swear to anything that suits a governor. Thisdone, the archbishop replied to the royal decree by challenging theauditors, for the causes which he proved against them. This answerwas made a very short time before the governor's death; it was sent tohim sealed, and afterward was found with the above accusation--whichas some declared, was for the purpose of ruining this Audiencia ashe had destroyed the other. 

In this condition are affairs at present. Father Fray Raimundo Verart, the instigator of so many disturbances, is going there [i. E. , toEspaña], summoned by his Majesty. May it please God that now themisfortunes of this unhappy land may cease. 

Information from Filipinas and Nueva España

With the arrival of the galleon from Filipinas in this Nueva Españahas been unladen a raft [flota] of news, which other pens, lessawkward than mine, will relate; I can only tell what I have known. Inthe year 1687 the examiner [pesquisidor]--as the Chinese say, thefisherman [pescador]--Don Francisco Campos y Valdivia arrived atManila; according to the reports, it would seem that he went thereto encourage anew and continue the malignant acts of the archbishopand the Dominicans, and to pillage the wealth of that community andfinally squeeze out of it the little blood that it has. He immediatelyjoined hands with Governor Curuzealegui, the archbishop, and theDominicans; he selected as his adviser, director, and counselor theDominican Fray Raimundo Verart, the source of so many disturbances;and--without heeding that his Majesty, on account of the latter'sturbulent disposition, had commanded that the said religious shouldproceed to the court [at Madrid]--he immediately took possession ofthe said religious, who was with him at all hours of day and night, inhis house. [He did so] in order that the religious should prepare forhim the documents, acts, and inquiries for which he was commissioned, on account of the illiterate manner in which the fisherman usuallydrew them up. From this may be interred what documents he will carryto the court, with a hand so malicious and bold--but with the safetyof the father confessor's broad shoulders, and the cunning tendenciesof the chief, of vast piety. 

There are more than three hundred thousand pesos, in jewels andcommodities, that he has carried away, well guarded; and he is full ofconfidence of new rewards. I do not doubt that the chief distributorwill enjoy a very pleasant time, knowing that the Jesuits remainhumbled, trampled down, and without recourse--they, to whom on somany grounds he ought to show himself at least indifferent. 

He discharged his fury against the governor, Don Juan de Vargas, and, without allowing him to defend himself--since hardly had DonJuan chosen a lawyer or notary when he awoke in exile--he banishedhim to a distant place, and among Dominicans. And, to soften thishumiliation, the archbishop denied him the absolution that he sought(going up to the prelate's house on his knees), without paying anyattention to the strict injunction of his Majesty, or urging thevisitor to secure its fulfilment; and demanding an order to carry DonJuan to Mexico, notwithstanding the securities [that he had given]for his residencia. He was left in the hands of the Dominicans andthe archbishop, in order that the latter might satiate himself moreat leisure with Don Juan's sorrows. 

The visitor turned his attention to the auditors, whom he foundalready exiled by the governor; and, two of them having died a littlewhile before, he sent for the auditor Bolivar. It is reported thatthe governor, fearing this man, gave orders that they should put himto death on the route. [168] What is certain is, that as he finisheddrinking a cup of chocolate, he fell dead, and his finger-nails andlips made known the poison; and it is noted that in the followingyear, about the same time, the said governor died very suddenly, andin melancholy circumstances--according to rumor and letters, likea beast. The last of the officials, the fiscal Alanis, the visitorbrought with him to Nueva España, after having confiscated all hisgoods and inflicted on him a thousand annoyances--as also the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz. With him came the Dominican Verart, in order thatwith his assistance the visitor might continue the management ofhis documents. 

About this time began the fury of the archbishop and the Dominicansagainst the Society. [The remains of] Auditor Grimaldos having reposedfive years in the sepulcher of the college at Manila, the archbishopwas pricked by scruples on the day of St. Ignatius; and, when thechurch was full, and the governor and the Audiencia were expectedfor the fiesta, a notary came in, publishing the declaration that thechurch was polluted--that the auditor Grimaldos had died impenitent, and that everyone should go out of the church, under penalty ofexcommunication. The church remained closed until the second day ofOctober. On that day the provisor went and opened the sepulcher, and, seeing therein three corpses, among which he could not distinguishthe one that he sought, he proceeded to bless what he called the"contaminated" church. The examiner [i. E. , Campos y Valdivia], playingthe rôle of a reconciler, obliged the fathers of the Society to go toattend a feast-day of the Dominicans, and the latter to be present atanother in the Society's house. Afterward the archbishop arranged thecabildo to suit himself, without accepting or noticing the prebendswho came appointed by his Majesty, and replaced all of them from hisown college of Santo Tomas; and among these were men most unworthy[of such posts], mestizos who were half negro. His principal objectis, that if he should die the cabildo may appoint the bishop ofTroya as ruler [of the diocese], in order that the disturbances maynot cease; and very strung recommendations are going for the court, to appoint in that church the said bishop of Troya, in order that hemay more vigorously continue the disputes and lawsuits, which do notcease. Meanwhile, at court let not efforts cease to persuade thatthis religious order is not suited for sees [mitras] so remote--asthe father confessor sets forth, and that boldly. In every Dominicanthere is a bishop, a governor, and an absolute monarch; nor will heacknowledge himself to be a vassal--as is shown by a fiscal replythat comes from Filipinas and will go to the court, in the terms ofwhich is recognized the intention of that prelate [i. E. , Barrientos]. 

In the course of the investigation the visitor did not spare the[belongings required by] decency for the governor's wife, Doña Isabelde Ardila, taking away from her at public auction even the bed andthe jewels that she used, and from her husband even the sword that hecarried at his belt. The annoyances inflicted upon the citizens areinnumerable; and in order that the jewels and other valuables whichhe obtained from the seizures of goods should not be sold at a lowprice, at auctions, he caused them to be knocked down to himself, but in the names of other persons, and he is becoming, therefore, enormously wealthy. 

Nor was the archbishop idle at this time. He proceeded to giverules to the new Audiencia as to the manner in which it was toconduct itself, declaring that recourse to it in cases of fuerzaand banishment was faulty; and a little later, when urged to absolveGovernor Vargas, he replied that he challenged the new auditors forcause, since he considered them all to be in love with the governor'swife. Consequently, it would be necessary that another Audienciashould come, or that, to check lawsuits, they delegate the authorityto him--which they refused, since the ecclesiastics are vassals. 

In this so tangled web of mischiefs occasioned by his cause, diedvery suddenly Governor Don Gabriel de Curuzaelegui; so many pecuniaryobligations of his were made public that they seem incredible, even tothose who do not know the opportunities for profit of that governmentalpost. He left the administration of his estate to the man who hadbeen the mainstay of his government, Don Tomas de Andaya--a native ofAndaya in France, [169] however much he has tried to persuade peoplethat he was born in Viscaya. 

On December 19, 1689, the ship "Santo Niño" cast anchor inAcapulco, and in it came the dean of Manila, Don Miguel Ortizde Cobarrubias; the fiscal, Don Lorenzo de Alanis; the Dominicanfather Fray Raimundo Verart; and the examiner, Don Francisco Campos yValdivia. The last-named was detained in the said port, continuing someinvestigations with which he was charged--especially that concerningthe registration [of the galleon's cargo] for the year 1684; and inregard to the seizure in the same year of the property of GovernorDon Juan de Vargas, in which he supposed there had been some formalact of the royal officials, with information from the viceroy, Marques de la Laguna--investigations all upon uncertain matters, little praised by his subordinates, or acceptable to them. On occasionof receiving a declaration, the examiner compelled General Antoniode Aztina to surrender his authority, at the same time appointing, de plenitudine potestatis [i. E. , "in the fulness of his power"], ascommander Captain Oriosola--who enjoyed this new favor no long time;for the viceroy, Conde de Galvez, being informed of this, immediatelygave the appointment of commander to Don Juan de Garaicochea. 

On the fourteenth of January, 1690, his investigations being concluded, the examiner left Acapulco, and sent ahead by the fast carriers asmany as twenty loads of his own equipage, with a servant, and verbalorders that the guards should give them free passage. Information ofthis exemption reached the custom-house of this city, and its specialjudge, Don Juan Jose de Ciga y Linage, stationed officers on theroute for safety. The examiner set out, by easy stages, because hewas conveying a woman who had lately become a mother--one of his twomaidservants, with whom he traveled, whom he had secretly married whilein the bay, a little before landing at Vera Cruz; and the said ladydied, a few days after leaving Acapulco, and was buried in the townof Cuernavaca. The said freight and equipage arrived at Mexico, and, notwithstanding the orders of the examiner, the following articleswere unloaded in the custom-house: twenty-one chests, four boxes, two escritoires, three boxes, one screen, four china jars [tibores], [170] one trunk of clothes, and four civet-cats. Permission was giventhat the animals be sent to the house of Don Geronimo de Chacon, towhom the above goods came directed; but the rest was kept [at thecustom-house], the packages being opened, and a list of the goodsbeing made. The said examiner being asked for a load that had goneastray on the journey, he replied, desiring to shield himself andanother person, that it did not belong to him, and he knew nothingabout it. The cause of this search was, it seems, that secret warninghad been given [to the customs officers] of perfumes, fine stuffs, and other goods improper for [the possession of] an examiner. 

