The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century, Volume XXVII, 1636-37 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXVII Preface 9 Documents of 1636 Letter to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; Cavite, June 30 21 Letter to Corcuera. Felipe IV; Madrid, October 11 36 Royal decrees. Felipe IV; Madrid, August-November 45 Informatory memorial addressed to the king. Juan Grau yMonfalcon; Madrid, 1637 55 Documents of 1637 Defeat of Moro pirates. [Unsigned; but probably written by Pedro Gutierrez, S. J. , from Dapitan, in 1637. ] 215 Auditorship of accounts in Manila, 1595-1637. [Unsigned; probably written at Madrid, in February, 1637. ] 227 Conquest of Mindanao. Marcelo Francisco Mastrilli, S. J. ; Taytay, June 2 253 Events in Filipinas, 1636-37. Juan Lopez, S. J. ; Cavite, July 23 306 Corcuera's triumphant entry into Manila. Juan Lopez, Manila, May-July 330 Royal aid requested by the Jesuits at Manila. Francisco Colin, S. J. , and others; Manila, July-August 341 Letters to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; Manila, August 20 346 Bibliographical Data 365 ILLUSTRATIONS Les Isles Philippines, Molucques, et de la Sonde (map of Indian archipelago); photographic facsimile of map by Sanson d'Abbeville (Paris, 1654); from original in Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. 74, 75 View of Acapulco Harbor, in Mexico; photographic facsimile of engraving in Valentyn's _Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien_ (Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724), i, p. 160; from copy in library of Wisconsin State Historical Society. 163 Weapons of the Moros; photograph of weapons in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid 223 Map of Borneo; photographic facsimile of engraving in Valentyn's _Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien_ (Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1726), iii, between pages 236 and 237; from copy in library of Wisconsin State Historical Society. 317 PREFACE The principal topics treated in this volume (1636-37) are thecommerce of the Philippine Islands (especially with Nueva España)and the punishment inflicted by Corcuera on the Moro pirates ofMindanao. The former is fully discussed by Juan Grau y Monfalcón, procurator of Filipinas at the Spanish court; the latter is relatedin various documents, written mainly by participants in the Mindanaocampaign. Certain minor documents relate to the administration ofthe islands and to the religious orders there. A letter from Corcuera (June 30, 1636) gives a brief account of thegreat ecclesiastical controversy of that year; we present it here, not so much for the new information contained in it (which is notextensive) as for its being evidently the direct expression of thegovernor's own opinions, and not (like some others of his reports)dictated more or less by other persons. Corcuera says that "the friarsare lawless people, and he would rather fight the Dutch in Flandesthan deal with them. " He asks that the king will adjust these matters, or else send another governor to the islands, so that one of them mayattend to ecclesiastical affairs and the other to temporal. Part ofCerezo's letter of August 10, 1634, to the king is answered by thelatter (October 10, 1636) in his despatches to Corcuera; it relatesto military affairs--approving Cerezo's action, and giving somedirections to Corcuera. A royal decree of August 14, 1636, commands the municipality of Manilato reimburse their procurator-general, Juan Grau y Monfalcón, for thetime and money that he has spent in attending to their business atthe Spanish court. Another document of this sort (November 6, 1636)gives Corcuera orders regarding certain matters which his predecessorCerezo had laid before the Spanish government. A third document (ofthe same date) approves the proceedings of Pedro de Heredia as governorof Terrenate, and promises reënforcements for the Spanish fort there. The noted _Memorial informatorio_ (Madrid, 1637) of Juan Grau yMonfalcón, procurator-general for Manila and the Philippines atthe Spanish court, is here presented; it concerns the important andlong-debated question of the restrictions imposed on the trade ofthe Philippine Islands with Nueva España. Certain measures have beenproposed to the Spanish government which the procurator regards asdangerous to the interests of the Philippines, and he hastens to urgeagainst these proposals numerous forcible arguments. He claims thatthe adoption of the former must result in the ruin of the citizens. Andthus the crown must either support the entire expense of the islands, or abandon its hold on them--the former a heavy tax on its means, thelatter most damaging to its power and prestige. A royal commissionerhas been sent to Acapulco to investigate the revenue frauds allegedthere, which greatly disturbs those who are engaged in trade, both inNueva España and in the islands. The proposal to abandon the islandshas been revived; the procurator rehearses the arguments advancedfor this, and vigorously attacks them, urging that the possessionof Filipinas be maintained by the crown as is that of Flanders. Heproceeds to represent the importance of the islands, adducing manyarguments to show this: the dependence of the Malucos on Filipinas, the size and number of those islands, the greatness and importanceof Manila, the mineral resources of the islands, and, above all, their commerce. The procurator describes this commerce, both domestic andforeign. Under the former head he enumerates the chief productsof the islands, the diverse peoples who inhabit them, and thenumber of Indians and foreigners paying tribute to the crown andto private persons. He emphasizes the importance of the centrallocation of the islands, and the restraint and hindrance that theyconstitute to the schemes of the Dutch for gaining control of theOriental trade. Considering next the foreign trade of Filipinas, he represents it as far the most valuable part of that commerce, and gives a historical sketch of Oriental trade in general, with anenumeration of the commodities and products obtained therein, and muchvaluable information regarding the origin, quality, and prices of manygoods. He relates how the Dutch were driven from Maluco, but afterwardregained much of the spice region, notwithstanding the efforts ofthe Philippine Spaniards to prevent this. A list of the Dutch fortsand factories in the archipelago is presented. From these data theprocurator draws forcible arguments for the retention and support ofthe Philippine colony by the crown. This is fully justified by theimportance of the clove trade, which otherwise would be lost to Spain;and by that of the Chinese trade, of which Filipinas enjoys the greaterpart. The maintenance of the Philippines will result in preservingthe missionary conquests in the Far East, securing the safety ofIndia, depriving the Dutch of their trade, relieving the expensesneeded to preserve the American Spanish colonies, and maintaining theprestige of the Spanish crown. The royal treasury alone cannot meetall the expenses of the islands, nor is it wise to allow them too muchcommerce with Nueva España; the king is therefore advised to combinethese two methods of relief. For his guidance in this matter, valuableinformation is submitted by the procurator, regarding the expensesof maintaining and governing the Philippines (under eight differentheadings--civil, religious, and military--sufficiently itemized togive a clear outline of expenditures under each, and summarized atthe end), the revenues of the colonial treasury, and the real natureof the deficit therein. He claims that the islands contribute morethan what they cost, since they have to bear the great expenses ofmaintaining and defending Maluco against the Dutch (which includesmore than one-third of all the expenses of Filipinas), and aid allpublic needs with their time, property, and lives, as volunteers--thussaving to the crown an enormous expense. The procurator asks thatthese services be duly rewarded by the crown, and recommends that forthis purpose the magistracies in the islands be kept for rewardingsuch worthy citizens, and not sold, as heretofore, at auction. Butchiefly he urges the importance to them of the trade with Nueva Españawhich is chiefly based on that which Manila carries on with China andIndia. Efforts have been made in Spain to suppress the former commerce, as being detrimental to that of Spain and the Indias. He admits thatthis last is decreasing, but claims that Filipinas is not responsibletherefor. The causes of that decline are, rather, the greatly lessenedyield of the precious metals in America, the enormous decrease of theIndian population in the colonies, the smaller consumption of goodsamong the Spaniards therein, and the exorbitant imposts and dutieslevied on the merchants. To deprive Filipinas of its commerce wouldbe a measure both unjust and useless. The writer briefly reviews thehistory of that commerce, which at present is in a declining and feeblecondition, owing to the many restrictions that have been laid upon it;and discusses certain misrepresentations that are current regardingsupposed violations of the royal ordinances in the trade of Filipinasand Peru. Some of these acts are greatly exaggerated, and others, beinginevitable in all trade, must be overlooked. Several instances arecited to show that even in Sevilla violations of the royal ordinancesare taken for granted, and sometimes condoned even when discovered; andthe procurator urges that the Filipinas be not more severely treatedthan other parts of the royal domain. He admits that their cargoes, like those from other colonies, contain some unregistered goods;but declares that the amount of this has been greatly exaggerated, for which he adduces various arguments. He also explains that theproducts of the islands themselves go to Nueva España outside of theamount permitted, which has been incorrectly represented. He againpresents for consideration the additional two per cent duty imposedon Philippine shipments, and with forcible arguments urges thatit be abolished. The procurator even declares that the commerce ofFilipinas pays higher duties than does any other, and that the citizensof Manila have lost in it more than they have gained--in proof ofwhich he submits a list of shipwrecks, wars and military expeditions, insurrections, conflagrations, and other occasions of loss and damagesince the foundation of Manila. He then enumerates the goods sent toNueva España from Filipinas, which are necessary to the former countryfor supplying the needs of its people; compares these goods with thosesent from Spain; and discusses the effect of this Chinese merchandiseon the Spanish silks. The memorial closes with a brief summary ofthe considerations and arguments therein contained, and a requestfor leniency in the imposition of duties on goods from Filipinas. During the summer and autumn of 1636, a Mindanao chief named Tagalharries the coasts of Cuyo and Calamianes. Returning homeward ladenwith booty and captives, these pirates are attacked (December 21)by a hastily-gathered Spanish force of ships and men, and in thisbattle Tagal and many of his followers are slain, and most of theirplunder recovered. This victory is a great gain to the Spaniardsin maintaining their stand against the hostile Moros, and many ofthe latter are rendered submissive for the time being. An account ofthese events is given in a letter unsigned and undated, but evidentlywritten early in 1637, and probably by the Jesuit Pedro Gutierrez. By order of the royal Council a compilation is made (February, 1637?) of all information in the government records pertaining tothe office of auditor of accounts at Manila. The writer (some clerkin the government employ) gives a brief historical sketch of thisoffice, its relations with the royal officials, the advantages anddisadvantages connected with it, and the proceedings of the councilregarding this office, up to 1637. The Moro raids of 1636 arouse the Spaniards to the urgent necessityof subduing those fierce and treacherous pirates; and Corcueraorganizes an expedition to Mindanao, led by himself, for theirpunishment. Several accounts of this campaign (which had far-reachingconsequences) are presented--largely from Jesuit sources, since membersof that order accompany the governor, and it is their missions whichare most endangered by the hostility of the Moros in Mindanao. One of these is a letter (June 2, 1637) from the celebrated martyrin the Japanese missions, Marcelo Francisco Mastrilli, who went toMindanao with Corcuera. He relates with much detail the events of theexpedition, which the devil strives from the start to hinder. TheSpaniards capture the Moro forts at the mouth of the Rio Grande, killing several of Corralat's best officers, and seizing many vesselsand military supplies; then they destroy many villages belongingto him. On March 18, the Spaniards storm a fortified height back ofthe port where they first entered. Corralat is driven from it, andflees to a little village in his territory; and in the conflict hiswife and many of his followers are slain. Some Recollect fathers, held captive by the Moros, also perish--one of them slain by them, in anger at their defeat. Corralat's treasure is seized, and dividedamong the soldiers; and much booty obtained by the Moros in plunderingthe churches in their raids is recovered. After destroying all thatcan be found, Corcuera returns to Zamboanga, leaving troops behind tosubdue another Moro ruler, named Moncay. The wounded Spaniards--manyof whom were injured by poisoned arrows--are cared for at Zamboanga, so successfully that only two men out of eighty die, and these"because they would not let themselves be cured. " Mastrilli ascribesthis success not so much to the antidotes that had been furnished fromManila as to the virtues of a relic that he had, of St. Francis Xavier, and to the patients' faith therein. In due time, the detachment sentagainst Moncay return, bringing that chief's brother as envoy to offerhis submission, and a promise to aid the Spaniards against Corralat, and to receive among his people Jesuit missionaries. Corcuera returnsto Manila, after sending an expedition to reduce the villages onthe western coast of the island, and arranging for opening a missionon the island of Basilan and securing for its people (who desire tomaintain friendship with the Spaniards) the protection of the Spanishfort at Zamboanga. Other Moros along the southern coast offer tobecome the vassals of Spain, and the Joloans hasten to secure peacewith the conqueror. All this opens a broad field for gospel work, and Mastrilli urges that Jesuit missionaries hasten to till it. The usual Jesuit annals are continued by Juan Lopez (1636-1637). Thearchbishop is now on very friendly terms with the Jesuits. Thenoted martyr Mastrilli comes to the islands, and is regardedwith much veneration by the people on account of certain miraclesvouchsafed him; he departs from Manila on his way to Japan. CertainDutchmen, prisoners at Manila, are converted; some of these, andsome discontented Spaniards, undertake to escape from the islands, but most of the fugitives come to grief. The Dutch are at swords'points with the natives of Java and Amboyna. The Spanish relief shipssent to Ternate encounter the Dutch and gain some advantage overthem. A chief in Celebes and another in Siao have sent their sons tobe educated in the Jesuit college at Manila; and to the former havebeen sent some soldiers and a missionary. The Camucones pirates wereunusually daring in the year 1636, and carried away many captivesfrom Samar; but on their return to their own country many of themperished by storms or by enemies. The Mindanao raid of the same year, and Corcuera's Mindanao campaign, are briefly described. The ruler ofJolo is hostile, and Corcuera is going thither to humble the Moro'spride. In Japan, all persons having Portuguese or Castilian bloodhave been exiled to Macao. Returning victorious from the Mindanao expedition, Corcuera makes atriumphant entry into Manila (May 24, 1637), which is described by theJesuit Juan Lopez. The festivities, secular and religious, last duringseveral weeks, and include processions, masquerades, illuminations, masses, music, and dancing--and, finally, a dramatic representationof the conquest of Mindanao. The Manila Jesuits appeal (in August ofthat year) to the king, through the governor of the islands, for afurther grant, to aid in erecting their buildings. This request isendorsed by Archbishop Guerrero. On August 20, Corcuera sends the king his own account of his recentcampaigns against the Moros of Mindanao; he promises to undertakenext year expeditions to Jolo and Borneo. He asks the king to confirmhis grant of extra pay to wounded soldiers; he also complains ofthe illegal acts of Pedro de Heredia, who has long been governorat Terrenate, and asks that an official be sent from Spain to takeHeredia's residencia. The Editors June, 1905. DOCUMENTS OF 1636 Letter to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; June 30. Letter to Corcuera. Felipe IV; October 11. Royal decrees. Felipe IV; August-November. Sources: The first document, and the first of the three decrees, areobtained from MSS. In the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the rest, from the "Cedulario Indico, " in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid. Translations: The first document is translated by Emma Helen Blair;the second, by Robert W. Haight; the third, by James A. Robertson. LETTER FROM CORCUERA TO FELIPE IV Sire: Your Majesty was pleased to present for archbishop of this city DonFray Hernando Guerrero, formerly bishop of Nueba Segobia. I avowto your Majesty, in all truth, that, [even] if I did not feel underobligation to give you an account of what is going on in these yourislands, which are in my charge, I would not dare to inform any otherperson than my natural lord of the archbishop's harsh, unbending, andirritable disposition. By the galleons which arrived last year camehis bulls, which, with the decrees of your Majesty, he presented inthe royal Audiencia. He was admitted to his church, whose canons anddignitaries he had often threatened because they had not been willingto receive him before his bulls came. In the royal court of justice, before which he appeared to be presented [to his see], he swore uponthe gospels not to interfere with your Majesty's jurisdiction, torespect your royal patronage, and to be always your royal vassal. Allthis he has violated, three or four times; and during the ten monthswhile he has governed the church he has not failed in each of themto annoy me and disturb the peace. The first occasion was, that anartilleryman had killed a slave-girl belonging to the sargento-mayor;she had formerly belonged to the artilleryman, and he had maintainedillicit relations with her. The said archbishop took her away fromhim, and made him sell her. [Then follows an account of the murderand the execution of justice on the criminal (the body of the latter"was borne to its burial by La Misericordia"), and of the early partof the controversy with the archbishop. ] A fuller account of thiswill be given to your Majesty by the fathers Diego de Bobadillaand Simon Cotta, [1] who are persons of great truthfulness, andhave much authority in their order; they are going, as its agents, to Rome. From this your Majesty may be assured that they will giveyou truthful information about whatever you may be pleased to knowregarding these islands. I entreat your Majesty, with all respect, that you will be pleased to command that their affairs shall bepromptly and favorably despatched; for this religious order meritssuch favor for the services that they render to your Majesty. Theyfurnish chaplains for your galleons that sail to Therrenate, onwhich service no one likes to go, on account of the danger. The saidfathers are also rendering the same service in the galleons whichgo to Castilla; they receive twelve pesos a month as pay, which hasbeen assigned to them on account of the convenience of this serviceto your Majesty--although the said fathers would serve without pay, most willingly, in order to show better the affection with which theyalways engage in your Majesty's service. The said religious order, to defend themselves from the flagrantinjuries which the said archbishop was inflicting upon them--althoughthey sought means, and those the mildest, for peace--could not avoidthe appointment of a judge-conservator. He defended their rights, and compelled the archbishop to withdraw the acts [which he hadissued against the Society], although the said judge-conservatorallowed himself first to be excommunicated. Here there is occasionfor making a long relation to your Majesty; but I will refrain fromthat, mindful that the said fathers will make a report to you. I madean offer to the archbishop to pay, out of my own purse, the fourthousand ducados which the judge-conservator had sentenced him topay for the crusade fund; and that I would take into my own chargehis affairs, and the satisfactory settlement of them with the saidjudge-conservator. For this purpose I went to visit the archbishopat [the convent of] St. Francis, to which he had retired; and in thepresence of the provincial and of another religious (an Augustinian, procurator for his order) I made him that offer--on the condition thathe would detach himself from the religious orders, who, as I judged, were disturbing his mind with evil counsels. He would not accept myoffer with that condition, preferring to remain [where he was] untilaffairs had gone through their proper course, and [thus] loweringhimself from bad to worse. On the Friday before Christmas Eve, hecame to my lodgings after evening prayer, and with much feeling askedthat, since I would give a furlough the next day to the prisonersin the jail, I would also release him from the affliction that hewas suffering, and adjust his affairs. He had been declared to besuspended [from his office] for four years. I was embarrassed at this, and doubted whether I could do him any service or accomplish anythingfor his aid. I called together the learned jurists and advocates ofthis royal Audiencia, that they might give me their opinions afterhaving carefully studied the question whether I could demand that[relief for the archbishop] from the judge-conservator, and ask him togrant it for my sake. In this council were present the provincial andthe rector of the Society of Jesus, the dean [of the cathedral] andother canonists, and the judge-conservator himself; and in it I askedthis last, in virtue of the opinions rendered by the said lawyers, torestore the archbishop to his government, and to withdraw from him thepecuniary fines, which amounted to more than eight thousand pesos. Icould not obtain a favorable answer then, nor indeed for more than afortnight afterward--although I offered to the judge-conservator, andto his brothers and relatives, all the favors that I could show themnot unworthily, in an official way. At this very time I am assigninga pension of two hundred pesos to a sister of his, a poor woman, thewife of Don Sebastian de Herbite--to whom your Majesty was pleased togrant, by one of your royal decrees, an encomienda of three hundredducados. That decree has not yet been fulfilled, because he has notcome from España; and this sum has been given to his wife to aid inher support until her husband shall return, and your Majesty's commandregarding him can be carried out. To another officer (a brother-in-lawof the said judge-conservator), who has ability, and deserves rewardfor his own sake and for the services of his father, I gave theoffice of alcalde-mayor for Laguna de Vay. I assure your Majestythat the settlement [of this affair] cost me much care and effort, besides a thousand pesos in cash from my own purse which I spentfor various matters. Peace having been concluded, and the archbishophaving been absolved and freed from the penalties, he went to his ownhouse in my coach; and I conveyed him to the holy church, and evento the choir--where I knelt, in order to set a good example to all, to recognize his authority; and I went to my own seat, to hear mass. We remained in entire harmony about a month and a half. But the royalchaplain of your Majesty for the seminary of Santa Potenciana rangthe bell for the _Gloria_, on Holy Saturday, a quarter of an hourbefore the cathedral bells rang; and for this the archbishop--althoughhe knew that that chaplain is in charge of your Majesty's seminary, and only removable by you, and that he has no authority to wreak hisanger on him, as he does on the others, his own clergy--commandedthat two pairs of fetters should be placed on the chaplain, at thehouse of his fiscal. I was informed of this by a memorial from thedirectress of the said seminary, saying that it was left withoutchaplain and without mass. I sent by my secretary a message to thesaid archbishop, entreating that he would have the kindness to commandthat the chaplain be released, on account of the deficiency which hisabsence caused in the seminary; but he began to reprimand my secretary, as if the latter were the one to blame. For that reason, I sent byan adjutant an order to the said chaplain to come to me, to give hisaccount of the affair; and within one hour he was sent back to hisprison. Although the archbishop knew this, he left his house, goingthrough the streets with a great disturbance, and attended with tapers, to consult with the religious orders whether he could excommunicateme; for he asserted that I had broken into his prison and taken awayhis prisoners. His fiscal hastened to tell him that the chaplainwas already in his prison, at which the archbishop became quiet andreturned to his house. He would not allow the chaplain to appeal tothe bishop of Camarines; so the latter appealed for royal aid againstfuerza--the archbishop having detained him six or eight days in prisonbecause he would not pay the twelve pesos which he had been fined forhaving rung the bells for the _Gloria_ too early. The fine was paidby a friend of his; and thereupon he was allowed to leave the prison. After that, the archdeacon, Don Francisco de Valdes (who had beenpresented for that dignity by Don Juan Cereso de Salamanca), findingthat his health was impaired, and being offended at the abusivelanguage that the archbishop used, whenever he felt so inclined, to him and the other members of the chapter, in the choir, handed tothe prelate his resignation of the said dignity--as much because hecould not fulfil its duties on account of his infirmities, as forthe reason just stated. He also placed his resignation before thegovernment. The archbishop replied that Don Francisco must aid inthe church services until Holy Week and Easter were past. After thattime had expired, the archdeacon again demanded that the archbishopaccept his resignation, and allow him to go to his own house torecuperate; but the prelate refused to accept it. Don Franciscotherefore memorialized the government, placing the said resignationin your Majesty's hands; and it was accepted from him in your royalname, for the reasons that he alleged therein. For this cause heagain became disquieted, and displayed his former bad temper. Thejuris-consults had affirmed that the said prebend was vacant, andthat the government could present another person in Don Francisco'splace--as was done, by presenting Master Don Andres Arias Xiron, cura of La Hermitta (one of the best benefices outside the citywalls), who was provisor of this archbishopric while the bishop ofCibú governed it, and has always given a good account of himself. Thearchbishop disliked Don Andres because he did hot resign his officeas provisor before that prelate entered upon the government of hischurch, so that the latter might bestow that office on Don Pedro deMonroy--who caused so many disturbances in the time of Don Alfonso[_sic_] Faxardo, excommunicating the auditors, and constrainingthe Audiencia to exile him from the kingdoms. This man was madeprovisor when the archbishop began to govern, and he caused freshdisturbances when justice was executed on the artilleryman; and duringthe term of the judge-conservator the office of provisor was takenaway from Don Pedro. As he left the city, through fear of the saidjudge-conservator--the ecclesiastical cabildo ruling [the archdiocese]and its dean being provisor--I gave orders at the city gates thatthe guards should not allow Don Pedro to enter them, to cause morecommotions in the city. One day, at evening prayer, [his friends]brought him within the walls by a gate opening toward the sea, clad inthe garb of a Franciscan, walking between two religious of that order;and the Dominicans received him into their house. The religious of boththose orders, forcing their way through the guard and overpoweringits commander, who was holding Don Pedro, smuggled in the latterthrough a little postern gate which the said Dominican fathers had. Through the hatred and ill-will which the said archbishop bears tothe said Don Andres Xiron, he refused to accept the presentationof the latter [to the archdeanery]; and in regard to this subjecthe has had so many disputes with the Audiencia of your Majesty overthe fuerza which he committed against the said Don Andres, that hewent so far as to excommunicate Auditor Çapatta for having renderedthe decision that it was fuerza. By this act he excommunicated theentire Audiencia, as Çapatta alone remained of the auditors--for therest of them are dead; the last one was Don Albaro de Mesa y Lugo, who died about six weeks ago--although it is true that, accordingto the concordant opinion of lawyers, the Audiencia cannot be heldas excommunicate. I called together the advocates in the Audiencia, and named three for the defense of the case, who should continueto act with the authority that was given to them by the ordinanceand iterative decrees of your Majesty. The royal decree having beenissued, the archbishop yielded, and absolved the said auditor, MarcosÇapatta. But as he continued his display of fuerza against Don AndresArias Xiron, an act and an iterative decree were also issued againstthe archbishop, which he refused to obey in any case. In this standhe was aided by the friars--Dominicans, Franciscans, Recollects, and Augustinians--at the time when the alguazil-mayor of courtproceeded to execute the royal decree which exiled the archbishopfrom the kingdoms and deprived him of the temporalities. A friarcarried to his house the monstrance with the most holy sacrament;he was clad in his pontifical robes, and, holding the monstrance inhis hands, the three religious orders being present, he awaited thesaid alguazil-mayor with the said royal decree. The latter, seeingthis array, did not know what he ought to do. The Audiencia commandedhim to drive the religious out of the archbishop's house by force, with the assistance that he had, and to serve the royal decree. Theyordered him to remain there with his soldiers, with all devoutnessand respect, before the archbishop, and to wait until he should laydown the most holy sacrament, before executing the decree; also thathe should not allow the archbishop to eat or drink, nor permit anyone else to enter his house to give him food. The friars refusedto go away, until the soldiers had to carry them away bodily. Then, at eleven o'clock at night, they were going about the streets, andfinally obliged me to take other measures, after I had sent, in thename of your Majesty, protests to the provincial of St. Dominic andthe guardian of St. Francis--informing them that their religious weregathered at the gate of the archbishop's house in the manner of a[religious] community, with lighted candles in their hands. Thereligious refused to go away until I gave orders that the soldiersshould carry them in their arms to the convents. Their intention wasto stir up the community, and cause scandals and tumults in it; and intruth they would have succeeded in this if your Majesty had not hereyour armed troops. For in these Philipinas Islands these friars arelawless people; and I would rather fight the Dutch in Flandes thandeal with these friars, or have occasion for trouble with them. Iwill write further particulars about them in a separate letter andinformation to your Majesty, in order that you may be pleased tocommand that some corrective be applied to these disorders; and sothat the governor may be enabled to conduct the government and attendto the service of your Majesty without being hindered by them. The archbishop remained in the island of Maribeles--to which placehe allowed himself to be conveyed for his disobedience--more thana fortnight. During this time the royal Audiencia set affairs inorder, after having written to the bishop of Cibú (to whom pertainsthe ecclesiastical government [in such cases]) that the bishop ofCamarines--who is second in that succession, and was here in thecity--was to govern the church. This he has done, removing thesuspension of divine services, and absolving the excommunicated_ad cautelam_. The archbishop, before the alguazil-mayor of thecourt could arrive to notify him of your Majesty's royal decree, haddeclared excommunication against the auditor Çapatta and the governorof Filipinas--as your Majesty will see by the papers which I send, which were posted in the churches. However, all the matters that Ihave mentioned, and everything else, I will leave for the report whichthe said fathers of the Society, Diego de Bobadilla and Simon Cotta, will make to your Majesty, in your royal Council of the Indias; theywill inform you of all the circumstances and details which here I omit. The royal Audiencia, exercising the clemency, kindness, and affectionwith which your Majesty treats your vassals (especially the prelatesand ecclesiastics), issued a new royal decree to restore the saidarchbishop to your Majesty's favor and to his archbishopric--allwhich has been carried out, for the sake of a good example to allthe foreign peoples here; but making preëminent the authority ofyour Majesty's jurisdiction in what concerns him. But we alwaysremain hopeless that the said archbishop will govern his churchpeaceably, without interfering with the said royal jurisdiction orwith your Majesty's patronage; for he is instigated [by others], and cannot be obliged, on account of the extent of his authority, to punish the ecclesiastics and his cabildo. He unites himself, onevery occasion, with the three religious orders aforesaid--who do notcontent themselves with giving opinions which are not for his good, but force him to carry out these. They act thus out of revenge formy being told, when I first came here, of their shortcomings by thesaid archbishop; and they cannot revenge themselves for this in anyother way than by driving him into the same uneasy disposition. Inorder that your Majesty may form some idea of the archbishop, I willtell you of what occurred on Holy Thursday. At half-past two in theafternoon, when he was in the choir to perform the ceremony of washingthe feet of twelve priests, he began to put on his pontifical robes, and at the same time gave orders that the musicians should sing. Thesub-chanter was not there, not having arrived at the church; andmoreover the dignitaries (who do not have to put on their vestmentswith him) had not come. One of these was Don Francisco de Valdes, who resigned the archdeaconry; he had treated these ecclesiasticsso badly with insulting language that, on the last occasion ofthat, the said archdeacon resolved that he would not serve in thechurch during the term of the archbishop. As he did not possess yourMajesty's confirmation of his prebend, they all said that he coulddo so. At this time the singers came in, and began the offices; thearchbishop became so angry (for he is exceedingly choleric) that hesnatched the miter from his head and flung it on the floor. Thus hewent on, throwing down the rest of his vestments, one after another;and when he had stripped off all of them he went to his own house, snorting with anger, and uttering a thousand insults against allthe prebendaries, and leaving all the priests sitting, barefooted, on a bench. Such are the actions of the archbishop; and with hisheadlong tendencies, combined with the excellent counsels that thefriars give him, I shall have plenty to do in keeping them all quiet, and endeavoring to live in peace. All these things demand from yourMajesty suitable and efficacious correction. For the honor of God and of your own service, will your Majesty bepleased to command that all these matters be amended, or else tosend another governor, so that one shall take care of ecclesiasticalaffairs, and the other of the temporal, for one man alone cannotdo both; for the hindrances which these religious orders put in hisway are many, and he has no time left for the political governmentor military affairs, or for considering the general welfare of theprovinces. May our Lord guard the Catholic person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, on the last day of June in the year1636. Sire, your Majesty's vassal kisses your feet. Sevastian Hurtado de Corcuera I, Alonso Vaeça del Rio, public notary, one of the number [allotted]to this city for the king our sovereign, attest and give truthfultestimony to the persons who shall see the present, that today, Friday, which is reckoned the ninth of May in the year one thousandsix hundred and thirty-six, at about eight o'clock at night, a littlemore or less, Christoval de Valderrama, notary of this archbishopric, stationed himself at the corner of the archbishop's house, nearthe dwelling of the master-of-camp, Don Lorenzo de Olasso, to read adocument. This he did by the light of a taper, in loud and intelligiblewords; and at the noise I, the present secretary, and several otherpersons went to the windows in the house of Captain Luis Alonso deRoa (which forms half a square), on the side where the said notarywas standing. Continuing his reading, he said that inasmuch as themost reverend prelate of these islands had been making his officialvisitation on Master Don Andres Arias Jiron, a beneficed cura forthe district of La Hermita; and in order to interrupt him, so that hecould not continue that visitation, Don Sevastian Hurtado de Corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands, had nominated the saidDon Andres for archdeacon of the cathedral of this city; and besides, in order that the archbishop should accept him and bestow upon himcollation and canonical installation, had issued against the saidarchbishop a royal decree in which he commanded him to give Don Andresthe said collation--which was contrary to the bull _In cena Domini_:[accordingly, ] the said governor and the licentiate Don Marcos Çapatade Galves, auditor of this royal Audiencia, had rendered themselvesliable to excommunication; and he therefore commanded them that, within half an hour, they should withdraw the said royal decree--underpenalty of four thousand ducados of Castilla to be applied for theHoly Crusade, and of the major excommunication, _late sententia, ipso facto incurrenda_; and he would place them on the public list ofexcommunicated persons. The aforesaid statements--with another, thathe would proclaim an interdict, and would today impose a wholesalesuspension of divine services--are those which I could understand;and I came to give an account of it to the said governor. Being inthe apartment of the royal court, his Lordship, having sent awayall persons except me, commanded that I should make an officialstatement of the affair--with a solemn declaration (which I made)that this demand was made with no intention of proceeding againstany ecclesiastic, but only for the purpose of rendering an accountof this occurrence to his Majesty and to his royal Council of theIndias. By this command I give the present; and it is witnessed byCaptain Lope Ossorio de Soto, Eugenio de Rui Saenz, Captain DiegoDiaz de Pliego, Captain Luis Alonso de Roa, and Alférez FranciscoMexia--who all were with me, the present notary, in the house of thesaid Captain Luis Alonso de Roa, when what I have related occurred;and they also heard it. And, as witnesses that I attest the presentdeposition, were present Don Pedro de Arredondo Aguero, Alonso deÇornoca, and Antonio Dias. This deposition is dated on this said day, at about nine o'clock at night, a little more or less; and I sign it, in testimony of the truth. Alonço Vaeça del Rio, public notary. [Then follows an attestation by other public notaries that the saiddeponent is an authorized notary, and worthy of trust. [2]] LETTER FROM FELIPE IV TO CORCUERA The King: To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order ofAlcantara, my governor and captain-general of my Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia thereof. The letter writtento me by Don Juan Zerezo Salamanca, governor of those islands byappointment of the Marqués de Cerralvo, my viceroy of Nueva España, upon the death of Don Juan Niño de Tavora, on the tenth of August, 634, which treats of military affairs, has been received and examinedin my Council of War for the Yndias and is answered in this. He says that the preservation of those islands depends upon notundertaking new enterprises, but keeping the indispensable garrisonswell defended, and reducing those of less importance, whereby therewill be troops in that camp sufficient to undertake large enterprises, as the governors did in other days. At present, on the contrary, forthe reason given, they are contented with not losing anything that isin their charge. It has, therefore, seemed best to warn and chargeyou, as I do, to inform me very needfully in regard to this, and ofwhat ought to be done for the greater efficiency of the government. He likewise says that to withdraw the forces from the island ofHermosa would be a difficult thing, notwithstanding that it appears, by the explanation that he sends me in the letter which he writesme concerning affairs of government (a copy of which I send youwith this), that this is expedient. Accordingly, the force thereshould be reduced to only two posts, doing away with the expense ofrations for the others--although, in his opinion, all that is beingdone is superfluous. After considering the said clause of the letter, you will inform me of what occurs to you in this matter, and what isadvisable to be decreed. He declares that the fortress of that city is in a state of defense, although not with the completeness that was maintained in formertimes, and that the fortification of the city is a difficult task. Thesite of its settlement is admirable, because more than half of itstands on an arm of the sea, where it cannot be surrounded by anyenemies, and another stretch of wall is bathed by the river. Butthe remaining side, toward the land, has some heights; and theground is such that a trench can be opened up to the wall, whichhas no terreplein. The wall is seven palmos high; the redoubts arevery small and irregular--on the contrary, being in the way of thecasements. Of the three cavaliers which the wall has, the moat is sofilled up that there is hardly a sign that there was one. Consideringthe great importance of that post, and the fact that building can bedone very cheaply, at less cost than in any other part, he resolvedto build a royal cavalier, by gathering up the remains of what stoodthere before to repair the fortifications, in modern fashion, at theweakest part of the wall. Without drawing from my royal treasury, he had commenced the work four months before, and hoped to have itfinished in two more. The ditch was being opened effectively at thesame time, and to reduce the number of posts for the defense of thiscity, and that it might be better fortified, all the redoubts whichdisturbed the communication between the cavaliers were to be destroyed, and the wall would consist of merely four bastions. You will informme as to what has been done, and what you may judge should be done. As for the careless storage of the powder; for [Don Juan says that]all there is on those islands is contained in a chamber of the fortof that city, and that in so prominent a place that it overlooks thewall; and that if by some accident (which may God avert!) this powdershould explode, besides the risk to the city, there would remain nomore powder in that whole country, nor material with which it couldbe made. To avoid so great a difficulty there would be built in someof the said four cavaliers two round towers, so that a large part ofthe powder could be divided and protected. Supposing that you realizehow important it is that a part of the powder should be safe, and freefrom the accidents which might be brought about by any of it igniting, I charge you strictly to carry out this matter pertaining to thesafety of the powder, that it may be more secure and suitably placed. He says that one of the motives which led him to fortify the wall isthat the religious orders have built churches close to it, so largethat they are obstacles; and because one of the churches, which iscalled Minondo, is near the Parián where during the year there aresettled twenty or thirty thousand Sangleys (who are the people thatrebelled in times past); and through mild measures the people of theParián have aided this work with four thousand pesos from the treasuryof their common fund. This has appeared well to us, and you will takemeasures in it which you may judge most expedient, warning them that noheight commanding the city must remain. If there is any difficulty, and the churches would receive loss, you will avert such injury;and will send a plan [of the building]; and for the future you willnot consent that any work be built to the damage of the public. He says that he had informed me that the galleys were of littleimportance, and that of Terrenate alone was worth maintaining; butthat, having considered the matter further, he is of a differentopinion. For they are necessary in order to reënforce with themTerrenate on occasions of danger, but in the port of Cabite, wherethey are lying, they are not so useful as they would be if they weretaken to the province of Pintados, in Otón, or Cibu, within viewof the domestic enemies in Mindanao, Joló, and Camocón--who are theones who rob the natives. And he says that if he had only had twentyoared vessels that year in that region, the enemy would not havecome out from their country, causing disturbances and terrorizing theprovinces as they usually do. With the first relation which notifiedDon Juan Zerezo to carry out this plan, in the past year of 635, Iordered you that, since the galleys caused great expense, you shoulddo away with them; and that, if you found difficulties in doing so, you should advise me of it. In order that a decision may be madein this matter, I order and command you to inform me very fully ofwhat occurs to you in regard to it, so that, having examined this, I may order such measures to be taken as shall be most expedient. He says that Pedro de Heredia, governor of Terrenate, had advised himthat many soldiers of that garrison were about to mutiny, and thathe was letting the matter pass as well as he could, hoping that aidwould arrive. This had been caused by the fact that Father ImmanuelRivero, commissioner of the Holy Office, had published an edict whichaffected many of them, concerning the crime against nature, wherebyhe gave them two months' time to be absolved; and to this was addedthe fact that it was understood that the governor was instituting aninvestigation as to who were absolved, whence arose their despair. Onthis account, as well as because the Dutch had a very strong galleonin Malayo and were expecting others from Chacarta, it was necessarythat the ordinary reënforcements should be much increased; for, ifonly the usual number came, they would infallibly be lost. At the timewhen this advice was received, two galleons and a patache were gettingready, for the affairs which he had mentioned gave him more anxietythan the enemy themselves. Several, in the council which they held, thought best that he should not take the risk or weaken his forces;and that this reënforcement should be sent in light vessels, and tothe usual amount. But considering the condition and the danger ofthose forts, it was resolved to reënforce them creditably, sendingthe said two galleons manned with good infantry and first-classtroops. He raised one company of volunteer soldiers from the camp, which was an important thing, and it is well that this should be doneevery year, so that no soldiers be forced to go; for, knowing thatthere will be many exchanged, they will go willingly. He appointedas commander Admiral Don Geronimo de Himonte [_sic_], who conductedhimself extremely well, observing the orders which he carried, not toturn aside for other enterprises, but to place the reënforcements inTerrenate, and to defend himself from whomsoever attempted to hinderhim. The two [Dutch] ships that the enemy were awaiting were on theway for this purpose: they were boarded and burned by Indians of theVotunes from the kingdom of Macasan, who found them anchored, withthe troops on land, and killed those who remained on board. But theship from Malayo, trusting to its strength and extreme lightness, attempted to attack the reënforcements all alone, taking this riskon account of the importance of the matter, knowing that the soldiersfrom the garrison of Terrenate were awaiting the outcome of this affairbefore resolving to kill the governor and higher officials, accordingas they had plotted. The said galleon fought with the ships whichbrought the reënforcements eight days [_dias; sc. Horas_] and escapeddismantled, with great loss. In the ships with the reënforcementsseven persons were killed, including the chief pilot. After this, the reënforcements arrived safely, at the time when Pedro de Herediahad arrested a hundred and fifty persons; he had burned or garrotedeleven, a number had died in prison, and forty more were sent backin the same ships which brought the reënforcements. The case on thefirst hearing was brought before Don Lorenzo de Olasso, master-of-campof the soldiery in those islands. Although the charges against themwere not sufficiently substantiated, and some were of opinion thatthey should be leniently dealt with; yet, considering that if theseforty soldiers were guilty they might infect the garrisons in whichthey were stationed, and as the affair was of such public importanceand within sight of so many barbarians and particularly Sangleys--whoare more than any other nation liable to this wretched practice, theyought to be proceeded against with much discretion and severity. Thedespatch of the reënforcements, and what was done in its executionand fulfilment, are approved. In regard, to removing the soldiers, I ordered you by my decree of the filth of November of 635 to sendtwo companies to Terrenate in two galleons, so that two others mightbe brought back from there; and in this manner that garrison wouldbe exchanged every three years, and all the companies of the troopsthere would divide the labor equally. Accordingly, I charge you tohave the foregoing executed; and you will see to it that thanks arerendered to Don Juan Zerezo for the care with which he prepared thereënforcements which he sent. As for the delinquents arrested, youwill do justice to them as is most fitting to the service of God ourLord and myself, proceeding very circumspectly. He likewise informs us that Pedro de Heredia wrote to him that thenatives of the islands of Terrenate, who hitherto recognized CachilVaro as king of Tidore, have refused him obedience, and crownedin his place another Moro chief named Cachil Horotalo, saying thatthis one is the true heir of that kingdom and that Cachil Varo is anintruder. This makes him very anxious, because besides the fact that itis not his affair to disinherit kingdoms, the new one whom they pretendis the king has been hitherto retired in Malayo under the protectionof the Dutch, fulfilling the duties of naval commander; and he hadeven sent him ambassadors, promising fidelity. Little dependence isto be put upon his words, and Cachil Varo is a very valiant Moro andmy true servant, to whom hitherto presents have been given each year, and, before him, to his father. Besides having become hispanicized, and an ally of this crown, he has retired to his fort in Tidore, which is a more important one than those I hold, and he is obeyed bythe people in general, with more than two thousand chiefs. This hasappeared satisfactory; and I charge you particularly always to aidfriendly kings with whom we have alliances and friendship. He says there is nothing in that government so important as that theport of Cavite be well provided with the necessary naval supplies, and some person who is very competent and intelligent placed in chargeof it. The other offices are given as favors, but for this one someperson is sought who must be asked to accept it. Such has been thecase with him who is stationed there as commander of the fort andriver-master--namely, Captain Juan de Olaz, who attends to it insuch manner that for many years the port has not been so abundantlysupplied nor more faithfully administered--very different from thecondition in which it was, lacking everything. You will give himmany thanks on my behalf and let care be taken regarding his person, that favors may be bestowed on him when occasion offers. He says that the rewards in these islands are scant, and particularlythose which he has had to give, as he has not had authority to appointto encomiendas; and that, as well on this account as owing to theevents which have occurred in his time, he has promoted some worthysoldiers with commissions as infantry captains--considering thatthey are the ones who perform the labor which is most necessary;and that they have, aside from their pay, only their simple placeas before. Several in consideration of this honor have settleddown and become citizens, which is a thing much to be desired. Thesons of principal men have been encouraged to enlist as soldiers, and have commenced to serve in the infantry, which was much rundown. With especial care he has given none of these appointments toany servant of his--excepting his captain of the guard, as all theother governors did; and the offices of justice have been appointedfrom the veterans in service and the old settlers. In the foregoingcases you will observe the military ordinances. The other clauses of the said letter have been examined and at presentthere is nothing to answer to them. Madrid, October 11, 1636. I the King By order of his Majesty:Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon ROYAL DECREES _Ordering the city of Manila to compensate Grau y Monfalcon_ The King: To the council, justice, and magistracy of the city ofManila of the Philipinas Islands. Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, yourprocurator-general, has reported to me that you had many seriousmatters of great importance pending in this my court, on which dependedthe conservation of that community. Seeing also that the persons whohad charge of these did not conclude them, you appointed him as yourprocurator-general; and, besides him, a regidor of that city council[_ayuntamiento_], who might come here to confer about those affairs, giving him a salary of two thousand pesos. The latter, coming tothese kingdoms, died in Eastern India. Consequently, you again made anew appointment, [conferring it] on Don Diego de Esqueta y Mechaca, a regidor of that city, who is coming to this my court in the firsttrading fleet. All the papers, records, and instructions, which yougave to the said regidors for the despatch of the business havingreached the hands of the said Don Juan Grau, he has attended to itsexpedition with so great promptness, personal care, and interest, that he has indeed settled your affairs, so that when the said DonDiego de Esqueta arrives here he will find nothing for him to do. DonJuan has attended to it all at his own cost, and since the time ofhis appointment as such procurator-general--more than six years--youhave not sent him any of his salary, or anything for the expensesthat he has incurred. He has expended considerable money from his ownfunds--something which few would have done, especially in so hardtimes--as he desired to give you entire satisfaction in regard tothe matters with which you had charged him. By that means the greatexpenses that you might have incurred, if the said procurators hadremained here with salaries so considerable, have been avoided. Hepetitioned me, in view of this, to be pleased to grant him thefavor of a decree of recommendation, so that you may consider himas well recommended, in order to give him a reward for his service, past and present, in the said negotiations; and that you may assignhim some fixed salary for his service in the future, for so longas he shall hold powers of attorney from you. He petitioned that hebe remunerated for what he has spent, and that you also assign hima certain accommodation of lading-space in the ships that sail toNueva España. This matter having been examined in my royal Council ofthe Yndias, where the care taken by the said Don Juan Grau has beenknown and experienced; and after they had considered the aforesaid andthe good account that he has given of the matters under his charge, with the diligence and carefulness of which you will have learnedthrough the many despatches which he has sent and continues to sendyou; and because my will is that he receive in full the grace andfavor which his care merits: I have considered it fitting to issuethe present. By it I charge and order you that, since it is so justto make him compensation, you grant him that which he should have, in accordance with what you consider due him for his work, past andpresent, in your affairs and negotiations. You shall also pay himthe sum which he shall have spent and what he shall spend from hisown property in the said matters. What you shall thus determine, andwhat you think can be done for him, you shall give to the person whoshall hold his power of attorney in that city. Thus is my will. Givenin Madrid, August fourteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. I the King By order of the king our sovereign:Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon Signed by the Council. [_Endorsed:_ "Don Juan Grau. To the city of Manila, ordering itto endeavor to remunerate, as it shall deem best, Don Juan Grau yMonfalcon, procurator-general of that city, for his labor in theexpedition of its affairs, and for the expenses incurred by himin them. "] _Orders given to Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera_ The King: To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order ofAlcántara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein. A letter written tome by Don Juan Zerezo de Salamanca on August 10 of the former year, 1634, while he was governor _ad interim_ of those islands, on matterspertaining to government and justice, [3] has been received andexamined in my royal Council of the Indias. On the points thereinthat have needed to be considered, you are hereby answered. The said Don Juan Zerezo declares that Geronimo de Fuentes, aninhabitant of that city, bid for a magistracy at auction. Thejudges of the auction knocked it down to him, and made out histitle for it. Some of the regidors opposed this, and appealed tothe Audiencia. The latter, in order not to make a precedent, so thatthe alcaldes or judges of the provinces should attempt the same withtheir successors, had the possession [of the magistracy] given to him, and left the party his right safe and in force. That is approved. By my decree of August 26, 633, I ordered that, in matters ofgovernment and the expenses of my royal treasury which should arisefrom the petition of litigants, my fiscal should be allowed to seeall the enactments of my governors, so that he may take notice of whatappears to [concern] him. I am informed that he is so doing; and thatit would be advisable to order the said fiscal that, in disputes overjurisdiction with the Audiencia, he shall defend the decrees whichpronounce in favor of the government's jurisdiction. Notwithstandingthat I order that Audiencia to observe and obey those decrees withspecial care. I have deemed it advisable to charge you--as I do--thatyou shall do what pertains to you in your offices, and shall observethe decrees, laws, and ordinances which are given for the goodgovernment of those islands. I have determined that the ships which are despatched to Nueva Españashall sail without fail every year in the early part of June. DonJuan Zerezo tells me that it could not be established in the year of634. I charge you straitly to attend to the execution and fulfilmentof this, with the earnestness that I expect from your zeal. As for the loan of sixty thousand pesos which the inhabitants ofMacan made, as you have understood it, to my royal treasury of thatcity--the payment and reimbursement of which my fiscal afterwardopposed, saying that the Portuguese were holding back considerableproperty of those citizens; and which was for that reason placed ina separate fund, where it is deposited--you shall order that thoseaccounts be adjusted, and that what amount is theirs by right be paidto the parties, according to justice. He mentions also that word was received from the kingdoms of Japon thatthe persecution of Christians was greater than ever in the year 633, and that more than twenty religious from all the orders were martyred;and that it would be advisable that no religious go to that kingdomfor the present, because of the little good that they do, and that, on account of this, the intercourse and commerce of that kingdomwith those islands has been closed. Since intercourse and friendshipwith them should not be lacking, and since you have understood howimportant this matter may be, you shall endeavor to attend to it withall the skill that is requisite; and you shall regulate yourself bythe orders that are given, and in accordance with the needs of thechurch of Japon, and the benefit and utility which may accrue fromthe labors of the religious in those districts. Madrid, November 6, 1636. I the King By order of his Majesty:Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon _On Terrenate matters_ The King: To Pedro de Heredia, commandant of the port of the islandof Terrenate and governor of the soldiers there, or the person orpersons in whose charge it may be. Your letter of May 13, 634, hasbeen received and examined in my Council of War of the Indias. In ityou state what soldiers are in those forts, and how inadequately theyare aided with what is needful and requisite for their sustenance;while the infantry reënforcements sent from Manila are of men who haveno sense of duty (mestizos and other kinds of lineage), although menof courage should be sent; and that would be done, provided that onecompany of those who serve me in the camp of Manila should be sentannually to those islands. For more than one hundred and twenty ofthe soldiers [there] seeing that they could not leave it, and inducedby their evil dispositions, conspired to seize that fort; and whilethey were awaiting an opportunity to accomplish their designs, one ofthem informed you of it, and that they had chosen a sargento-mayor, a captain, and all the other officers that belong to a company;and that the circumstances which you mention had been overlooked, in order to defer to a better opportunity the punishment that itwas advisable to inflict. Desiring to get rid of this danger, youundertook their arrest, committing the matter to Sargento-mayor JuanGonzalez de Casares Melon, a prominent officer; and he carried it outwith great expedition and adroitness. Having arrested them, they madeknown the said conspiracy, and other abominable crimes, and that theyhad committed the sin against nature. Having proved the accusations, you executed justice on the leaders of the said conspiracy and sentthe others to my governor of the Filipinas Islands. Although you hadvery few galleys in those forts, you sent the guard-galley of thoseforts to the island of Fafares--which is inhabited by hostile Moros, of the religion of Terrenate, and by the Dutch--with as many infantryas possible, accompanied by the king of Siao and the sargento-mayor, Juan Gonzalez de Casares Melon. They took such good measures that theydefeated the enemy, killing four hundred Moros, with but little lossto our men, and captured about one hundred and fifty persons. TheSpaniards took from them ten pieces of artillery, and many muskets, arquebuses, and other arms; and left their settlements destroyedand burned, and their fort razed. I thank you heartily for whatyou have done in my service. You shall always be regardful of whatmay be most to my service, and shall strive for the conservation ofwhatever belongs to us. You shall see that the enemy are checked, and that they do not become powerful with new forts. In my name, youshall give thanks to Sargento-mayor Juan Casares Melon for the goodmanagement displayed in what he has done; and tell him that accountwill be taken of his person in order to grant him reward. I haveordered my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands toattend very particularly to all that concerns those forts. Because ofthe great importance to their conservation and condition of exchangingthe soldiers in those forts, I have ordered two companies to be sentin two galleons, and two others that are there to be taken back;so that in this way the soldiers of that presidio shall be exchangedevery three years, and all the companies of the army shall share inthe work equally. I have thought best to advise you of this, so thathaving understood it, you may, on your part, secure, in what pertainsto you, the fulfilment of it all. Madrid, November 6, 1636. I the King By order of his Majesty: Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon MEMORIAL INFORMATORIO AL REY By Juan Grau y Monfalcón, Madrid, 1637. Source: This document is obtained from a printed book in the AcademiaReal de la Historia, Madrid, collated with the MS. Copy in theBiblioteca Nacional, Madrid. Translation: This is made by James A. Robertson. GRAU Y MONFALCON'S INFORMATORY MEMORIAL OF 1637 _Informatory memorial [addressed] to the king our sovereign, in hisroyal and supreme Council of the Indias, in behalf of the distinguishedand loyal city of Manila, capital of the Filipinas Islands, in regardto the claims of that city and of those islands and their inhabitants, and the commerce with Nueva España: by Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, their procurator-general at this court. Madrid, in the royal printingoffice, 1637. _ [4] Number 1. Intention of this memorial, in which are discussed all theprincipal matters of the Filipinas Islands. Sire: Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the distinguishedand ever loyal city of Manila, capital of the Filipinas Islands, makes, by authority of that city, the following declaration. Since thepreservation of the islands is the most efficient means for that ofall the states which this crown holds and possesses in Eastern Indiaand adjacent parts, and consequently [of all those] in the WesternIndias; and as it is positively known that there is no other way ofassuring this end except by the commerce conceded to the islands withNueva España--which is in such a condition that by only reducing it, or by deranging it as regards its amount, or the manner in which itis carried on, it will be necessary that it cease; and that if theinhabitants lose what supports them, all the islands will be lost:some persons, and especially Captain Francisco de Vitoria Baraona, with less attention and knowledge than is requisite in treating amatter so remote, serious, and politic--which demands so much more thanordinary foundation for its proper understanding [on account of notunderstanding it--_MS. _]--proposed to your Majesty certain expedientsor counsels; but, although these should be directed to the increaseof the forces which the arms of España maintain in the seas of theOrient, in order to oppose them to the numerous enemies who are tryingto overthrow our power in those seas, and have the desire to end it, one would believe that they were directed with especial purpose toweaken and obscure that power, and thereby to extinguish the best andmost creditable [finest--_MS. _] military post that this great monarchypossesses outside of Europa. And inasmuch as the matter pertains notonly to the conservation of those vassals, but also to the generalsubject of your Majesty's service, your vassals, attending more tothis consideration than to even that result--although the one doesnot suffer without the other, since some orders originating fromthe expedients proposed by the said Captain Francisco de Vitoria, have begun to be put in force in Nueva España--and recognizing fromtheir beginnings how much the issues are in danger and how importantit is to heed in time the dangers that threaten, and successfully toprevent them, on account of the impossibility that they can be checkedlater (for it is easy, at the beginning, to overcome what, when it isonce introduced, is usually impossible to conquer), are attempting torepresent those dangers in this informatory memorial, which they lay atyour Majesty's royal feet. In it, taking occasion from that which ismost important and weighty, all the affairs of the Filipinas Islandswill be touched upon, and those of their conservation, government, and commerce--and all with the truth, thoroughness, accuracy andknowledge that ought to be used, not only in general, but in eachone specifically; so that once explained, in a complete report ofthe disadvantages and advantages existing in each point, the decisionmost advantageous to the service of God and of your Majesty, and tothe welfare of those islands, may be made in them all. The claimsmade in behalf of the islands are reduced to the petitions which arepresented in a separate memorial, through which the inhabitants hopeto receive the favors that their necessities and condition demand. Number 2. Condition of the commerce of the islands, and dangers fromany changes therein To begin with the fact that furnished a reason for so purposelydiscussing these matters: it is presupposed that the commerce ofthe Filipinas to Nueva España was carried on with some degreeof prosperity, although with all the restriction that could beendured--albeit the royal orders were in certain cases less closelyobserved than seemed desirable, and it was an obligation to attendonly to what demanded correction, and to what was sufficient to adjustthe commerce, and reduce it to its best method. But another methodwas proposed which would have completely checked or suppressed it, by advising measures that would so alter the former one that, even ifthere were any irregularities in the old method which are avoided inthis, that is accomplished by impeding and ruining the commerce; sothat it will become necessary, in order not to permit one slight loss, to cause many, so irreparable that either the ruin of the islands willfollow from them, or the total expense of their conservation will fallback on your Majesty's royal treasury. And although it is always right(and today more than ever) to take care that since your revenue is notincreased, it be not diminished, it is not a successful expedient torepresent the saving of expense and the increase of income, if fromwhat is gained on the one side, results on the other, either the lossof what it is advisable to defend, or the addition of heavier expensesfor its defense. For there are matters which have attained so even andregular an equilibrium and balance, that, from whichever of its partsone subtracts or adds, the other side inclining is unsettled, and thestructure that they compose is destroyed. One can easily understandthat if your Majesty were to dispense with the payment of _avería_[5] on the royal treasure that comes from the Indias in the war andtrading fleets of their line, there would be a clear gain annually ofmore than half a million, in both silver and gold; but from that gainwould result the failure of means to maintain the principal. And if thefreighters, and those who are interested in the rest [of the trade]can with just cause excuse themselves from attending to the avería;and it is necessary that this treasure, as well as that of privatepersons which is brought with it, be accompanied by an armed forcesufficient to resist those who have so great desire to pillage it:the alternative is either that it come without that force, and thusliable to lose more in one year than the expense for its defense inten, or that all the cost be loaded on to your Majesty's treasury, by which doing away with the avería would be a greater expense thanwould paying it. Who can deny that if the customs duties in the portsof España were to go up to fifty or one hundred per cent, they wouldnot be worth ten times more than they are worth at present? But whowould say that such an expedient would ensure the duration of commerce, and the ability of your vassals and the foreigners to maintain it? Ifthe immediate result of increasing the duties must be the loss ofthe principal from which they are collected, the ruin of trade, the desertion of the ports, the impoverishment of your vassals, thedepopulation of the cities, and the ruin of everything, one can easilyunderstand that this scheme would, under pretext of increasing theroyal treasury, ruin it and destroy the kingdom. These examples areno different from what is observed in the commerce of Filipinas. Itis represented that, by the measures which are ordered to be put inforce, the duties in the port of Acapulco alone will be increased onemillion seven hundred thousand pesos; and although this calculation, as will be seen, has no foundation, supposing that it did have, thatincrease would result in such a decline of trade there that everythingwould go to ruin. [_In the margin_: "In numbers 83, 85, and 91. "] [6]And if the wealth on which that trade depends should fail, eitheryour Majesty will alone sustain the Filipinas, or you will have toabandon them. The first is almost impossible without spending twiceas much as is now spent. The second has the disadvantage that willbe explained. [_In the margin_: "In numbers 6-44. "] Therefore theexecution of the methods proposed at once carries with it irreparableinjuries, which, after they have happened, will be so difficult ofremedy, that the return of things to their present condition maynot be possible. As this [present] condition has become establishedduring the course of many years, it is preserved both by the wealththat those who sustain it have acquired during those years, and bymerely allowing it to continue. But, if those two requisites fail, first will be experienced the loss of courage in the ruin [that willensue], as the return [of courage] can be seen in the restoration[of the present condition]. Number 3. Commissions given to Licentiate Quiroga, and their execution Your Majesty was pleased to order Licentiate Don Pedro de Quiroga yMoya, who went to Nueva España the past year of 635, on this and otheraffairs, by instructions in regard to the commerce of Filipinas, toestablish a new system in the port of Acapulco, which is the pointwhere their ships arrive. And although it is understood that themandate was general, in order to correct and prevent the illegalitieswhich are committed at that port in the trade of the islands by takinggreater quantities of silver away from Nueva España, and bringing inmore cloth from China, than is allowed by the [royal] permission; andalthough he was ordered to attend to this with the greatest care--notonly to investigate the past but to provide for the future--and that heshould issue ordinances for everything, give instructions, and adviseyour Majesty in the royal Council of the Indias, with full commissionlimited to certain times among both the officials and those who arenot, with appeals to the tribunal whence it emanated: orders werealso given him to go to Acapulco to visit the ships from the islands, and ascertain whether they transgressed the law by carrying eithermore than was allowed, or without register what they were allowedto carry in the ship, in order to escape the royal duties. This iswhat is known of his commissions in general terms; and in detailsome memorials were given to him and information of the damages, andof the remedies that could be applied; so that from these he couldaccept what was practicable, and might either execute or give adviceof what he deemed most advisable, both in the increase of the duties, and in making the appraisals of the merchandise, in which consiststhe most serious and the most dangerous aspect of the matter. Number 4. Uneasiness caused in Nueva España, and what can be fearedin the islands The innovation and disquiet caused by these commissions in Nueva España(where it is known that they have arrived) has been very great, andas notable is the uneasiness and embarrassment among the citizens andexporters of Filipinas, who--without recognizing in themselves anyguilt which accuses them, any crime which burdens them, or any proofwhich condemns them--have, for the sole purpose of not becoming liableto denunciations, [7] whether false or true (for all denunciations aretroublesome), and to what ignorant witnesses, the evil-intentioned, or their enemies may depose, tried to serve your Majesty beyond whattheir wealth allows and their abilities permit. On that account, so great has been the assessment on the inhabitants of Filipinas, that it will be impossible to pay it without their total ruin, and they are not those who are guilty of the violations of lawwhich some are attempting to prove. Consequently, the inhabitantshave petitioned that this assessment be not made. Nothing is said atpresent of the other things that will result from it to [the harm of]the islands. [_In the margin_: "In numbers 45 and 87. "--_Ex. His. _]This memorial will hint at some things, and time will continue to showthem, if not by the causes that are now operating, then by the effects, which will reveal themselves. And even if these are less than thosethat may be expected, they will require very considerable attentionand cause very sensible injury--as is usual with any innovation ofthe magnitude of this; for that which only changes and embarrassesthe course of affairs, causes more damage than gain in what it reforms. [_V. Purpose to which this memorial is directed. --Ex. His. _] In order to avert the dangers that threaten, it is the intention topresent some measures and the reasons on which they are based; so that, without departing from what must be considered in the first place(namely, the service of your Majesty), and then the conservation ofthose islands and of their citizens and residents, the evils may becorrected, the violations of law prevented, and the welfare of thatso remote and afflicted community attended to--which, although so faraway, attends so conscientiously to its obligations, ever preferringthose duties to the possessions and lives of those who form and sustainthat colony, risking and even losing them for the defense of that(although remote) very important part of this Catholic monarchy. [_VI. Proposition to abandon the islands, and its foundations. --Ex. His. _] The Filipinas Islands, which dominate the archipelago of Sant Lazaro, merit, for many claims, causes, and reasons, the esteem in which theyhave always been held. Contrary to all these, it was representedalready, in the times of the sovereigns your Majesty's grandfatherand father, that it seemed advisable to abandon the islands, and leavethem to whomever cared to occupy them. It was remarked in the Councilof State, where the matter was ventilated, and where a consultationwas held, the question being presented with the motives for thisresolution, that those islands not only did not increase the royalrevenues, but even decreased and diminished them, and were a continualcause of great and fruitless expense, as they are so many, so remote, and so difficult of conservation. The instigators of this propositionavailed themselves, as says the author of the _History of the Malucas_, [8] of the example of the kings of China--who being the sovereignsof the islands, and so near that they could reënforce them in a shorttime, as being so adjacent and near their great continent, abandonedthem, in order not to be under obligation for the expenses and caresthat were necessary to maintain them. They said that España's method ofgoverning them was very burdensome and prejudicial to the monarchy, andwas without any hope of being improved, because of the great amount ofsilver that was sent to the islands from the Indias on that account, both for the ordinary expenses of war, and for the conservationof commerce--all of that silver passing to Assia, whence it neverissued. They said that the states, so scattered and so weakened byso many wide expanses of water and remote climes, could scarcely bereduced to union; nor was human foresight sufficient to introduce unionin that which nature itself, and the way in which the world was puttogether, separated by so distinct bounds. That was proved not onlyby reason but also by experience, which had discovered and proved howdifficult and even impossible was the conservation of those islands, unless the cost were very greatly in excess of the profit--although, in this matter, one should first decide whether [questions of] honorand polity counted for anything. Number 7. More attention should be paid to the conservation of statesthan to the increase of the royal revenues. These reasons, and others which were advanced, were originated andaccepted by some who paid more heed to the increase of the royalrevenues than to the advantage with which those revenues ought to be, and generally are, spent; for, although kings are obliged to regardthat increase as the blood of the mystical body of their states, itmust be without injury to the reputation of the states. For since, asis a fact, they must try to acquire riches in order to preserve theirreputation and to increase their treasure by avoiding superfluous andlittle-needed expenses, it will not be a well-founded argument that, in order to avoid spending their revenues, they should allow what theyalready possess and enjoy legitimately to be lost. Such a course wouldbe to prefer the less to the greater, and the means to the ends; sincewe see not few millions spent on the conservation of a fortified postto which belongs, at times, nothing but the reputation of arms. If itsdefense is justifiable for that reason, it would be more justifiableif on such a place depends not only the reputation of the crown, butthe preservation of many other reputations, which would be risked bylosing that post, and which will be assured by maintaining it. Suchis the peculiar importance of the Filipinas Islands, as will be provedin this memorial. [_In the margin_: "In numbers 41, 42, and 43. "] Number 8. As, and for the reasons that, Flandes is preserved, theislands should be preserved What state does your Majesty possess that costs as much as Flandes, although it is almost the least one of this monarchy? Because inFlandes all the reasons may be verified that are alleged in regardto the islands--namely, that they are costly, difficult to preserve, a drain of so much money, and separated from the other states--wouldit be prudent to influence [the crown] by those reasons to abandonthat state? There can be no doubt that even the first propositionof such a nature would be condemned as imprudent, and lacking thebasis of policy that such measures ought to have; and that from itsexecution would result, leaving aside other damages, the loss of manystates of this crown, and their allies, which are now maintainedby only maintaining Flandes, although at the price of so costly awar. Therefore, if the Filipinas possess that same importance, and ifthe conservation of the two Yndias results from their conservation--orat least from their being less exposed to notorious risks, which, were that Flandes of the new world lacking, would threaten them--whatmore notable reason of state can there be for not deserting them, and for characterizing as justifiable and necessary all that is spentin them, as is above mentioned? Number 9. Resolution of preserving the islands well founded Giving more heed to this than to all the propositions [made to him], King Felipo [Phelipe--MS. ] Second, not lending ear to so pernicious anopinion, resolved that the Filipinas should be preserved as they hadbeen thus far, by adding strength to the judiciary and military--one ofwhich maintains and the other defends kingdoms--devoting and applyingthem both to the propagation of the holy gospel among those remotenations, although not only Nueva España, but also old España wereto contribute for that purpose from their incomes. And thus did thatmost prudent monarch declare, in order that it might not be understoodthat preaching was denied to them, and that he excused himself fromsending them ministers for it, because of the lack of gold and silver, even though it should cost him other provinces. He put into effect thatChristian axiom, that kings possess some states because they need them, and others because those states have need of them. [9] Well are thesetwo propositions proved in the Filipinas; for they were ordered to bemaintained because their natives and neighbors need [to be under] theseigniory of this monarchy in order not to lose the faith which theyhave received, and to make it easier for others to receive it. Also, as has been said, and as will be proved, [_In the margin_: "In numbers19, 34, 35, 36, 41, 42, and 43. "] this crown needs those islands nowmore than then, in order to preserve other posts not less important, since in losing them much more would be lost than what is spent onthem. Consequently, both then and afterward, that talk of desertingthe Filipinas was and has been regarded as worth little consideration, and was ill received and considered unworthy the greatness, Christianzeal, and obligation of the kings of España; and accordingly it hassunk into eternal silence. Number 10. The conservation of the islands is more necessary today If these reasons could so powerfully influence the devout minds ofthe so Catholic