On the fifteenth of February, 1690, after various protests andthreatening statements that the said boxes contained only hisclothing, and especially that three contained only the privatepapers and documents of his visitation and commission, as he resistedsurrendering the keys the locks were broken of the said three boxes;and in them was found not one paper. The contents of these, as in theboxes above mentioned, were as follows: three ornamental boxes and twowriting-desks of lacquered wood, perfume-caskets, trays, combs, fans, porcelain cups, and curious articles of japanned ware. Besides these, there were forty cases of fans; item, eighty-six bundles of untwistedsilk, and several libras more of spun silk; item, two hundred andseventy-five pieces of stuffs--satin, lampotes, ribbed silk, Chinesesilk, velvets, and other wares from Canton; item, one hundred andfifty-eight onzas of musk; item, three hundred and forty-four pairsof silk hose. 

They are sure that he is bringing many more packets in the names ofCommander Aztina and Captain Oriosola, the source of these being thefines--which, they say, he regulated more by the wealth than by thefaults of the citizens of Manila, levying the fines in merchandiseat low prices, by a third hand, that of the said commander. It iscurrently reported that the bales which he is bringing on his ownaccount, under the names of other persons, exceed one hundred and fiftyin number. It is certain that in the custom-house were opened two lotsof goods [shipped] in the name of the said commander--one of fortybales of various commodities, and another of thirty bales of Cantonsilk stuffs, both without invoices; also packets, which show littlecare and arrangement. This almost entirely confirms the suspicionsentertained, all the more as it is well known that the said commanderhas no wealth, and even hardly enough to eat. But as the merchants ofChina are here--who have come, like many of the citizens of Mejico, frightened by the extortions imposed in Manila--it is difficult todeclare the [contents of the] said packets while the examiner remainsin these kingdoms. 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The sources of the documents in the present volume are thus indicated:

1. Dampier in the Philippines. --This document is here concluded fromVol. XXXVIII, q. V. 

2. Petition for missionaries. --A printed pamphlet in the BritishMuseum, found in a volume of MSS. And pamphlets, of which thisconstitutes fol. 710-711; pressmark, "13, 992; Plut. CXCI. D. "

3. Events in Filipinas. --From Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iii, pp. 625-638, 727-732. 

4. The Pardo controversy. --The matter in this document is obtained fromRetana's Archivo, i, no. Iv; Ventura del Arco MSS. , iii, pp. 29-56, 523-571, 621-624, 695-726; and Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 490-513. 

5. Visitation by Valdivia. --From Ventura del Arco MSS. , iii, pp. 589-596, 641-673. 

NOTES

[1] The Mindanayans are the Mindanaos or Maguindanaos, the Hilanoonesare the Ilanos; the Sologues cannot well be identified. "Alfoores"is a corruption of the Portuguese "Alforas, " which is derived from theArabic "al" and the preposition "fora" without. The term was appliedby the Portuguese to all natives beyond their authority, and henceto the wild tribes of the interior. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 10. 

[2] Apparently referring, if one may trust to Dampier's points ofcompass, to the region about Dapitan, as the Indians of that quarterwere among the first subdued by the Spaniards in Mindanao. 

[3] The Tagálog word for "banana" is "saguing, " which is thus almostidentical with the Mindanaon term as reported phonetically by Dampier. 

[4] Cf. Dyak pangan ("kinsman, comrade, or fellow"), also panggal("pillow"), and panggan ("bedstead"); see Ling Roth's Nativesof Sarawak, ii, p. Xxvii. See Porter's Primer and Vocabulary ofMoro Dialect (Washington, 1903) p. 65, where the Moro phrase for"sweetheart" is given as babay ("woman") a magan pangaluman. 

[5] Corralat had two sons, Tiroley and Uadin, but they died young(see Retana's edition of Combés's Hist. Mindanao, col. 738, 739). The"sultan" mentioned by Dampier is probably the Curay who in 1701fought a sort of duel with the sultan of Joló, in which both werekilled. (Concepción, Hist. De Philipinas, viii, pp. 301, 302. )

[6] Apparently referring to the weapon known as kris, which Dampierwould liken to a bayonet. 

[7] Sarangani and Balut Islands; the large bay beyond is Sarangani. 

[8] The Meangis Islands are a group in the Malaysian Archipelago, in about latitude 5° North, ninety miles southeast of Mindanao. Thechief island is Nanusa. 

[9] The Lizard Point, the southernmost point of England, locatedin Cornwall. 

[10] This native was taken to England finally by Dampier, he havingobtained a half-interest in him, and was there exhibited. He died atOxford. See Dampier's Voyage, pp. 511, 513-517. 

[11] Dampier describes the Acapulco ships and their route asfollows (chapter ix): "The Ships that Trade hither are only three, two that constantly go once a Year between this [i. E. , Acapulco]and Manila and Luconia, one of the Philippine Islands, and one Shipmore every Year to and from Lima. This from Lima commonly arrivesa little before Christmas; she brings them Quick-silver, Cacao, and Pieces of Eight. Here she stays till the Manila Ships arrive, and then takes in a Cargo of Spices, Silks, Callicoes, and Muslins, and other East-India Commodities, for the use of Peru, and thenreturns to Lima. This is but a small Vessel of 20 Guns, but the twoManila Ships are each said to be above 1000 Tun. These make theirVoyages alternately, so that one or other of them is always at theManila's. When either of them sets out from Acapulco, it is at thelatter end of March, or the beginning of April; she always touches torefresh at Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, in about 60 Days spaceafter she sets out. There she stays but two or three Days, and thenprosecutes her Voyage to Manila, where she commonly arrives sometime in June. By that time the other is ready to sail from thence, laden with East-India Commodities. She stretcheth away to the Northas far as 36, or sometimes into 40 degrees of North lat. Before shegets a Wind to stand over to the American shoar. She falls in firstwith the Coast of California, and then Coasts along the shoar to theSouth again, and never misses a Wind to bring her away from thencequite to Acapulco. When she gets the length of Cape St. Lucas, whichis the Southernmost point of California, she stretcheth over to CapeCorientes, which is in about the 20th degree of North lat. From thenceshe Coasts along till she comes to Sallagua, and there she sets ashoarPassengers that are bound to the City of Mexico. From thence she makesher best way, Coasting still along shoar, till she arrives at Acapulco, which is commonly about Christmas, never more than 8 or 10 days beforeor after. Upon the return of this Ship to Manila, the other whichstayeth there till her arrival, takes her turn back to Acapulco. SirJohn Narborough therefore was imposed on by the Spaniards, who toldhim that there were 8 Sail, or more, that used this Trade. "

[12] The Galapagos (or "Islands of the Tortoise") belong to thegovernment of Ecuador, and are located seven hundred and thirty mileswest of that country in the Pacific. They consist of six principaland seven smaller islands. The largest is Albemarle. They are allvolcanic. Of them Dampier says (chapter v): "The Gallapagos Islandsare a great Number of uninhabited Islands, lying under, and on bothsides of the Equator. The Eastermost of them are about 110 Leaguesfrom the Main. They are laid down in the Longitude of 181, reachingto the Westward as far as 176, therefore their Longitude from EnglandWestward is about 68 degrees. But I believe our Hydrographers donot place them far enough to the Westward. The Spaniards who firstdiscovered them, and in whose draught alone they are laid down, reportthem to be a great number, stretching North-West from the Line, as faras 5 degrees N. But we saw not above 14 or 15. They are some of them7 or 8 leagues long and 3 or 4 broad. They are of a good heighth, most of them flat or even on the top; 4 or 5 of the Eastermost arerocky, barren and hilly, producing neither Tree, Herb, nor Grass, but a few Dildo-trees, except by the Sea side. "

[13] Captain Davis was one of the Privateers with whom Dampier hadsailed the Spanish Main. When Captains Davis and Swan parted companyat Realejo, Dampier went with the latter in order to become acquaintedwith the northern part of Mexico, in whose waters Captain Swan designedto sail. 

[14] The town of Realejo or Realexo, a seaport town of Nicaraguasituated on Realejo Bay of the Pacific Ocean, and twenty miles fromthe city of León, whose seaport it is. 

[15] The town of Copiapó or Porto Copiapó, a small seaport of Chili, in the province of Atacama, on Copiapó Bay. 

[16] Captain Harris was commander of one of the privateer shipssailing in Spanish-American waters. When Captains Swan and Davisparted company he accompanied the latter. See Dampier's Voyage, p. 224. 

[17] Pigafetta in his relation of the first circumnavigation(VOL. XXXIV, p. 86) notes the word used by the inhabitants of theMoluccas for "one and the same thing" as "siama siama. "

[18] A ship captain whom Dampier (see chapter xviii) met at Achinon the island of Sumatra. Dampier and two of his companions startedfor Nicobar with him, but rough weather forced them to abandon thevoyage. He importuned Dampier to make a voyage with him to Persia, butthe latter declined, preferring to go to Tonquin with Captain Welden. 

[19] Captain Philip Carteret, commander of the royal British sloop"Swallow, " in his account of his circumnavigation (1766-69) devoteshis eighth chapter to "Some account of the Coast of Mindanao, and the Islands near it, in which several Mistakes of Dampier arecorrected. " See this account in Collection of Voyages (printed forRichard Phillips, London, 1809), iii, pp. 352-361. 

[20] Referring to the Basilan group, ten miles from the Mindanao coast;the largest island is Basilan, which has an area of four hundredand seventy-eight square miles, and there are forty-four dependentislands (fifty-seven, according to U. S. Gazetteer). (See Census ofPhilippines, i, p. 283. )

[21] Probably the small island of Guimaras, which lies between Negrosand Panay, and which is approximately as described by Dampier. Sebois, of course, Cebú; but Dampier evidently means Negros Island. Thebay was Igan. 

[22] Dampier here describes the bejuco, or rattan. 

[23] The name Mindoro is by some writers derived from mina de oro, as it was supposed to be rich in gold. In the document showing thatthe Spaniards took formal possession of it (for reference to whichsee our VOL. III, p. 105, note 32), it is called Luzon le menor("Luzón the less;" cf. P. 74). 

"This island was formerly called Mainit, and the Spaniards gave itthe name of Mindoro, on account of a village called Minolo, whichlay between Puerto de Galeras and the harbor of Ylog. " (Concepción, Hist. De Philipinas, viii, p. 8. )

[24] From 1603 the English, as well as the Dutch, had a factory atBantam for the purchase of pepper, which they maintained for eightyyears. In 1683 the Dutch sent a considerable force from Batavia andexpelled the English from Bantam; the latter, after being baffled atAchin, made a settlement at Bencoolen (1685), where they built FortYork. This site proved insalubrious, and in 1714 its successor, FortMarlborough, was erected, away from the river. In 1824, Bencoolenand the factories dependent on it were given over to the Dutch, in exchange for Malacca and some factories in India. (Crawfurd'sDict. Ind. Islands, p. 48). Sellebar was a village not far eastfrom Bencoolen. 

[25] The Bashee or Bachi Islands form the northern cluster ofthe northern group of islands, called Batanes, which lie north ofLuzón. They are the most northern of all the American possessions inthe Orient, and are separated from Formosa by the strait of Bachi. Theislands composing the cluster are Mabudis, Misanga, Siayan, Tanan, and Y'Ami (all inhabited), the last being the most northern. TheBatanes are composed in all of ten named islands and forty unnamedislets and rocks, the southern cluster including Bachi Rocks; Batán, the central and most important island of the group; Déquez; DiamisRocks; Diego; Ibayat (or Isbayat), the largest of these islands;Ibugos; North; and Sabtán. The name of Bachi is sometimes extendedto the entire group, and it is probable that Dampier's five islands, or at least some of them, were among the southern cluster; for DéquezIsland is also called Goat; Ibayat, Orange; and Ibugos, Bachi. Thegroup is separated on the south from the Babuyanes by the BalingtánChannel. The larger islands bear indications of a late volcanic origin;the smaller islands are generally low, and rest upon foundations ofcoral. In this group are a number of good harbors; but communicationbetween the islands is difficult because of the strong currentsin the channels and the scarcity of anchorages. The exports of theislands consist of lard, cocoanut oil, hogs, horses, goats, and somevaluable woods. The soil is fertile, especially of Batán, and manyvegetables are produced. Some of the products of the United States canbe successfully raised. The chief industry is the raising of cattle, hogs, goats, and horses, the last being of superior quality and indemand. A catechism of the dialect spoken in the Batanes was publishedby a friar in 1834, an examination of which has led Dr. Pardo de Taverato the conclusion that the aboriginal tongue differed considerablyfrom the other Filipino dialects, as it contains the sound "tsch"and a nasal sound like the French "en. " It is probable, however, thatthe present population of the Batanes, as well as of the Babuyanes, is composed very largely of Ibánag from the Cagayán Valley (Luzón), introduced there as colonists by the Dominican friars. This populationis Christian. The earlier population must have borne considerableresemblance to the natives of Formosa. See Gazetteer of PhilippineIslands, and Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 264, 448. 

[26] Pillau or pilau, a Turkish dish consisting of boiled rice andmutton fat. 

[27] An anchor carried at the bow of a ship. 

[28] The Babuyanes Islands. Salazar relates (Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 361-369) in detail a raid made by an English pirate (August, 1685)on the islands of Babuyanes, Bari, and Camiguin, then in charge ofDominican missionaries. They plundered the village of Babuyanes andits church; and this raid caused the deaths of two of the missionariesthere. 

[29] So in the text; probably a typographical error, since Villalbadid not leave the Philippines until 1683, and remained in NuevaEspaña until at least 1686 (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 79-80). It isprobable that this document was written at least as late as 1687, for confirmation of which see Villalba's own statement, post, thatthe mission band for which he was asking would go about eleven ortwelve years after the last concession of this sort had been made;the mission before this one had reached Manila in August, 1679. 

[30] In the Dominican mission of 1671 came thirty-five religious(Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 101-194). 

[31] The mission which came to the islands in 1694 containedforty-three religious, besides four others who remained in NuevaEspaña. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 363-457. )

[32] Spanish, gentilhombre: an obsolete word, meaning a personsent to the king with important despatches (Velázquez's Dictionary, Appleton's ed. ). 

[33] Jacinto Garcia was born in Castellar, November 6, 1654, and atthe age of twenty-one entered the Jesuit order. Four years laterhe joined the Philippine mission, he was procurator of the Manilacollege for three years, and superior in Marinduque for the sametime. He died at Manila, May 1, 1710. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 397 b. )

[34] Fiancisco Salgado was born in Galacia, April 2, 1629, and atthe age of nineteen became a Jesuit novice. In 1662 he went to thePhilippines. He spent several years as a teacher, and afterwards asvice-rector, in the college of St. Joseph, and later was rector ofSilang. He went to Europe (about 1674?) as procurator for his order, and returned in 1679 with a band of missionaries; later, he was rectorof the Manila college, and provincial (1683). His death occurred atManila, July 14, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 357. )

[35] Luis Pimentel was born in Portillo, on May 30, 1612. In 1632 heentered the Jesuit order, and eleven years later joined the Philippinemission. He was a teacher in the college at Manila for two years, and afterward was at the head of various Jesuit residences. He wassent to Europe as procurator (about 1656?), and came back in 1666with a band of missionaries; and afterward was three times rector ofSt. Joseph college, and three times provincial (1670, 1675, 1687). Hedied at San Miguel on July 5, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 356 b. )

[36] On account of a ranch which the college of San Ignacio at Manilapossesses in the land of Meybonga, not far from the said city--its namebeing Jesus de la Peña, or Mariquina--the Society began to administerthe sacraments, establishing the mission village of Mariquina, orJesus de la Peña, by authority from Don Fray Pedro de Arce, bishop ofZebù and apostolic ruler of the archbishopric of Manila, on April 16, 1630; this was confirmed by the vice-patron, Don Juan Niño de Tabora, governor of these islands, on April 22, 1630. The said village wascared for by the minister stationed in Santa Cruz, or by a fathersent by the rector of the college of Manila, who was the director ofthe said village; for this no stipend was asked from his Majesty, because the minister was not permanently established there, andtherefore the said college maintained him, without suspending, forlack of a stipend, the ministry in the said village. In the year 1675, the Society was confirmed in this administration by a royal decree, dated July 26, on account of the Society's right to the said parishhaving been disputed by the religious of St. Augustine, from November, 1669. In 1681, the number of parishioners having increased, it wasjudged necessary to station a permanent minister there, for the betteradministration of the sacraments, and to build a house and a largerchurch; and, as it was thus necessary to incur larger expenses, theSociety asked, in 1685, that to this minister be given the stipendwhich his Majesty assigns to the parish priests, in accordance withthe number of tributes. The fiscal of his Majesty replied that inview of what the Society was accomplishing there, a suitable stipendshould be given. In the year 1686, the religious of St. Augustineclaimed that that Indian village belonged to them, as an annex to theministry of Pasig. The archbishop issued an act, on October 11, 1686, in which, while admitting as valid the sacraments administered bythe Society, he took from all its religious permission to minister inJesus de la Peña; and on March 10, 1687, he declared that the lawfulparish priest of the mission of Jesus de la Peña was the prior ofPasig, a religious of St. Augustine. In this spoliation concurredalso, through complaisance, the governor Don Gabriel Curuzelaegui, who on March 23 of the said year decreed that Don Juan Pimentel, alcalde of Tondo, should begin proceedings against the Society inthe mission of Jesus de la Peña, as the king commanded; and that heshould assist the provisor in tearing down our church--which he did, commanding the Indians to demolish that temple. "What obedience! themonster of the Indias, an unnatural birth of remoteness, of power, and of prejudice. " (Murillo Velarde, Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 345 b. )

[37] Antonio Mateo Xaramillo was born at Zafra February 23, 1648, and became a Jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. He was sent tothe Marianas Islands in 1678, and spent sixteen years in missionarylabors. While rector at Manila he was sent to Spain as procurator;and he died at Ocaña, on December 30, 1707. (Sommervogel, BibliothèqueComp. Jésus, viii, col. 1321. )

[38] The English pirate here alluded to was probably the ship on whichDampier voyaged to the Philippines, as that vessel was, at the timehere mentioned, cruising off the coast of Luzón (see his own account ofthis, ante, p. 91). The name of Captain Swan's vessel in which Dampiersailed was the "Cygnet. " That ship separated from Captain Davis in the"Batchelor's Delight" in Realejo Harbor, August 27, 1685. See LionelWafer's Voyage and description of Isthmus of America (London, 1699), p. 189. 