princes in that epoch, much more should they influencethat of your Majesty in this, wherein they have not only the same butgreater force, because of the many unexpected difficulties that havebeen encountered through the entrance of the rebels of Olanda intoso many parts of the two Indias. Consequently, if the Filipinas benow deserted, not indeed for the sake of authority and reputation, but only for political convenience, the advantage that might resultwould be very doubtful, and the loss very evident. And although theeffort is not at present made directly to have the islands abandoned, expedients are being or have been proposed from which one fears, not indeed the abandonment of them willingly, but what is worse, the loss of them unwillingly. Before proving that the measures whichare beginning to be executed may conduce to that end, the reasons onwhich their conservation, importance, and necessity are today foundedwill be discussed; so that, what is advisable being understood withall clearness and certainty--since it is not expedient to add totheir forces, as that is now impossible, nor to deprive them of whatforce they possess--the reader may draw as a conclusion that, if theweakening of the islands follow from the orders issued, and theirloss be risked, those orders may either be corrected or suspended, or the most prudent decision in all respects may be adopted. Number 11. First reason of the importance of the islands: theirdiscovery The first reason for which the Filipinas should be valued is thatof their discovery, which was made by Hernando de Magallanes inthe year of 1519, after so many hardships, by the new navigationthrough the strait until then undiscovered, to which he gave hisname. That expedition was not for the discovery of lands or wealth, as were others, but to obey the order and satisfy the desire of theemperor Carlos V, of glorious memory--who, years before, had madeknown this desire and endeavored to carry it into effect; and atthat time he succeeded in doing so, by making the agreement for thatheroic voyage, which astonished and encompassed the world. It is to benoted that that discovery was directed toward the islands of Maluco, so that the crown of Castilla, which was then separate from that ofPortugal, might enjoy for itself alone the trade in the spices thatgrow there. That was obtained, and the vassals of both crowns havingfought together for the conservation of those islands, their weaponswere reduced to pens, and to various councils and disputes as to thesituation and demarcation of the islands. Although it was recognizedthat they belonged to Castilla, according to the division of the worldmade by the apostolic see--as it then had no other lands or islandsnear those of Maluco, from which to succor them, except Nueva Españawhich is so distant--yet, as it was judged difficult to maintainthem, in a region so remote, against the invasions of Moros [10] andpagans, and against the obstinacy of the Portuguese (who could neverbe persuaded that those islands were not theirs); and seeing that theaction of abandoning them was unworthy of him who had spent so greata sum in their discovery, and in planting therein the gospel: it wasaccepted as a more creditable and expedient resolution to disposeof them in pledge [11] to the crown of Portugal. That country heldand maintained them alone, until the year 1564, when the Castilians, under the command of Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, continuingwhat Magallanes had commenced, went to settle the Filipinas Islands, by the proximity and protection of which they recovered the islandsof Maluco; and more, when these two crowns had been united, was themutual aiding of their vassals facilitated. In order to assure theirdefense, by the agreement of both countries (the circumstances of thetransfer having become almost obscured) the Malucos were detached fromthe crown of Portugal and joined to that of Castilla; and they becamesubject, as today, to the Filipinas. Consequently, the argument withwhich the author of the _History of the Malucas_ affirms that if Godhad permitted the king of that time to exclude the Filipinas from hismonarchy, leaving them exposed to the power who should first occupythem, Maluco would have so bettered the condition of its affairs thatit would have been impregnable, is not very clear. That statement mustbe understood with reference to the Moro kings, who would have beenmore powerful had not the proximity of the Filipinas subjected them;since it is evident that, if when the emperor disposed of the one[group of islands], the others had been settled, he would not havemade that bargain, but would have defended them and kept them all. Thatis verified, because when Felipe II, having succeeded to the crown ofPortugal, wrote to the governor of Filipinas to reënforce the Malucasand other places in India whenever he had an opportunity, that wasa matter of so great fear to their kings that the king of Terrenate, Sultan Babu, feeling himself oppressed by a greater and nearer force, sought defense in peace, and to secure it sent, as ambassador to thesekingdoms, Cachil Nayque. From the above it is inferred that, if thefirst intent was to discover the Malucos because of the wealth oftheir trade--which is now united with that of the Filipinas, as willbe seen; [_In the margin_: "In number 29. "] and if the maintenanceof the one group consisted in that of the others, even when theybelonged to different crowns: now that they all belong to Castilla, more necessary is the conservation of the Filipinas, in order thatthe islands of the Malucos may not decrease from what they were then. Number 12. Second reason for the importance of the islands: theirsize and number The second reason is that of their size and number. Cosmographersrecognize five archipelagos in that sea that is included between China, the Javas, and Nueva Guinea [12]--namely, that of Moro or Batochina, that of the Celebes, that of the Papuas, that of Maluco, and that ofSan Lazaro, which is that of the Filipinas or Luzones. [The last nameis given] because the principal island is that of Luzón, whose form isthat of a tenterhook, one hundred and thirty leguas along its longestside and seventy along the shortest. The islands renowned after thatisland are Mindoro, Luban, Borney, Marinduque, the island of Cabras, the island of Tablas, Masbate, Zebu [Zubu--_MS. _], Capul, Ybabao, Leyte, Bohol, island of Fuegos, island of Negros, Ymares, Panay, Cayahan, Cuyo, Calamianes, Parauan, Tendaya [Tandaya--_MS. _], Camar, Catenduanes, Mindanao, and Burias, besides other smaller islands. Theynumber in all forty, without counting the small and desert islands, which are many. Among those named are some larger than España, some as large, and some smaller. One of these it Zebu, which is [13]fifty leguas in circumference. Near to it are the islands of Maluco, which are properly five in number, namely, Terrenate, Tirode [_i. E. _, Tidore], Motiel, Maquien, and Bachian--although the last named isnot one island, but a group formed of many small islands, which aredivided by various arms, straits, and channels of the sea; but whichare reckoned as one island, as they all belong to one king. That ofTirode belongs to another king, and that of Terrenate with the tworemaining ones to another, as well as so many islands adjacent tothese that they number in all seventy-two. Those two archipelagos ofMaluco and Filipinas occupy more than twenty-six degrees of latitude, running from two or three degrees south of the equator to twenty-fournorth of it; and extend more than four hundred and fifty leguas, while they are one thousand four hundred in circuit. Number 13. Grandeur and characteristics of the distinguished and veryloyal city of Manila The center of all that distant region is the famous city of Manila, which on account of its remarkable characteristics deserves equalrank with the greatest and most celebrated cities of the world. It islocated on the island of Luzón, in the angle made by its two aides orpoints, with a capacious, deep, and strong harbor. It was anciently thesettlement of the Luzón islanders; it was occupied by the Spaniards, and the government established there, in the year 1572. On account ofits location, renown, and prominence, it was given by a royal decreeof June 21, 1574, the honored title of distinguished and ever loyal, [14] together with that of capital and chief city among all the citiesin those islands. By a decree of November 19, 1595, it was decreedthat it could enjoy all the privileges enjoyed by all the cities thatare capitals of kingdoms; and by another decree of March 20, 1596, itwas granted a special coat-of-arms, which it uses; [15] while anotherdecree of May 8, of the same year, allows it jurisdiction for fiveleguas around. However, it has greater jurisdiction in regard togovernment and superiority than any other of this monarchy, sincethe district of the royal Audiencia resident therein, accordingto the declaration by provinces, of the fifth of May, 1583, andthe twenty-sixth of May, 1596, consists of the island of Luzón, with all the Filipinas of the archipelago of China (including thefive already mentioned [_i. E. , _ the Malucos]), and the mainland ofChina, discovered or to be discovered hereafter, which is an immensedistance. Its inhabited part--although it has suffered great disasters, which will be mentioned later [_In the margin_: "In number 93. "] andin spite of which it endures--is today very sightly in its buildingsand plan, as they are mostly of stone, and as it is surrounded by awall in the modern manner, with sufficient fortification. But whatmost ennobles it is the valor and loyalty of its inhabitants, who, notwithstanding their small numbers in proportion to those of theenemies, sustain the city with so much reputation and renown, thatit is one of the best military posts in all the Orient, and one inwhich the royal standards of your Majesty preserve the valor andfame of Spaniards--who are feared and respected by all the kingswho rule in those islands and regions--and of all the fleets thatplough their seas. All the above makes that city, and the regionthat it governs in the most remote places of the world meritorious;this crown, therefore, should preserve that city for its dignity, and maintain it as the daughter of its power. Number 14. Third reason of the importance of the islands: their nativeand acquired character The third reason is the character, both native and acquired, of theFilipinas Islands. That of Luzón produces a quantity of gold, of whicha quantity has always been found and obtained in its rivers. Rich mineshave been discovered, now more considerable than ever. By a decree ofAugust 12, 1578, the [reduction of the] royal fifth to the tenth wasconceded to the inhabitants. [16] That had some extensions later, fromwhich it is inferred that metals were obtained. There are persistentrumors regarding the Pangasinan hills, which are forty leguas away fromManila, namely, that they are all full of gold-bearing ore. In the year620, [17] Alférez Don Diego de Espina [España--_MS. _] [18] discoveredthe rich mine of Paraculi in Camarines. It extends for nine leguas, and it is hoped that it will have a considerable output. That hasoccasioned the command that the privileges of miners in those islandsbe observed, by a decree of September 22, 1636. They also abound incopper, which is brought from China with so much facility that thebest artillery imaginable is cast in Manila, with which they supplytheir forts, the city of Macan and other cities of India, and it istaken to Nueva España; for the viceroy, the Marqués de Cerralvo, sentthe governor, Don Juan Niño de Tabora, twenty-four thousand pesos, in return for which the latter sent him eighteen large pieces tofortify Acapulco. Of not less importance is the quicksilver of theFilipinas, whither the Chinese carry it in great quantities. It canbe shipped--as is permitted and ordered by different royal decreesof August 15, 1609, and May 15, [19] 1631--to supply the deficiencyof that metal for working the mines of Nueva España. Number 15. Commerce of the islands, domestic and foreign; and in whatthe domestic consists The greatest treasure of those islands, and that in which their wealthconsists, is commerce, which demands a more extended treatment. It isdivided into domestic and foreign. Of the latter, which is the richcommerce, we shall treat later. [_In the margin:_ "In the year--_sc. _:number--20 to 37. "] The domestic, which is slight, consists in thefruits and commodities produced in their lands, which are cultivatedby their inhabitants: rice in the husk, and cleaned; cotton, palm wine, salt, wax, palm oil, and fowls; lampotes, tablecloths, Ilocan blankets, and medriñaques. These are the products in which the Indians pay theirtributes, and in nothing else--except some who pay them in taes ofgold, of eighteen carats, which is that obtained in those islands, and which is worth eight reals. Nutmeg, as good as that of Borneo, is found in them, as is mentioned in a royal decree of October 9, 623, in which it was ordered to bring some to these kingdoms. [20] There isabundance of swine and cattle, deer, and carabaos or buffaloes. Thecoast waters are full of fish, the fields of fruits, the gardensof produce and vegetables. The most useful plant is the palm, fromwhich an infinite number of articles are obtained. There are grovesof them, as there are vineyards in España, although they require lesslabor and care. From the rice they make the ordinary bread, whichthey call _morisqueta_. What most shows the wealth of the country isthe gold that its natives wear; for scarcely is there an Indian ofmoderate means, who is not adorned with a chain of this rich metal, of which the women use most. Number 16. Number and diversity of Indians in the islands What most assures the provinces of the new world is the greater orless number of the natives. In that the Filipinas are eminent, forthere are the indigenous Indians, who are tributarios; but these arenot many, as not all of them are pacified. Of those who have beenpacified some, the larger encomiendas, have been assigned to theroyal crown. There are other foreign Indians whose number is greatin Manila and its environs, and where there are Spaniards, to whoseservice the Indians engage themselves for their day's wages. Theseinclude an infinite number of nations: Chinese, Japanese, Champanes, Malucans, Borneans, Joas [_i. E. _, Javanese], Malays, and even Persiansand Arabs. But those who are tributary to the royal crown are: Number 17. Indians tributary to the royal crown in the Indias In the provinces of Oton and Panay, twelve chief villages, which have6, 035 tributes. In the island of Zebu, three which have 2, 529 tributes. In that of Camarines, there are 87 tributes of vagrant Indians andSangleys (who are Chinese Christians). In Mindoro and Luban, 1, 612 tributes. In the province of Tayavas, in five villages 1, 343 tributes. In that of Bay, in nine villages, 2, 232 tributes. On the coast of Manila, in twenty-eight villages, 4, 250 tributes. The vagrant Indians of Manila and its environs amount to 781 tributes. The Japanese foreigners, 218 tributes. The Christian Sangleys of the village of Baybay, outside the wallsof Manila, 580 tributes. In the province of Pampanga, in six villages, 3, 650 tributes. In the province of Pangasinan, in four villages, 899 tributes. In the province of Ilocos, in five villages, 2, 988 tributes. In the province of Cagayan, in eight villages, 2, 192 tributes. Consequently, the royal crown has 44, 763 tributes, as appears froman official statement made in the year 630. At ten reals per tribute, the amount reaches 53, 715 pesos. Among private persons there are distributed and assigned as encomiendas48, 000 other tributes, which for the 230 citizens of Manila--withoutreckoning those of the cities of [Santísimo] Nombre de Jesus, [Nueva]Caceres, and [Nueva] Segovia, and the town of Arebalo, who number about300 more--does not amount to 160 tributes per man. They amount to alike number of pesos of eight reals, for the two additional reals arefor the royal crown. And even on the eight reals so many charges aremade that there is left but six or a trifle more. This is the wealth, and natural and proper commerce of the Filipinas. Number 18. Fourth reason for the importance of the islands: theirlocation, as [21] is explained The fourth reason which persuades one to value and conserve themis the one drawn from their notable location, almost opposite thishemisphere of España. Consequently, some think that Manila is theantipodes of Sevilla. Although according to the latitude of the worldthat is not exact--as it is in a different latitude from that requiredto be opposite by a straight line which passes through the center ofthe earth--according to the longitude the idea is not so far wrong;for although both cities are not on one great circle, their meridianslack only a difference of two or three hours to be diametricallyopposite. From this it follows that, as the world has two poles uponwhich its frame moves and rotates, so does this monarchy also have two, one of them being España, and the other the Filipinas, which is themost remote part of España's possessions. And although in respect tothe Indias, which led to the discovery of Filipinas, they are calledthe Western Islands, yet if sought by the voyage by way of India, they are the most eastern, and the finest that have been discovered inthat ocean--whose dominion belongs to them even by nature and by theirrelative position among all the islands of that hemisphere. Thereinthey are surrounded by an infinite number of rich islands, which wereformerly frequented; these promised great increase in the promulgationof the gospel, and no small hope based on the wealth of their commerce, before the rebels of Flandes entered those seas and embarrassed theirnavigation and trade. The islands are also at equal or proportionatedistances with the kingdoms which extend from the straits of Sincapura[22] and of Sunda (or Sabaon), to China and Japon. Number 19. Importance of the islands because they offer oppositionto the Dutch From this so unusual location results the best proof of the importanceof those islands--an importance well understood by the Dutch, whoare striving, by means of immense military expenses, fleets, andnumerous presidios, which they sustain in their seas and environs, as will be seen [_In the margin_: "In number 32. "] to blockade, restrict, infest, and attack the islands, with no other end in viewthan their seizure. For they believe (and not without reason) that ifthey should attain this end, and remove that obstacle (which is theone that restricts the course of their fortunes in those regions), theywould be absolute masters of all that extends on from the straits; andthat they would cause from there so great anxiety and danger to India, that they would oblige its citizens to spend on its defense a greatersum than is now spent on the conservation of the Filipinas. And now, when the Dutch have been unable to gain a foothold in any of theislands because the arms of your Majesty sustain that country withthe same reputation as in Flandes, the enemy maintain themselves byaggressive measures against the Spaniards--usually keeping for thatpurpose in the seas of those islands forty or fifty armed vessels, which are used to pillage whatever they can find, and to guard thepresidios which they have established, and the commerce which they haveintroduced of the most precious drugs and commodities valued by Europa, whither they take them. However, that is done at a greater cost thanthey are willing to pay, because of the opposition made against themby the Filipinas. In order for the Dutch to overcome the Filipinas, it has not been sufficient for them to unite and ally themselveswith the Moro and pagan kings of other islands and lands of Asia, persuading them that they should take arms against the vassals ofEspaña, whose defense lies in the Filipinas alone. And if the bannersof your Majesty were driven from the islands, the power and arroganceof Olanda, which would dominate all the wealth of the kingdoms of theOrient, would greatly increase with the freedom and ease of commerce;while they would gain other and greater riches in Europa, and would sofurther their own advancement that more would be spent in this partof the world in restraining them than is spent in driving them awayin those regions [_i. E. _, the Orient]. Consequently, those islandsare the bit that restrains the enemy, the obstacle that embarrassesthem, the force that checks them, and the only care that causes themanxiety, so that they cannot attain their desires--an evident proofof the importance of those islands, and a fundamental reason fortheir conservation. Number 20. The foreign and general commerce of the islands makes themmore valuable The above is not the sole motive of the Dutch for desiring togain control of the Filipinas, but they recognize that they are, by their location, the most suitable of all the islands in theOrient for carrying on the general commerce of these kingdoms andnations. Already we have discussed the domestic and private commercethat is now conducted, which is scanty and limited; and we have statedthat what most enriches the islands, and makes them most valuable, isthe foreign trade. For it is rich and of great volume, and furnishes sogreat profits to the European merchants that, for the sake of these, in spite of the expenses, risks, and dangers of so long a voyage, the Portuguese go to seek it by way of India, the Castilians by NuevaEspaña; the Turks by way of Persia, the Venetians by way of Egipto;and the Dutch, now by the Eastern route, entering India, or by theWestern, crossing the immense open stretch of the South Sea, or evenby way of the north and Nueva Zembla. Number 21. Estimation of the commerce of the Orient, and its condition That commerce, then, consists, according to what the Filipinas canenjoy of it, in different products and trades because of the differenceof the kingdoms or islands with which they do or can communicate. Andinasmuch as the explanation of this commerce is the chief part ofthe matter; and so that one may see in what estimation it has alwaysbeen held, and what it deserves, and that there is no other mediumby which to maintain this crown except by the conservation of Indiaand the Filipinas: we will here describe, as briefly as possible, thetimes through which that trade has run, and its varying conditionsup to the present. Now it all belongs to the two royal crowns ofCastilla and Portugal, but it is usurped in part from both by theDutch, whose only aim is to secure possession of it; and this theywill attain on that day when either of the two extremes presented[for which these--_MS. _] which are maintained shall fail. [23] Number 22. Oriental commerce; why it is valued For many centuries has the oriental commerce been known as theforemost, and most valuable and rich in the world, as appears fromDivine and human writings. [24] The kingdoms of Europa, Asia Minor, and part of Africa produce, for their mutual intercourse, certainfruits almost the same, and commodities for merchandise, which differrather in quality or quantity than in essence. But in Asia and theregions of the Orient, God created some things so precious in theestimation of men, and so peculiar to those provinces, that, as theyare only found or manufactured therein, they are desired and soughtby the rest of the world. Accordingly, different voyages and routeshave been taken, which have been varied by the change of monarchies, on which such accidents depend. Number 23. Beginnings of the Oriental commerce by way of Persia The islands of Maluco, to begin with what is most suitable for mypurpose, were peopled by Chinese [_sic_] and Jaos, who, with thepractice of navigation, commenced to traffic in cloves, a preciousand peculiar drug of the forests there, with India, there meetingthe traders in pepper, cinnamon, and other articles; thus going fromport to port and from nation to nation, all these spices reachedthe Persian Gulf. There came together various peoples, with stillgreater diversity of drugs, perfumes, and precious stones, which werebrought into Persia; and, being disseminated throughout Asia, thesecommodities were imparted, although at a great price, to the easternlands of Africa, and to the south of Europa. That commerce havingbecome known for the precious and wonderful character of its wares, was at once esteemed so highly that it was one of the causes whichinduced Alexander the Great to direct his conquests toward India, in order to make himself master of the kingdoms which he imagined(and without error) to be the richest of the world, as from themoriginated the most precious thing that was known in it. Number 24. Commerce of the Orient through the Arabian Gulf andother parts Later, the monarchy of the Persians having become extinct and ruined, a part of that commerce passed, on account of the division of thestates and the increase of trade among the peoples, by way of the RedSea to the Arabian Gulf. Then, entering by way of the two Arabias, thenations of Asia Minor snared the spices and drugs; and through Africathey went down by the river Nilo to Egipto, stopping now in Cayro byland, now in Alexandria by water. As the latter was a frequented portin the Mediterranean, the communication of that commerce was easy, almost without knowing from what beginnings it sprang. By that voyage, the commerce increased so greatly that the king Ptolomeo Auleta [25]collected there as many as one thousand five hundred talents in duties:if these were Attic talents, they amounted to nine and one-half millionCastilian escudos. The Romans came into the monarchy, and, having madeEgipto a province of the empire, they enjoyed that commerce by wayof the Arabian Gulf--by which the spice-trade penetrated at that time(even to the city of Arsinoe, or that of Berenice), and by the Nile, or went overland to Alexandria, which came to be one of the richestcities in the world because of this trade. Later, as the sultans ofBabilonia went on gathering power, until they gained possession ofthe best part of Asia, the spice again came to have an exit more byway of Persia and Trapisonda [_i. E. _, Trebizond] to the Caspian Sea, whence it was taken down to the ports of the Mediterranean, and inone or another place, was received by the merchants of Italia, whoimparted it, in the utmost abundance, to Europa. In Asia Minor, theOttoman house succeeded, and the Turks got control of that commerce, which they divided--directing it, through the cities of Juda and Meca, to the interior of their lands; and, by the gulf and port of Suez, to Alexandria. Number 25. Commerce of India confined to Portugal The Turks did not enjoy the commerce for many years, for afterthe year 1497 [26] the Lusitanian banners in India conquered theircoasts, and the Portuguese, masters of the navigation of the Orient, blockaded the ports of the two gulfs--the Persian and the Arabic--withtheir fleets, preventing the entrance of that commerce there; and, conducting it by the Atlantic Ocean, they made the great city ofLisboa universal ruler over all that India produces. Thither [_i. E. _, to Lisboa] resorted immediately not only the European nations, butalso those from Africa and Asia, by which they despoiled the Turksof the source of their greatest incomes, forcing them to beg fromthese kingdoms what all had formerly bought from theirs. The wealthof Portugal increased so greatly by the commerce of India that, inthe time of the king Don Manuel, payments of money in copper weremore esteemed than those in gold. That trade furnished the profitswith which to maintain wars, squadrons, and great presidios in theOrient, with which the Portuguese defended their coasts and seas, notonly from the native kings, but also from the fleets that the Turkssent up through the Red Sea in order to recover what they so resentedlosing. Those fleets always returned either conquered or without theresult for which they had sailed, until, having lost hopes of therestoration of that commerce through their lands, they desisted fromthe attempt--contenting themselves with some ships which, with thedanger of encountering the Portuguese ships, they take to certain portsand lade with such spice as the fear of robbers allows them to take. Number 26. Entrance of the Dutch into India, and their commerce The commerce of the Orient lasted in Lisboa, without any othernation but the Portuguese sharing it, for almost one hundred years, which appears to have been the fatal century of their career. But asalways they set upon that trade the value which has been made knownin the wars of Flandes and the prohibition of trading with Olanda, their rebels determined to try to secure it; and in the year 1595their first armed fleet entered India, to carry a portion of thespice to their islands, imparting it through them to all the northernnations, and even to those of the Levant by way of the strait ofGibraltar. Returning merchandise of great richness, they introduceda new trade, so remunerative as may be understood from the perilthat they undergo, and from the expenses that they incur, in order tomaintain it. Whatever they have acquired by that voyage (and it is notlittle) they have pillaged from this crown. The Dutch spreading throughthe Orient, recognizing the wealth of those regions, establishedtheir business, took part in barter there, erected factories, builtpresidios, fortified ports, and (what can well cause more anxiety)collected sea forces, by which they have succeeded even in driving outthe Spaniards from their houses, in disquieting them, and, at times, in blockading them. They began to go out to the ocean with this trade, becoming the general pirates of the two Indias--where there are thosewho affirm that they have pillaged more than one hundred and thirtymillions in less than forty years. They established the chief seatof this commerce in Bantan, [27] the principal port of Java Major, whither people go from all the islands--Banda, Maluco, Gilolo, Sumatra, Amboino--and from the mainland of Coroman [Goroman--_MS. _], Siam, Pegu, Canboxa [Ganboxa--_MS. _], Patan, Champa, and China. Turks, Arabs, Persians, Gusarates, Malays, Jaos, Egyptians, and Japanesego there. Consequently, with the presence of so many nations and sovarious sects (all of which are evil) Bantan may better be called"the Oriental Ginebra [_i. E. _, Geneva]. " There are two markets orfairs held there daily, at which more than thirty thousand personscome together to buy and sell. Number 27. Commerce of the Orient, which the Dutch carry on fromBa[n]tan The commerce acquired by the Dutch from that place is notable andlarge; for it consists of all the drugs, perfumes, and products foundin those seas. The money carried by the Dutch is Castilian silver, as that is the kind that is most valued throughout the Orient. Themoney that circulates in the country is that of the leaden _caxies_[_i. E. _, cash], of which one thousand five hundred are given forone real of silver. Two hundred caxies make one _satac_, and five_sataques_ one _sapacou_. Rice is carried from the islands of Macaser, Sanbaya, and others. Rice forms the chief food bought by the Dutch, not only for the supply of their forts and fleets, but as a means ofgain in that same port. Cocoanuts are taken [thither] from Balamban;this is another product that is consumed widely, and is of greatuse. They go to the confines of the island for salt, which is veryprofitable in Ba[n]tan [Bamtan--_MS. _]; and which is of greater profit, taking it, as they do, to Sumatra [Samatra--_MS. _], where they exchangeit for wax from Pegú, white pepper, and various articles made fromtortoise-shell. Twelve leguas away lies Jacatra, whence, and fromCranaon, Timor, and Dolimban, they get honey; and from Japara, sugar;from Querimara [Quarimara--_MS. _], east of Bornio, iron; [28] fromPera and Gustean, tin and lead; from China come linens, silks, andporcelains. Their most abundant article of trade is pepper, for hugequantities of it are gathered in Java and Sumatra. And inasmuch aseven those islands do not suffice to fill all their ships, they buythe pepper in other parts where they go: as on the coast of Malabar, as far as the cape of Comori--a land that produces whatever is taken toPortugal, and that which the Moors carry to the Red Sea; at Balagate, that which goes to Persia and Arabia; at Malaca, that which goes toPegu, Sian, and China. The large variety comes from Bengala and Java, while the Canarin, which is the least valuable, is gathered from Goaand Malabar. The best is bought at Bantan, for forty thousand caxies(which amount to 27 reals in silver), per sack of 45 cates, [29] or56 Castilian libras, and it sells at one-half real [per libra?]. Theships which are unable to lade there--either because many ships gothere, or because they are looking for wares that are not carriedto their markets, or because they try to get them cheaper at theirhome market--go to other factories and places of trade. They go evento Meca in the Arabian Gulf, and cast anchor in Juda, twelve leguasaway. For that voyage they carry drugs, food, and Chinese merchandise, which they sell for silver money--of which there is a quantity stampedwith the arms of your Majesty in this kingdom, while the rest ofthe money consists of Turkish ducados. With that they go to otherports, and buy very precious commodities, as money is more precious[in those ports] than anything else. They get the aromatic mace fromthe island of Banda, which belongs to the Filipinas, and where JacoboCornelio left the first factors in the year 600; and in that of 608, Pedro Guillelmo Verrufio erected a fortress, although at the cost ofhis life. There, then, they barter the mace and the nutmeg, whichis grown in no other part of the world, and obtain it there in sogreat quantity that they can lade annually one thousand toneladas ofit. They take it dry, in order to carry it to Europa; and to Meca, Ormuz, and all the Orient in a conserve; for it is highly esteemed, as it is a very delicate relish. With mace, pepper, nutmeg, andother drugs they go to Pegu and Sian, where they trade rubies andwax in their factories. They barter those substances in Sumatrafor pepper, which they also carry to Ormuz. There and at certainports of Cambaya, they buy indigo (a royal product, and of whichthere is a monopoly in India), manna (a medicinal drug of Arabia andPersia), and rhubarb. What they are most eager to buy at Ormuz are thepearls that are fished from the Persian Gulf as far as Besorà. Theyalso get them between Ceylan and Comori, between Borneo and Anion, and in Cochinchina. At Ormuz they trade most for precious stones[30]--fine bezoars, turquoises, chrysolites, amethysts, jacinths, garnets, topazes from Cahanor, Calecut, and Cambaya, copper wire, andnot very good agates. They have a factory in Patan, since--althoughthey do not desire the trade of those people, as it consists onlyof silver money--a great quantity of Chinese merchandise is foundthere; and, as the Dutch cannot enter that country, they barter there[_i. E. _, at Patan] for silk in the skein and woven, porcelain ware, and other things, and for calambuco wood, which is found in Sian, Malaca, Sumatra, and Cambaya. They get ginger from Malabar, not totake to Olanda--where they have too much with what they plunder in theWindward [_Barlovento_] Islands--but to take to Ormuz, which with thatfrom Malaca, Dabul, and Bacain is traded in Persia [Percia--_MS. _] andArabia. They trade cardamomum in Malabar, Calecut, and Cananor, [thatplant] being used throughout the Orient to sweeten the breath. Fromthe coasts of Sofala, Melinde, and Mozambique, they get gold, ivory, amber, and ebony, which they also get from Champá, whose mountainsapparently raise no other [varieties of] woods. From Bengala theyget civet, and mother-of-pearl. The best benzoin is that of Ceylanand Malaca; but as the Dutch have but little trade in those parts, they get along with that of the Javas, which is not so good, andwith some of fine quality that they obtain in fairs and ports. Thesame is true of cinnamon which they are unable to obtain at Ceylan, except through third persons; accordingly, they secure but little, and content themselves with the wild cinnamon of Malabar, although itis very poor. Sandalwood was formerly the most profitable productin India, and was traded by the Portuguese. It was obtained inthe island of Timor, where they had a fortress; but, as it is nearBantan, the Dutch have gained possession of it and its trade. Thisis the white sandalwood, for the red comes from Coromandel andPegu. They buy snakewood [_palo serpentino_], [31] brought from Ceylan[Seilan--_MS. _], in the fairs of Sumatra; eaglewood from Coromandel;camphor in Sunda and Chincheo, but better in Borneo; myrobalans [32]in Cambaya, Balagate, and Malabar; incense from Arabia; myrrh fromAbasia [Abaçia--_MS. _]; aloes-wood from Socotora; all of which theyobtain at Ormuz. They trade but few diamonds, for the fine ones comefrom Bisnaga and Decan, and are taken to the fair of Lispor, betweenGoa and Cambaya; and since the Dutch do not go thither, they have noshare in them, but they get some at the fair in Sumatra. Number 28. Commerce in cloves, and how the Dutch entered it, and tookpossession of Maluco The most noble product, and that which is must earnestly desired, as it is of the greatest profit and gain, is the clove. Cloves areproduced in the celebrated islands of Maluco and that of Amboyno; and alittle in the islands of Ires, Meytarana, Pulo, Cavali, Gilolo, Sabugo, Veranula, [33] and other islands adjacent to the Malucas--which arethe chief producers of cloves, and produce the best quality. As now, it was formerly the most valued product of the Orient; and now it formsone of the royal commodities of its commerce. In the islands whereit is grown, one bare costs 460 Castilian reals. [The bare] has 640libras, so that it does not amount to 25 [34] maravedis [per libra];while it is sold for at least one ducado in Europa, so that each libragains fourteen, which is an excessive profit. From the time when thoseislands were sold to the crown of Portugal, for the above-mentionedreason, for the sum of three hundred thousand ducados, that crownpossessed them and the clove trade until the year 1598, when JacoboCornelio Nec went to India with eight ships. Dispersing those shipsthrough its kingdoms, two of them went to Terrenate, where they leftsix factors, the first that Olanda had in that archipelago [_In themargin_: "In the year 11"]. In the year 601, of twelve other shipswhich entered the Orient, seven went to Amboyno, and by an arduousattempt gained the fort held there by the Portuguese; and althoughit was immediately recovered by Andres de Mendoca Furtado, commanderof the fleet of India, and he, victorious, overran the islands ofMaluco, subduing those of Tidore and Maguso [Magusié--_MS. _], he wasunable to enter that of Terrenate [Teranete--_MS. _], where the Dutchhad taken refuge and made its king rebel--the reënforcement of twohundred soldiers sent (in one ship and four fragatas, in charge ofCaptain Juan Galinato) by Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of Filipinas, being of no use. Thereupon everything was in a ruinous condition. Inthe year 605 [_sic_] Estevan Drage, who went to India with twelvegalleons, attacked Amboyno and recaptured the fortress; and, goingto Tidore and the rest of the Malucas, gained possession of them all. Number 29. Recovery of Maluco by the governor of Filipinas, and itsannexation thereto That loss was felt keenly in España. The difficulty of relief fromIndia having been recognized--as that country was so distant, andits forces were so broken; while those of the Filipinas, becausethey were greater and nearer, were more suitable--letters were sentto the governor of those islands, with orders that, aided by thePortuguese, they should endeavor to recover Maluco and restore itto this crown. Don Pedro de Acuña, having determined to make thatexpedition, and being already in possession of the aid that Indiacould furnish, assembled a fine fleet in Iloylo, consisting of fivelarge ships, six galleys, three Portuguese galliots, another opengalliot, four junks, three champans, two English lanchas, and fourteenfragatas; and with them thirty-eight small boats, one thousand fourhundred and twenty-three Spaniards, one thousand six hundred natives, seventy-five pieces of artillery, and everything else needed. Withthat he gained Terrenate, reduced Tidore, and subdued Siao, Sula, andTacome, Gilolo, Sabugo, Gamocanora; and left those islands obedient. Hemoved the fortress of Terrenate to a better site, and garrisoned itwith six hundred Spaniards, as it was the capital of all the otherislands. Thus he placed on the enemy a curb, which some disastershave [since] removed. Inasmuch as the Malucos had been recovered bythe Filipinas, and obtain from the latter the most certain succor, it was deemed inexpedient to return them to the crown of Portugal, or to its viceroy of India, which is so far distant from them, bythe consent of both crowns; and a royal decree of October 29, 607, ordered that all the Malucas should remain, as at present, in chargeof the governor of Filipinas. Number 30. The clove trade, which is carried on by way of India In regard to the clove trade, it was proposed that it be introducedby way of Nueva España, carrying to barter for it the products ofthe island of Panay and the merchandise of China at the account ofthe royal treasury; and that with the 100, 000 ducados that would beinvested in that, one might trade for all the cloves that were gatheredin those islands. In the five chief islands alone that amounts to 4, 400bares of cloves of prime quality (which is the selected spice). At640 libras, that amounts to 2, 816, 000 libras, in which two millionsare concerned annually, for the maintenance of those islands, and thegaining of large increases for the royal treasury. In regard to ita decree of instruction had been given February 16, 602; but it wasnot then considered advisable to disturb that trade of India, eitherbecause of the injury that the Portuguese would receive, or in ordernot to cause a greater withdrawal of silver from Nueva España. However, that argument had little force; for, in exchange for the 100, 000ducados, two millions would be returned. Accordingly, although Malucoremained under the crown of Castilla, it was ordered that the clovetrade be carried on by way of India, by a decree of November 17, 607;and the Portuguese go from India to buy the cloves at Manila, and takethem to Malaca. Only what is needed there it shipped to Nueva España, and the rest is conveyed to various parts and kingdoms of the Orientwhich are convenient to Manila and the Malucas. The Dutch have againattempted to usurp that trade, as will be told later. Number 31. The Dutch return to Maluco; and the deeds of the governorof Filipinas Don Juan de Silva, who succeeded Don Pedro de Acuña in thegovernment, tried to preserve during his term what his predecessor hadgained. Immediately upon his arrival, learning that four ships fromOlanda were near Manila, he prepared