[39] "Soon after the beginning of the spiritual conquest of Tagalos, the Society undertook the administration of Cainta, a village closeto Mariquina. Because the rectitude of its minister, Father MiguelPareja, restrained some Indian chiefs, so that they should not usefor themselves the property of the community, to the injury of therest, they, seeing the excellent opportunity afforded to them bythe ecclesiastical tribunal, endeavored to avail themselves of it, instigated by one who should, on account of his character and hisobligations, have restrained them. They are an insolent people, and a seditious person (who is never lacking) can easily disturb theminds of the crowd. They hastened to complain to the archbishop of hisministers, and he, without hearing the Society, despoiled it of thatadministration, on March 16, 1688, and bestowed it on the religious ofSt. Augustine. The archbishop demanded aid from the governor in orderto arrest Father Diego de Ayala and Father Pedro Cano, on complaintseither frivolous or false, without having made any specific chargesagainst them, or notifying their superiors. " (Murillo Velarde, fol. 345. )

"From the first conquest Cainta was a visita of Taytay, theministry of both villages being the very same, until, its populationincreasing--Indians, and creoles or morenos (thus they designate theblack negroes [negros atezados])--it seemed expedient to give Caintaits own minister. " (Murillo Velarde, fol. 406b. )

[40] Antonio de Borja was born at Valencia in 1644, and at theage of twenty-seven went to the Philippine missions. He acted asrector of various Jesuit colleges, and died at Manila on January 27, 1711. (Sommervogel. ) He is only mentioned incidentally by MurilloVelarde (fol. 383), as being an envoy to the kings of Mindanaoand Joló. 

[41] "An altar raised in churches on Holy Thursday to resemble asepulchre" (Velázquez). 

[42] Pedro de Oriol was born at Urgel in Cataluña, August 15, 1639;at the age of nineteen he entered the Jesuit novitiate, and in 1663joined the Philippine mission. "He was two years rector of Bohol, three of Zebu, and two of Yloylo; seven years vice-provincial, and twice filled that office for Pintados; was two years rector ofCavite, and one year vice-rector of the college of Manila, where alsohe was minister; and, being chosen provincial, would not accept thatoffice. " He died September 27, 1705. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 389 b-393. )

[43] Pedro Cano was born in the archbishopric of Toledo, on February22, 1649. In 1670 he entered the Jesuit order at Sevilla, in orderto join the province of Filipinas, where he arrived in the followingyear. He was procurator of the college, and of the province. Beingappointed procurator for Madrid and Rome, he died while on the voyagethither, near Acapulco, December 18. 1692. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 369. )

[44] On September 28, 1687 (Diaz, p. 788). 

[45] This man held the office of sargento-mayor, and had been (before1683) alcalde-mayor of Cagayán. 

[46] In 1687 "there was an increase in the calamities of thecountry, which suffered great scarcity of provisions on accountof the grain-fields having been ruined by the heavy and constantrains which fell--which injured the salt springs even more, so thata half-fanega of salt, which usually is worth two or three reals, reached the price of twelve pesos. In La Estacada there was a greatconflagration on Good Friday, in the night, which destroyed manyhouses. In the following year the scarcity of food was increased bya plague of locusts, which swept away all [vegetation]; and a cabanof rice came to be worth twenty and twenty-four reals. But whatcaused the most suffering was the havoc made by the catarrh, in theyear 1687-88; it was a sort of epidemic sickness, which killed manypersons, especially children and the aged; and so many were sick thatthey could hardly cultivate the fields, or do other things necessaryfor human life. " (Murillo Velarde, fol. 345 b, 346. )

[47] Spanish patacones; "a silver coin weighing one onza, and currentin Batavia, Brazil, and Turkey. " (Dominguez). 

[48] These seem to be memoranda intended by the writer of this documentto be expanded and written out in detail. 

[49] Diaz says (p. 752) that the alcalde-mayor of Ilocos was a personalfriend of the cura Marañón; and that Banguet had remained vacantso long because it was a very poor living, and had an unwholesomeclimate. Arqueros de Robles was probably a son of the Lorenzo Arquerosso noted in the native insurrections of 1660-61. 

[50] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, pp. 29, 30) this nameappears as Benguet; and in Diaz's Conquistas (p. 752) as Banguet andBanget. The modern form is Bangued. 

[51] This was at first Nueva Segovia (in Cagayán), which has alwaysgiven name to the diocese; the episcopal seat was removed (beforePardo's time) to Lal-lo, not far from Nueva Segovia, and later toVigan, which is still the capital of that diocese. 

[52] Thus in Retana's print, and in the copy of this document inVentura del Arco MSS. ; it apparently indicates an omission in theoriginal print. 

The hiatus is supplied by Diaz (p. 752), who says that Pardo informedthe auditors, unofficially, that the decree of the Audiencia sentto Arqueros ought to have been addressed to himself, as being theruler of the vacant see of Nueva Segovia. He also states that Pardoordered Arqueros (who had come to Manila to consult him) to set outwithin a week for Ilocos and finish up his business there; but thelatter could not obey this order in so short a time. 

[53] Alonzo Sandin, procurator-general for the Dominicans, wrotea long reply to Sanchez's account of the controversy between theAudiencia and Archbishop Pardo; therein he cites the latter's reply, here alluded to, which makes clear this last sentence. Pardo asks theAudiencia to cease giving his clerics the aid of the royal court, since otherwise he cannot properly control them, or maintain theepiscopal authority in due force. 

[54] The dean then was Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias; the archdeacon, Licentiate Francisco Deza. 

[55] Diaz states (pp. 754, 755) that the cabildo were angry withthe archbishop because he had separated from the curacy of Santiago(then held by Gregorio Diaz de Isla) the Spaniards who lived inTondo, Binondo, Santa Cruz, and other places so far away that thecura could not properly fulfil his duties toward them, especially tothe dying. The archbishop acted thus, however, with the approval ofthe governor and other officials. 

[56] Raimundo Berart was a Catalan, and came from the Dominicanconvent at Barcelona. He was teaching law in the university of Leridawhen he resolved to enter the Philippine mission; he arrived in 1679, when twenty-eight years old. He was vice-rector (1684-86) and rector(1686-89) of Santo Tomás; in 1689, it appears that he went to Spain, and in 1696 was in Mexico. Later, he was probably procurator ofthe Philippine province in Europe; and he died in Atocha, Spain, on April 13, 1713. See sketch of his career in Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 195-206, where are copied several documents relating to him. 

[57] Several of Pardo's decrees were dated "from our palace of SanGabriel" (the name of the hospital). 

[58] A petition to this effect from the cabildo to the archbishop, dated April 10, 1681, is reproduced in Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 196-198, followed by Pardo's "pastoral letter" in reply. Theeditor claims that Juan Gonzalez (afterward provisor of the see)signed the petition under compulsion. 

[59] Diaz states (p. 755) that the archbishop replied that he wouldsend Verart to Spain as his attorney, which would be sufficient toremove him from Manila; he informed the Audiencia that Verart had notonly rendered him great service, but had reformed many abuses in theecclesiastical courts. The Dominican provincial said that the Audienciamust show cause for Verart's removal, or he could do nothing; forVerart had been assigned to the post of associate to the archbishop. 

[60] These men came in 1681. The last named, Fuente y Alanis, cameas fiscal of the Audiencia. 

[61] Diaz states (pp. 752, 753) that Marañón came to Manila (butwithout permission to do so), a few days after Arqueros, to complainof the latter to the archbishop. The latter demanded an accountof Arqueros's proceedings in the case; Arqueros presented documentswhich proved, by the complaints of many Indians, that Marañón deservedpunishment. The archbishop therefore sustained Arqueros, and orderedMarañón's arrest. 