five ships and three galleys, and went to give them battle with one thousand Spaniards. Of thethree ships that he found, one was destroyed by fire, and the othertwo surrendered; and their booty amounted to more than two hundredthousand ducados. That victory was not sufficient to make the enemylose their liking for that commerce, and they returned in greaterforce to seek it. Don Juan de Silva made an expedition against them, and went to find them in the strait of Maluco; but that expeditiondid not have the desired success. Having written to the viceroy ofIndia, by a secret letter of arrangements, dated December [35] 13, 615, asking the latter to join with him to endeavor to drive theDutch from those seas once for all, he resolved to put forth hisutmost efforts in order to accomplish it; and had he had the goodfortune to carry out that plan as he desired, it would have beenan exploit worthy of his great courage and valor. He built sevengalleons of one thousand or one thousand five hundred toneladas, inaddition to three others that he had; and cast one hundred and fiftylarge pieces of artillery--although, for lack of master-workmen, theydid not turn out well. He sent to request ten other galleons and sixgalleys from the viceroy of India, and sent sixteen thousand pesos forthe purchase of certain articles. That was taken by Don Christoval deAzqueta and forty Spaniards, who were never seen again, the disasterof that expedition thus commencing. The governor repeated the embassyby means of Father Juan de Ribera of the Society of Jesus. The latterobtained a reënforcement of four galleons and four galliots, and afew poorly-disciplined men; and (what was worse) they left so farahead of time, that they had to await Don Juan de Silva at Malacabefore the season to arrive, and at the worst time possible; forscarcely had they entered port when the king of Achen attacked themwith four hundred boats. He fought with the four galleons of Goa, and burned one of them, whereupon he desisted from the blockade. Assoon as the Jaos had gone, six galleons from Olanda entered, and afterfighting with the three galleons of Portugal, burned them. Learningthat Don Juan de Silva was coming, the Dutch retired to their forts, in fear of the force that he was carrying. Then the governor leftManila with ten galleons, the best that have ever been on that sea, and four galleys, in the year 616. He learned of the loss of thePortuguese, and although he ought to have attacked Bantan, where theenemy were fearing him, he entered Malaca without doing anything;and, while hesitating there as to what he could accomplish, he wasseized by the illness from which he died. His fleet, being leftwithout a leader, returned to Manila, destroyed and conquered byitself. The disaster of that voyage was recognized not only inwhat has been said, but also in that if he had gone to Maluco, as he had been advised, he would have accomplished an importantfeat of arms. If he had been a fortnight later in leaving Manila, he would have prevented the depredations committed by the DutchmanJorje Spilberg. The latter--having entered the South Sea, and foughtthe battle of Cañete, near Lima, which was of but little consolationfor the Peruvians--arrived at the bar of that city [_i. E. _, Manila], and then went to Maluco, thinking that the governor had gone to theirislands. Hearing that he was in Malaca, he took ten galleons from them, and went to look for him. Not finding him, and hearing of his death, he caused the rebellion of all those who were peaceful. The Mindanaoswent out with sixty caracoas, and attacked the province of Camarines, where they caused considerable depredation. Having disagreed, theMindanaos divided into two companies--one going toward Manila to jointhe Dutch, the other to the island of Panay. There Captain Lazaro deTorres destroyed them with only seven caracoas; and, capturing fourof the Mindanao caracoas, made the rest of them take to the opensea, until they were all lost. The Dutch, with their ten galleons, sighted the same island of Panay, and Captain Don Diego de Quiñoneswith seventy soldiers fought with seven companies of them that landed, and made them return to their boats with great loss, and but littlereputation, so much can a good captain do. The enemy went in sightof Manila again, where the fleet taken out by Don Juan de Silva hadalready entered; however, it was in so bad condition that it did nothave sufficient strength to attack the Dutch. Finally six galleonscould be prepared, to oppose the other six which were infesting thecoasts. The battle was fought, and the flagship of Olanda was sunk, and two galleons burned, while the almiranta, with two others, tookto flight. But that victory had its diminution, for the galleon"San Marcos, " having become separated [from the others], met twoDutch galleons which had not taken part in the battle. In order toavoid a new battle with them, and the captain losing courage, the"San Marcos" was run ashore and burned. Thus the Spanish side wasvictorious, but weakened. The enemy, although conquered and havinglost three galleons, went to Maluco with the seven remaining ones, and were able to keep what they had acquired. It is recognized thatMaluco is of the importance that has been stated, because they havemaintained it at the cost of so many losses, fleets, and men. Number 32. Dutch forts and presidios in the Filipinas district The above is confirmed by mentioning the forts which they haveestablished with presidios, and which they have now in the districtof the Filipinas Islands, both for the defense by their arms and forthe continuance of the clove trade. [36] In Terrenate they possess the fort of Malayo, which they callGranoya. There lives the Dutch governor, who has the rest of Malucoin his charge. It is a regular city in which there was usually agarrison of 850 soldiers, but which now has only 150 [140--_MS. _]. Ata quarter of a legua is Toloco, a strong site, in which there are, for garrison, one alférez with twenty soldiers. Tacubo is also nearMalayo, whence they garrison it as is necessary. Malaca is one-halflegua to the north of Malayo. Tacome, which they call Vuillemistat, [37] three leguas from Toloco, is a principal fort, and has a garrisonof one company. They had no fort in Tidore formerly, from the time of the expeditionof Don Pedro de Acuña until the year 612, when they gained a smallrampart where the governor of Maluco, Don Geronimo de Silva, keptan alférez with 14 [15--_MS. _] soldiers. There the Dutch built thefort called Marieco the great, where there is a captain with sixtysoldiers. However, they do not get any profit from that island. Motri [Morri--_MS. _], which lies between Tidore and Maquien, became depopulated through the fear of the natives for the men ofTidore. Persuaded by the Terrenatans, the Dutch founded a fort therein its northern part, taking a colony from Gilolo; the natives werethereupon assured of safety, and settled there. It has a captain withfifty soldiers. There are three forts in Maquin or Muchian, one legua from Motir[Morir--_MS. _]: Nofagia, at the north, with one alférez and fortymarried soldiers; Tafazen, at the west, with one lieutenant of thegovernor, and one hundred married [38] soldiers; at Tabelole, in theeast, a small fort of but slight importance, with one sergeant andtwelve soldiers. In Bachian is the fort of Bernevelt, with one captain and sixtysoldiers. In Gilolo or Batochina, [39] three leguas from the fort maintainedthere by the Spaniards, the Dutch maintain that of Tabori, with onealférez and fifty soldiers; and three leguas farther on is anotherfort, with one lieutenant and twelve soldiers. In Amborino [_i. E. _, Amboina], [40] eighty leguas from Terrenate, is a large fort, with a watered moat capable of floating a galleywithout its oars. Its garrison consists of a commandant with onehundred soldiers. In Siao, thirty leguas from Terrenate, the Dutch own Sagu Maruco[Marico--_MS. _]. A Spanish alférez was there with five soldiersin the year 614 for a certain purpose. The Dutch came, and afterdriving out the Spaniards, fortified themselves in that place, asthey always crave what España possesses. A sergeant was stationedthere with sixteen soldiers, although it is not a post of importance. They have two forts in Banda: Moçovia and Belgio, each one with onehundred and twenty soldiers. Although the natives are hostile, thosepresidios are kept up with the hope of reducing them, and because ofthe nutmeg which is gotten there, which is but little. In Java Major there are three factories, namely, in Baatan, Jacava, and Japara. Bantan is the chief stronghold that the Dutch have inIndia. The governor or prefect lives there, in whose charge are allthe forts of the Orient. There is kept account of all that is ladenand of the ships, so that it is the accountancy and register of theirtrade. There are two galleys and more than thirty barks, armed andgarrisoned, in which they cross to Jacatra, which is the arsenal anddockyard where their ships are repaired, as it is the first and laststation that they make on leaving and on entering by the straits ofSincapura and Sonda. It is one day's journey from Bantan. However, the English, in confederacy with the Jaos, a few years ago seizedcertain of those ports. In the year 629, the king of Matalan [_i. E. _, Mataram] besieged Jacatra, where he remained for five months. Theydestroyed the city, and killed three hundred of the Dutch, and thelatter only retained their fortress. In Borneo, which is the most westerly of the Filipinas, and thelargest, being five hundred leguas in circumference, the Dutch donot possess fort or factory, but they are allowed to trade there. In the island of Hermosa, between the Filipinas and China, theyhave established a presidio and seized a port. España has anotherfort there, each on its own point, as the island is long. That hascaused anxiety, as the island lies on the way to China. Accordingly, the governor [of Filipinas] has been ordered to endeavor to drivethe Dutch away. In the island of Sumatra, at the city of Jambo in the strait ofSincapura, they have a factory for the pepper trade, which is ofgreat importance to them. In the kingdom of Patan, they have another factory, which rankswith that of Jambo; another in that of Sian; another in Camboxa;and another in Cochinchina. They have no entrance into China; on thecontrary, they are the declared and common enemy [of that country]because of the great piracies that they have committed against thosenatives. They have a factory in Japon, from which they get food andammunition, which is worth not a little to them. They have other ports, which they have abandoned as it was convenientfor them to do so--as that of Gemalanor, in Gilolo; the forts ofBouson, Solor, and Timor; the factories of Gresco in Java, and thatof Asqueo, because of a war which they had with their king. Theyabandoned another in Macasar, in the island of the Celebes, where theygot a quantity of sago [_segu_], which is the bread of the country, and a quantity of rice. Accordingly, they tried to return there, but were unable. In all those forts and presidios Jorje Spilberg found, in the year616, three thousand regular soldiers; one hundred and ninety-threebronze pieces, and three hundred and ten of cast iron, with threehundred swivel-guns; and thirty war galleons, besides those galleonsin which they made the journey to and from Olanda. Number 33. Arguments based on the forts of the Dutch From this account which has been given of the Dutch forts in the seasof the Filipinas, are deduced certain arguments that belong to thepurpose of this memorial and the matters of which it treats. Number 34. First argument: for the condition and danger of the commerce The first argument is the quality and importance of the commerce ofthe Orient, its condition, and the risk to which it is exposed. Number 35. Second argument: participation in the clove trade of Maluco The second is the special point of the trade in the cloves which areobtained in Maluco, in which it is to be noted that the Dutch shareby means of the forts that they maintain. Accordingly, they obtain600 bares [misprinted _baus_] from the cloves of Terrenate annually, or 384, 000 libras; from Motir, 700 bares, or 468, 000 libras; fromMaquien, 1, 400 bares, or 896, 000 libras; from Bachian, 400 bares, or256, 000 libras; from Amboyno, 1, 800 bares, or 1, 152, 000 libras. Thetotal of the cloves obtained from Maluco, exclusive of Amboyno, is1, 098, 000 libras. Since the total yield from all those islands is, as has been stated, 2, 816, 000 libras, there is left for the Spaniards, Portuguese, Castilians, and other nations who get some of it, 1, 718, 000libras. Even that is because of the protection and proximity of theFilipinas; and if that protection were lacking, not only would allthe clove trade belong to the Dutch, but, not needing the presidiosthat they maintain for it, they would enjoy all the trade at a muchless cost and with greater gains, as can be understood from what ishere stated. Number 36. Third argument: the profits of that commerce, and the effect[on it] of the Filipinas The third, the great profits of that commerce; since for itsmaintenance alone the enemy employ and support so many fleets andpresidios. And although the states of Olanda are so poor and of solittle importance, when compared with the grandeur of the monarchy ofEspaña, they obtain [from that trade] with only good management and thefreedom with which they conduct it, so large profits that with thatgain they maintain so great a force on the sea; and their profitswould be much greater, if the Dutch were not opposed by the forcewhich your Majesty has in the Filipinas Islands. For it is affirmedthat when two ships and one patache were coming laden from India totheir country, and the ships were wrecked, and the patache saved, from that vessel alone they made up the loss, and had a considerablegain. That shows how advisable it is that the enemy do not increaseand that the [colony in the] islands be permanent, and be protected, and its citizens succored. Number 37. [Fourth argument:] Commerce of China sustains the Filipinas, and how it is carried on. Returning to the commerce that the islands have and what they canhave--namely, all the above and that of Japon and other kingdomsof those regions--the first and chief thing in which consists thepreservation of the Filipinas is the Chinese trade. Although thecommerce is shared by Portugal, it is with great peril and danger, as the Portuguese have to go through the strait of Sincapura, whichis always occupied by the Dutch. It has this difference, that thePortuguese go to China itself to get the goods, where they have asettlement in the city of Macan; while the Castilians enjoy thetrade in Manila, to whose port many ships come annually from China, laden with all the products, natural and artificial, that that greatkingdom yields. Governor Don Francisco Tello granted permission to DonJuan Zamudio, in the year 1599, to go to China, and to establish thetrade as the Portuguese have it. He went with a ship to the city ofCanton, and although he experienced not a little opposition from them, he opened a port for the inhabitants of Filipinas. That of El Pinalwas assigned them, and a house in Canton, together with chapas andpassports, so that they might go to form a settlement there wheneverthey liked. Don Luis Perez Das Mariñas being wrecked afterward on thecoast of China, the Chinese welcomed him, and the Spaniards enteredthat port. Although, as that was in violation of the royal decreeof 593, a censure was sent to the Audiencia, yet the governor wascharged by a secret letter of October 15, 603, to call a council toconsider the advisability of continuing that enterprise. From thatconference it appears that the royal decree of July 25, 609, resulted, by which that trade of China and Japon was permitted to the citizensof Manila. However, it is a fact that they do not avail themselvesof it directly, but that they are content to await the Chinese whobring their merchandise to them, as the citizens have not the forcesor the capital to go to their country for it. The Chinese are allowedto sell the goods at wholesale, in accordance with the order thatwas introduced by Governor Gomez Perez Das Mariñas. The goods areappraised in a lump by persons deputed for that purpose; and thenthe goods are divided and distributed among the inhabitants, so thatall may have a share in the commerce. That method was approved by aletter of instructions of January 17, 593, and is the method called"pancada;" to the governor was left only permission to send one shipannually to Macan, in order to buy military supplies and no otherthing, by a decree of February 4, 608. For some little time past thePortuguese of that city have begun going to Manila, or sending thithermerchandise from China. That is a great damage to the citizens, forthe Portuguese sell the goods dearer than do the Chinese. Formerlythose Chinese goods were taken freely to Nueva España, Guatimala, and Panamá, and passed on to Perú; but on account of their cheapnessand the extent to which they were consumed, and the profit made ontheir cost, they were a menace to those kingdoms, and the damagecaused by them to the commerce of Sevilla was regretted. Accordingly, the exportation of those goods to Guatimala and Panamá was forbidden, and afterward their transportation to Perú; and the permission was leftonly for Nueva España, as will be related, as that is the principalpoint under discussion. [_In the margin_: "From number 62 on. "] Number 38. Fifth argument for the importance of the islands: theirsuperiority in those seas Concluding with the arguments that make the Filipinas important, the fifth is the superiority that they have in the Orient over not afew crowned kings. Your Majesty does not provide any post in all thekingdoms of this monarchy, that are equal in that region to that ofgovernor of the islands, unless it be the viceroyalty of India. As suchgovernor, the king of Borneo, confessing himself, although a Mahometan, a vassal of the crown of Castilla, rendered homage to Doctor Franciscode Sande. During the term of Gomez Perez Das Mariñas, the king ofanother island, Siao, went to Manila and rendered homage. Don Pedrode Acuña took their king prisoner in the expedition to Terrenate, and kept him in that city [_i. E. _, Manila]. When Don Juan Niño deTavora went [as governor], he bore an order, by a decree of November10, 626, to give that king his freedom if he considered it advisable;but he was not freed, and died a prisoner in 629, as did also his sonshortly before. He was succeeded by a cachil who had been a prisonerwith the king, and who remained hostile. The king of Tidore is an ally, and recognizes the governor as his superior; and the arms of Españaas his protection. A treaty of peace was made in the year 618 withthe king of Macasar, as that was important for the maintenance ofTerrenate. The watchfulness maintained with the king of Mindanao isconstant; and although he has been subdued several times--especiallyin the year 597, through the valor of Don Juan Ronquillo, who hadmany encounters in that island with the natives--he has once morerevolted. Although he has been severely punished, never is thereassurance of him except when he knows that there is a force in theFilipinas. Consequently, such a force is necessary, in order that hemay not dare to commit greater depredations, for the Mindanaos whoshall be taken in war are declared to be by that very fact slaves, by a royal decree of May 29, 620. By a decree of July 4, 1609, it is ordered that peace be maintained with the emperor of Japon;and harmonious relations were long maintained with him, by sendinghim a present annually and receiving his, and by admitting ships andcommerce between the two countries. [This was done] until the year634, when the Dutch so angered him against the Catholics that theyroused up a new persecution against them in his kingdoms, and putan end to his friendship with Filipinas. That is no small injury, not only on account of the cessation of intercourse with them, butbecause that barbarian is powerful, and the Japanese are generalpirates. Peace with Great China and its king has been better managed, and is maintained by means of commerce and some presents which aresent. Doctor Sande wrote that he would dare to conquer that kingdom, which was a very confident promise; he was answered on April 9, 586, that he was not to consider such a thing, but to preservefriendship with the Chinese. Accordingly, that has been done, and somany Chinese are in Manila that they have two villages: one that ofVindonoc [_i. E. _, Binondo], which is near the city, and composed ofmarried Christians; and the other the Parián--which is, as it were, an enclosed suburb--in which live those who bring merchandise, andall these are called Sangleys. The kingdoms of Champa, Camboxa, andSian, which occupy the mainland, are frontiers of war. The conquestof Champa is regarded as lawful, by agreement of the theologians, as its natives are notorious pirates on those who pass their coasts, and they have many Christian captives; and because they consent to anddefend the law of Mahomet, and are nearly all Moors, as is mentionedin a royal decree of October 13, 600. The king of Camboxa is not sopernicious, and allows woods, which abound in his kingdom, to be taken[thence] for shipbuilding in Filipinas, besides other products andvaluable drugs. There is a history of the ambassadors whom the king, Apran Langara, sent to Manila, whence went to him the reënforcementtaken to him by Captain Gallinato, and the success that he had;consequently, that kingdom has always been well affected toward theSpaniards. The king of Sian is like him of Champa; he holds morethan fourteen thousand Christians captive, from various nations. Inthe year 629, that king captured two ships from Manila in his ports, and detained them. Therefore the governor, Don Juan Niño, sent twogalleons, which inflicted a sufficient punishment along their coast;and then an embassy to demand satisfaction for the two ships, sayingthat, if it were not given, they would continue to collect it. Theking was dead, and his son agreed to do what was demanded fromhim. Thereby your Majesty's arms kept the reputation that they havealways preserved in those seas among so many Moorish and pagan kings, and in presence of the forces of Olanda and Inglaterra. Number 39. Sixth argument for the importance of the islands: theeffects of their preservation The sixth and last argument which shows and proves the importance ofthe islands, and how advisable is their conservation and maintenance, consists in the excellent and considerable effects that result from it, which, although they are numerous, can be reduced to five chief points. Number 40. First effect of the conservation of the islands: thepromulgation of the faith The first effect is the conservation of the Catholic faith, andthe continuance of its promulgation, which has entered the rich andextensive regions of the Orient through the agency of both crownsof Castilla and Portugal. In that are seen so [41] miraculousadvances that it would be for the kings of España to disregardthe obligation that they so much value, in [not] giving them theprotection possible--so that while the faith does not advance, itmay not decrease, nor lose what has been planted in the vineyard ofGod our Lord. This will be attained (humanly speaking), as long asthe two extremes on which this mean depends do not fail, those twoextremes being the states maintained by the two crowns in the Orient:that of Portugal, in India; and that of Castilla, in Filipinas. AsIndia is the gateway for all the kingdoms that belong to this part ofthe straits, so also are the islands for these kingdoms about them, such as Great China, Japon, the Javas, Nueva Guinea, and the islandsof Salomon--for whose discovery three voyages had been made from Limaat great cost, but with little result, although they could be reachedwith greater ease by sailing from Manila. Number 41. Second effect of the conservation of the islands: thesecurity of India The second effect will be to assure the safety of those states, ofwhich as they are found today, one may understand that, if one belost, the other will become endangered. India has declined in itscommerce and wealth, and consequently, in its power, because of therelationship that there is between these two things; for when a kingdomloses its wealth, it loses its strength. Both have been usurped bythe Dutch, as is proved; for they, commencing with the commerce, haveappropriated it to themselves, as well as the strength that is annexedto commerce. Therefore India needs to avail itself of the Filipinas, and that not only for such special aid as was requested by the viceroy, Conde de Linares, in the year 631 (who was governing India with thecare, prudence, and success that is known by the excellent resultsthat he obtained, and by the great talent and valor of his person, experienced in that and in other charges), to whom Governor Don JuanNiño sent two galleons; but also so that the enemy, being diverted, may have less power. Thus was he [_i. E. _, the governor of Filipinas]charged to do by decrees of April 4, 1581, and December 5, 1584. Thesame must also be understood of the islands, which although they donot now have less strength than for the last forty years, have moreenemies and more to which to attend. If India should fail them, theywould be maintained with greater difficulty. The Portuguese aided inthe expedition made by Don Pedro de Acuña, and also in that of Don Juande Silva, but not with equal success in both; and it is ordered thatthe two forces unite for the recovery of the island of Hermosa. Thecity of Macan, in China, is so far from India that it would be indanger should the islands fail it. The governor of the islands had anorder to aid that city, by a decree of December twenty, six hundredand twenty-three. He did so by sending it six pieces of artillery, with ammunition and other supplies, which were of so great importancethat the Portuguese averted their danger. That action is recommendedby the good treatment and welcome that the men of Filipinas receivein India--especially in Cochin, where they go to buy ships and otherthings--as was written, in acknowledgment therefor, to Don FelipeMascareñas [Mascarenhas--_MS. _] in the year 630. Number 42. Third effect of the conservation of the islands: to depriveOlanda of commerce The third effect is to deprive the Dutch of a great part of theircommerce, not only by España maintaining it in the Filipinas, which otherwise would all belong to the Dutch, as has been said, [_In the margin_: "In number 36. "] but also by forcing them to keepthe presidios and fleets that have been mentioned, [_In the margin_:"In number 32. "] in order to preserve what they have usurped; and thus, the expenses being heavier, consequently the profits would be less. Itwas already proposed, with arguments that gained no little approbation(thus they secured its execution), how advisable it was for a royalfleet to cruise among the Windward Islands. Among the effects thatwere assured was one (and the most important), that of compelling theenemy who should go to infest those islands and commit piracies alongtheir coasts, to erect a fort, and form settlements in some [of theislands], as they have done; and to do it with presidios and garrisons, because of their fear of being attacked and punished--and not as theyusually do, when with two little ships carrying each six pieces andtwenty men, they pillage what they wish; and with a hundred [common]laborers, and one captain to command them, without arms or defense, they settle on this or that island, confident that there is no one onthe sea who can oppose them, or attack them ashore. For if they werein fear, and were obliged to carry an armed force, they would, as thatrequires cost and preparation, be unable to make so many settlements;nor would their profits be so great that they would not some time orother be ruined and take warning from experience. The Filipinas aredoing this in the Orient, and are resisting the enemy in such mannerthat they not only compel them to maintain forts in their seas, butalso to suffer so great losses in them that at times the losses, as isknown, exceed the profits. On that account, it is understood that theEast [India] Company of Olanda is less rich than formerly; and that, leaving it, they have established the West [India Company]. As thelatter does not consume [demand--_MS. _] so much expense, althoughthe profits are less, it is more appreciated. This is an argumentthat ought to be heeded in order to establish a fort in the WindwardIslands, as there is in the Filipinas, so that the same result mightbe experienced in the former as in the latter. Number 43. Fourth effect of the conservation of the islands: therelief of the Indias The fourth effect is the relief of the Western Indias; for with thediversion and expense that the enemy encounters in the Eastern Indiasand the posts of Maluco, he is forced to pay less attention to theWestern Indias, and to infest them with weaker forces--which wouldbe greater if he could dispense with employing them in the Orient tocounteract the forces of Filipinas; and the profits of commerce thereincreasing, he would, freed from the expense [of those armaments], be at liberty to occupy himself in the West. If the Dutch shouldenter there with all their forces, they would cause much more anxiety[than now], and more costly means of defense than those which aremade in Filipinas. Number 44. Fifth effect of the conservation of the islands: thereputation of this crown The fifth and last effect is that this crown will sustain itsreputation and renown, a consideration which so urgently persuadesit to preserve a post so honored, avoiding the scandal that wouldresult from losing it, or from abandoning as difficult and costly themost noble exploit that has been offered to any prince. That would[will--_MS. _] persuade the enemy that it was for lack of forces, or that the gospel ministers whom España sends only go where richesand advantage await them, and not where these are not found. That wasone of the motives, if not the greatest, of the kings your Majesty'sfather and grandfather; and your greatness has not only to preservewhat you inherited by so many legitimate titles, but also to increaseit as much as possible. Number 45. Means existing for the conservation of the islands Granted, then, and declared by so many and so evident arguments, the importance of the Filipinas, in regard to both its causes and itseffects, it is to be noted that there are to be found but two meansfor the attainment of their conservation. One is for your Majestyto supply from the royal treasury all the expense that should benecessary, without heeding what income they furnish. The other methodis to concede to them the commerce with Nueva España, in such quantityand manner that, with what should proceed from it, there should beenough to defend the islands. Each of these means is insufficient byitself, nor is it possible; for your Majesty cannot spend all that isnecessary for the maintenance of Filipinas, and it is not advisableto permit their commerce to the extent that the duties derived fromit may equal the expenses incurred for the islands. Consequently, the least damaging and the most certain expedient seems to be tocombine these measures so that your Majesty may aid in part, andmay protect that commerce in such manner that the islands havingthe means therefor, may attend to their own wants; since the greaterthe sum derived from the commerce, without increasing it too much, the less the expense from the royal treasury. Number 46. Points to which the execution of the means proposed canbe reduced In order to adjust these two means, as they are the only ones forthis end, it is necessary to make known what the Filipinas are costingtoday. This will be the first of five points to which this matter isreduced. The second, what they contribute. The third, what commercethey exercise with Nueva España. The fourth, the present condition ofthis commerce. The fifth and last, what illegal acts are committedin this commerce, and how these can be avoided or corrected withoutruining or destroying it. These points having been declared, thedecision that can be rendered in regard to the petitions that aremade in behalf of the islands will be clear. Number 47. First point: of the expenses of the islands; and the firstdivision of it, the administration of justice. In regard to the first point, namely, the cost and expense ofthe islands, it consists in what results from eight branches ormain divisions to which it is reduced. The first is that of thejustice which your Majesty, as natural seignior, ought to furnish andadminister to those vassals. The head of it is the royal Chancilleríawhich resides in the city of Manila. It was first established (foreverything is done with a foundation), by a royal decree of March 5, 582, with a president (who was to be governor), three auditors, andone fiscal. [42] The governor and president, who was then LicentiateSantiago de Vera, was assigned a salary of four thousand _pesosensayados_; [43] and the auditors and fiscal, two thousand. Forthe payment of those salaries, by a royal decree of May 10, 1583, twelve thousand [pesos] ensayados in tributes of the Indians wereordered to be assigned (and they were assigned) to the crown. Later, it having been understood through some less authentic reports that theAudiencia was unnecessary in Manila, it was suppressed by a decree ofAugust 9, 1589; and Gomez Perez Das Mariñas, of the Habit of Santiago, was appointed governor and captain-general, with a salary of 8, 000pesos ensayados, and with authority to have a guard of halberdiersto uphold the dignity of the post (as is done by his successors tothis day). It consists of one captain with 240 pesos pay (althoughthis post is always held by an infantry captain who receives no morethan the ordinary pay, which will be mentioned), twelve soldiers at96 pesos, and one corporal at 108 pesos, making a total of 1, 260pesos of eight reals (all this account and summary being reckonedin pesos of that denomination). He was given a lieutenant-general ascounselor, with a salary of 2, 000 pesos ensayados. But scarcely wasthe Audiencia suppressed, than results showed the unreliability ofthe reports which had led to that step. Don Francisco Tello havingsucceeded to the government, the Audiencia was again established, and he was given the title of president, on December 21, 595. Therewere four auditors and one fiscal, who was to be protector of theIndians; and all were given the salary that they had before, exceptthe president, who was left the 8, 000 pesos ensayados that had beenassigned him as governor. Thus the Audiencia is still maintained, with an expense of 18, 000 pesos ensayados, or 29, 000 pesos, 2 realsof common gold. To the court scrivener was assigned 300 [pesos];to one reporter, 600 one fiscal solicitor, 300; to the captain, 350; to one herald, 48: a total of 1, 898, to be paid from fines ofthe exchequer. The sum paid to corregidors is as follows: to two, for the island of Mindoro and the province of Catanduanes, at therate of 100 pesos, to two, for the islands of Mariveles and Negros, at the rate of 150 pesos; to those of the islands of Leyte, Samare, Ybabao, and to him of Ibalon (who is also a sentinel), at the rate of200. To twelve alcaldes-mayor of Tondo, Pampanga, Bulacan, Pangasinar, Ilocos, Cagayan, Calamianes, Zebu, Camarines, Laguna de Bay, Balayan, and Atilaya, at the rate of 300 pesos; and to him of Oton, who servesin the post of purveyor for Terrenate, 700 pesos. Therefore the totalin this department is 37, 077 pesos. Number 48. Second division: the conversion, preaching, divine worship, and the hospitals The second is that which pertains to the conversion, and to preaching, divine worship, and the hospitals. The first bishop appointed for thechurch of Manila was Fray Domingo de Salazar. He was succeeded by FrayIgnacio de Santivañez, with the pall as archbishop--the church beingerected into a metropolitan, and the three of [Nueva] Caceres, Zebu, and [Nueva] Segovia into suffragans, in the year 596, although thelatter have no prebends. The archbishop was assigned a competenceof 3, 000 ducados, and the three bishops each 500, 000 maravedis, all from the royal treasury; the tithes enter into the treasury, as their amount is small. Thus the four prelates receive annually, 9, 637 and one-half pesos. To the dignitaries of the metropolitanchurch are paid: to the dean, 600 pesos; to the archdeacon, precentor, treasurer, and schoolmaster, each 500; to four canons, each 400; to two racioneros, each 300; to two medio-racioneros, 200;to two curas, each 50, 000 maravedis; to two sacristans, each 25, 000maravedis. To the chaplain of the seminary of Santa Potenciana, whichbelongs to the royal patronage, 300 pesos. For four regular priests ofSt. Dominic, four of St. Augustine, and four of the Society of Jesus, who administer instruction in Manila, to each convent are given, 1, 072 pesos; and for four others, Augustinian Recollects, 697 pesosto their convent. To two secular assistants of the bishop of Zebu, each 576 pesos, by a decree of March 14, 633; and a like sum to twoof [Nueva] Segovia, by a decree of April 11, 635; and the same tohim of [Nueva] Caceres. To twelve curas, and twelve sacristans, inthe three cathedrals, and in nine other churches of those islands, each 50, 000 maravedis, and 25, 000 [respectively]. To two religiouswho administer the sacraments in the island of Hermosa, each 536pesos. To the convents of St. Dominic and St. Augustine, each 400;to that of the Society of Jesus, 200; to that of St. Francis, 300;to the nuns of St. Clare, 200. To two infirmaries, maintained bythe Dominican religious in Cagayan and Pangasinan, each 400. To theSpanish hospital in Manila, 3, 000 pesos; to the physician, 300; tothe surgeon, 400; to the barber, 312; to the apothecary, 200; to thesteward, 182 and one-half, and one tonelada in the trading ships. Tothe hospital of Cavite, 700; to that of San Lazaro of the natives, outside the walls, 3, 442; to that of Los Baños of Nueva España, ofholy [44] waters, 1, 472, and 100 more for medicines; to that of theSangleys of San Gabriel [Graviel--_MS. _], 425; to that of Terrenate, 1, 000; to that of Cagayan, 300; to that of Oton, 250; to that ofCaraga, 50; to that of Zebu, 250; to that of the artillerymen, 500;to that of the trading ships, 1, 000. To some churches which havealms of oil are distributed annually 3, 940 gantas, which are worth760 pesos. [The expenses for] this department amount to 37, 297 pesos. Number 49. Third division: the presents sent by the governor The third is but little, and consists of [the expenses caused by]the custom in those islands of the governor sending some gifts, donations, and presents to the kings of Japon, Camboxa, Tidore, and others. These are necessary to maintain their friendship, and tokeep them well-disposed for what is asked from them; for not one ofthem receives an embassy favorably, unless it is accompanied by somepresent. In the year 580 a present was sent from España to Great China, consisting of twelve falcons; twelve horses, with their trappingsand saddle-cloths embroidered with the royal arms; and six mules, [45] with their wrought coverings, which carried twelve boxes, filledwith various curious articles. For securing this amicable relation, there are spent annually one thousand five hundred pesos. Number 50. Fourth division: the management of the royal treasury The fourth division is that of the management of the royal treasury. Tothe three officials--treasurer, accountant, and factor--are paidsalaries of 5, 625 pesos. To eight greater and lesser officials, 2, 300pesos; to one computer-in-ordinary of accounts, 1, 000; to his chiefclerk, who is a royal notary, 450; to three other clerks of accounts, 900; to the assayer and weigher, 550; and to its officer of justice, 300. The full total is 11, 550 pesos. Number 51. Fifth division: land warfare The fifth division is that of land warfare. There is one master-of-campin the camp of Manila, with 1, 654 and one-half pesos pay; onesargento-mayor, with 990; two adjutants, with 360; one chaplain of theregiment, with 360; one field captain, with 180; one chief constable, with 96; one head drummer, with 126; ten substitutes stationed nearthe person of the governor and appointed by your Majesty at differentrates of pay, which amounted in the year 635 (the year when all thisreport was drawn up) to 6, 675 pesos; one military notary, with 200[20--_MS. _]; and one procurator for the infantry, with 126. Of thepresidios of Manila, the castellan of the fort of Santiago receives 800pesos, and his one lieutenant, 420; three wardens for the presidios ofZebu, Oton, and Cagayan, each 300; their three lieutenants, each 96;one chaplain for Oton, 180; one lieutenant of the captain-general ofPintados, 800; one lieutenant of the governor and captain-general, for the presidio of the island of Hermosa, 1, 200; one sargento-mayorof that presidio, who is also a captain of infantry, has captain's pay;three adjutants of the sargento-mayor of Oton [Octon--_MS. _], Cebu, andCagayan, each 180; another in the island of Hermosa, 250. The infantryof the camp of Manila, which includes that of the island of Hermosa, consists of eighteen companies--sixteen of them with a like numberof captains, and the two which are commanded by the master-of-campof the army and the castellan of Santiago. All amount generally to1, 576 infantrymen, 88 men to each company. As to pay, the captainsreceive each 600 pesos; the alférezes, each 240; the sergeants, each 120; the corporals (there being four in each company), each 12pesos over the common soldier's pay; the 56 infantrymen, includingpage, fifer, two drummers, and one standard-bearer, each 96 pesos;the [remaining] infantrymen, who are musketeers, each 126 pesos. Toeach company is given 30 escudos per month over the regular pay. Thetotal expense in pay to each company amounts to 9, 555 and one-halfpesos. And inasmuch as they are never without crippled soldiers, who receive 72 pesos without serving, there is a fund of 1, 000 pesosfor them. There are 140 other soldiers of the Pampango tribe, who arestationed in the presidios of Manila, Oton, Zebu, Cagayan, and Caraga, who receive each 86 pesos per year. Their captain receives 288, onealférez, 192, one sergeant, 96. Consequently, this company causesan expense of 7, 296 pesos. For the artillery, there is one captainwho receives 800; four constables, in Manila, the fort of Santiago, the fort of Cavite, and the island of Hermosa, each 300; one hundredand ten artillerymen in the camp and presidios, each 200; the totalamounting to 32, 596. The total for this department is 229, 696 pesos. Number 52. Sixth division: of the defense of Maluco The sixth is for the war and defense of Maluco. The castellan andgovernor of the forts of Terrenate receives 2, 750 pesos; two adjutantsof the sargento-mayor, each 825. There are seven companies of infantrywith 570 soldiers. The captains receive each 600 pesos; each alférez, 240; each sergeant, 120; each corporal, 30 pesos in addition to theregular soldier's pay; and the others as in Manila. Each company gets30 escudos in addition to the regular pay. They were ordered to spend[the money for] four substitutes that they had, each of 440 pesos, andthat pay was also given as additional pay. Thus each of these companiescauses an expense of 9, 809 pesos. In addition there are two Pampangoinfantry companies, with 200 soldiers. Each captain gets 288 pesos;each alférez, 192; each sergeant, 144; and each infantryman, 72. Thetwo companies cost 13, 312 pesos. There is one surgeon who receives664 pesos; one artillery captain, 480; one constable, 300; one fieldcaptain, 330; one war notary, 200; one accountant and factor, 1, 150;one chief clerk, 400; another minor clerk, 150; one notary of the royaltreasury, 250; one [book]keeper and paymaster, 523; twenty sailors, 150[pesos] and one ganta of rice apiece; one cura, 50, 000 maravedis; onesacristan, 25, 000 maravedis; and seven religious, four of St. Francisand three of the Society, to whom are given 1, 330 pesos. Consequently, [the expense of] this department amounts to a total of 97, 128 pesos, three reals. Number 53. Seventh division: the navy and marine works The seventh is that of the navy and what pertains to marineworks. There are six galleys, used as a guard for the islands. Theyhave one commander-in-chief, who receives 800 pesos; one lieutenant, 600; six captains, two of whom live in Manila, two in the islandof Hermosa, each 422 pesos, and two in Terrenate, each 699 andone-half pesos; one accountant, 400; one chaplain [captain--_MS. _], 200. Each galley has one leader, who receives 170 pesos; one master, 300; one boatswain, [46] 250; one boatswain's mate, 217 and one-half;one alguaçil, 230; one oarmaker, 230; three sailors, each 133. In all[six galleys] there are 1, 080 convicts who receive 27 pesos and tworeals, and three pesos in clothing. These six galleys cost 45, 026pesos annually. There are twelve pilots in the ports of Cavite, theisland of Hermosa, and Terrenate, each of whom receives 200 pesos whenhe is not afloat (for when afloat they receive more); ten boatswains[_contramaestres_] of as many boats, who are paid each 325 pesos;ten boatswain's mates, each 225. There are 520 sailors, each of whomreceives 175 pesos, among whom are included those who sail to NuevaEspaña, Terrenate, and the island of Hermosa, and other parts. Thereare 200 common seamen, each of whom receives 60 and one-half pesos;seven coopers, each 325; four Indian coopers, each 72 and one-half; onediver, 350; one hundred and sixty Sangleys (24 of whom are pilots), whoserve as sailors in the champans and bring the food and war supplies, all of whom together get 7, 504 pesos; twenty Indians, who serve inthe boat that acts as a scout-boat in the island of Marivelez, whoreceive five hundred and forty pesos; one hundred and thirty Lascars, natives of India, who are sailors and common seamen, 9, 754 pesos; onemaster of ropemaking, one hundred and seventy-five pesos; two Indianropemakers, each 78 pesos; fifty Indians who work at the rigging, each 24 and one-half pesos; six Spanish carpenters, each 325; fivehundred and fifty Indians, carpenters along the Cavite coast (sixof them, who are bosses, each 97 pesos; 120 workmen and laborers, each 61; and the rest, each 49); 50 other Sangley carpenters andsawyers, who are paid 4, 220 pesos; seven Spanish calkers, each 325;four slave calkers, each 47 and one-half; fourteen Sangley calkers, who get 1, 165 pesos; one master of the smithy of Cavite, 425; anotherof the Manila foundry, 375; another of the smithy of the army, 350;one hundred Indian smiths, for the three smithies, get 5, 377 pesos;thirty Sangley smiths, ten of them bosses of forges, are paid 2, 280pesos. Therefore this part amounts to 180, 731 pesos. The ships that sail annually to Nueva España carry onecommander-in-chief, or head, who, in addition to four rationsthat are given him, receives a salary of 4, 325 pesos; one admiral, 2, 900. Although it is ordered in the royal decree for the grant ofthe last of December, 604, that these ships have an overseer andaccountant, with pay of 2, 000 ducados apiece, in order that theymay keep account in their books of what is carried and taken, asin the last reports of expenses and salaries, those offices are notfound. It is doubtful whether they are provided, and accordingly theyare omitted. There are two masters, each of whom receives 400 pesos;four pilots, each 700; two boatswains, each 325; two boatswain's mates, each 225; two notaries, each 225; two keepers of the arms and stores, each 225; two calkers, each 325; two water guards, each 225; twosurgeons, each 225; two constables, each 325; twenty artillerymen, each 225 (who ought to serve a like number of pieces, accordingto the seventh section of the royal decree of 604); six Cahayanes[_i. E. _, Cagayans (Indians)?], each 60; two coopers, each 325. Thesewages amount to 20, 535 pesos, for sailors and common seamen belong tothose whose posts are continuous. On the return trip [to Filipinas], when the usual reënforcements are carried, there is a sargento-mayor, who gets 600 pesos; one adjutant, 412; one royal alférez, 865. Itis ordered by a royal decree of December 14, 630, that the latterofficers be aided with only four months' pay at Acapulco, and thatthey be paid for the time of their service. Furthermore, there isa shoremaster at the port of Cavite, who receives 600 [650--_MS. _]pesos; and although it was ordered by a royal decree of April 22, 608, that he should not receive this salary, that office must haveappeared indispensable. There is one builder for ships and anotherfor galleys, each of whom receives 690 pesos; one gunner to sight theguns, and an overseer of the royal works of Cavite, 800; one managerfor the artillery foundry, 500; one founder, 450; one powder manager, 500; another of the rigging, 272. One galley is built every year, onan average, which costs 20, 000 pesos finished and ready for sailing, exclusive of the men who work at it. The purchase and equipment of18 champans cost 2, 300 pesos. Therefore, according to the items abovementioned, the expense of this department amounts to 283, 184 pesos. Number 54. Eighth division: the food, munitions, [47] and otherexpenses The eighth and last is that of the food and munitions. As much as50, 000 pesos are given annually to the factor of the royal treasury, for expenses and the purchases of food, and the pay for the careeningand repair of ten galleons and six galleys. For flour biscuit forthe voyage, besides the rations, are spent 5, 000 pesos; for iron, 1, 250; for wax, cotton, and other things, 1, 300; for balls and fuses, 1, 000; for saltpetre, and the making of powder, 4, 000. A quantityof money is sent to the alcaldes-mayor and the persons who bring inthe supplies for the provision of the royal magazines, the amountbeing estimated at 86, 000 pesos. On extraordinary watchmen are spent2, 000 pesos. To the keeper of the magazines of Manila is given 750pesos; to his clerk, 222; to the keeper of those of Cavite, 395;to his clerk, 212; to the keeper of that of Jambolo in Pangasinan, 173; to the keeper of the magazines in the island of Hermosa, 300;to his accountant, 500; to his clerk, 200. The expense of this lastdepartment amounts to 153, 202 [15, 302--_MS. _] pesos. Number 55. Summary of the expenses of the islands, and the personsemployed The above is what is spent annually on the average, more or lessaccording to the times, for all purposes in the Filipinas Islands, a summary of which (both of persons and money) is as follows. The first department, that of justice, supports 32 Spaniards, and costs 37, 077 pesos The second--the conversion [of heathen], worship, and hospitality in most of the convents, and the hospitals and churches--supports 73 Spaniards, and costs 37, 297 pesos. The third, the maintenance of friendly relations with the kings, costs 1, 500 pesos. The fourth, the management of the royal treasury, in which 19 Spaniards are employed, costs 11, 550 pesos. [21, 550--_MS. _] The fifth, the land warfare of Manila and its islands, in which 1, 762 [1, 702--_MS. _] Spaniards and 140 Indians are employed, costs 229, 696 pesos. The sixth, the war in Maluco and its islands, in which there are 612 Spaniards and 200 Indians employed, costs 97, 128 pesos. The seventh, the navy and marine works, in which 832 Spaniards and 2, 200 Indians are employed, costs 283, 184 pesos. The eighth, the commissariat, in which 8 Spaniards are employed, costs 153, 302 pesos. [53, 302--_MS. _] ------- 850, 734 Consequently, exclusive of the four convents and fourteen hospitalswhich are cared for, and the alms which are given for wine and oilto certain churches, your Majesty pays in the Filipinas Islandsand Maluco, and in their navigations and trade-line, salary, pay, and special wages to 5, 878 persons, 3, 338 of whom are Spaniards, and 2, 540 are Indians or men of various nations. The cost of allincluded in the eight departments here presented, as it appears, is 850, 734 pesos of eight reals. Number 56. Second point: of that which the Filipinas produce Having seen what it costs to maintain the Filipinas Islands, thesecond point is to ascertain how far they aid in this cost, and withwhat they supply your Majesty's royal treasury, in which notice isto be taken that there are eleven departments of revenue. 1. The tributes of the encomiendas which are assigned to the crown, paid by not only the natives of the islands but the Chinese and Japanese, are annually valued--in reals, and in products which proceed from 44, 763 tributarios--at ten reals apiece 53, 715 pesos. 2. In the encomiendas of private persons, who, as has been said, possess 84, 439 tributes, there is a [royal] situado of two reals for each tribute--only eight being reserved for the encomenderos, which are valued annually at 21, 107 and one-half pesos 21, 107 pesos. 3. The licenses which are given annually to the Sangleys, in order that they may remain for some time in the islands, amount to about 14, 000, which at eight pesos that are paid for them as fees, amount to 112, 1000 pesos 112, 000 pesos. 4. The tribute of these 14, 000 Sangleys at five reals apiece--four for the tribute, and one for the situado--are worth 8, 250 pesos 8, 250 pesos. 5. The fifth and tenth of the gold that is collected from what is declared by the natives, is 750 pesos 750 pesos. 6. The ecclesiastical tithes--which are collected for the royal treasury, because all the clergy are paid from it, as has been seen--amount to 2, 750 pesos. 2, 750 pesos. 7. The fares for passengers, who leave the islands for other parts in royal ships, 350 pesos. 350 pesos. 8. The fines of the exchequer are worth 1, 000 pesos annually. 1, 000 pesos. 9. The customs duties on the merchandise of China, India, [48] and other parts, which are imported and exported, 38, 000 pesos. 38, 000 pesos. 10. The imposts and freight charges, customs duties, and other charges that are collected in Nueva España on the merchandise exported annually from the islands, are worth 300, 000 [309, 000--_MS. _] pesos which is reckoned as income of the Filipinas, for those islands cause it. Accordingly, it is ordered by a royal decree of February 19, 606, that the proceeds from this department be remitted to Manila, and that so much less a sum be sent from Mexico; besides which they ought to make good to it 30, 000 more, because of what in Nueva España proceeds from the traffic and commerce of this merchandise for the excise duty and other imposts. 300, 000 pesos. [309, 000--_MS. _] 11. It cannot be ascertained what the mesada taxes in the ecclesiastical estate, and the half-annats in the secular, are worth; nor that concerning sales and resignations of office, and other petty transactions, for all of which a figure of 6, 000 pesos annually is set down. .. .. . 6, 000 pesos. These eleven departments of royal revenue amount to 573, 922 pesos;and the Filipinas produce that sum in revenue for your Majesty. [49][In the margin of _Extracto-historial reprint_: "Note--This sum seemsto be inaccurate, because it should amount only to 543, 922 pesos. "] Number 57. The excess of expenditures for the islands over the receipts It is ordered by a royal decree that the amount reported from theislands to be lacking for the total amount of situado be sent annuallyfrom Nueva España; and as the situado, according to the calculationset forth, is 850, 734 pesos, there is an annual deficit of 276, 512pesos or thereabouts; [In the margin of _Extracto-historial reprint_:"The deficit should be 306, 812 pesos. "] for this account is made foronly one year, and is not fixed, although it it usual every year. Inthis matter it is to be noted that this [itemized statement] answersthe current report that every year six hundred thousand pesos andmore are taken from Nueva España for their expense. That report givesrise to the belief and understanding that they spend that amount inaddition to their receipts. That is an error; for if from the tenthdivision the sum of 330, 000 pesos is made good, which is collectedin Acapulco and Mexico, and other parts of Nueva España (and thisis recognized to belong to the islands by the above-cited royaldecree of 606 and is therefore ordered to be returned to them), when600, 000 or more pesos are sent, not one-half that amount is supplyof deficiency, and expense, since more than one-half is returns. Andeven this is counterbalanced somewhat by what is derived from thebulls of the crusade, the proceeds of which are ordered by a royaldecree of December 21, 634, not to be taken to Mexico, but to bekept at Manila, and that to the treasurers in Mexico a like amountbe furnished. Although this order is opposed by the crusade, asit is advisable it ought to be executed, and a second decree issuedordering its observance; thus two dangers might be avoided to this sum, one in going and the other in being returned--as is done with thepossessions of deceased persons, by a royal decree of December 13, [of the year] 16, which are kept in the Manila treasury, and paidinto that of Mexico. Number 58. The islands contribute more than they spend From the expenses and contributions of the islands, and the excessof the debits over the credits, some, through lack of acquaintancewith the matter, are wont to derive the main argument againstthem, imagining that the islands are of little use but of greatexpense. Although the first of these propositions is quite confuted andanswered by what is thus far alleged, the second also lacks foundationin the meaning in which it is put forward, which attributes to theislands more expense than profit; for the Filipinas alone contributemore than what they cost. Until the year 607, the islands of Malucobelonged to the crown of Portugal, which spent a great sum of moneyon them--as was necessary on account of the great distance from Goa, upon which their government was dependent. Although, nevertheless, those islands were maintained, that appeared impossible after theDutch entered the Orient; for with their advent the expenses ofMaluco were so increased that the islands were lost, inasmuch asthere was no money with which to maintain them. It was ordered thatthe Filipinas recover them, and they did so. In order to assure thesafety of the Malucos and to economize expenses for the convenience ofboth crowns, they were joined and united to them [_i. E. _, Filipinas], imposing on the crown of Castilla, and in its name on the Filipinas, the obligation to attend to their wants, thus adding to Filipinas atleast 290, 000 pesos of expense--the amount of what pertains to Malucofrom the second, third, and fourth departments, all the sixth, half theseventh, and a third of the eighth. If your Majesty is petitioned for276, 000 pesos annually for both groups of islands, as is attested, and those of Maluco alone cost 290, 000, the deduction is evidentthat the Filipinas _per se_ cost less than what they contribute--andmore, if it is considered that the crown of Portugal saves 400, 000pesos which the Malucas must have cost it when they were under itscharge. Since the Filipinas did not ask for that union, and were nota party in causing it to be made, they ought not to be charged withincrease in expenses which those islands cause them. Number 59. How and in what the inhabitants aid in the support ofthe islands But it is proper to remark at this point, what is the kernel ofthe matter under discussion, that the Filipinas and Malucas arenot supported with the 850, 000 [890, 000--_MS. _] pesos, which arethe amount of their expenses. Neither that sum nor a much greaterone would be sufficient, if the inhabitants of Manila did not serve, aid, and help with their possessions and lives on the occasions thatarise, both extraordinary and ordinary. Now [they serve] as soldiersin the wars when the enlisted and paid troops are outside, or arenot sufficient to resist the enemy, standing guard and assisting inmilitary duties with the [same] punctuality and discipline as if theydrew pay; and although they are few, as has been said, they countfor many in the valor, willingness, and generosity with which theyserve. Again, they give their slaves to labor on the public worksand shipbuilding, and ordinarily for the levies for the galleys, as happens daily; and in the term of Don Alonso Faxardo, had not theinhabitants furnished the crews, the galleys could not have salliedout, as they did, against the enemy. Then they lend, when the aidfrom Nueva España is delayed or insufficient, very great quantities[of money] for any sudden expense--as was that above mentioned inthe case of Don Alonso Faxardo, to whom they lent at that time twohundred and fifty thousand pesos. So they do every year, and alwayswithout interest, the payments sometimes being delayed two or threeyears. In regard to that, there is a royal decree of February 29, six hundred and thirty-six, in which it is ordered that those whomake such loans shall be promptly repaid, in order that the royaltreasury may be accredited when it needs help. They help, too, withvery large and continuous gifts of money, and food and products (whichare generally more important than money), which the governor assignsfor the aid of Terrenate, the island of Hermosa, and other posts. Theyalso accept expeditions and embassies, by which they go at their ownexpense to the kings of those archipelagos. So have gone General JuanXuarez Gallinato, to the king of Camboxa; Gregorio de Vargas, to himof Tunquin [Tumquin--_MS. _]; Juan Tello de Aguirre and Juan Ruiz deYcoaga, to him of Siam; to whom also went Admiral Andres Lopez deAsaldegui; Don Luis Navarrete Faxardo; and afterward Don Antonio deArco, to the emperor of Japon, at the cost of life; Don Juan Zamudioto China; and others to other kings--each one spending ten or twelvethousand pesos to serve your Majesty. In short, the occasions thatthe inhabitants of Manila have for helping, and to which they respondas loyal vassals, are as many as will be seen in the future, and asone can imagine would be found in a post and frontier so infested byso many and so strong enemies--Dutch, Chinese, Japanese, Mindanaos, Terrenates, Zambales, and those of other nations, which keeps theinhabitants in arms continually. Scarcely is there a year when theinhabitants do not engage in hostilities, and it necessarily coststhem heavily. If it were all at the expense of the royal treasury, the cost of the islands would increase so that it would almost exceedtheir possessions. Number 60. To what degree the inhabitants of the islands ought tobe favored By all this is represented to your Majesty what those vassals meritwho are always and continually serving, not in posts and duties thatincrease their wealth and advance their households, but in land andnaval warfare, in which they lose their lives and possessions--fightingnow with the Dutch, who harass them more sharply than in Flandes, and make daily attacks; now with the numerous nations who surroundthem. Consequently, they deserve that their services be considered, not only in consulting as to rewards, but in giving them; and thatthey be gratified with honors and rewards--if not equal to theirservices, as those are so great, at least equivalent to what goodgovernment permits, and to what the same land which they defend cansupport. That is in accordance with the royal decree of February 29, 636, in which the governor is ordered to observe the rules orderingthat military offices and encomiendas be given only to those whoshall have served under your Majesty's banners, and always preferringthose who shall have rendered most service. It will be proper and veryconsoling for the deserving citizens and residents of those islands, that the royal Council of the Indias--which, as it were a crucible forthe new world, estimates services, approves merits, and deliberatesas to rewards, with so much acumen, equality, and justice--allowthe claims of Filipinas before those of others who, by serving inFlandes, Italia, and Alemania, try to get hold of the best posts, not alone of the Indias, but even of the islands themselves whichthey never entered. For, if the latter do not exceed the former inthe hardships, perils, and services that the citizens of the islandssuffer and perform, for your Majesty and for that colony, and thosecitizens should be preferred justly in the rewards of their own land, then they have sufficient ground for asking that they be not despoiledof this favor and privilege, which they try to merit by so many andso repeated acts of valor and loyalty; but that in the dispensing ofthat favor they may recognize that they may expect sure rewards fortheir children, by leaving them as an inheritance the blood shed andthe property spent in defense of their king and the preservation oftheir fatherland. And since their services differ so widely in qualityfrom those of others, who have no services, it will be just thattheir papers and claims be examined with a different kind of attention. Number 61. It is not advisable that the magistracies of the islandsbe sold In this matter also it is to be noted that the magistracies of thecity were formerly conferred by the governor on the most deservingand venerable persons who were to be found. They, because of theirexperience and zeal, accepted those offices, and attended to the dutiesof those charges as was demanded. In order that those offices mightbe held by them for life, it was sufficient for them to come to askfor confirmation of them from your Majesty, in accordance with theroyal decree of March 17, 1608, and February 8, 1610. And although, since they were ordered to be sold, persons of equal ability andposition have bought them, and fill them and attend as they oughtto the government of the community (which in this, above all else, has always been fortunate); and although the governor is ordered by adecree of June [July--_MS. _] 12, 636, to employ the regidors of Manilain charges and posts according to their rank and the competency withwhich they can serve your Majesty, and that he honor, favor, and aidthem in whatever else arises: the deserving men of that city cannotbe prevented from expressing their resentment that, while there areso few rewards to which they can aspire, so many the occasions inwhich to serve, and so remote the qualification of their merits, thatsmall part should be taken away from them, and that, in order to enjoythose offices, they should have to be bought. Moreover, the command, by decree of June 3, 620, that the magistracies of the Filipinas besold only to conquistadors and settlers, or to their descendants(which was only recognizing that it was fitting to do so, but notassuring the reward), is no favor; for those to whom it is ordered tosell them, since it is so just that those who conquered and seededshould govern, are generally the poorest of all. And although theydesire to enjoy the offices which belong to them, some of them do notpossess the money with which to buy these; while others do not care tospend the little wealth that they have acquired for what is not of anyuse or profit to them, but rather a burden and inconvenience--since, by defending that community, they have had many contentions withthe former governors. Consequently, it is very advisable that themagistracies be given to men of years, and old residents in the colony, who have held military posts, and who can oppose the governors whenthe latter try to exceed the provisions of your Majesty's decrees. Forthis and other reasons, it has been experienced that eight vacancieshave existed in the magistracy of Manila for many years, becausethere were no buyers for them, as appears from the royal decree ofFebruary 29, 636, in which it is mentioned. And since the greatestvalue of those offices is one thousand one hundred pesos, and, ifone consider the twelve magistracies, they do not produce an incomeof five hundred pesos per year, that is so small a sum, and thereare so many damages and disadvantages that may result from it, thatit would be a gain for the royal treasury and a great service to yourMajesty to have the sale of the said offices stopped, and to have themgiven as formerly by the governors to the oldest residents, and to menof greatest experience and worth and as favors to individuals--that, while they do not give any profit, they may give honor to the citizensof Manila. Since there is not a city in all the Indias of its rank, nor one in which the inhabitants render so much service and with lessadvantage, this measure will not be a conclusion of which others mayavail themselves to demand the same. Number 62. Third point: of the commerce of the islands with NuevaEspaña From the service rendered by the inhabitants of Filipinas, one maydeduce how necessary it is to maintain the rich, or to give themcapital sufficient for them to attend to their business. For that theonly method (and the third point of the five arguments proposed), isthe commerce of the islands with Nueva España, for in the proportionin which that shall increase, their possessions will increase, andwith that the defense and security of the islands. For there is nomore powerful argument than that which establishes the conservationof a province in the strength, that is, the wealth of its inhabitants, and depends on the abundance of that for its conservation. Commerce isa natural law of nations, by which they make common to all provinceswhat each one produces, grows, or manufactures--now by selling, now by exchanging. Although commerce ought to be free, and was inthe beginning, when kingdoms and seigniories were less powerful(for as they had narrower territories, so they had fewer matters towhich to attend), as the monarchies increased and extended it becamenecessary to limit the commerce in parts, prohibiting it with some, in order to oblige or cause it to be maintained or increased withothers. If that of Filipinas with the Indias were free and absolute, as it was immediately after their discovery, it is evident that theywould enjoy the greatest prosperity; while Nueva España would havegreater abundance of what was necessary to it, and Peru of what itlacked. But the commerce of España, which would perish and be ruined, was opposed to that; for since the goods sent thence to the Indiaswere dearer than those of Filipinas, if merchandise entered fromboth parts without restriction it would be to the advantage of theconsumers to seek that from Filipinas rather than that from España;and the former commerce would continue to increase, and the latter todecline. Accordingly, it was right and proper to restrain the one sothat the other might endure, and that, heeding the principal thing, namely, the conservation of these kingdoms (the heads of the monarchy), trade to them might be free, and to the others restricted--maintainingsuch a proportion in this that in securing the prosperity of Españathe ruin of the Filipinas might not result; for natural laws influenceus to concede what is to the advantage of another, when it involves noinjury to one's self. And thus it is no considerable damage that thekingdoms do not increase as much as is possible, if they maintain whatthey have; for the former is a matter of gaining, and the latter of notlosing, until each one is left what is sufficient, if from concedingmore results the lack to others of what is necessary. Accordingly, to Perù [50] is conceded one ship annually for Nueva España; to NuevaEspaña two for Filipinas; and to España the number that its commercedemands and is entitled to, in consideration of its amount--sothat thus neither may the islands be lost nor Nueva España and Perúbe deprived of all the freedom of their trade, nor España feel somuch weakness in the trade of the Indias that it should lose that;and that all may remain in suitable relations [to each other], sincethey are members of the mystical body of this monarchy. Number 63. Why the islands need the commerce of Nueva España This matter being thus explained, it is also supposed that theFilipinas retain the trade above described with various kingdomsof the Orient; and that all that trade is free and open without anyrestriction, except that of China, and that of the Western Indias, which they maintain and observe in a certain manner. For since allthose different traffics require the return of suitable kinds ofmerchandise in order to sustain the exchange in which they consist, andthe islands need them--for the rice, cotton, wines, blankets, textiles, and other products, are not desired by China, Japon, Sian, or any otherpagan nation, because they abound in the same products, or have betterones--those different branches of commerce must necessarily cease, ifthere were not another foreign and different commerce, which, desiringthe products of those regions, can extend and carry on another trade, which their nations desire and crave. This is that of the Indias, from which is conveyed and bartered silver (a most noble commodity), in return for which are carried the drugs and merchandise that areproduced in China and other Oriental kingdoms and provinces, and tradedin Filipinas, by which all come to be sustained, united, and joined. Number 64. Commerce of the islands: why it is injurious to España This commerce of the Indias with the Filipinas is to the prejudiceof España for two causes or reasons, from which result greatdisadvantages. The first, because the silver is withdrawn and conveyedto the islands, whence it passes into the possession of the enemies ofreligion and of this crown, Moors and pagans; and finally remains inChina--which, according to what we understand, is the general centerfor the silver of Europe and Asia. For as it always is current, gainingand increasing in value until it reaches that great kingdom, whenceit must issue with a loss, it does not issue, and remains perpetuallyamong those inhabitants. From that cause result many damaging effects:such as enriching our enemies, giving them the most noble product ofall the commerce of the globe; making easy for them the possessionof that which private persons among them maintain, and increasingtheir number; preventing that silver from going to España so thatthe royal duties might increase thereby, the avería and the commercebe sustained; and, in short, making this crown lose and its enemiesgain. The second cause is that, in addition to the aforesaid losses(which are obvious) from the withdrawal of silver, no less are thedamages that are experienced on what is sent in return for it toNueva España, and passes to Perú--namely, a great quantity of themerchandise of China in textiles of gold, silk, and cotton, and otherarticles. [These are sold] at so low prices that, when the merchandiseof these kingdoms arrives (which is worth more, as it is of betterquality), it is not sold and has no outlet, as the country is full ofthe others [from China]; so that those who ship it lose. Consequently, losses are multiplied; and from all results so extreme weakening ofthe commerce of España with the Indias, that it is almost extinctand will be diminished just as that of Filipinas increases. Number 65. Reply to the damages of the commerce of Filipinas; and tothe first, regarding the withdrawal of the silver. These two reasons are [alleged as] those which hinder the advancementof the islands, and restrict its commerce. However, a reply is notlacking, which, if it does not destroy, weakens them. For to thefirst, regarding the withdrawal of the silver and its retention inChina, answer is made, that on the silver which goes [from NuevaEspaña] nine per cent [duties] are paid at Manila, and at Acapulcofourteen per cent, a total of twenty-three per cent. Consequently, the duties on its transportation to España are not lost, for theyare paid there in larger measure. The effects are not those whichare represented; for, although it is true that the silver goes fromManila, it is for China, and for the very reason that it does notissue from that country, it does no harm. But the retention of whatcomes to these kingdoms is a greater injury, as it all goes to Olanda, Genova, and Venecia [Venencia--_MS. _], and thence to Turquia, whilesome portion goes to India by way of Portugal, and those same Dutch, and the Persians, Arabs, and Mogores share the silver; and, althoughat last it goes to remain in China, it is after it has enriched thegreatest enemies of this crown. That is not the case with what goesby way of Manila; for, if it goes thence, it is through the handsof your Majesty's vassals, and it does not reach the hands of theenemies. But even this reply is superfluous, for it is not necessaryto the islands nor to their inhabitants that more silver be sent toManila than is permitted; rather is it important to them that the[amount for which] permission be observed and executed with rigor, as will be said. [_In the margin_: "In numbers 98 and 99. "] Therefore, of the damages caused to the commerce of España by that of Filipinas, only that to the merchandise should be made good; for the silvereither is within the limits of the permission, and does not conflict[with this statement] (for neither does it cause any loss, nor can itbe dispensed with), or it is in the illegal amount that is stated, and the citizens request that this be corrected and prevented. Forif there is any damage to España, it is not any advantage to them;but, on the contrary, destroys and ruins them, as will be seen. Number 66. Reply to the statement touching the merchandise exportedfrom the islands As for the second reason--that of the merchandise, and the tradeof the islands therein--it is not denied that it would have theeffects that have been stated, if it were free, open, and withoutrestriction; but these cease, because experience and good governmenthave chosen a method such that neither the commerce of España shouldbe destroyed, nor that of the islands be annihilated, by permittingthe commerce to one in such quantity that it should not prove damagingto the other. And although España petitioned that the commerce fromFilipinas be totally suppressed, by which they thought that theywould assure their own increase, it was also considered that theislands would surely be lost in that case; and that they would besettled by the Dutch, who would make themselves masters of all theOrient. Consequently, that would not only expose India to evidentdanger, as has been proved, but would also, by increasing the forcesof the Dutch, render them more powerful in the trade of the Indias, and in all the regions where they navigate and traffic. Therefore, if the trade of [the merchants in] España should increase for theone reason, their risks and expenses would be greater for another;and nearly all the trade of Portugal would be ruined. Thus from animagined benefit would result damages so certain and considerablethat, were they weighed as they ought to be, the present losses wouldbe considered as more tolerable. Such is the mutual relationship ofstates which are many and extended that, if attention to all of thembe difficult, it is advisable that decisions be adjusted to the leastharmful course. Accordingly, it is proper that the islands shouldnot continue to increase, but that they be allowed the commerce thatis sufficient to maintain them; and that that of España should notbe increased in that region, but that the trade of the islands berestricted in such manner that it shall be as little obstructed aspossible. For, by each kingdom losing a part of its right, all willbe maintained and conserved. Number 67. Commerce of España with the Indias: why it is decreasing This will be more apparent with the conditions and the changeswhich the commerce of Filipinas and that of España in the Indiashave sustained and suffered. That of España has decreased so muchfrom its usual status that it appears to be less than the half ofits former amount. Although the fault is attributed to the Filipinas, that is because the matter is not probed below the surface, and causesare not sought at their sources. The physician who understands onlythe effect of a dangerous illness, namely, the death of the patient, generally attributes the sickness to uncertain causes and sometimesso remote that they have no connection with the case in question; and, since he prescribes his remedies for such causes, the true, proximate, and essential causes which are working out of sight without any check, end, if not by killing the patient, by placing him in evident risk. Allsee and recognize that the commerce of the Indias is in a feeblecondition, that the merchants are losing, that the exporters do notobtain their capital [from what they ship], and that the ships which goare smaller, and return with poorer cargoes. Although this loss is sowell known, there are some who ascribe the cause of so great an effectto the Filipinas, and not to the misapprehension of España--whichis persuaded that the wealth of the Indias must be inexhaustible, and that the merchants can still gain on their investments the sameamounts as fifty years ago, while the causal means of it all havebeen lacking, which have been noticed by few, and ignored by many. Number 68. First reason for the decline of the commerce of the Indias First, the abundance of gold and silver. So great was the abundance ofthese metals in the Indias, that one could say the same as of Jerusalemin the time of Solomon, that they were regarded as the stones of thestreet. Accordingly, articles were paid for at so exorbitant prices, as is apparent from the histories of their conquests. That regionhas failed, for the ores that yielded three hundred pesos per quintalby smelting, now yield eight or six by quicksilver, which costs morethan smelting; and [such ores] are worked as good ones. Potosi, whichis the heart of the Indias, is threatening to give out; for it aloneyielded for forty years an amount that it cannot now yield, althoughaided by the opening of many mines which sustain its reputation. Themines of Nueva Reino [_i. E. _, New Granada] and of Nueva España havelost a part of what they had. The cost of mining is greater, the minesare poorer, and, consequently, the gains less, and less the amountobtained. Therefore, since this was the first cause of the greatnessof the Indias, it is not remarkable that with its deficiency theircommerce has declined. Number 69. Second cause for the decline of the commerce of the Indias The second cause is the decrease of the Indians and the increase ofthe Spaniards. The latter number thirty times more than formerly; wherethere were five hundred, there are now three or four thousand. Withoutexaggeration, there has been a decrease of the Indians of more thansix millions. Although not all of them used Spanish commodities, they consumed many, and to so great an excess that it becameadvisable to prohibit this to them and order them to dress as didtheir ancestors. What is most to be regretted is the cessation of theservice for the mines, the cultivation of the fields, the gross sumof the tributes, and the local commerce of many provinces. With fewerpeople and less wealth, there must be less consumption and smallerprofits; and, if everything diminish, it is impossible that tradeshould not do the same. Number 70. Third cause for the decline of the commerce of the Indias The third cause has proceeded from the above two; for with the increaseof the Spaniards, not only has the consumption not increased, but ithas been and is much less. For, besides the fact that so many stuffsand figured goods are no longer worn out in the Indias as formerly, and he who clad himself in silk now contents himself with cloth, all bulky goods that are exported from Sevilla are manufactured there[in the Indias]--where with the number of people their necessity hasincreased, and with their necessity their skill. The consumers arefewer, and the officials more; there is little money, and those whoseek it are many; and they seek it more eagerly as their courage issmall, since their funds are already scant. The springs are draineddry, for there is less water, so that scarcely can they dampen whatthey formerly soaked. What few formerly shipped and many bought isnow quite the contrary, and many send it and there are few who useit--as is evident by the wine which was and now is consumed by NuevaEspaña. On that account it has been necessary that the former profitscease, and that the exportation and consumption of merchandise berestricted--not only on account of the goods which are manufacturedthere, but because of lack of consumers and lack of wealth, all ofwhich are causal circumstances of the decline of the commerce. Number 71. Fourth cause for the decline of the commerce of the Indias The fourth and last cause is the little favor extended to the Indiantrade, both in the Indias, and in these kingdoms--either because of thestraitness of the times, or because of other accidents--together withthe burdens that have fallen upon everything, the imposts and dutiesincreasing, although greater relief was needed as the amount of wealthwas less. The avería, which increased from two and three per cent tosix and seven, and was then judged to be so exorbitant that it seemedimpossible for the commerce not to be ruined with that excessive tax, has increased so greatly that one year it rose to forty, and withthe other expenses is never lower than twenty. What were formerlyrisks at sea are now great and evident losses, which, aided by thenecessities of this crown--which force loans and considerable gifts, and the exchange for _juros_ [51] of what was formerly the capitalfor commerce--have so weakened commerce, that one is more astonishedthat it has not been entirely ruined, than that it has declined to itspresent condition. And all the more justifiable have been the reasonswhy this crown has profited from the exporters among the merchants ofthe Indias, and from what has come from the Indias, the greater theloss has been, as it was known to be unavoidable on account of whatoccurs on land, and more hazardous because of what is risked on thesea--by which some have been ruined, others have retired from trade, and others have changed their business; and all who take part in itare aware that this commerce is ruined, and with it whatever dependson it. It is