[62] According to Diaz (p. 756), Pardo answered that he hadreserved Marañón's case as being the metropolitan, and becausethe cura's offenses had been committed in the territory of thearchbishopric; moreover, that the parties in this case had acceptedhis jurisdiction. Finally, "to avoid controversies he offered tosurrender to the bishop-elect the person of Licentiate Diego EspinosaMarañón--which the bishop did not accept; but afterward, withouttelling the archbishop, he sent Marañón to his curacy of Vigan, removing him from his prison-bounds of the city [of Manila]. "

[63] Diaz says (p. 757) that Pardo informed the Audiencia that hehad not punished Herrera for these reasons, but because the latter, in his quarrel with Archbishop López, had treated that prelate withinsolence and even posted him as excommunicate (Diaz, p. 705); andwhen afterward he had been treated with great kindness by Pardo, he had conspired with the cabildo against him. 

[64] i. E. , Requiring a previous judicial decision before the finalsentence (Velázquez's Dictionary, Appleton's ed. , 1901). 

[65] Adjuntos: "a body of judges commissioned or appointed jointly totry a cause" (Velázquez). Pardo claimed that the cabildo of Manilawas not an exempted one (i. E. , from submission to the ordinary), and therefore its members did not enjoy the privilege of the adjunctjudges (Diaz, p. 757). 

[66] "And these two suits, of the bishop and the cantor, were theones which influenced the auditors to [decide upon] his banishment, which was decreed on the first of October [1682]. " (Murillo Velarde, Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 342 b. )

[67] There is an apparent omission here, as the decree previously citedreferred to the priority of San José college over that of Santo Tomás;the reference here would seem to indicate another decree, in regard toprivileges and exemptions allowed to the Jesuits in regard to trading. 

[68] Salazar states (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 235) that this actionwas taken because "certain persons were greatly devoted to trading, in contravention of the pontifical decrees, and especially ofthe recent constitution of Clement IX--the said enactment givingthe ordinary full authority to proceed against the transgressors, seize their goods and property, and apply these to hospitals andother pious purposes. " Accordingly, Archbishop Pardo instituted asecret investigation, conducted by his notary, who threatened majorexcommunication (by a decree affixed to the ship's mast) for anyperson who refused to tell what he might know about the aforesaidtrading. Abundant proof was found, and the goods were seized. Itis said that there were one hundred and fifty bales belonging tothe Jesuits. 

[69] Probably in view of the arguments adduced by Concepción (Hist. DePhilipinas, viii, pp. 41-43), showing that the decree of Clement IXforbade trade to all ecclesiastics, but did not authorize the ordinaryto inflict penalties therefor on the members of the religious orders, that being reserved to their own superiors--the ordinary, in suchcases, being empowered only to apply the confiscated goods for piouspurposes. 

[70] Murillo Velarde and Concepción give this name as Pizarraldi;and Diaz makes it Lizarraldi. 

[71] In the Dominican chapter-session of 1673, it was enacted thatno religious of that order should become executor of a deceasedperson's estate, or undertake the charge of his last will. This wasto prevent risk of accusations against the friars, so general was thedishonest administration of executorships in Manila--so much so thatit occasioned no surprise in the minds of the people, although allcomplained of the grievances thus caused. "There are few fortuneswhich have not some executorship as the foundation. " See Salazar'sHist. Sant. Rosario (Manila, 1742), p. 43. 

[72] It had begun in 1672, in the time of Archbishop López, underwhom judgment was rendered in favor of Sarmiento; but López's death in1674 prevented the execution of the sentence. Various delays ensued, and Cordero died, being succeeded by Ortega as executor. (Salazar, Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 236. )

[73] Also written Carballo, Carvallo, and Caballero. 

[74] Spanish dote, usually meaning "dowry;" but as the ecclesiasticCordero was the legatee of Doña Maria de Roa (Montero y Vidal, i, p. 368), the word evidently means the bequest to him, perhaps forthe pious purposes mentioned later in this document. 

[75] See Concepción's account of this affair (Hist. De Philipinas, viii, pp. 45-50), in considerable detail; he states that he presentsit thus in order to vindicate the course of the Audiencia, and thatPardo in some of his acts exceeded his jurisdiction. 

[76] Diaz was a priest, and secretary of the archbishopric. 

[77] See accounts of this affair in Diaz's Conquistas, pp. 758, 759;Murillo Velarde's Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 342 b, 343; Concepción, cited supra; Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 236, 237. 

[78] A mestizo, who, to escape the punishment that awaited him, was denounced (at his own instance) to the archbishop as a bigamist, so that the latter might claim the case within his own jurisdiction, and the prisoner thus escape civil penalties. 

[79] Diaz says (Conquistas, p. 760): "Where the letter of requisitionsays, 'For doing otherwise, you will be excommunicated, ' the Audienciadesired it to say, 'Your Grace will be excommunicated. '" Salazar says(p. 237) that the castellan felt insulted at this, as only the governorand the Audiencia had the right to use such terms to him. 

[80] Diaz relates this affair in detail (p. 761), and says that thesoldiers broke open the windows and doors of the hospital (wherethe archbishop then was) to obtain entrance; also that the decreeof banishment gave the alternative of the Babuyanes Islands, orCagayán, or Pangasinán as his place of exile. Diaz cites (p. 762), this sentence in Sanchez's account, as proof that the latter couldnot have written it, since he took part in the arrest of Pardo. 

[81] According to Diaz (p. 762), the governor had given money for theexpenses of this voyage, but on reaching Mariveles no provisions ofany sort could be found; and the archbishop would have had no foodif a Dominican friar who happened to be there had not quickly goneback to Manila to procure supplies for the prelate, and returned atmidnight with them to Mariveles. Diaz says that this friar was notallowed even then to go aboard the vessel in which Pardo had embarked, or to exchange any word with him. 

[82] Spanish, vsasse de su derecho--literally, "exercise its right, "i. E. , to govern the vacant see. 

[83] Diaz calls this (p. 764) "the principal fiesta of the Dominicans"in Manila. Santa Cruz (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 106) says that everyyear, when the eight days' fiesta in honor of the Virgin of theRosary is celebrated in their convent, the eighth day is devotedto thanksgiving to Mary for the victories won by the Spaniards overthe Dutch in 1646 (see our VOL. XXXV), which were attributed by thepeople to her miraculous aid. That fiesta of eight days was apparentlyinstituted in 1637, to celebrate the dissolution of Collado's newcongregation in Filipinas (see Santa Cruz, ut supra, p. 4; and ourVOL. XXIX, pp. 25-27). 

[84] "The bishop of Troya, knowing well that the true spiritualjurisdiction resided in himself by the appointment of the archbishop, sent a Dominican religious to the convents to inform on his part theirsuperiors that he gave, to those confessors whom the said superiorsshould choose, his own authority and right, so that they could absolvethose persons who by command or compulsion had taken part in thearrest of the archbishop from the excommunication which they mighthave thus incurred--excepting the principal offenders--until he shouldbe restored to liberty and they should perform public penance andgive juratory security, as is ordained by the sacred canons. " (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 764. )

[85] The interdict was not only an ecclesiastical censure, but apenalty, entailing usually privation of certain sacraments (save incases of strict necessity), of all the divine offices, and of churchburial. All solemnities and public festivals were suspended, except onthe five great feasts of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, the Assumptionof our Lady, and Corpus Christi. The churches remained closed, thecrucifix and statues veiled, the bells and organ mute. This penaltymight be general, over the whole city, kingdom, or country; or merelyparticular, indicted on a named corporation, see, church, or the like;again, it might be either local or personal as to its effects. It mightbe imposed not only by a pope, but by any competent church prelate, even by a bishop; and could apply to any secular or ecclesiasticalruler (except of course the pope), to a university or college, orto any body of clergy, regular or secular. The earliest mention ofa church interdict apparently is Ferraris's allusion to one in thefourth century, of which, however, no details are available. InFrankish chronicles, interdicts date from the sixth century, thefirst of these being at Rouen, in 588; Bishop Prætextatus having beenmurdered, by order of Queen Fredegonda, while officiating in his ownchurch, the senior suffragan of that province, Leudovald of Bayeux, after consultation with his fellow-bishops, laid all the churchesof Rouen under interdict until the assassin of the bishop should bediscovered. But prior to the eleventh century general interdicts arebut rarely mentioned in church history. It does not appear that therewas any ritual for either general or particular interdicts, apart fromthe usually concomitant sentence of excommunication--which in formerages itself entailed also interdict on the persons or places named inthe decree of penalty. The interdict was usually laid under conditionsthat amendment, reparation, or restitution should atone for the wrongdone, at which the interdict would be lifted. According to presentchurch law, bishops are empowered, as delegates of the Holy See, toput under interdict particular churches, and the like. See Moroni'sDizionario (Venezia, 1845), xxxvi, p. 49; Ferraris's Bibliotheca(Paris, 1853), article "Interdictum;" Guerin, Les Petits Bollandistes(Paris, 1878), iv, pp. 378-382; and Addis and Arnold's CatholicDictionary, article "Interdict. "--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O. S. A. 