certain, and has been observed in Manila, that sincethe loss of the trading fleet of the year 629, and their unfortunateexperiences with [storms in] the Northern Sea, the winterings, thedisasters, the averías, the embargoes, the delays, and the burdens[imposed] at Sevilla, the merchants in Mexico have decided to exportmore to Filipinas than to España. And although these things arefound by experience to be thoroughly damaging and irreparable, and[it is evident] that they demanded new exemptions and safeguards, by which the losses might be recuperated, and those who suffer thembe encouraged, there has not been lacking a person to propose as anexpedient that the duties and customs should be raised still higherin the Indias, affirming that they are the most free, and that theypay less--although they really are quite the opposite, as is known. Number 72. The Filipinas do not damage the commerce of España The above and many other causes which might be mentioned are thosewhich have weakened and are ruining the commerce of the Indias;and although it would be more advisable to counteract some of them, or to seek reparation for those which are most hurtful, the FilipinasIslands come to be the ones that suffer the penalty, without beingimplicated in the guilt. And although their commerce is in thelowest condition that it has ever experienced or suffered, yet evenin this condition they are not allowed or permitted [to improve] it, and there are some who propose its destruction as a remedy, so thatit may share in the universal destruction of all trade; and this isin so far as it touches the commerce of España. Number 73. Beginning of the commerce of the islands The commerce of these islands began with their second discoveryand the first settlement, which was in the year 565. [52] However, it was at the first scanty and of little weight, until during thegovernment of Guido de Labazarris, in the year 576, the trade of Chinawas introduced, and with it considerable profits, which extended itfreely to Nueva España, Guatimala, Tierrafirme, and Perú, by a royaldecree of April 14, 579. As it continued to increase, it was believednecessary to restrict it; and accordingly, by a decree of November 11, 587, it was ordered that Chinese cloth brought from Filipinas shouldnot pass from Nueva España to Perú or to Tierrafirme. That decreewas later confirmed by others of February 13, and June 13, 599. Andin order that what was prohibited in one way might not be obtainedin another, decrees were despatched on February 6 and December 18, 591, ordering the total cessation of commerce between the islandsand Perú. That was later extended to Tierrafirme and Guatimala, bydecrees of January 12, 593, and July 5, 595, forbidding the trade ofChina and its merchandise to all the Indias, except to Nueva España, which was left open to the Filipinas. Number 74. Permission for the commerce of the Indias, and itsfinal form The commerce of Sevilla was not satisfied with even these ordersand restrictions. That commerce continued to decrease, although thecause was unknown. They regretted the damage, and tried to apply theremedy, but in vain. As the trade of Filipinas was already the stoneof offense, they immediately descended on that. Not only was theprohibition of commodities from the islands strengthened, but theirquantity was limited, reducing it to a fixed amount that was permitted, and a certain form. It was ordered that only four ships should plyin that trade-route--two which should sail to Nueva España, and twoto the islands, and all at the account of the royal treasury. Inthese could be carried two hundred and fifty thousand pesos' worthof such merchandise as they should have in Manila; and in return theycould take five hundred thousand in silver, including in this sum theprincipal and the profits. And inasmuch as this permission, from itsbeginning, was never in favor of Nueva España, but of the islands, itwas declared that only the citizens of the islands could navigate andtrade, as was already ruled by a royal decree of January 11, 593. Inaccordance with this, the commander [of the fleet] was despatched onthe last of December, 604, with various instructions and declarations, which gave form to this commerce. And since his permission was foronly the citizens of the islands, and those who were not residentsof the islands but of Nueva España had begun to take part in it, it was ordered that the toneladas of the two ships which sailedshould be distributed in Manila by the governor, the archbishop (orthe senior auditor), the fiscal, and two regidors. That order wasconfirmed by decrees of May 4, 619, and May 29, 620, and by others, which regulate this matter, and declare that the respective sharesof the silver which must be sent back as returns for the merchandisemust be allotted in Nueva España. Number 75. Administration of the permission for the islands for itscitizens alone Notwithstanding this last order, the citizens of Mexico, who hadbefore taken possession of part of this commerce, continued in it, availing themselves of certain underhand work and management--bywhich the citizens of Manila perceived the damage that they werereceiving, in that others were enjoying what had been conceded tothem. Accordingly, as soon as they received the decree of 593, whichwas the first decree that granted to them exclusively the permissionand trade, they decided, in order that they might manage their cargoes, to appoint four or six men to go to Nueva España in the name ofall, and there attend to the sale of the merchandise in the ships, and to the returns for it. That determination had no effect then, nor in the year 597, when Governor Don Francisco Tello ordered itexecuted by an act of January 24. It was again proposed in the year623, when open cabildo-sessions were held in Manila for that purpose, and persons appointed for it; but neither were they sent, becauseof certain obstacles in the way. But since the necessity became moreurgent, because of the injuries experienced, the matter was undertakenmore effectively in the year 629, and six commissaries, citizens ofManila, were actually appointed and went to Nueva España, where theyare today administering the commerce permitted to the islands. Thathas been examined in the royal Council of the Indias, together withall the acts which have been made upon it; and it was approved by adecree of March 25, 635, and extended for four years more than the six(for the one of 593 was for six years), by another decree of February16, 635. The chief motives that induced the inhabitants of Manila tocarry out this resolution, were three. The first was, to prevent theconsignments of silver which the merchants of Perú and Nueva Españamade through their agents and correspondents, the result of which--tosay nothing of the violations of the royal orders in sending silver inexcess of the amount allowed--was so prejudicial to the citizens of theislands that it deprived them of the benefit of the permission, whilethose who were expressly excluded from it enjoyed it. The second was, that with the great amount of silver that entered Manila the priceof the Chinese merchandise advanced so greatly that the inhabitantscould not buy it. The third was, that prices fell in Nueva España forthe same reason, so that the principal could scarcely be realized, as will be told. [_In the margin_: "In number 98. "] [Those were]damages that were repaired by the decisive action above mentioned. Andlest that should not be sufficient, it will be advisable that, inthe distribution of the licensed toneladas that is made in Manila, measures be taken that no one have a share except the citizens [ofthe islands] in accordance with the third petition. [_In the margin_:"In number 103. "] Number 76. Declaration of what is or is not included in the fivehundred thousand pesos allowed. Inasmuch as there were certain doubts in regard to the sum of the fivehundred thousand pesos of the returns, it was declared by royal decreeof August 19, 606, that it should include the legacies, bequests, moneys for charities, payments for service, wrought silver, andwhatever else might be shipped, except by those who bound themselvesto reside for eight years in the Filipinas. Such might carry theirpossessions in money, in addition to the general permission, as wasdeclared by a decree of November 20, 608; and the seamen of thattrade-route might take their wages in silver, registered, also inaddition to the amount permitted. Number 77. Smuggled Chinese goods shall not be sold in Perú Peru was excluded from the above-mentioned concession, and theformer prohibitions forbidding the importation of Chinese stuffsinto Perú remained in force, while the penalties were rendered moresevere. Inasmuch as from their enforcement it resulted that merchandiseof this character, which was seized as forfeited and confiscated, wassold as smuggled goods, and thus the goods remained in the country, they were (although remaining with that warrant and reason) the causeof as much loss and damage as if they had been brought in eithersecretly or by permission; for the country was filled with thesewares, at more moderate prices than those of España. Accordingly, it was ordered by decrees of April 18, 617, and July 30, 627, thatChinese cloth which should be smuggled, and as such condemned asforfeited in Perú, should not be sold in the provinces; but that, in the same form in which it had been seized, it should be carriedto these kingdoms and sold here. Number 78. Permission to trade between Perú and Nueva España, andits condition Perú and Nueva España appealed from the mode imposed on the commerceof the islands, and from the above-mentioned prohibitions, representingcertain disadvantages that resulted from barring them from the commercethat those two most opulent states had maintained between themselves, almost by nature, the chief one being that they were deprived, inthis manner, of all the mutual relationship and dependence that theyought to enjoy. Therefore another permission was conceded, for twoships: one to leave annually the port of Callao de Lima, and to carrysilver to the amount of two hundred thousand ducados to the port ofAcapulco, in order to invest it in the products peculiar to NuevaEspaña--of agriculture, stock, and manufactures--and in no others, even though they be products of these kingdoms; and the other, tosail from Acapulco to Callao with these returns. The prohibition ofChinese cloth was left in force, and it was declared that no Chinesecloth could be sent in the returns for the two hundred thousandducados, nor beyond that sum. Severe penalties were imposed for itsenforcement, by decrees of the last of December, 604, June 20, 609, and March 28, 620, which gave final form to this permission. Thislast is now suspended and ordered to cease by a decree of November23, 1634, without the reason that has inspired it being known, otherthan the expedients that have been proposed for the destruction of theislands. And this order, forbidding ships to go to Acapulco from Perú, is so menacing to the Filipinas, that it alone may prove sufficient toruin them. For if no ships go from Perú to Acapulco the islands areexposed to the failure of their succor, in any year when their shipsshould not arrive--whether because of having been wrecked, or havingput back in distress, or having arrived late--since, in such cases, it is usual to supply their lack with the ships of Perú, sending inthem the ordinary aid of men and money. If the latter do not go and theformer do not arrive, there will be no vessels for the above-mentionedpurpose; and the islands might remain for several years without thesuccor that sustains them, and with evident danger of being lost. Number 79. Fourth, point: of the condition of the commerce betweenthe islands and Nueva España In regard to the fourth point, which is to declare the presentcondition of the commerce of the islands, it is supposed thatalthough all the orders above mentioned were to their evidentinjury--restricting their prosperity, if not prognosticating theirruin--that which was permitted to them was sufficient, when enjoyedby their citizens, to preserve the islands, as it has preserved them, although with some decrease. Moreover, the enemy having increased theexpenses and obligations of the islands, they needed, when the succorsent from India, and at times that from Nueva España, failed them, new favors and less strict trading permissions, in order not to beruined as they fear--being exposed to a more continual and dangerouswar than any stronghold of this monarchy endures, with resistance equalto the strongest of them, and with danger greater than that of thosemost harassed, as they have no other aid than what they themselvescan supply. Nevertheless, although it seems as if it were advisable, on account of the importance of their conservation, not only to [letthem] go beyond the amount permitted, but also to increase stillfarther that favor, they find it is greatly restricted, and thattheir commerce is reduced to such condition and mode that it willbe almost impossible for them to enjoy or to continue it. That whichshould be considered is, that this innovation does not originate asat other times, from Sevilla--which now, undeceived as to the causesthat weaken them, knows better--but from the counsels given for actionin the matter by Captain Francisco de Vitoria [Victoria--_MS. _]. He, with no knowledge of the past or heed of the future, judged only by ahasty conclusion that for the present a sum of money might be obtainedwhere there is none--although from it may result the damage that canbe understood, not only to your vassals, but to the whole monarchy, as if there could be distinctions and peril between the vassals andthe monarchy that would not be common. Number 80. Allegations of transgressions of the permissions givenfor the islands and Perú As an argument for that course, it is alleged that notabletransgressions are committed in regard to the two permissions forFilipinas and Perú. Although this memorial only defends that of theislands, the one is most completely verified by treating likewiseof the other; and the illegal acts in both consist rather in theexaggeration with [53] which they are mentioned than in the argumentsby which they are proved. Who has ever said, or what possibility canthere be, that the two ships which come every year from the islands toAcapulco, whose permitted cargo is of 250, 000 pesos (not of 500, 000, as is affirmed), carry four millions in merchandise? That, even inpearls and diamonds, seems impossible to be contained in two smallvessels; and how much more so in the goods of so great bulk as thosethat are carried in them! The schemer tries [to say] that those fourmillions are worth eight in Nueva España, or even ten for the returns[on investments]; and that that sum goes back to the islands with the500, 000 pesos allowed by the permission, with another 600, 000 which issent as the ordinary aid, granting the net profits at one hundred andfifty per cent, or at the least at one hundred per cent. Were that so, those islands would be most wealthy in one year, for their citizens, as has been said, numbering 230 (counting married and single men), iften millions entered their possession annually, which would be morethan 43, 000 pesos for each one, neither Venecia [Venençia--_MS. _], Genova, Sevilla, nor Lisboa, nor these four empires together, wouldequal their wealth. With the same extravagance does the captain talkof the ship that sails annually to [from--_MS. _] Perú, [saying that]its permission, which is for 200, 000 ducados, extends to three millionsof silver that goes unregistered. Number 81. The violations of law in all commerce, and why they arenot remedied One cannot deny, Sire, that there are illegalities and abuses in allthe navigations and commerces in the world, without excepting one;and that, under pretext of the permission and register that goes, which is not permitted and registered. This is known, and is notremedied for two principal reasons. The first is that it is impossibleto remedy it, unless a greater damage results from the remedy; for ifthe bales and boxes were opened in Sevilla, or in other ports of heavytrade, and the articles that enter and leave were measured, weighed, and counted in detail, the employees there would not suffice, nor sixtimes as many; nor would there be time to despatch one-tenth of thetrade. Thus the salaries increasing, because of the greater numberof administrators, and the trade being embarrassed by this method, it is evident that the damage caused would be greater than the gainacquired. The other reason is that in imposing the duties of import andexport, the customs, the excise, the avería, and other similar duties, care is taken that it is not done with the strictness that is due;and thus they amount to more than it would be convenient [to obtain]if it were paid by measuring, weighing, and counting them all. It isa general decision of all who carry on commerce that, if something benot dispensed with in that direction, the trade and traffic cannot bemaintained at all. Accordingly, collection is made on the bales bythe packings of the cargoes, by the memoranda of the ships, and bythe registers, without making any other moral efforts to ascertainwhether more is being carried than is declared--punishing what isdiscovered, but not discovering the fourth of what is hidden. Number 82. Tacit permission for what is secreted in the commerce Many examples might be mentioned which prove this truth. Let thefirst be the one that was disputed in Sevilla by the exporters of theIndias, namely, that they had not furnished sworn invoices of theircargoes. And although the administrators of the customs insisted uponthat, the exporters secured [permission] to furnish, as they are doing, mere lists [of the goods]. Nevertheless, they do not open the balesor boxes; and, although at times these contain cloths, silks, andfine Holland linen, and other rich stuffs, they pass as coarse linen, [54] in great part, [55] and at most as Rouen linen; and they payas duties the fourth part of what they would have paid had the balesbeen opened. Let the second be the existing ordinance that no bale beopened, until it is apparent by information that it carries more ordifferent articles than are stated on the enclosures. That ordinanceis observed in all ports of Europa. The third, the custom that hasbeen introduced into Sevilla of imposing on every bale exported to theIndias a certain duty above the amount of the invoice and measure ofit that is presented. That can only be justified by the presumptionfrom evidence that the bale carries different goods from what aredeclared. In the Indias, in the appraisals that are made at Cartagenafor the collection of the customs, although it is apparent to theroyal officials that the merchants are selling the entire invoicesat a profit of ten or twelve per cent over the cost in España, theyadd to them forty-four per cent of the cost that they [nominally]bear, and then collect ten per cent on the bulk of all. That wouldbe an excessive burden and grievance, if it were not understood ascertain that this is charged upon what is shipped registered and whatis concealed by substituting some goods for others. Let the fourthbe the notable denunciation made in the year 624 by Don Christovalde Balvas, while factor of Tierrafirme, in which he gave informationagainst seventy exporters and merchants concerned with the one fleetthat went that year under command of Don Gaspar de Azevedo Bonal. Heascertained that they had carried and shipped to Perú by the houseof Cruzes, located between Puerto Velo and Panamá, besides 1, 446, 346pesos which were registered, another 7, 597, 559 pesos, by which theroyal duties were defrauded of 1, 370, 656 pesos. And when it was fearedthat for so flagrant a violation of the law there would be an equalpunishment, the affair was all settled for 200, 000 pesos, besides 6, 000which were given to the informant, whereupon the whole case and matterwas relegated to silence; and there was no change in the despatch[of the ships], nor in the registers, nor in anything else of theprevious practices. For if the burdens of your vassals are not easedin this manner, so that they can make up their losses, risks, injuries, expenses, and other damages that they suffer in so long voyages and sodistressing navigations, everything will be ruined. If that has beenexperienced in Sevilla, and in the trade of the Indias, the magnitudeof which is what is known, and where rigor would be more importantthan in Acapulco (which can not at all be compared to the other), why, if the greater transgression is overlooked (although there isthe same and stronger argument), should not the less be excused, andwhy should not the islands be treated like all the ports of the world? Number 83. The illegalities in the two commerces of the islands andPerú cannot be such as are alleged, in the withdrawal of silver. It follows that it is not to be denied that in the two trafficspermitted to Filipinas and Perú the same illegal acts might be foundas in the other parts where there is trade; but it is not concededthat these excesses are so enormous as are represented. Nor are theygreater than those in other regions, where, in the shadow of 200, 000ducados of silver, 50, 000 go concealed, while in that of 250, 000 inmerchandise will come another 60, 000; and perhaps both one and theother will be so much less that they merit no attention, and never[is the concealed merchandise] so much more that it exceeds theprincipal. Some arguments can be advanced on this point. The firstis that there is no place whence so much silver can be obtainedthat three millions of it should be sent from Perú to Nueva España, and ten from Nueva España to the Filipinas. For if six millions andupwards come every year from Perú to these kingdoms, one remainsin their land, and three go to Acapulco, then their mines yieldfrom ten to eleven millions. Those of Potosi never amount to six, [56] while all the others together do not yield two. Consequently, the supposition that eleven millions are mined is false. That willbe better proved by what has come [thence] and what shall come inthe future; for since it is ordered that the ship that was permittedshall not sail from Perú, it will be necessary for three millionsmore than usual to come from its provinces, since those who traffickedby way of the South Sea cannot let their money remain idle, and mustemploy it on the Northern Sea. The same consideration ought to holdfor Nueva España. Three millions are sent [here] annually from thatcountry, and one-half or one [no--_MS. _] million remains there in thecountry. Let us suppose that ten millions are sent to Filipinas. It isproved that the three millions cannot be sent from Perú; but admittingfor the sake of the argument that they can be sent, it follows that it[_i. E. _, Nueva España] alone yields another eleven millions from itsmines--which is impossible, as is gathered from the royal fifths, and from the facts that in some years ships do not go to Filipinas, and that more silver is not for that reason sent to these kingdoms, as would be necessary. Number 84. The concealment of silver in the galleons argues for thetwo permissions All people say openly and believe that much silver is sent unregisteredin the galleons of the royal armada for the trade-route of the Indias, and as its vessels number eight, and sometimes twelve, and it actsas convoy to twenty or thirty other and smaller vessels, the highestfigure named by those who exaggerate this excess is one million; butnever, by dint of diligent efforts and the experience of so many years, has there been known, found, or discovered one-half million. Therefore, if it can scarcely be supposed with probable foundation that thirtyor forty ships, with a registered cargo of nine or ten millions, carry one million hidden, how can one believe that three millions cango unregistered in only one vessel (and that a small one), and thatten millions can go in two? The fact is, that he who is looking fortransgressions does not think that he is accomplishing his purposeunless he increases them. Besides, if three millions are sent fromPerú, it is in order to have them returned in investments in themerchandise of Nueva España (all of which are bulky), for those whosend their money [there] will not do so for the purpose of having itremain there. And three millions of investments (which will amount tofour millions in Perú), in one ship of three hundred toneladas--[why, ]there is no one who will even express an opinion that such a shipcan be found that can hold so much. Hence, it is inferred that theabove sums are imaginary, fantastic, and fabulous, and consequently, [so is] whatever is based on them. Number 85. Excess in the merchandise, over the amount permitted tothe islands, cannot be what is stated. In regard to the merchandise, the extravagance of the report isalso recognized, namely, that what is carried in each of the twoships is worth four millions; for there is not another like sum inall the Filipinas, even though the cities be sold, with whateverpossessions are owned by their citizens and inhabitants. And thatsuch an excess is impossible is apparent for many reasons. First, because the opinion [proposed] regulates the merchandise by the silverthat it assumes as the returns. Accordingly, on four millions, witha profit of one hundred and fifty per cent, it gives ten millionsof silver; and if there is no foundation in this sum, as is proved, neither is there any in the other. Second, that there is not enoughmerchandise with which to increase the permitted cargo of the ships, some years, and fewer toneladas are sent than those that are allowed tobe distributed. It is improbable that there should be a deficit in the[amount sent by] permission, and yet that outside of it there shouldbe sent four millions, or one, or a half-million unregistered. Inregard to that, the islands make now the ninth petition, which willbe seen [later]. [_In the margin_: "In number 109. "] The third isthe controversy in regard to the distribution of the toneladas--ofwhich the citizens complain that some have been taken away from them, and given to those who are not residents. Thus it is ordered, by thegeneral decree of 604, that no toneladas be assigned to the officers, captains, soldiers, sailors, and artillerymen, and that such cannotreceive or buy them. A decree of May 29, 620, orders that there bemoderation in the toneladas given for their clothing and ship's storesto the commanders and chief officers. It cannot be believed that thosewho carry goods would go to law about two or four additional toneladasof allotment, if they were given as many as they wanted. The fourthis very much to the point. In the year 587, while the Englishman TomasCandi[sh] was sailing through the South Sea to India and the Malucas, he pillaged the ship "Santa Ana" on the coast of Nueva España, whichwas one of the most rich and valuable ships that has left the islandsfor Acapulco [Capuico--_MS. _] The very report of the Englishman himselfsays that nothing was concealed, and that the valuable merchandisethat it carried was worth 122, 000 pesos [57] of four English _sueldos_[_sc. _: shillings] apiece, besides some bales of so little valuethat they were left to burn with the ship. And since that commercewas then free and unrestricted, they could carry more than now, whenthe commerce is reduced to a certain amount permitted. The fifth isalmost evident, because this merchandise comes in two ships of 300toneladas. Suppose that they are of 500 toneladas, and that they do notcarry any products of the islands, nor any ship's stores, or spices, or anything else but silk, of which every six boxes make one tonelada;accordingly, the thousand toneladas of the two ships would mean 6, 000boxes. Each box is worth 1, 500 pesos, and therefore all would beworth 900, 000 pesos. Now if from this amount supposed be deducted thetoneladas occupied by the men, artillery, ammunition, and food, thosetoneladas that the ships have below 500, and those toneladas which areof other kinds and not of silk (for those containing cotton cloths areestimated to have a value of 100 pesos and less, and usually exceed[in all] 2, 000 and at times 4, 000), it easily follows how impossibleit is to carry four millions in merchandise in these two vessels--ifindeed the three and one-half millions do not come in gold, pearls, and diamonds (products of which 20, 000 pesos' value are not brought). Number 86. Permission for the merchandise of the islands: how it isunderstood there The sixth reason is founded on the truth regarding the commerce of theislands, namely, that in regard to the value of the two hundred andfifty thousand pesos allotted by the permission, the governors havegranted favors in two ways. One is by admitting registers of moremerchandise than is included in the permission, for certain reasonsand motives that they have had, guiding themselves more by the burdenof the ships and their toneladas, and by the volume of the goods, than by their intrinsic and real value. That has not been any faultor transgression in the citizens, nor in the government employees--ofthe former, because they are masters of what is allotted to them, but not of its restriction or its increase; of the latter, because itis clear that they must have had an order or sufficient reason forit--and even if such order or reason were lacking at the beginning, those who have succeeded and have found them in this practice andprocedure, have not greatly transgressed in following it. The othermethod is by allowing the citizens to export more than the amountordinarily allowed, in the products of their own land, which theyget from their harvests or their encomiendas. Such are white andyellow wax, and civet; _talingas_, _manteles_, _lampotes_ (which arecotton fabrics); and certain kinds of blankets [_mantas_] from Ilocos, Moro, and Bemben. Of these products, eight hundred piezas (which makeone hundred toneladas) are generally sent; and they are declared andappraised at Acapulco, as will be told of the rest. [_In the margin_:"In numbers 96 and 97. "] That practice seems to have been introduced onthe ground that it was considered probable that the permission was forthe Chinese cloth and other foreign stuffs, and not for those peculiarto and native to the islands; these latter were always admitted, and never needed any permission to carry them to Nueva España--bothbecause of their little value, and because, as will be said, they dono harm to the commerce of España. This is where the excess [overthe permission] lies, and not where it is imagined by him who isnot conversant with the facts. It is even to be noted that not eighthundred boxes of those products and commodities are always shipped, nor all of them outside the permission--but at times much less thanis contained in the per mission, and sometimes very few, are sent;and these are registered and pay the royal duties, as do the others. Number 87. Imposition of the two per cent, and the reason why itshould be repealed The seventh and last reason is that which is deduced from theimposition of the two per cent which an effort has been made tointroduce, on the merchandise of those islands which is exported toNueva España, and on the silver which is taken to them, by way ofavería. It was ordered that this be collected, by the general decreefor the permission of 604, and by another of April 22, 608. GovernorDon Rodrigo de Bivero tried to execute the first, and Don Juan deSilva the second, and both found so many disadvantages that theysuspended it. In the year 625, the royal officials again insisted uponits observance, during the governorship of Don Fernando de Silva, and later during that of Don Juan Niño de Tabora--who, recognizingthat the motives that influenced their predecessors were more cogentthan before, because of the greater decline in which they foundthat commerce, the poverty of the inhabitants, and the loss in theirbusiness, conformed to the earlier decisions. Licentiate Don Franciscode Roxas put forth more diligent efforts for the actual collection ofthe said two per cent, but he learned by positive evidence that thatcollection would mean the destruction of the trade of the islands. Fortheir citizens were resolved not to export their goods, or to takeadvantage of the permission, as it was apparent to them that, if theypaid this additional two per cent besides the three per cent thatthey pay and the other three per cent on the Chinese merchandise, with the freights and expenses of the ships, the duties in enteringAcapulco, and afterward on the silver when they depart [thence];and that, if without that two per cent, they are continually losing, with it they will be completely ruined, and will be able neitherto advance, nor even to preserve their wealth for their support:therefore, the inhabitants have represented several arguments ofnot a little force to your Majesty. First, that although it was afact that the profits made formerly on the Chinese trade were large, they were indeed quite small after the entrance of the Dutch intothose seas; for by their plundering the Chinese merchandise its costhas so increased that the profit made on it is indeed very little, and there are so many risks in it that there are some years whenthe merchants lose everything. Second, Governor Don Juan de Silva, seeing that it was difficult to enforce this imposition, suppliedits place by the three per cent duty that he ordered to be collectedon the Chinese merchandise, whereupon its price again rose. Third, because the duties paid and the expenses incurred by the commerce ofthe islands are very large. For each thousand pesos the citizens thereand in Nueva España pay 270 pesos; and on freight, expenses and costs, 280 more--a total of 550 to the thousand. Fourth, since the costs areso heavy, the profits cannot be large, while the perils are enormous;so that it is impossible for the inhabitants to maintain that commerce;and consequently, they will have to abandon it, and the resultwill be its total loss. Fifth, the visitor, Don Francisco de Roxas, understood this, and contented himself with getting four thousandducados for that time, as a gift for suspending the execution [ofthe two per cent]. Sixth, if from the collection of the two per centwould result the sure and certain cessation of the commerce, or its sogreat decline that it will bring in less with the greater duties thannow with the less, it is better to leave it as at present. Seventh, because of the decline into which the commerce has fallen since theDutch began to frequent the Orient. Eighth, the services performed, past and present, by the inhabitants of those islands, for whichthey deserve this and greater rewards. These arguments, althoughmore at length, were presented to your Majesty; and you regarded themas so cogent and sufficient that you were pleased to order that theexecution of the decrees for the two per cent should be suspended, byanother decree of June 13, 636--by which the inhabitants, on accountof their shortness of means, should aid the crown with a gift, inaccordance with the condition of the country and their funds. Number 88. Scanty profits of the commerce of the islands Two things are inferred from the above. One is the scanty profits ofthe commerce of the islands, which are so greatly exaggerated by himwho is proposing measures for destroying that commerce; for, were itsprofits half of what is alleged, it cannot be believed that vassalsso loyal and so liberal in your Majesty's service would hesitateso much about paying two per cent, and gaining less, when there isso great experience of the love and good-will with which they offeryou their possessions and lives. This was not the only time in whichthis imposition was considered, since Governor Gomez Perez Das Mariñasimposed an additional two per cent besides what was stipulated in NuevaEspaña, [58] in the year 591, for the building of the walls of Manila;and although it was confirmed by a letter of instructions of January17, 593, orders were given, on account of the opposition manifestedto it by the inhabitants, that that duty cease when the work wasfinished, by decree of March 12, 597, which was put in force. For itis certain that considering the expenses, the risks, the hardships, the shipwrecks, and the losses of that voyage from China to Manila, and from Manila to Acapulco--so remote, so long, so troublesome, and sofull of dangers, in which many ships have been wrecked, and the enemyhave pillaged others, and not a few have put back in distress, andhave suffered other disasters, as will be related [_In the margin_:"In number 93. "]--the profits become very small and the gains solimited. This is recognized in the amount of wealth possessed by thecitizens of those islands at the end of sixty years, which is thebest and most evident proof; since if it were not indeed ten millionannually, as has been imagined, but only that which is permitted, without any illegal gain, and the profits one hundred per cent net, the islands would be found in a very different condition from whatthey are in at present. Number 89. The new resolution incompatible with that for the twoper cent The second thing that is inferred from the proposed resolution forthe two per cent is, that it seems to be incompatible with what itis claimed to introduce. For if there were so many difficulties inadding two per cent on the duties of the commerce, and its executionwas suspended after forty-five years of dispute and attempt, and thearguments proposed were considered as sufficient for that step, andyour Majesty, yielding to those reasons, approved and confirmed them, how can an increase of duties be suffered now, which will cause sogreat an innovation in the manner and despatch of the commerce, whichwill result in so increasing the duties that what is being attemptedis exceeded by this way, and did not seem advisable by the other? And[how is it] that the reasons and arguments which were sufficient inorder not to impose the lesser burden are not sufficient to preventthe imposition of the greater? Number 90. Argument for the two per cent that was proposed in NuevaEspaña That disadvantage was indeed set forth in Nueva España, although in adifferent manner, making an argument from this imposition of the twoper cent to that which results from the present attempt to disturbthe commerce. On account of the attempt of Licentiate Don Francisco deRojas to enforce that collection, the citizens of Filipinas resolvednot to export [any goods] in the ships, nor even to avail themselves ofthe permission; as they believed that they were going to lose insteadof gain, notwithstanding the fancied shipments in excess, as willbe [if it is not--_MS. _] apparent to your Majesty by the reports ofthe visitor. The latter recognized therein that, if the duties wentfarther, all those now derived from that navigation would be lost, which, as has been seen, amount to more than three hundred and sixtythousand pesos [_In the margin_: "In number 56"]; and it would benecessary to supply them from the royal treasury, or leave the islandsexposed to ruin. And they would have been ruined if the commissionsborne by Licentiate Don Pedro de Quiroga had been fulfilled, as thesewere beyond comparison more rigorous and prejudicial to commerce;and the same effect would result to the inhabitants--as it appears, inevitably. For, not being able to suffer the lesser burden, they couldill endure the greater; and the damage would exceed the benefit by manyodds, since in the two or three years that it would take to obtainthe decision, even though it were as favorable as that regarding thetwo per cent, either it would have cost your Majesty the loss of theFilipinas, or you would have spent in their conservation almost twomillions, without any recompense. And what is worse is, that thosevassals would have become so impoverished that, even though thecommerce were to be restored afterward to its first condition, theinhabitants could not enjoy or continue that condition, or get fromthe commerce in many years what it now produces and contributes; for, the substance and power in which it consists having been consumed, lateor never could that be again accumulated. That is an argument worthyof considerable thought and reflection, which those who propose themeasures in question do not answer, although they note and considerit, and they only justify those measures--although your Majesty hasa right to impose what duty you please, which is the only thing inwhich there is no doubt. But they do not avert, for they cannot, the damages which must result. Number 91. The commerce of the islands pays more duties than any other By these statements it may be seen how groundless is the suppositionthat the commerce of the islands pays small duties (and it is seenthat in this it not only equals but exceeds that of Sevilla, accordingto the information concerning that); while in all the Indias it isnoted as an incontestable fact that in Filipinas the boxes of thepermitted lading are not appraised by the cheapest and worst goods, as is done in other ports, but by the best and those of highestquality and value. [_In the margin_: "In number 82. "] For sincethere are among them those goods which will be hereafter mentioned, and since the most noble and esteemed is silk--as if all the otherboxes contained nothing else, each one of them, whatever it may be, passes and pays [duties] for one pico of silk, the equivalent of fivearrobas; and conformably to its cost at embarcation, according tothe investigation that the royal officials make for its appraisal, the duties are paid and collected. On arriving at Nueva España, they increase its weight by the fourth or third part, and the picois held to be about six and one-half arrobas of silk. Then anotherreport is made, of the kinds of silk that are received that year;and, distributing it proportionally through them all, the appraisal ismade, and the customs duties are collected, higher than in any otherport. For the whole cargo is considered to be silk, although there arein it many other articles, inferior in value and quality. LicentiateDon Pedro de Quiroga, as he had reported, had a box of those whichpass for six and one-half arrobas weighed, and found that it containedten--from which three were deducted and discounted for the wood, nails, tarpaulins, ropes, rattans, papers, and other things which have tobe placed around the package to strengthen and secure it for so longa voyage. It was found that one arroba or thereabout was exempted, which, compared to the allowance made on what is sent from España, is very little; and even that is compensated by making the valuationby the [standard of the] most valuable commodity, as above stated, although not all the boxes contain silk. Each box, if of silk, isusually worth one thousand five hundred pesos. It pays as first dutiesand excise two hundred and thirty pesos, while it is a fact that nobale is sent from Sevilla which pays so much as that, even though itbe worth four or six thousand pesos. Therefore the proposition thatthe commerce of the islands pays more duties than that of Sevilla orany other port