[86] Diaz states (ut supra) that the archbishop's provisor, Juan Gonzalez, took refuge in the Dominican convent, which wassoon surrounded with armed soldiers. At the advice of friends, Gonzalez gave himself up, and was kept a close prisoner in his ownhouse--"guards being placed there at his cost; and penalty was imposedof major excommunication and 500 pesos, if he should talk with anyperson outside. " As soon as Santo Domingo was blockaded, a decree ofthe Audiencia was made known to all the convents that they must notring the bells for an interdict. To prevent this being done at SantoDomingo, "they scaled the convent through the hall of the Inquisition, which is above the main entrance, and ten soldiers went up to thebell-tower. " Next day, the friars rang a small bell to call the peopleto mass, but the guards would not allow any person to enter the church. 

[87] Salazar gives, a detailed account of Villalba's imprisonment(Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 233, 234), and claims that he was hurriedfrom his convent at Binondoc, without cloak or hat, or bed, althoughhe was in poor health; and that, when the ship was compelled to putback to Manila, the Audiencia would not allow him to remain there, butat once despatched him to the Franciscan infirmary at Nueva Caceres, where he remained until the next galleon sailed for Acapulco. 

[88] This document, as being written by Sanchez, the secretary ofthe Audiencia of Manila, was probably addressed to the president ofthe royal Council of the Indias. 

Sandin (Respuesta, fol. 3 b) asserts that this relation by Sanchezwas printed at the Jesuit college in Manila, with the date here given;that it had not been published there when the Acapulco galleon sailed;but that in Mexico City many copies of it were already in circulationbefore the royal mails reached that city from Acapulco. 

[89] Apparently referring to Francisco de Arcocha; but Diaz calls him(p. 775) equerry (caballerizo) of the new governor. 

[90] Bartolomé Marrón, a native of Asturias, made his profession inthe Dominican convent at Valladolid, July 8, 1667, and came to thePhilippines in 1671, at the age of twenty-five. Having studied twoyears at Santo Tomás, he was a lecturer in that college until 1680, and in 1684 was appointed its rector. In 1686 he became provincial, and afterward was in charge of a mission in Pangasinan, and of thechurch in Binondoc; and was again (1696-1700) rector of Santo Tomás. Hefilled many other important offices in his order, at various times;and finally died in Manila, January 22, 1717. See sketch of his life inReseña biográfica, ii, pp. 145-155--including an account of a notablelawsuit brought against him, and the regulations made by him for theinmates of Dominican convents in and near Manila. 

[91] Cristobal Pedroche made his profession at Toledo, January22, 1659, and arrived in the Philippines in 1667. He spent manyyears in labors among the Chinese, in the Parián and San Gabriel;and at various times filled high offices in his order--among them, that of provincial. In June, 1684, he was imprisoned at Cavite, andafterward sent to Mexico; but the viceroy permitted him to returnto the Philippines. He died at Manila on August 20, 1715, at theage of seventy. See sketch of his life in Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 82-100--which includes a letter by him (June 20, 1684) on theecclesiastical disturbances of that time. 

[92] Juan de (Ibañez) Santo Domingo was born (about 1640) nearCalatayud. His early education was obtained in a Dominican conventat Zaragoza, and he was afterward a member of the household of BishopPalafox y Mendoza. Later, he entered the Dominican convent at Ocaña, where he made profession in 1661. At the age of twenty-six he cameto the Philippines, and spent eighteen years in the missions ofPangasinan. After 1686, he lived at Manila, being twice provincial(1690 and 1706), and occupying other important posts. He died thereJanuary 15, 1726. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 26-34. )

[93] Francisco Antonio de Bargas, a native of Madrid, professed in theDominican convent at Salamanca, in 1673, at the age of nineteen. Sixyears later, he arrived at the Philippines. The first nine years hespent in Manila, mainly as a teacher in Santo Tomás; from 1688 to1696, he labored in the missions of Bataán, and afterward in those ofZambales--except 1698-1702, which he spent at Manila. He died there, on October 7, 1708. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 219, 220. )

[94] Antonio Calderon professed in the Dominican convent at Salamanca(in 1664, erroneously says Reseña), and came to the Philippines in1658. He labored in the Cagayan missions until 1682, when he waselected provincial. He, with Fray Pedroche was arrested on June 3, 1684, and sent to Mexico. Thence he returned to Spain, and died atMombeltrán, at the end of December, 1685. 

[95] Alluding to General Marcos Quintero, a friend of the Dominicans, who at his death (1703) appointed Fray Bartolomé Marrón (note 90, ante) executor of his estate. This led to a notable lawsuit, broughtagainst Marrón by the heirs of Quintero, which was appealed to Mexicoand even to Rome; the proceedings continued for many years, the suitcoming to an end only in 1726, nine years after Marrón's death. (SeeReseña biográfica, ii, pp. 151-154. )

"Barangay, " as used here, is evidently a bit of slang meaning "gang"or "clique, " in modern phrase. 

[96] From the context, esto here seems to designate the formergovernor, Vargas. 

[97] Gines de Barrientos, titular bishop of Troya, who was assistant tothe archbishop. Juan Duran, titular bishop of Sinopolis, was assistantto the bishop of Cebú (then Diego de Aguilar). Andres Gonzalez wasbishop of Nueva Caceres (or Camarines); and Francisco Pizarro, ofNueva Segovia. These were Dominicans, save Duran, who belonged to theOrder of Our Lady of Mercy; and Pizarro, who in 1681 was a member ofthe cabildo of Manila cathedral. 

[98] Spanish, se le picaba sobradissimamente la retaguardia--literally, "its rearguard was entirely cut to pieces. "

[99] i. E. , "Hurrah for [the bishops of] Troya!"

[100] Elio Antonio de Nebrija (or Lebrija) was a celebrated linguistand great Latinist, who wrote various works. He was born about theyear 1444, and died in 1522. (Dominguez, Diccionario nacional. )

[101] Apparently a play on words, mingled with a sarcastic commenton Fray Gaspar. One may hazard the conjecture that the latter (whowas a noted grammarian) is here mentioned in contempt as knowing moreof grammar than of current affairs, and being able only to understandevents actually completed and past, without the foresight to perceivehow these affect the future. 

[102] i. E. , no more than two--referring to the "dual" number inGreek declension. 

[103] A copy of this act may be found in Ventura del Arco MSS. , iii, pp. 513-515; it is dated "at our house on the river of Manila, October 22, 1684. "

[104] An allusion to the well-known quotation, Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus (line 139 of the Ars poetica of Horatius). 

[105] The decree of the Audiencia which ordered the restoration ofthe archbishop to his see was dated October 24, 1684. He returned toManila on November 16. 

[106] This man was delegated by the city of Manila, being one of itsregidors, according to Diaz (Conquistas, pp. 776, 777). 

[107] Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 777) that Curuzelaegui declared onthis occasion that if the home government should be offended at hisrestoring the archbishop, he would consider punishment by them forthis cause "a great honor, even if it be capital. " Diaz praises him as"one of the best governors that these islands have had; affable, pious, magnanimous, wholly disinterested, and very liberal. He also said thathe had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had cometo be rich. This he said very truly, for in España and Indias he hadpossessed much wealth--gained in the many voyages that he had made ascommander of the fleet and galleons to Perú and Nueva España--whichhis ostentation and liberality had consumed. "

[108] Diaz gives (ut supra, pp. 778, 779) the list of these: theauditors and Governor Vargas; the preceding alcalde-mayor of Manila(either Morales, Camacho or Pimentel), and that of Camarines (Juan deVerastein); Juan Sánchez, secretary of the Audiencia; Juan Gallardo, castellan of Cavite; Sargento-mayor Alonso de Aponte y Andrade, and Captains José de Somonte, Francisco de Urrutia, Diego del Pozoy Gatica, and Miguel Machuca; Admiral Pedro de la Peña; and CaptainBaltasar de Lerma, notary-public. The military officers were readilyabsolved, as not having been free to act, when ordered to proceedagainst the ecclesiastics. 

[109] Diaz says (p. 779) that the archbishop at this time "absolved theauditors ad reincidentiam, within the palace, with no other witnessesthan the governor, and embraced them and gave them the kiss of peace. "

[110] Spanish, irregular. In this usage irregularidad means, accordingto Dominguez, "a canonical impedimenta for receiving or exercisingholy orders, on account of certain natural defects which produceincapacity, or of crimes or illegal acts which are committed. "

[111] See copy of this edict in Ventura del Arco MSS. , iii, pp. 517-521. The statement in our text regarding penalties isinaccurate. The edict required that all confessions made to membersof the cabildo be made anew; all persons married by them must appearbefore the archbishop within three days (or ten days for those withoutthe jurisdiction of the city), under penalty of excommunication forEuropean Christians, and for all others fifty lashes and three monthsin jail; and the same penalties for those on whom the cabildo hadconferred holy orders, licenses to preach, chaplaincies, etc. Thisact was dated November 29, 1684. 

[112] Diaz says (p. 779): "But this caused so many dissensions, and opinions from the theologians, that it was found necessary toissue another act (January 8, 1685) in which the archbishop declaredthe former act null, and ordered that those [married persons] shouldagain appear in court for the revalidation of their marriages. "

[113] i. E. , "they are exulting, as do the victors when they haveseized their prey. "

[114] "An image of a monstrous serpent which is displayed in frontof the procession on Corpus Christi Day--doubtless alluding to theeternal humiliation of the demon, conquered for ever by Jesus Christ"(Dominguez, Diccionario nacional). 

[115] Among these were the Franciscan provincial, Francisco de SantaInés, and the Augustinian writer Casimiro Diaz (as the latter statesin his Conquistas, p. 782). 

[116] "Vargas then alleged his being exempt, as a knight of Santiago;but even then the archbishop did not revoke the excommunication, theex-governor-general of the islands being required to live alone in asolitary house on the islet of the Pasig River, without dealings orcommunication with any person" (Montero y Vidal, Hist. De Filipinas, i, p. 372). 

[117] This affair had been initiated by Vargas. "The sultan of Borneosent an ambassador, soliciting the establishment of commercial dealingswith Filipinas. Vargas responded with another and distinguishedembassy, his agent being Don Juan Morales de Valenzuela, who [later]brought about the cession of the island of Paragua which that sovereignmade in 1705. " (Montero y Vidal, ut supra, p. 364. )

[118] A metrical composition which is measured in three verses, of which two form a rhyme (Dominguez). 

[119] Spanish, en calxas y en jubon: literally, "in breeches andjacket. "

[120] Tomas de Andrade was born in Toledo, December 2, 1619, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of seventeen. In 1643 hedeparted for the Philippines, where he professed in 1654. He wasconnected with San José college some twenty years, twice as rector;acted as provincial during six months; and rector at Antipolo andCavite, and minister among the Tagals. He died at Manila on May 15, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, Hist. De Philipinas, fol. 356 b. )

[121] Alejo Lopez was born July 16, 1645, at Albalate, Spain, andat the age of seventeen became a Jesuit novice. Four years later, he came to Manila, and spent three years in the Visayan missions, being afterward connected with the college in Manila in variouscapacities. Finally going to Europe on business of the order, he diedwhile on the return journey, September 18, 1693 (Murillo Velarde, fol. 369). 

[122] Isidro Clarete was born in 1627, and came to the islands in1662, where he completed his studies, and became a teacher in thecollege at Manila (Murillo Velarde, ut supra). 

[123] Pedro Lopez a native of Malvenda, Spain, was born on November21, 1613. When nineteen years old, he entered the Jesuit order, and in 1643 came to the Philippines. He spent most of his life inministering to the Tagálog Indians, and translated into their language(in which he was remarkably proficient) the Roman catechism and otherwritings. He died at Indang on February 13, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, ut supra, fol. 356 b. )

[124] Spanish, con la risa del conejo; literally, "with the smileof a rabbit. " Dominguez describes it as "the apparent smile whichcomes to some creatures at death, as the rabbit; and, by extension, the phrase is applied to a person who smiles when he has cause forsorrow or resentment. "

[125] Diaz (p. 781) expresses pity for Vargas as thus situated, "unableto have conversation or dealings with any one except the officials ofhis residencia, and mostly through an agent; deserted by every one, for his servants, as being also under residencia, had enough to doin attending each to his own defense. His only consolation was thecompanionship of his spirited wife, Doña Isabel de Ardila, who inspiredhim with courage and strength. It is certain that Don Juan de Vargaswas not the worst governor of Filipinas; but he was unfortunate in hisdisagreeable and harsh manner, " and his friend Francisco Guerrero, "avery astute and sagacious man, " whose aid would have been invaluable, was then in Nueva España, having deserted his patron to save himself. 

[126] Apparently referring to the "ordinary, " or usual ecclesiasticalcourt. 

[127] Spanish, auto de legos; a decree issued by a superior tribunal, prohibiting to an ecclesiastical judge the cognizance of a suit thatis purely civil, and between laymen, referring it to a competent judge. 

[128] Diaz says (Conquistas, pp. 781, 782) that this residencia, taken by Juan de Zalaeta, was the most bitter and obstinate ever knownin the islands, for it lasted four years, and its records occupiedtwenty large volumes. 

[129] Salazar (Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 131-133) gives an account ofthis assignment. He asserts that the Zambals had formerly been underthe charge of the Recollects, who in more than seventy years had beenunable to convert that tribe. In 1676 the natives themselves asked forDominican teachers; some were sent, at which the Recollects complained, as an intrusion on their field, and the Dominicans withdrew. In 1678Juan de Vargas came as governor, and, the Zambals again asking forDominicans, the governor induced the Recollects to accept Mindoro inlieu of Zambales, making over the latter to the Dominican order. Thelatter gave up these missions in 1712. (See Reseña biográfica, i, pp. 486-504. )

Concepción (Hist. Philipinas, viii, pp. 47) declares that theRecollects were unwilling to surrender their Zambal missions, yieldingto the compulsion and threats of the archbishop and the governor;and that the natives themselves were angry at the proposed change, but were pacified by their Spanish alcalde-mayor. 

[130] A loose note in Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, p. 555), evidentlymade by that compiler from some writing of 1685, states that thecitizens complained of the lack of vessels every year for their trade, and for this blamed his henchmen. Two of these, whom he employed inbusiness affairs, were arrested, Fabra and Gallardo. 

[131] Spanish, dijó tijeratas; literally, "talked scissors. "

[132] Spanish, que vuelvan las nueces al cantaro; literally, "thenuts will roll back into the jar. "

[133] A dish composed of various kinds of meat and vegetables boiledtogether--used figuratively for any medley or miscellaneous collection. 

[134] i. E. , "From the anger and hatred and ill-will of a Dominicanfriar, deliver us, O Lord. "

[135] Some account of Palú's coming to Manila will be found inVOL. XLII, in Diaz's history of the Augustinian missions. 

[136] In the text, deposicion, an obvious error of the transcriber. 

[137] Spanish, sentian no haber materia sobre que cayesse dichadispensacion. That is, the prebends had not deserved censure, andtherefore ought not to need dispensation. 

[138] This was José de Nava y Albis. 

[139] That is, on the route by the "Northern Sea, " the Atlantic Ocean. 

[140] The Spanish phrase inverts this order of thought, hacer lo quehabia deshecho. 

[141] Referring to the exile of Archbishop Guerrero in 1636. 

[142] Thus in the text, indicating some omission, probably by thetranscriber. 

[143] The verses do not appear in our text. Diaz states (p. 787) thatZalaeta gave the pasquinades to Captain José de Toledo to distributeamong the soldiers; but instead of doing so Toledo gave them toEndaya, who handed them to the governor. It was afterward proved thatthe author of the lampoons was the cantor Herrera, who was thereuponimprisoned; later, he was sent to the fort of Paynauen in the Zambalcountry, where Zalaeta had been sent after his arrest for conspiracy. 

The Jesuit Father Pedro de Salazar wrote from (Manila) Taitay, onthe nineteenth [sic] of 1687, to the procurator-general at Madrid, Luis de Morales, that he was warned from Manila to be careful of whathe wrote, since they feared that there would be an inspection of theletters [in the mails]. He said that since the return of ArchbishopPardo from banishment many arrests were made: of the auditors, to whomthey attributed a pasquinade which had been posted; of negroes andIndians, servants and slaves, who were put to the torture, in orderthat they might say what suited the convenience [of the authorities];and of ecclesiastics. Also, that a pasquinade had been published, in which was represented the king, stretched upon the ground, withthe archbishop drawing off his breeches; the governor was stabbinghim with a dagger, or else cutting off his head; Father Verart heldhim by the legs; and Andaya, who was the minion, was helping them. Itconcluded with the verses:

 "A Catalan and a Frenchman, A foolish governor, A pastor who is no pastor-- These hold me as you see. "

Finally, the Dominican friars have entire sway over the archbishops, and are talking of finding out who are the authors of the papersthat were published against them. (Ventura del Arco MSS. , iii, pp. 639, 640. )

[144] Diaz says (p. 787) that the governor himself, concealed in awindow of his palace, watched Viga's house, and saw Bolivar's servantenter it; this man was arrested on leaving the house, and searched, a letter from Viga to Bolivar being found in his shoe. Thereupon theauditors and Zalaeta were promptly arrested. 

[145] Diaz says (pp. 786, 788) that Doña Josefa "ruled her husbandmore than was desirable, " and that "she uttered such contemptuousreproaches against the governor and the archbishop, as she was a veryresolute and spirited woman, and extremely haughty and fearless, "that the governor felt obliged to send her into banishment. 

[146] Regarding Herrera's arrest, see note 63, ante, p. 159. 

[147] This and several other documents that are unsigned arepresented here--accepting them as credible, on account of theirevident authenticity--in order to fill out the relation of the Pardocontroversy with relations made at the time, and by participants inthose events. All except the final extract from Salazar are obtainedfrom Ventura del Arco's transcripts from MSS. In the collectionof Jesuit papers that was seized by the Spanish government when itexpelled that order from Spain and her colonies. 

[148] Spanish, missas de Aguinaldo means "a Christmas or New Year'spresent;" the word is derived, according to Echegaray's Diccionariogeneral etimológico (Madrid, 1887), from the Celtic word eguinand, of the above meaning. Evidently these masses were made the vehiclefor heathen allusions or symbols, if not for actual rites. 

[149] This was the treasurer (and afterward cantor) of the cathedral, Jerónimo de Herrera y Figueroa. 

[150] This was the Dominican friar Francisco Villalba. 

[151] Pardo was sent to Lingayén, "certainly not to give him theconsolation of residing among his brethren of the order, but tokeep him under the authority of the notorious Don Francisco Pizarro, bishop of Vigan [i. E. , of Nueva Segovia], with whom he had just hadan annoying controversy" (Reseña biográfica, i, p. 476). 

[152] "Under penalty of 4, 000 pesos; on the ground that his spiritualjurisdiction was suspended and barred, by virtue of his banishment"(Diaz, Conquistas, p. 762). 

[153] "The dean opened all the prisons of his tribunal, liberatingall the prisoners therein--although among these there were severalbigamists; and one who was not only a heretic but a leader ofheretics. For, among other heresies which he taught, one wasthat God had a beginning, [a doctrine] which only very learned menunderstood. Another was a prebend whom his illustrious Lordship heldas a recluse in our college, for heinous and atrocious crimes, whosefinal end was a sentence of degradation, and delivery to the seculararm; the dean settled this case, without examining the documentsin the case (which they did not find), by condemning him to sixmonths of banishment to a country house of recreation. " (Salazar, Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 242. )

[154] "They say, peace, peace: when there was no peace" (Jeremias6: 14). 

[155] Salazar gives some instances of this (p. 245): in the Dominicanchurches the minister refused to say mass until certain personswho had injured or offended ecclesiastics should go out of theconsecrated walls. 

[156] Salazar states (pp. 246-249) that the provincial Calderon wasmaking his visitation in Cagayán at the time of Pardo's banishment;that on his return to Manila (September, 1683) he called a councilof the most prominent Dominicans, and asked their opinions as toPardo's exile, the government by the cabildo, and their own dutytoward those concerned in these events; and that, in accordance withtheir decision, he ordered all his friars to remain in their convents, and hold no intercourse with those persons. 

[157] Salazar here alludes to the relation of all these ecclesiasticalaffairs in the first part of his history, pp. 224-268. As it is so longand detailed, we have preferred to use here the account which he givesin his biography of Pardo; but have preserved, in our annotations, the most important and interesting matter found in the former one. 

[158] Thus in the text, but it should read "forty-eighth. " Salazarthere relates how Vargas, "in the same year in which he banished thearchbishop, " suffered the confiscation at Acapulco of all the goodsthat he had shipped, "with little credit to his reputation and notableexpense to his estate;" and, as excommunicated by the Church, Vargashad much to atone for and to suffer until his death. The auditorGrimaldos died, soon after Pardo's banishment, "from a painfuldisease, in which the tongue with which he had spoken so much evilof his illustrious Lordship became rotten, and the arm with which hehad seized the anointed of the Lord was withered. " The auditor Viga, who went to seize the Dominican provincial, Calderon, died in exile, in Cagayan, without having consented to make his confession. He andhis colleague Bolivar had been sent there "for a certain seditionwhich they were plotting" against Cruzalaegui. [Murillo Velarde says(fol. 344) that they were plotting to put Zalaeta in the governor'splace. ] The wife of Bolivar "died at Orion, impenitent, unwillingto confess; when her husband heard of this, he performed condignpenitence for his sins, and publicly professed his detestation of histransgressions, and thus he gained absolution from the censures--but, returning from his exile, he died on the way. " Calderon "also died verysuddenly, although at the hour of death he acknowledged his errors, and, to secure absolution from the censures, made the usual professionof detestation. " The fiscal Alanis, "the only one who experienced, while living, the punishment from the king our sovereign which deprivedof their offices all the members of the royal Audiencia, died in Mexicoin great poverty and humiliation. The same fate befell the usurpingdean, " Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias. The cantor Figueroa was sentencedto degradation, and to be delivered to the secular powers, "which wasafterward commuted, for valid reasons, to perpetual banishment to theMarianas Islands, where he ended his days in a thousand miseries. " Thebishop of Cagayan died so suddenly that he could not be confessed orabsolved. The Jesuit Ortega died at sea, while en route to Madridto complain of Pardo; and although he received the viaticum, hismind was so occupied, first and last, with accusations against thearchbishop, that he scandalized all the people in the ship. He diedpractically an excommunicate, not having rendered his accounts forthe executorship to the archbishop, and having been absolved only by"the usurping Dean, who had no jurisdiction. " "The two soldiers whocarried out the father provincial died suddenly, " being stabbed todeath, one by an infidel Chinese, the other on leaving the house ofhis mistress. A man who wounded the provisor--in trying to murder him;his name was Manuel Ortafán, and his wife had brought suit against himfor divorce, before the ecclesiastical tribunal (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 766)--was sentenced to a short exile; "but God was not satisfiedwith that light punishment, and accordingly took upon Himself vengeanceagainst that man, afflicting him with leprosy. This made him blind, and he finally reached the utmost poverty, begging alms, with a boyto guide him, before the gates of the convents. "

The spirit of this account is echoed--rather curiously, for so latea date as 1891--in Reseña biográfica, i, pp. 478-480. 

[159] Pardo offered to his Dominican province the sum of thirteenthousand pesos, to be used as endowment for three chairs--law, medicine, and pharmacy--and for some scholarships in Santo Tomás; butthe gift was declined, as the province was neither able nor willingto take the responsibility of administering in (Reseña biográfica, i, pp. 477, 478. )

[160] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, p. 761) is an extract froma letter by the Jesuit Pedro Cano, dated May 26, 1690, which says:"On December 31, 1689, they found Archbishop Pardo dead in his bed, sine cruce et sine luce, without any sacrament, through the negligenceof the people of his household and his own confidence that he wasto live a long time. For some days all his body had been swollen, and he said that, thanks to the Lord, he was gaining flesh. Inthe agonies of death, he called to his servants, who were buried insleep; no one heard him except Don Juan de Cazorla, a cleric whom thearchbishop kept a prisoner under his own apartment, in fetters--whodid not dare to go upstairs, lest the archbishop should learn thathis fetters were removed at night. The prelate's body, wrapped in aloose gown, was carried to the house where Auditor Grimaldos died;and from there to Santo Domingo, where four days later it was buried. "

[161] He came with commission to bring suit against the auditors whohad banished the archbishop. 

[162] He had died toward the end of the year 1683, aged more thanseventy years. 

[163] Nicolas Cani was born in 1611, a Sardinian by nation; and becamea Jesuit novice March 27, 1628. In 1653 he entered the Philippinemissions, and labored in the Visayan Islands. Murillo Velarde states(fol. 367 b) that he was unable to learn further particulars asto Cani's life and ministries, except vague statements as to hisadmirable character and some few incidents in which he figured. Thedate of his death is not recorded, but signatures by him existed thatwere made in 1671. 

[164] The letter following this says that the visitor and Audienciareached Manila in 1687; Montero y Vidal says 1688; and Diaz's editor, 1689. It seems more probable that 1688 is the correct date, fromvarious allusions made in these letters and by Diaz. 

[165] Referring to the dispute between the two universities of SanJosé and Santo Tomás; and the placing, by the latter, of the royalarms over its entrance. 

[166] That is, October 19. This saint was Pedro Garavito, born atAlcántara in 1499; at the age of fifteen he entered the Franciscanorder, and was ordained in 1524. In 1554 he instituted a reform, exceedingly austere and rigorous, in his order, and erected thefirst convent for these discalced Franciscans at Pedroso. Otherhouses adopted this rule, and in 1562 these reformed convents werefreed by papal orders from the jurisdiction of the general of theFranciscan order. Garavito died on October 18 of that same year;he was canonized in 1669 as St. Peter of Alcántara. (Baring-Gould'sLives of the Saints, xii, pp. 487-494. )

[167] Spanish buen; but obviously used with satirical meaning. 

[168] When Bolivar was arrested, he was sent to "a small fortified postin the province of Cagayán, called Tuao, where he remained until theinvestigating judge who came to Manila in 1688 ordered him to return[to that city], but he died on the way" (Diaz, p. 788). 

[169] Andaye, a fortified town at the mouth of the Bidassoa River, which forms part of the boundary between Spain and France and emptiesinto the Bay of Biscay. Andaye is directly opposite Fontarabiain Spain. 

[170] These jars are still highly valued by the Malays; see Furness'smention of this, with photographic illustration, in his BorneoHead-Hunters, pp. 125, 126.