seems well proved. Number 92. The profits [navigations--MS. ] of the citizens of Manilado not equal their losses But if these duties were less, and the profits greater, or evengreater than what they are said to be, the city of Manila would notbe compensated for the damages and losses suffered there and in itstrade, past and present--partly through serving your Majesty, partlyby being bound to danger and difficulty by their navigation (whichis a circumstance that should be considered, since the same profiton what is sent from Sevilla to the Indias, or on that which goesfrom Madrid to Toledo, is not sufficient for Filipinas), and partlybecause of the special disasters that have happened to it from itsfoundation. These damages and losses have been so excessive that ifthey were noted in detail with the attention that they merit it wouldseem not only inevitable that that city, as noble [notable--_MS. _]as unfortunate, would be poor and ruined, but impossible that itshould not be finished, destroyed, and deserted; and impossible that, struggling against so many disasters as it has suffered, it shouldstill survive with some luster and wealth. Inasmuch as it is thepurpose to avoid in this memorial generalities that do not influenceor persuade, the mention of the misfortunes that have happened toManila has two special and necessary ends. One is the presentationof the services, valor, and merits of its citizens; the other is thenotable and lamentable recompense for the profits of its commerceand navigation, since it was necessary that the profits be muchgreater, to offset thereby the losses and expenses. Their evil willbe mentioned by years. Many which are yet unknown, or which are minor, will not be mentioned; and it will be seen whether that city deservesto be protected, its inhabitants rewarded, its commerce aided, andits petitions decided in the most favorable manner that the mattersand cases proposed will permit. Number 93. Misfortunes, losses, and damages that have been sufferedby the city of Manila and its inhabitants. The Spanish government was established in the distinguished and veryloyal city of Manila, as capital of all the islands of those seas, in the year 1572. In the year 575, the pirate Limahon, a Chinese, attacked it with afleet of seventy large warships. Finding it in so incipient condition, and poorly fortified, he entered and sacked it. The Spaniards defendedit rather by valor than by number, in a small fort that they had built. In the year 578, while Guido de Labacarris was governor, the ship "SanJuanillo" sailed for Nueva España, in command of Captain de Ribera, in which it was thought to recover the loss inflicted by the pirate;but the loss became greater, for that ship was lost, and it was neverknown how or where. In the year 580, Captain Don Juan Ronquillo del Castillo sailed forNueva España, in a ship that carried no small cargo. After havingsailed for many days, and having found himself in the neighborhood ofNueva Guinea, he put back in distress in a very bad condition. In thisit is to be noted that among the losses which Manila feels keenly, is that the ships of their commerce have to put back in distress;for in that year besides failing to obtain the profits of what theyinvest, and the investment of what is sent in return, they lose mostof the principal, which they export--not only in averias, but in thecosts and expenses. In the year 581, Governor Don Juan Ronquillo de Peñalosa imposed aduty of two per cent on the merchandise exported to Nueva España, and three per cent on that carried by the Chinese to Manila. Althoughhe was censured for having imposed those duties without having anyorder for it, they remained. That year a fleet sailed from Manila, in command of Don Juan Ronquillo, to succor Maluco and protect the Portuguese who were then in possessionof those islands; but after the cost, expense, and expedition, inwhich many of the inhabitants took part, it had no effect. In the year 583, on February 27, while the funeral honors of thegovernor were in progress, fire caught in the church of St. Augustine;and as the edifices of that time were of wood, all of the city wasburned and made desolate, and not a thing was saved--not even the fort, in which almost all the possessions of the citizens were lost--whilesome people met death. That was one of the greatest losses that thatcity has suffered. That year, building was recommenced; and, in order to avoid a similardamage, it was determined that all the houses should be built ofstone. That caused the inhabitants the expense that one may understand, and the city became one of the most beautiful that can be seen. In the year 584, Captain Pedro Sarmiento went to Maluco withreënforcements, with another fleet, which had the same expense andeffect as the first. In the year 585, another fleet sailed in command of Captain Juan deMoron, from which, as from the others, Manila derived nothing elsethan having incurred the expense. That year, an insurrection that the natives of the country wereattempting was discovered. It was quieted with some damage, althoughless than it might have been. In the year 587, the Englishman, Tomas Candi[sh] besieged Nueva España, and pillaged and burned the ship "Santa Ana, " which was en route toAcapulco very richly laden. In the year 588, the same pirate tried to burn a ship in the shipyardof the islands of Pintados. He was resisted by Manuel Lorenzo de Lemos, who was in charge of its building. Some men were killed in this affair, and all the men of the islands were placed under arms. In the year 590 the royal Audiencia of Manila was suppressed. It hadbeen established in the year 584, [_sic_] and its suppression must alsobe reckoned among the hardships of that city, because of those whichit suffered until the year 597, when the Audiencia was reëstablished. In the year 591, the commerce of Japon--which was of greatadvantage, because of the provision of food which was taken thence toManila--began to be disturbed. That was occasioned by the barbarianemperor Taycocama trying to make the governor of Filipinas pay himvassalage and tribute. That peril lasted as long as the life ofthe emperor. The islands suffered from it, not only because of thelack of those friendly relations, but because it was necessary toplace themselves in a state of defense against the tyrant, who wasthreatening them with his fleets. In the year 593, the two ships "San Felipe" and "San Francisco"sailed for Acapulco. They put back in distress, one at Manila, andthe other at the island of Zebre [Zienbre--_MS. _], very much crippledand wrecked. That year was even more unfortunate. For Governor Gomez Perez DasMariñas sailing for the conquest of Terrenate with nine hundredSpaniards and more than two hundred boats (reckoning galliots, galleys, fragatas, virreys, and other craft), and arriving at the island ofCaça, the Chinese who were taken as rowers in the flagship galleymutinied, and killed the governor and forty Spaniards who were withhim. Thereupon, the expedition ceased, and the expenses incurred bythe citizens for it, as most of them had embarked in it, were lost. In the year 596, the galleon "San Felipe, " one of the trading ships, under command of Don Matias de Landecho, made port in distress atJapon, where it was wrecked. Those pagans seized the goods aboard theship, and martyred some of the Spaniards, together with the religiousand natives. The Church has placed the latter in the list of theholy martyrs. In the year 598, Don Luis Das Mariñas left for the expeditionto Camboxa with two ships and one galliot, and two hundredSpaniards. After many misfortunes he put in at China, where hisvessels were wrecked and beached, some of the men being saved. In the year 600, two ships under command of Juan Martinez deGuillestigui sailed for Acapulco. Both put back and were lost--the ship"Santa Margarita" at the islands of the Ladrones. The natives enteredit in the island of Zarpana, as it was almost destitute of men, andpillaged all its cargo; and the men who were saved remained there someyears. The ship "San Geronimo" put in at the island of Catanduanes, where it was wrecked although the men escaped. That year the Englishman [_sic_] Oliverio de Noort came in sight ofManila with war vessels, in order to await those ships which wereexpected from Nueva España. Therefore it was judged advisable to drivehim away. Doctor Antonio de Morga, auditor and lieutenant-generalof Governor Don Francisco Tello, sailed to attack him. He tookone moderate-sized ship, another of less size, one patache, andone galliot, with one hundred Spaniards in each boat. He attackedthe pirate, and the flagship, having been conquered, was setafire. Thereupon that of España cast off its grappling-irons, butwas so hardly used that it immediately sank. Some of the men escapedin the small boat, and Doctor Morga reached an island by swimming;while the ship was lost, with the rest of the soldiers. The othership conquered the English almiranta, and took it to Manila. It wasan important capture, but very costly. In the year 601, the galleon "Santo Tomas" en route from Nueva España, under command of Licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera Maldonado (whohad been appointed to the post of auditor), having been blown by astorm to the Embocadero of Capul and the bay of Catamban, was drivenashore and was wrecked. However, the men and most of the cargo weresaved. The latter was taken to Manila overland and by sea, a distanceof eighty leguas. In the year 602, Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato went out in a fleet toattack the Mindanaos, who were infesting the coast of Manila. Althoughhe inflicted some punishment upon them, the cost was greater thanthe remedy. That year the ship "Espiritu Santo, " en route to Acapulco, after ithad cast out all its cargo because of the gales that it encountered, put in at Japon, where it was in danger of receiving the same treatmentas had been given to the ship "San Felipe. " It was saved from that bythe watchfulness of Don Lope de Ulloa y Lemos, its commander. The ship"Jesus Maria, " with a like loss, put in at the islands of the Ladrones;and, at the end of five months of navigation, both ships returned toManila, almost without crew and without cargo. In the year 603, on the eve of St. Philip and St. James, some housescaught fire; and although many of the edifices were now of stone, the fire leaped to others which were built of wood, and so many wereburned that the loss was estimated at more than one million. That year was one of misfortunes for Manila. The Mindanaos sailedout on a marauding expedition, and went in sight of Manila, pillagingand burning some villages, and taking some Spaniards captive. It wasnecessary to send a fleet against them, under command of Gaspar Perez, who made them retire. That year, on the fourth of October, occurred the dangerous uprising oftwenty thousand Chinese, who lived in the environs of Manila. Althoughthey were conquered and punished after two months of war, it wasat a great loss to the country and to the Spaniards. In the firstonset one hundred and fifty of the best Spaniards were killed, almost all citizens, although there were not more than seven hundredcitizens. The island was desolated and destroyed for more than twentyleguas round about the city, which was in danger of being lost. Theinhabitants who were left had to sally out, and, pursuing the enemy, finally conquered and made an end of them. That year, of the two ships that sailed according to the permission, die flagship "Nuestra Señora de los Remedios, " after having cast out agreat part of its cargo, and having lost its masts, put in at Manila;while the "San Antonio, " most richly laden, and with many people who, in order to escape the hardships of that city, were going to NuevaEspaña, suffered a greater hardship--for it was swallowed up by thesea, and no one heard what became of it. In the year 604 was despatched the general decree granting thepermission to the islands, which restricted the commerce with NuevaEspaña, as has been declared. In the year 606, Governor Don Pedro de Acuña made the Malucoexpedition, which, although it had a good outcome, was very costlyfor the citizens of Manila, most of whom took part in it. He tookfive galleons, four galleys with poop-lanterns, three galliots, fourchampans, three fustas, two lanchas, two brigantines, one flat-bottomedboat, and thirteen fragatas with high freeboard. He had one thousandthree hundred Spaniards serving for pay, besides the volunteers andinhabitants, who were numerous. All incurred the expense that canbe imagined in the expedition, without deriving other advantage thantheir service as loyal vassals. That year, while the governor was in Maluco with all the force of theislands, the Japanese revolted in Manila, and the country arose inarms and was in great danger; but, after they had done some damageand caused much, they were subdued. In the year 608, two ships sailed for Acapulco, under command of JuanTello de Aguirre, and the flagship was wrecked in the Embocadero ofCapul, one hundred leguas from Manila. In the year 609, three ships sailed under command of Juan Ezquerra. Theflagship "San Francisco" was wrecked in Japon, and the ship "SantaAna, " which went to Nueva España the following year, put in at thesame island. In the year 610, of the two ships that sailed in accordance with thepermission, the almiranta returned to put in at Filipinas. That year Governor Don Juan de Silva sailed with five ships and threegalleys to attack four Dutch ships and one patache which had beenbefore Manila for six months, pillaging all the vessels that enteredand left, and holding the city almost besieged. He found only threeof the ships, burned one, and captured the two others with a loss ofmany men; for those expeditions, although their outcome is favorable, are always a source of loss to the inhabitants, because of the manywho are killed, and because of the expenses incurred in them. In the year 611, the governor built another fleet, with which heentered Maluco--but without accomplishing more than the cost, whichwas heavy; and little was the reputation with which he returned. In the following year, 612, there was nothing with which to makethe despatch of the ships to Nueva España, because of the losses andexpeditions above mentioned, and an advice patache alone was sent. In the year 614, two or three ships from Olanda burned and sacked thetown of Arevalo [Arrebalo--_MS. _] with all its [surrounding] country. In the year 616, Governor Don Juan de Silva made the disastrousexpedition to Malaca with all the force of the islands, of whichmention has been made. He died there, and lost on that occasion all thesum that had been spent, which was so vast that it is affirmed thata million was left owing to Spaniards and Indians. To the extortionsthat were practiced for this, some attribute the ill-success ofthe expedition. That year, while Don Juan de Silva was away with the fleet, theMindanaos came with sixty caracoas, and burned a ship and two patacheswhich were being built in the province of Camarines, and pillagedthe land, seizing and capturing many people. That year the trading ships, under command of Don Francisco de laSerna, put back. Fearful of the enemy, one discharged its cargo twentyleguas from Manila, and carried the goods overland. The other wentto the island of Cibuyan. In the year 617, occurred the battle of Playa Honda, which was foughtby the commander Don Juan Ronquillo, with seven ships and three galleyspitted against six of the Dutch. He sank the flagship, and one othership, and another was burned. Of the Spanish ships, the galleon "SanMarcos" was run aground and wrecked, as above stated. [_In the margin_:"In number 31. "] That year two ships sailed to Nueva España, under command of JuanPardo de Losada, and both of them put back. In the year 618, advice was received in España of the straitenedcondition in which the islands were, through so many disasters, losses, and foes; and it was determined to send them a goodly reënforcementby way of East India. The commander, Don Lorenço de Zuaçola, wasgiven one thousand seven hundred soldiers with six huge ships, andtwo pataches, manned by seven hundred and thirty-two seamen andthirty religious. The fleet left Cadiz, and after sailing twelvedays was, on December 26, 619 [_sic_], struck by so fierce a galethat the flagship and almiranta, besides three other large ships, were lost. The ship which was left, with the two battered pataches, [59] returned to España. Thus deprived of the greatest reënforcementthat has ever been sent to the islands, and when there was most needof it, the islands were greatly afflicted by that loss; but it wassupplied by the valor of their inhabitants, who maintained themselveswith their usual reputation at the risk of their lives, at the costof their possessions, and in spite of their enemies. In the year 620, of the two ships that sailed under command of DonFernando Centeno, the flagship was lost, thirty leguas from Manila, through the fault of the pilot, whom they hanged there, while thealmiranta put back to Manila. In the year 625, Governor Don Geronimo de Silva made an expedition, taking for it five galleons (two of which were of 1, 400 toneladas), one patache, and two galleys. There were 2, 269 soldiers, 152 piecesof artillery, and five champans, with food and ammunition in as greatabundance as if they had sailed from Sevilla to Lisboa. In the year 631, the ship "Santa Maria Madalena, " while already ladenwith its cargo in the port of Cavite, and about to sail, went to thebottom--drowning fourteen persons, and losing all the cargo aboard it, as it remained a fortnight under the water. The ship "Santa Margarita, "which was left alone, sailed out, but put back with the losses ofother times. In the year 634, the trade of the Filipinas with Japon was suppressedby the efforts of the Dutch. That was a great loss, and it is notknown that it has been revived. In the year 635, as the city of Manila was so ruined and poor, it had no wealth with which to lade the ships of their permission, and hence the ships did not sail to Nueva España. These are the chief instances of which our knowledge can make relation, and in which Manila and the islands have suffered misfortunes; andthose disasters have been so many that of all the sixty-five yearssince its foundation only fifteen are free from loss and disaster;and some of those disasters are so great that the prosperity of otheryears was unable to make up for them. From all of them can easily beinferred the proof of the two propositions--namely, the services oftheir citizens, and the small profits in their commerce, if, as theformer are qualified by valor, the latter are proportioned to thelosses, risks, and hardships that they endure in order to maintain it. Number 94. Fifth point: in which is explained the commerce of theislands, according to its parts For the last justification and the final point, this commerce of theislands with Nueva España will be explained. It has two parts, one thecoming with the merchandise, and the other the return voyage with thereturns [from the merchandise] in silver. Regarding both will be statedwhat profits they produce, and whether it will be advisable to suppressor restrict the commerce, or how illegal acts can be prevented. Number 95. Trade of the islands necessary in Nueva España, becauseof their goods In regard to the first part, which pertains to the merchandise, the trade of the Filipinas is so necessary today in Nueva España, that the latter country finds it as difficult as do the islands toget along without that trade; and its lack cannot be supplied withmerchandise from these kingdoms. The wares taken to Acapulco are plainand figured velvets, satins, and damasks; grograms, taffetas, andpicotes; headdresses and stockings; silk, loose and twisted, in skeins, that reeled on spindles, and woven; thread; _tramas_, [60] plushes, and other silk stuffs and textiles. Of cotton, there are _sinavafas_, [61] fine glazed buckrams [_bocacies_], glazed linen [_olandilla_], fine muslins [_canequies_], and _semianas_; and of cotton and silk, beds, curtains, coverlets, quilts, and other pieces. [They also carry]civet, musk, and amber; gold and pearls; crockery-ware, cabinets, and articles made of wood, and other things; and the products of theislands themselves, of which mention has been made [_In the margin_:"In number 15"]. But the bulk of the commerce is reduced to the silkand cotton textiles; for there is but little else that is rare orelegant, or that has much export. From the skeined silk, and the silkthread, and trama are manufactured in Nueva España velvets, veils, headdresses, passementeries, and many taffetas, which were taken toPerú when there were ships that went to Callao, and to other partsof the Indias--where the black, brown, and silver-colored goods thatare sent from Sevilla do not arrive in good shape, because the searots them. It is known that the skein silk of China is more even andelegant for delicate and smooth fabrics than is the Misteca [62] whichis produced in that kingdom; besides that, there is less of the latterkind than is necessary in the country. By this trade and manufacture, more than fourteen thousand persons support themselves in Mexico, LaPuebla, and Antequera, by their looms, the whole thing being approvedby royal decrees. Of the cotton textiles, linens [_lienzos_] are usedin Nueva España more than any other stuff, as they are so cheap thatthey sell for one and one-half or two reals per vara. Therefore, theyare desired by the Indians and negroes; and when these are lacking, even though there should be an over-supply of the linens of Europa, they do not want them or use them, as those are dear and not so muchused by them; and they get along with their own cloths from Campeche orLa Guasteca, and others that they weave. Hence the importation of theselinens (which are brought from China) is now proposed as an expedientmeasure; if that be administered at the account of the royal treasury, it would gain annually more than one hundred and twenty thousand pesos, as is apparent from a decree of November 20, 606. Number 96. Distinctions in products from the islands, and theirqualities with respect to those of España. All these products that are trafficked from the islands are dividedinto six [_sic_] classes. The first is of silk, in skeins, thread, and trama. The second, the silk textiles. The third, the cottontextiles. The fourth, the products of the islands. The fifth, othersmall wares and articles that are brought. Of these, the last classamounts to but little, and is not harmful to the commerce of España, as it is composed of rarities and foreign products. The fourth class, namely, that of the products of the islands, by that very fact oughtto be exported--a claim that is founded on justice; since it is notusual to prohibit to any province its own trade, and the exportationof its products wherever they may have a sale, even though foreigncommerce be denied to it. Besides, this sort has the characteristicof the third, namely, that these wares are so cheap that their likecannot be supplied from España, as has been said, on account ofthe great difference of their prices. [_In the margin_: "In number95. "] Hence, the wares of these kingdoms would not be used any more, even did those of the islands fail; nor less, even if there were anover-supply. For the Indians and negroes care only for the linens ofChina and Filipinas, and, if they do not have them, they get alongwithout them; for they have no wealth to give eight reals for whatcosts them one and one-half reals. One thousand bales of linen whichis shipped from Sevilla in each trading fleet always finds a sale, and no more can be carried [to Nueva España]--because that wouldcreate a lack in España, and it would, moreover, be too advantageousto the foreigners, to whom almost all this commodity belongs. [63]Two thousand bales of cotton textiles exported from Manila are alsoconsumed [there]; and the fact that there is less or more does notcause any considerable loss in the linen made from flax and hemp, nor does it involve much money; for the two thousand bales of cottonare worth one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, while one thousandof fine linen are worth more than one million. Number 97. Damage caused to the [sale of] Spanish silks by thoseof China The second and first classes of goods are those which may cause moredamage, because they come in conflict with those same commoditiesthat are exported from España. Since the latter are dearer, and theformer cheaper, while the people are increasing daily, and the wealthdecreasing, necessarily they desire the goods that have the moremoderate price, even though it is not of the same quality. But thisdamage, which is the only one, is not such as is imagined. First, because the prohibition of sending textiles to Perú causes a muchsmaller quantity to go to Acapulco than formerly. Second, becauseon account of the danger from the piracies of the Dutch, few silksare shipped from China to Manila, and those cost so dear that it isnot the product in which there is greatest profit; nor can so muchbe bought, since he who formerly bought two or three boxes withone thousand pesos, now buys one. Thus the merchants make the bulk[of their exportations] in cotton linens, and in the products of theislands. Third, because Nueva España is now so full of Spaniards, andthey have so little money, that one can understand of them in regard tothe silks, what has been said of the Indians in regard to the cottontextiles--namely, that if they find those of China, they use them, and if not, they get along without them. Where this is most true, andwhere it ought to be considered, is in the mines--where the _aviadors_[64] do not and cannot use the cloth from Castilla because of itsquality and value; but that of China, as it is cheaper and more durableand serviceable. Consequently, with one thousand pesos' worth of itthey maintained their mining operations longer than they could withfive thousand worth of that from España. From that it follows that if[the supply of] it were to fail, the mines would necessarily decrease;and that would redound to the greater damage of the royal treasury, and to that of the country, your vassals, and commerce, than what issuffered today, even though what is stated be considered as accurateand true. If there was an over-supply of textiles when there were fewerpeople, and now much less rather than more is imported, and there aremore consumers, there can be but little resulting damage to the goodsthat are carried hence. Fourth, because the silk in skeins, as alreadysaid, is what is consumed; and, if it should fail, more than fourteenthousand persons who are employed and supported by its manufacturewould perish. [_In the margin_: "In number 96. "] Fifth, because this[export from España] is already very little, since a great quantityof the silk used by the looms of Granada and Toledo was formerlytaken to Sevilla; but, since the year 618, that has been decreasingso much that the workmen of that trade, through lack of silk withwhich to work, have gone to Nueva España. The cause that lies at theroot of this injury is found in the navigation from China to Manila, in which passage the silk is plundered by the Dutch; they carry it totheir country, and send it to Castilla by the hands of third persons, and sell it at a great profit. It would be better to have it carried, as formerly, from Manila by way of Mexico, the vassals of this crownthus gaining the profit that its enemies gain. This is a matter ofno slight importance, and one which has been advanced as a measurefor securing a gain of one-half million for the income of the royaltreasury--as appears from a decree of February 16, 602, which wassent to Filipinas; and from the memorials furnished in the year 621by Oracio Levanto, who tried to make a contract for it. [XCVIII. --Ex. His. ] The damage caused by the silver that is sent tothe islands is not at the charge of their inhabitants. Fourth, in regard to the second point, which concerns the silverthat is carried from Nueva España, it is not denied that it may bedamaging and prejudicial to bleed that kingdom on that side; butit is denied that the excess in this is that which is alleged--ashas been proved. [_In the margin_: "In number 83. "] And if this beconceded, it ought to be noted that this commerce was granted infavor of the citizens of the islands, and not of others; and sincemost of them are poor, and cannot maintain a commerce of such valueas those of Nueva España wish, the residents of Mexico have enteredand gained control of a great part of the commerce, under [cover of]the permission granted to the citizens of Manila, and aided by certainpersons. The violations of law have resulted from that; for, as theMexican exporters make those consignments and carry the returns forthem--in violation of the royal decrees, and in opposition to theinhabitants of Manila--they are hidden and kept not only from yourMajesty's employees (or they endeavor to keep these under obligations, so that they will not denounce them), but from the citizens of theislands, who are not guilty in that. On the contrary, the inhabitantsdesire and endeavor to obtain a remedy for this, because of the damagethat it causes them, not only in usurping their permission from them(as it has in fact been usurped, by good or evil means), but because, if more silver than what their inhabitants carry goes in the Filipinasships, as that which exceeds [the permission], it belongs to theexporters of Mexico. Such money is sent for investment, and to bereturned on the first voyage, and those who have it in charge try tobuy on their arrival; and to shorten the time of their return, theywill force prices in that place so high, that what is bought from theChinese for one hundred will immediately advance to two hundred. Sincethe inhabitants have scanty means and considerable expense, in orderthat they may therewith support themselves their profits must be great;but on account of such proceedings their profits come to amount tonothing, and they become ruined. Consequently, the whole profit is madeby the inhabitants of Mexico; and, as they have more money, and arenot burdened with the obligations of the islands--their expeditions, wars, and reënforcements--their profits, although smaller, are largerfor their commerce than for that of the citizens of Manila; the latterlose, not only in the purchase, for the Mexicans increase the pricesof the merchandise, but afterward in the sale which they make in NuevaEspaña. There they are compelled to sell more cheaply, in order toreturn immediately, or to take silver at high interest--which is notdone by the inhabitants of Mexico; for they remain in their housesand sell as they choose; for they sell slowly, and by that means makeup the excess of the price in Manila. The citizens of the latter placecannot enjoy that advantage, and hence return ruined, or with so littleprofits from so long voyages that, at the end, they scarcely realizethe principal with which they commenced. Besides, as the greater partof their possessions are those on which the duties are paid, as theycome registered, while the others are concealed and unregistered, bythat fact also their costs increase and their profits are diminished. Number 99. Intention of the inhabitants of the islands in regard tothe excesses of the commerce Therefore it is to be noted that it is not, and cannot be, theintention of the inhabitants of the islands to have the illegal actsthat shall have been committed in that commerce remain unpunished, orthat liberty be given for the continuance of these and the commissionof greater transgressions. They are honest in this, as they oughtto be in obeying and observing the royal orders and mandates, which they reverence and respect with so much more obedience, love, and good-will, as the distance which separates them [from España]is greater, and it is more difficult for their great services (forthey are great) to be seen and valued, and for them to obtain therewards and favors which they deserve. What they solicit with thehumility of vassals of so Catholic a monarch, and represent underthe arguments of expedients and good government which they propose(subject in everything, to what should be of greatest service toyour Majesty), is, that the past be punished in such manner that thepenalty be not equal for those who have not been equally guilty--andif any have been, it was rather because they have been carried awayby their need and hardships than for the sake of the profit of theirbusiness; since whatever they have acquired in their business (which, according to the wealth that they possess, is known to be little), has been spent and intended to be spent in your Majesty's service, in ministering to and maintaining those islands, at the cost of theirblood and possessions. They ask that, at present, attention be given towhat is hidden and concealed; and that this be corrected and reducedto the amount that is permitted and ordered, without the inhabitantsbeing proceeded against or punished for what they have done throughignorance, until it shall be known in the islands what they oughtto do, and new orders issued. For the future they petition that theincrease of duties on the goods within the permission be avoided, whether it be silver or merchandise; that there be no innovation inthe appraisals of it; that their boxes be not opened or appraisedin a different manner from that which has been observed, followed, and kept--since, as has been seen, they pay more than they are able, although not as much as they owe. [_In the margin_: "In number 91. "] Number 100. Summary of what is alleged in this memorial Therefore they once more represent to your Majesty what is containedin greater detail in this memorial. The charges made against theircommerce, inasmuch as these were based on malicious reports and on lessknowledge than was required by the matter, have disturbed, changed, and altered it, so that it is in danger of being lost or suspended(which amounts to the same thing), and with it all the Filipinas, whose importance is so well known. That can be understood from thestrong arguments advanced for not abandoning them when they wereless necessary than now, when the fact of that importance has beenestablished by so decisive a resolution. To this can serve as newmotives the extraordinary manner of their discovery; the greatnessof their territory, and therein the notable and especial greatnessof the city of Manila--which, as the mistress of so many seas, andcapital of so many archipelagos, is the second pole of this monarchy;and the estimation in which their qualities are held, both for thenature of their lands and from what has been acquired from theircommerces, which, if they are small as regards their own products, [in their beginnings--_MS. _] are most opulent as regards those offoreign lands. That is facilitated by their remarkable situation, which, as it is the center of so many islands and powerful kingdoms, is, if not in advance of all of them, superior to many, as it isthe key of the ancient and ever rich commerce of the Orient. Thatcommerce, after so many changes, came into the possession of Portugal, and through the Filipinas was communicated to Castilla. It has beenusurped in part by the enemies of this crown (who now go to searchfor it, and carry it on in various ports of its origin), against whomIndia and the islands are defending and maintaining it. The islandsespecially protect the commerce of China and that in cloves, as theyare now lords of the islands of Maluco--which they recovered after theyhad been lost, and which they preserve, although infested [by enemies], at the cost of the blood and the possessions of their inhabitants. Theyare exposed always to the raids of powerful opponents, who in order notto lose what they have had the good fortune to acquire, the Orientaltrade and that of Maluco (which is of the greatest value), spend themost of what they gain in forts, presidios, and fleets, that they mayresist the Filipinas. If the islands are important for that reason, not less important are they for the effects that result from theirpreservation. These effects are the promulgation of the Catholicfaith, and the extension of the gospel preaching through so extensiveregions, and so remote kingdoms of pagans and Moors--which in spiteof the northern heresy, has been received by some, while others areready to receive it; the assurance of safety for India, which hasdoubled its strength because of the nearness of the islands, whichon all occasions reënforce it; the prevention and hindrance of theenemies from the trade in which they most wish to be absolute masters, and which they would obtain were it not for that valiant resistance, and that fortified camp; the relief of the Western Indias from theirraids, which because of this diversion have rest; and finally, themaintenance of the reputation of this crown, in the most remote partof its domain. And since, in order to obtain these and other effects, it is sufficient that the Filipinas be maintained in the force andrenown that they have at present, for that only two methods are to befound, which consist either in spending from the royal treasury theamount necessary for them, or in giving them a commerce such thatall the cost of the islands may be derived from it. Each method isimpossible alone, for the expense of the islands is considerable, andthe amount that they contribute is not sufficient, as those of Malucoare dependent on them, while the royal treasury is exhausted. Thecommerce ought not to be opened so widely that its duties supply all[the cost of the islands], because of the injury that this wouldcause to the commerce of España, which is more important. The onlyremedy comes to be (and it is that admitted by experience) the unionof both these means, each sharing a portion of the expense. Withthis the royal treasury will be relieved, the commerce permitted, and the islands maintained. In order to provide a guarantee for thisobligation, it is advisable to favor the inhabitants of the islands, who have attended and are attending to their defense (as that is thechief part of their preservation) with so abundant aid and so liberalexpense. For this, taking a middle course between the damages andthe advantages, the restricted commerce with Nueva España, withoutwhich they cannot live, is permitted to them. And although resultsfrom that concession the withdrawal of a quantity of silver (which ifit came to these kingdoms could enrich them more), and its passage tothe foreigners, besides the bringing of merchandise from which resultsa less consumption of the goods of these kingdoms: as this is not theonly cause that weakens the trade of the Indias, but there are othersvery different from it, it is necessary, in order that that trade benot ruined, that this of Filipinas be preserved, but not more than inthe quantity that is sufficient for its maintenance, and that is notharmful. Thus has the commerce been given its present form, concedingit alone to the inhabitants of the islands, restricted as to theamount of its merchandise and the silver for its returns, by imposingon both the latter and the former a fixed and determined quantity, as also on the ships which are to carry it. That is the conditionleast damaging to each part which, attentive to the state of so manykingdoms and the mutual relations of so many provinces, it has beenpossible to arrange. Although great illegalities have been ascribedto this permission, which are not lacking in any part of the world, and are found in all commerces, and are tolerated--either becauseit is impossible to correct them, or because it is not advisable toreduce them to the full rigor of the orders--those that are found inthis commerce are not greater than those of others; for [65] neitherthe silver nor the merchandise which is hidden can exceed the amountpermitted so greatly as has been represented, as has been [herein]stated. If there is any violation, there are sufficient precedentsso that it ought to be tolerated, and the greatest reason [for sodoing]; for it is impossible for that commerce to last in any otherway, or to have capital with which to maintain it. [This is true], not only because of the duties that are paid, which are heavier thanthose of Sevilla; but because of the great amount that is lost init by the risks, expenses, and hardships of its navigation, and bythe special disasters that the islands and their inhabitants havesuffered, and are liable to suffer--which are such and so many, thatit is a wonder that they are not destroyed, ruined, and deserted bythe onset of their disasters, losses, and diminutions, which it seemsthat the loyalty, the valor, and the constancy of their inhabitantshave opposed. Besides that, their commerce is no longer what it wasformerly; nor does it cause the damage that is noted; nor is it suchthat it can be done away with, without the downfall of the islands, the suffering of Nueva España, peril to Eastern India, the loss of itscommerce, a greater infesting of the Western Indias, and the sorrowof these and those kingdoms for the result of this cause, as it iscommon to them all, as is proved. Therefore, the procurator-general ofthe islands, reducing all their affairs to this memorial, petitionsyour Majesty to grant them favor in the affairs and points which hewill request in a separate memorial. Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon DOCUMENTS OF 1637 Defeat of Moro pirates. [Unsigned and undated; but probably written by Pedro Gutierrez, S. J. , in 1637. ] Auditorship of accounts in Manila, 1595-1637. [Unsigned and undated; probably written in 1637. ] Conquest of Mindanao. Marcelo Francisco Mastrilli, S. J. ; June 2. Events in Filipinas, 1636-37. Juan Lopez, S. J. ; July 23. Corcuera's triumphant entry into Manila. Juan Lopez, May-July. Royal aid requested by the Jesuits at Manila. Francisco Colin, S. J. , and others; July-August. Letters to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; August 20. Sources: The first, third, and fourth of these documents are obtainedfrom MSS. In the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid; the secondand seventh, from MSS. In the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla;the fifth, from Barrantes's _Guerras piraticas_, pp. 303-310; thesixth, from Pastells's edition of Colin's _Labor evangélica_, iii, pp. 757-758. Translations: The first of these documents is translated by ArthurB. Myrick and Emma Helen Blair; the second, fourth, and sixth, by James A. Robertson; the third, by Helen E. Thomas; the fifth, by Alfonso de Salvio; the seventh, by Emma Helen Blair. DEFEAT OF MORO PIRATES _A relation of the battle with the fleet from Mindanao, and the victoryof the Spanish, off the coast of that island and the cape known asPunta de Flechas, on the day of the blessed Saint Thomas the Apostle, December 21, 1636. _ Tagal, a chief of Mindanao, [66] who was entitled Captain-generalof Corralat on sea and land, had performed exploits in his servicefor many years, both in wars waged with the Goloes and in variousincursions, and on all these occasions came off with good fortune. Inthe past year of 636, in the beginning of April, he asked CachilCorralat, king of Mindanao, to give him four caracoas, with whichhe would go over to the islands of the Castilians, and spend ninemonths plundering them--urging that he would return rich, withhis ships laden not only with Vissayans but Castilians; and thathe would bring him the God of the Christians a prisoner; and otherinducements. Corralat gave him the vessels, and with them he went, in the said month of April, to the chiefs of Taguima and Jolo, urging them to accompany him. They excused themselves, saying thatthey were near neighbors of the Spaniards, and desired no wars withthem. No one accompanied him from those islands, but he, with thefour joangas, entered among the islands of Cuyo and Calamianes, andthe coast of Mindoro, where he remained almost eight months, robbingand inflicting enormous damage. He plundered the churches of Cuyo andCalamianes, profaning the vessels and holy vestments, breaking theholy images, and capturing the ministers in these islands. He seizedthree Augustinian Recollect fathers, and captured the corregidor ofCuyo [67] and another Spaniard. The Moro committed and uttered manyblasphemies against our Lord and His saints, and the holy images andconsecrated things, calling out in a loud voice that Mahomet had takenprisoner the God of the Christians. Having seized a chalice, with thepaten that belonged to it, they used the latter for a plate for buyos, and the chalice to spit in. They made a hole through the linen clothon the image of Christ our Lord, through which a man would thrust hishead, wearing it as one would a scapulary, suspending it mainly overthe breast and shoulders. They also kept the choristers' mantles, in order to wear them when they entered Mindanao. Returning, then, with much booty and many captives, their four large caracoas and threesmaller vessels, seven in all, laden with the plunder which they hadseized, the Moro dared to go where his sins carried him, to pay forhis arrogance and madness. Although he had a large force, he did notchoose to pass between Jolo and the island of Basilan, or Taguima, as he had done in coming; but he actually passed, in the darkness ofnight, before the fort at Sanboangan, in the strait which is made bythe said island with Basilan, for a distance of a league and a half, more or less, from the fort. This was astonishing audacity; and if, for our sins, he had returned unhindered to Mindanao, they would havelost all fear of that fort and the royal arms. He actually passed thestrait without being noticed, and at dawn arrived at a place wherehe could not be seen by our people. The day on which he passed beforeour fort was a Wednesday, December seventeenth, on the evening of theExpectation of our Lady, about eight o'clock. The next day just asFather Gregorio Belin [68] was preparing to say mass, there arriveda Lutao Indian, who has always displayed fidelity to the Spaniards;and told him, as above, how that night the enemy had passed nearthere on their return, and that it would be easy to go forth inpursuit of them, because they were heavily loaded and weighed down, for they had been at sea for eight months. Beside this, the Mindanaoshad a superstition or idolatry according to which all those who arereturning to their land victorious are obliged to proceed to a hillthat is encountered after doubling Punta de Flechas, [69] and at thepoint. Each man brings from the ships one of the lances that theycarry, made of bamboo hardened in the fire; and these are usuallyhurled into the ground on this hill, because it is of soft stone. TheIndian said that this superstition was so infallible and establishedamong them that on no account would they omit going together tothis place; and thus it was necessary that we should come to blowswith them. The father placed the whole matter before Sargento-mayorBartolome Diaz Barrera, governor of Sanboangan, and Sargento-mayorNicolas Gonzales--who is an excellent officer, a captain of infantry inthe garrison there. These men, overcoming many difficulties, prepared, in two hours, with incredible promptness and diligence, a fleet of sixships with one hundred infantrymen and one hundred and fifty volunteerBisayan warriors, with their cannon and all necessary supplies; andthe said governor detailed Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gonzales to pursuethe enemy. The latter set out with his fleet, with such energy thatalthough some of our vessels were mere rafts, and all had but scantyequipment, and let in much water, he allowed nothing to hinder him, but [kept on his course], overcoming many difficulties. On the firstday he sent back to the fort one of his six vessels, because he sawthat it was falling behind the rest on account of leaking badly; andwith only the five remaining he pursued the enemy, with remarkablepersistence, for three days and three nights. On the morning of St. Thomas's day, Father Belin, at Sanboangan, feltsuch impulses to expose the most holy sacrament that he was almostunable to restrain himself; and, although he could hardly overcomethe difficulties arising from the inconvenience of the sacristy, heexposed [the body of] our Lord, in supplication for the fleet. Thegovernor was piously present, and the people adored the Lord withsupplications. At that very time (as has been carefully investigated)our fleet discovered two of the enemy's ships near Punta de Flechas, one rather small and the other very large. The smaller vessel, onaccount of its lighter draft, was able to run ashore--all those whowere able fleeing, and leaving the ship, their captives and arms, andmany other things in the hands of our men. Aboard the large vesselwas a chief named Anpay Apuy; with terrible fury and determinationhe attacked our capitana, fired three shots at her, and pierced herwith one. But [the men of] our capitana with great gallantry andvalor boarded her, and discharged several shots. The Moros wouldnot surrender, so almost all of them were killed; even those whoescaped by swimming attacked our almiranta, which was assisting thecapitana. Many Christian captives were rescued, with a large amountof plunder found at Punta de Flechas. Our people sighted four othervessels at the place where they practiced their superstition, wherethey were casting their lances of burned bamboo. As soon as the enemysaw our fleet, they tried to escape by lightening their ships of thecaptives aboard them. Two vessels which they had drawn ashore werecaptured, but the other two escaped on account of their lightness ofdraft, after receiving several volleys from our fleet. The darknessof the night helped them, as well as their having thrown overboardnearly all that they carried. At that place many of their Christiancaptives were recovered. At this time, in the middle of the night, a strange thing happened, almost prophetic of the misfortune to thoseMoros, and apparently a presage of their fall and destruction. Therewas an earthquake, so sudden and so terrible that it was plainly feltupon the sea; and a rumbling which sounded as if some aperture ofhell were opening. All our soldiers were thoroughly terrified at sofrightful rumblings and quaking, and fancied that they heard voices, or terrible yells; so they armed themselves with their rosaries, Agnus Dei's, and relics, commending themselves to our Lord. Duringthis earthquake, the hill where they superstitiously shot theirarrows or lances fell into the sea, where it can still be partlyseen. It is to be hoped that when it fell, or began to fall, itcarried with it the pride of these Mindanao Mohammedans. Our fleetat midnight sighted the enemy's capitana, which was standing outto sea with another little ship which served it for a lanpitao, asthey call a boat for reconnoitring, or a tender. The sargento-mayor, who had ever conducted himself as a prudent and experienced man, did the same in this case, ordering every one to keep quiet andawait that vessel which was coming into their hands, on its way totheir place of worship, to shoot their arrows there. They were hopingthat that flagship--which was a large one, and carried more than onehundred and twenty rowers--was heavily laden with captives, booty, and stores. At midnight, our men heard the enemy's vessel near us, whereupon our flagship went to attack the enemy's, followed by ouralmiranta; and our men boarded her at the stern. Seeing that theywould not surrender, a cannon was fired at them, which Carlos (a goodartilleryman and a good Christian) had loaded with ordinary balls, an iron bar, and a lantern full of musket-balls. It swept almostall the men from the _bailio_, and a captive who was aboard thatflagship said that this shot killed twenty men. This artillerymanmade several other good shots, and in the meantime the infantry keptup a continuous fire, so that it is said that most of our men firedmore than thirty shots apiece. Twenty-four picked musketeers werestationed on our flagship alone. Finally the [Moro] ship abandonedresistance and was boarded by Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gonzales--whokilled with his own hand two men who still continued to resist. Someleaped overboard, but it was impossible for them to make their escape, for the high waves and the strong wind carried them far out to sea, so that they presently drowned. Father Fray Francisco de San Joseph, of acknowledged piety, died here, well content that he had seenthe side of the Christians victorious, and witnessed the valor andcourage of the leaders and soldiers of our fleet, for they behavedwell and honorably. [70] The sargento-mayor, beside his usual valor, received assistance from the Lord. Although he had very poor health, yet from the moment that he hastened to go forth until the finalfortunate outcome he enjoyed perfect health for all the hardshipswhich he underwent before and during the battle. All this made thegood father say that he was very content to die, and especiallybecause he had not seen the abominations, blasphemies, and shamelessacts of that rabble. There was one sick, Tagal, who was the leaderof the enemy's fleet, and on this occasion he ended his evil life, to commence payment for his atrocities, blasphemies, and daring. Onthe other hand, a younger brother of his who was mortally woundedasked anxiously for holy baptism, protesting that he believed theChristian religion to be the true one, and that he had always had apious leaning to it. They instructed him in the Christian faith, andafter baptism he died, our Lord taking only this one to heaven out ofall that number of dead Mindanaos--three hundred, more or less. Fiveships in all were captured from the enemy. Of the four large vesselsone only escaped, although our men kept up a continuous fire at it, and pursued it for a long time. Seventeen shots were fired from thecannon, to say nothing of the continuous musketry fire. The powderfor one of the cannon was blown up by a shot, and they lightened shipas much as possible by throwing overboard captives who had been cutto pieces, in order to make their flight more rapid. One hundred andtwenty of our people were rescued and fourteen Mindanaos who desiredto receive baptism were taken alive. According to their account therest of the Moros, full of rage and showing their teeth, fought tothe death. A large amount of gold and many other things of valuewere found among their plunder. The soldiers, as good Christians, declared all the church property they found--among other things, a gilded lunette, a chalice and paten, three chorister's mantles, and ornaments and images which had been misused. One ship was seized, because it was needed for the men who were crowded in the others;also two cannons with ladles [_pieças de cuchara_], two culverins, and thirty muskets and arquebuses; with campilans and lances, andmuch cloth. The victory did not cost the life of a single Spaniardor Indian. This victory has been of so much importance because it has terrifiedMindanao and Jolo, and has been a strong incentive to the resumptionof peace. The day when the fleet sailed, there was a juanga of Joloansat Sanboangan which was seen going out, and a little while afterwardanother was seen entering which came from Zibu, carrying CaptainBecerra; the rest of his company, consisting of thirty infantrymen, were in five vessels, which entered with great gallantry, all ofwhich is to the credit of our side. Hundreds of Indians came outfrom the shore, from Sanboangan as far as this place, [71] to meetthe ship which bore the news, with demonstrations of great joy;they brought presents and refreshments for a father who was aboardthe ship. The same thing happened along the shores of these ourislands. The inhabitants of Sibugay--which is the storehouse forCorralat, who cannot get along without that town--and others ofhis subjects have offered tribute. Thanks to the Lord, and to themost holy sacrament which appeared in public--and, as it were, onthe field of battle--and to the most holy Virgin Mary, our Lady, on whose day the expedition was prepared and sailed. The Joloans, by the agreement which they made in the time of CaptainJuan de Chaves through Father Vera and the queen (although it wasin the interim government of Licentiate de Mana), made raids againstthe Camucones, and, it is said, they have carried away more than sixhundred [of those people] at one time. They have sold many [of thesecaptives] in Sanboangan, and they are bringing a number of them herein a champan. Father Belin says that he has sometimes talked to theJoloans, asking them to give up the body of Father Vilancio. Theyanswer that they would like to preserve it, because it is holy;and they say that it is uninjured. We are very glad [to hear this], although we do not mention it to those outside until we know aboutthe matter with more certainty. The father prior of the Recollects came the day before yesterday fromCagayan. He says that those who have come there from Mindanao say thatCorralat is quite destitute [_three words illegible_]. The ruler ofBuayen and his sons-in-law are making war upon him, in company witha brother of that Gogo whose execution Corralat had ordered, becausehe had corresponded with the Spaniards at Sanboangan. The peasants, and the people who dwell inland, are molesting him, and he scarcelytrusts even his own men. He possesses no mounted cannon, and no armsin good condition. The Mindanao prisoners say that he has not evenmeans enough to arm three good caracoas. They write from Oton, that they are hourly expecting the lord governor, because he has written that he would leave Manila on January 26. Heorders the pataches laden in Sanboangan to wait for him, and thegalleon and galleys to sail. AUDITORSHIP OF ACCOUNTS IN MANILA, 1595-1637 Sire: The Council, on examining in the hall of justice the [records ofthe] official visit which Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas madeof the Audiencia and royal officials of the Filipinas Islands; andhaving examined therein charge three made against the said royalofficials regarding the general account for each year to be takenfrom them by an auditor of accounts [_contador de cuentas_]--namely, that they have not given him sworn statements; and, in particular, that they refused to give a sworn statement of the amounts that oughtto be collected, and of other things which the auditor of accountsordered--commanded me to make a comprehensive report from whatshould appear in the records of the visit, and in the other papersresting in the secretary's office concerning the matter; so that, having been examined in the government where they are consideringwhether it is advisable or not to appoint one for life to that officeof auditor of accounts in those islands, and with what conditions, the advisable measures may be taken. In fulfilment of that command, having attended to that matter as was fitting, I have drawn up thispaper, in which, as briefly as possible, and as was required by thegravity of the matter, I have compiled what treats of it, dividing itfor greater distinctness and clearness into the four following points. Point 1. Of the beginnings in those islands of the office of auditorof accounts, and of the variations and changes that have occurred init, down to the present. Point 2. Of the litigations that have occurred between the royalofficials and the auditor of accounts, in regard to the manner ofexercising the duties of that office. Point 3. Of the disadvantages, as seen from the records of the visit, that arise from the existence of that office in those islands. Point 4. Of the advantages that are found for the existence of thatoffice in those islands, and what has been enacted and decreed inthe Council regarding it, up to the present. [Point 1] Book 7, folio 284, verso. In regard to the first point, I presupposethat, as appears from the certification of the government notary ofthose islands, there is not in it the particular reason of an orderfrom his Majesty for the governor of the islands to appoint an auditorof accounts, as all the governors have done for many years past. Whatappears is, that in years preceding that of 1595 (although it does notappear when this practice was first inaugurated), the governor made anannual appointment of an auditor of accounts, in order that he mightaudit the general account of the royal officials for the precedingyear--as is mentioned by the governor Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas inthe first perpetual title that he gave as auditor of accounts, in theyear 595, to Bartolome de Renteria, who was the first to whom it wasgiven with this title. The governor says the following in regard to it: "Inasmuch as his Majesty has ordered the governor of these islands toaudit the account of the royal official judges of the islands annually, by means of an auditor of accounts who should be appointed for thatpurpose, and to send each year the report that he should make to hisMajesty, as has been done; and inasmuch as I am informed of, and see, the disadvantages and dangers that result to the royal estate of havingthe governors appoint, as is their custom, a new auditor [_contador_]for the said accounts each year, in order to give him that profitthat is due him for other services: there is no one in that callingas competent as is necessary. Thence it results that the said accountsare not audited with the clearness and completeness that is advisable, or in the good order and style in which an expert auditor would leavethem, and who would learn by experience and by special acquaintancefrom the times when he should have audited them before, or by hisknowledge through the condition of other accounts that he might haveaudited, the condition of the royal estate. Such a person will tryto understand the royal treasury thoroughly, while he who audits theaccounts once will do it more carelessly. All that carelessness wouldcease, as would many other disadvantages which experience has shown;and we could achieve the results that are desirable for the serviceof his Majesty by appointing an auditor to audit the accounts everyyear, without changing or removing him for another, but allowing himto hold the said office continuously. " The title continues with the appointment of the said Bartolome deRenteria as auditor of accounts, as long as it may be the will of hisMajesty and of the said governor in his royal name; and orders that theuncertainties, additions, and results [_resultas_] that shall arisebe communicated to the said governor, so that they may be concludedand executed with his decision. The title assigns him a salary offive hundred pesos of common gold, payable from the royal treasury. Book 7, folio 235. His Majesty despatched a royal decree in theyear 596, ordering the establishment of the Audiencia of the saidislands. In that provision were inserted the ordinances pertainingto this point, namely, the sixty-seventh, the sixty-ninth, and theninetieth. [72] They read as follows: "Ordinance 67. _Item_: My president shall, together with two auditors[_oidores_], audit the accounts, at the beginning of each year, ofthe royal officials who shall have had charge of my royal treasury forthe past year. They shall conclude it within the months of January andFebruary; and when they are completed, a copy of them shall be sent tomy Council of the Indias. I order that if the said two months pass, without the said accounts being completed, the officials of my royaltreasury shall receive no salary until they shall be concluded. Each ofthe auditors who shall be present at the auditing of the said accountsshall have a gratification of twenty-five thousand maravedis, providedthat that salary or gratification be not given them--and it shall notbe given them--except for the year for which they shall send the saidaccounts concluded to my royal Council of the Indias. " "Ordinance 69. _Item_: I order that when my president and auditorscommence to audit the accounts of my royal estate, in accordancewith the provision in regard to it, they shall go first of all to myroyal treasury, and weigh and count the gold and silver and the otherthings that may be there, and take account of it [_In the margin:"Sic. "_]. Then they shall begin the accounts, and, having finishedthem, shall collect the balance within the time ordered by the saiddecree. [_In the margin_: "I do not find any account, in the recordsof the visit, of this provision which is cited. "] The amount collectedshall be placed in the chest with three keys; and orders shall begiven that the balance from the past year shall not be made up fromwhat shall be collected during the time in which the accounts shallbe audited. " "Ordinance 90. _Item_: The said fiscal shall be at all the meetingswhich shall be held outside the ordinary Audiencia by the presidentand auditors, whether of justice or pertaining to my royal estate, with the officials of it, either for matters of government, or inany other manner. " Book 7, folio 239. In a royal decree of January 25, 605, directed tothe royal officials of the said islands with the ordinances of theiroffices, the two following touch on this matter: "Ordinance 29. The accounts that you shall be obliged to give ofwhat is in your charge during the administration of your offices, shall be given annually in the accustomed manner. For that purpose, you shall deliver as an inventory to the person who shall audit them, all the books and vouchers pertaining to them, and those that shallbe requested from you, and that shall be necessary for the clearunderstanding of the accounts. You shall continue the administrationof your offices with other similar and new books. The accounts shallbe balanced in the presence of my governor, and of an auditor ofmy royal Audiencia who shall be appointed by the governor and thefiscal of the Audiencia. Should any doubts and additions result fromthe said accounts, the said my governor and auditor shall adjust anddecide them, so that they may be balanced and completed. " [73] "Ordinance 42. You shall send annually the final account of thereceipts and expenditures of my royal estate, declaring the same inits distinct heads. In case that an auditor of accounts appointed bythe said my governor shall audit your accounts, he shall be obliged tohave them made out in accordance with the aforesaid, for the said end. " Book 7, folio 2. August 24 of the same year 605, his Majesty despatcheda royal decree, ordering three tribunals of the exchequer to beestablished in the three cities of Lima, Santa Fe [de Bogota], andMexico, so that the accounts of all the provinces of their [respective]districts might be audited in each one. Its beginning is as follows: "Don Felipe, etc. : Inasmuch as the accounts of the income and dutiesthat belong to us and which we are to receive in our kingdoms andprovinces of our Western Indias, as king and seignior of them, havebeen and are audited by the persons who have been and are appointedfor it by our viceroys and presidents of the audiencias of the saidour Indias, and by the corregidors and governors of some districts ofthem, who have been and are appointed for it; and inasmuch as they aresent to our royal Council of the Indias, so that they may be reviewedand examined therein; and inasmuch as the persons who audit the saidaccounts do not possess the skill and experience that is required forsuch an employment, and the accounts, as they are not furnished everyyear, do not show the accuracy, clearness, and distinctness that isnecessary--whence have resulted many disadvantages and losses to ourroyal estate, as has been shown by experience: in order that such maycease now and henceforth, and the necessary precaution be exercisedin everything, we have decided, after conference, examination, anddiscussion of the matter in our royal Council of the Indias, and inother meetings of ministers of great intelligence and long experience, that there shall be, and shall be established tribunals of the auditorsof accounts who live and reside ordinarily in the said our province, so that they may audit the accounts of whatever pertains to us inany way, or that may pertain in the future to all or any persons intowhose possession has entered or shall enter any of our possessions, of which they must and shall inform us. In order that this may bedone as is fitting to our service, we have decided, and we will andcommand, that the following order and form be kept and observed. " The said decree proceeds, by ordering in its first section that thesaid three tribunals be founded, in each of which there shall be threeauditors [_contadores_], who are to be called and styled "auditors ofaccounts. " They shall attend to their business by virtue of lettersand warrants sealed with the royal seal. Each tribunal shall alsohave two officers known as "arrangers of accounts" [_ordenadoresde cuentas_] and other things that pertain to this. The followingdeclaration occurs in section twenty-two: "Furthermore, the said our auditors of accounts shall audit andconclude the final account of the said our royal officials andtreasury of the said our Yndias for the preceding year, in the yearimmediately following, without protracting or extending it under anyconsiderations--except that of our royal officials of the provinceof Chile, and of the persons into whose possession enters the moneywhich we order to be supplied from Piru for the expenses that must beincurred there; and that of the Filipinas Islands, which, as they areso remote and out of the way, must be audited every two years. Allthe said our officials of the said our royal treasuries in the saidour Western Yndias shall be obliged to go, or to send persons withtheir powers of attorney and adequate documents, to render theiraccounts before the said our auditors of accounts. " Book 7, folio 28. The ordinance of the above section does not seem tohave been observed; for on May 16, 1609, a royal decree was despatchedwhich declares that inasmuch as certain doubts have resulted from thefoundation of the three said tribunals, in regard to the exerciseof the said offices and their jurisdiction, and other things, thefollowing is declared and ordered anew. And in the said decree many ofthe ordinances contained in the above-cited decree of the year 605, are declared by sections. Section twenty-four, which concerns thispoint, reads as follows: "Section 24. Having examined and considered the difficulties whichhave been represented in regard to [the officials] being able to goto give the accounts to the said tribunals, for the treasuries ofthe provinces or islands which are very remote and over seas, I havedecided and resolved that the accounts of the provinces of Chile andthe Philipinas Islands shall be audited as heretofore, in accordancewith the ordinances of the audiencias, notwithstanding any rulings ofthe said ordinances for the auditors of accounts in regard to sendingsomeone to give it at the tribunals. The accounts which shall be thusaudited in the said provinces of Chile shall be sent to the tribunalof accounts at Lima, and those of the Philipinas Islands and Malucoshall be taken to that of Mexico. At the beginning of each year, myofficials of those treasuries shall send the lists and muster-rollsof the soldiers to the said tribunals. " Book 7, folio 247. In conformity with the above-cited section, the tribunal of accounts of Mexico despatched a decree in the year612, ordering the royal officials of the Philipinas to observe andkeep it. Notification was given to them, and they obeyed it in thesame year. Book 7, folio 305. It appears in the fulfilment of the said royaldecree, and of section twenty-four of it, that the governor ofPhilipinas gave the title of auditor of accounts and results[_resultas_] to Francisco Lopez Tamayo, October 6, 610, in thefollowing words: "Inasmuch as his Majesty has ordered that the office of auditor ofaccounts be again established in this city, so that the accounts ofthe royal officials of all the royal estate and other royal possessionsthat ought to be given might be audited, etc. " The title proceeds, appointing him for such time as may be thepleasure of his Majesty and of the said governor in his royal name;and the latter assigns him an annual salary of one thousand pesos ofcommon gold, to be paid from the royal treasury in accordance with theresolution made at the preceding meeting of the treasury on September30 of the said year. The above-mentioned tribunal of accounts of the governor and twoauditors has punctually fulfilled its duties; and, as well as the saidoffice, still exists--although there has been a change in regard tothe title of "auditor of accounts, " as will be stated later. Point 2 In case that your Majesty may be pleased to order that this officeexist, will you be pleased also to ordain and determine the manner andform in which it is to be exercised, in order to avoid the differencesand encounters that there have been and that may occur between theauditors of accounts and the royal officials. I shall relate ingeneral terms the litigations that they have had hitherto, and thedecisions therein of that Audiencia and the tribunal of accounts. Book 7, folio 252. The first instance of litigation that I find wasfor the year 620, when the auditor of accounts claimed that the royalofficials ought to deliver to him, not only the books and papersthat he asked, but also the account in orderly form, in order thathe might audit their general account of the preceding year. The royalofficials answered thereto that they had never rendered that account, and that they were not bound to do so, but only to deliver to him thebooks and papers necessary for the verification [of accounts]. Thetribunal decided in favor of the royal officials. Book 7, folio 261, _et seq. _ The second instance of litigation wasin the year 625, the auditor of accounts claiming that the royalofficials must deliver to him all the books, vouchers, and papersof the treasury for which he asked; and that he could take them tohis house, without any time-limit in which they must be returned. Theroyal officials claimed the very opposite to the above. Therefore, theAudiencia decreed an act on January 2, 626, ordering the auditor ofaccounts not to take the said papers from the treasury, but to auditthe said account there. The auditor of accounts (at that time Luis deVera Encalada) having entered a petition, the Audiencia enacted on thetwenty-seventh of the said month and year that, notwithstanding theabove-mentioned act, the said auditor of accounts, in consideration ofthe ill-health that he alleges, may exercise his duties in his house;but that he may not demand any paper by act from the royal officialsexcept in virtue of the act from the tribunal of accounts for thispurpose which proceeds, in which he is under obligation to ask for thepapers which shall be necessary. From those which shall be orderedto be delivered to him, he shall select what shall be necessary, and shall return them to the treasury in accordance with the ordinance. Book 7, folio 344. The third instance of litigation was at that sameperiod, on the question whether the auditor of accounts was to auditthe accounts of private persons, who should have to account for royalrevenues, or whether he was to review those concluded by the royalofficials. The Audiencia ordered that the said auditor of accountsshould not audit accounts of that class. Book 7, folios 77-79. After the year 628, the said tribunal of accountsordered by an act that the auditor of accounts could make additions toand draw up results [_resultas_] from the accounts concluded by theroyal officials, provided he do it in a separate blankbook withoutmaking notes in the royal books. The fourth instance of litigation was in regard to the questionwhether he was to be entitled "auditor of accounts" [_contador decuentas_] or "auditor-arranger of accounts" [_contador ordenador decuentas_]. The royal officials claimed that it should be the second, saying that the name "auditor of accounts" belongs only to those ofthe three tribunals of Lima, Santa Fe, and Mexico, according to theprovision of August 24, 605, and the ordinances therein cited. Theauditor of accounts claimed that this name belongs to him by virtue ofhis office, and because he has always been so called. The ordinancesgive him that name, as appears by ordinance forty-two given above, and in the warrants despatched by the governors. The Audienciadecreed an act February 14, 626, ordering that he shall not be called"auditor of accounts, " but "auditor-arranger of accounts of the royaltreasury;" since the auditing of the accounts does not belong to him, but only the arranging of them, so that the president and auditors, the judges of the accounts, may audit them, and conclude and remitthem, as is ordained. Thus was he styled until the visitor altered it. The last and most acrimonious lawsuit was in regard to the form ofthe sworn relation which the royal officials must give to the auditorof accounts, in order that he may audit the general accounts of eachyear. Upon this point arose the charge in the visit, the examinationof which was the cause of my being ordered to compile this paper. Inthat contention, the royal officials have claimed that they do not needto give a sworn statement of the amounts that ought to be collected;but that the auditor of accounts must charge himself with that dutyin the general account of each year. In case that the royal officialshave to give a sworn statement, [they claim] that it is to be onlyof the debts incurred during their time; and that they do not needto give a general sworn statement, but only a statement of thosekinds of royal revenue which are received into that treasury, and arecurrent through their administration--and not of other things which, although they belong to his Majesty, do not enter into that treasury;and which are disbursed before they enter it, and pass through otherhands. They allege that in these islands a very different account ofthe royal revenue is usual from that furnished in other provinces. Theyavailed themselves, for all three points of this claim, of the samesections of the ordinances on which the charge was founded, namely, thesections 14 and 22 of "tribunals of accounts, the decree of the year605, " and section 20 of the decree of the year 60 [_sic_] explanatoryof the tribunals--which, copied word for word, are as follows: "Book 7, folio 5, section 14. _Item_: We ordain and command that atthe time and when the said accounts are to be audited and completed, and before anything else, both the said our royal officials and otherpersons--of whatever estate, rank, and condition they may be--whomay have received, and have had or have, the duty of receiving andcollecting our revenue, must deliver--and they shall deliver--to thesaid our auditors of accounts, sworn statements, signed with theirnames, of all that they have received, and all that has been deliveredto them, as well as what they have disbursed and distributed. Theyshall take oath, in the form required by law, at the foot of thesaid sworn statements, that everything therein contained is accurate, faithful, and true; and that they have not received more maravedis thanthose entered in their accounts, and that they have [actually] paid outall that which is entered therein as spent and disbursed. They shallbind themselves, with their persons and possessions, that if at anytime it appear and be found that they have failed to enter anything ofwhat they have received, or have entered as disbursed any sum in excessof what they have honestly and truly paid out, they shall pay such sum, together with a fine of a sum three times as large--to which we declarethem immediately condemned, and order that the penalty be executed ontheir persons and possessions. One-third part shall be given to thedenouncer, one shall be placed in our exchequer, and the remainingthird shall be given to the judges who sentence and decide the matter. " "Section 22. Furthermore, the said our auditors of accountsshall audit and conclude the final account of the said our royalofficials of the said our Indias for the year preceding, in the yearimmediately following, without delaying or extending the time, underany consideration whatever--except that of our royal officials of theprovince of Chile, and of the persons in whose possession enters themoney that we order to be supplied from Piru for the expenses whichshall be incurred there; and the accounts of the Filipinas Islands, which, as those islands are so remote and out of the way, shall beaudited every two years. All the said our officials of the said ourroyal treasuries which we possess in the said our Western Indias, shall be obliged to go, or to send persons with their powers andsufficient authority, to render their accounts before the said ourauditors of accounts, except those who shall audit the accounts ofour royal officials of the imperial city of Potosi, which shall bedone as will be declared hereafter. And in the said accounts thatshall be audited and concluded for all, entry shall be made of allthe said our incomes and duties, which pertain and ought to pertainto us in any manner, in the said year as abovesaid, notwithstandingthat they may say and allege that they have not collected nor cancollect it; and the balances of their total shall be struck. Ifthey shall present sufficient evidence from which it appears thatthey made the efforts necessary at the time when they were obliged, and that they were unable to collect it, they shall be given a briefrespite from paying such balance, which, as above said, shall havebeen struck against them, which time shall be long enough for themto collect it or place it in the said our treasury. And should they, upon the expiration of that time, not have executed it or presentedsufficient evidence that they have made the efforts necessary forits collection, they and their bondsmen shall be proceeded againstby the full rigor of law, in order that they may place and depositthe amount due in the said our royal treasury. In regard to thisaction, the necessary executions and investigations shall be made, and by maravedis of our treasury. If it shall appear from the evidencethat they shall present, that they have made the necessary efforts, and have been unable to collect, and that they have discharged theirduty in this regard, the amount of their accounts shall be receivedon account, and the said our auditors of accounts shall make the newefforts that appear expedient for its collection, until it shall havebeen paid into the said our treasury. " "Section 20 of the explanatory decree. Book 7, folio 16. By section22 of the ordinances of the said auditors of accounts, and by otherroyal decrees, is ordained the manner in which my royal officialsof my royal revenues, and of the rest of my estate which is in theircharge, with obligation to collect those revenues, or show sufficientefforts, shall be held responsible. I have been informed that the saidauditors of accounts undertake, when they audit the accounts of thesaid my royal officials, to proceed according to this order; but thatthe said my royal officials are generally accustomed to appeal fromsome things, and bring a suit. That causes delay and other troubles, for the correction of which I ordain and command the said auditorsof accounts to audit the accounts of the said my royal officials, charging them with all my incomes and the other property which mustenter into their possession with obligation of collecting it, orelse proving [that they have made] sufficient efforts for what shallnot have been collected, in accordance with what has been enacted bythe said ordinances for auditors [_contadores_] and other decrees;and in no manner shall the said my royal officials be allowed toappeal to the law until what has been ordained regarding this matterbe observed and executed. " Book 7, folio 87. On those three sections the visitor based his chargeand the royal officials their rebuttal. The visitor ordered that, notwithstanding what they alleged, the royal officials should givea sworn statement of the collections made and of those still due, for the general account of the year 631. In charge 3. The disadvantage and loss to the royal treasury alleged bythe visitor, because the statements are not so given, is that that hasresulted in there being more than sixty thousand pesos of royal revenueto collect, of which results [_resultas_] have been made in the visitagainst the said royal officials, besides others that are being made. Point 3 In regard to the inconveniences from having this office or tribunal inthose islands, I do not find that the royal officials of the islands, who are the ones who could best make such a representation, havemade it. They have only opposed the jurisdiction and authority thatthe auditor of accounts has possessed or claimed to possess for theexercise of his duty; and they declare that the tribunal of accountsof those islands, which is composed of the governor and two auditors[_oidores_] is the one that truly holds and exercises this ministry ofthe auditing department of accounts, and that the auditor [_contador_]whom they call "auditor of accounts" cannot be that official, andcannot be so called, but only "auditor-arranger of accounts. " Theysay that it is not fitting for one man alone to be superior to thetribunal of the royal officials, for thereby is lost their authorityand the superiority and influence that they ought to have for theefficient management and exercise of their duties; and that theexpenses incurred with the said auditor of accounts and his clerksought to be dispensed with, for the said reasons. In this regard whatappears from the records of the visit is that Governor Don Juan deSilva, in a treasury meeting held in the year 610 (Book 7, folio 301), resolved to assign to the auditor of accounts and results [_resultas_](joining those two offices, which had up to that time been divided)a salary of 1, 000 pesos of common gold per annum, payable fromthe royal treasury, for the work of both offices. Until that time, it appears that the auditors of accounts had had only one officialnotary of accounts, with 250 pesos of salary per annum. By the saidresolution it was raised to 300 pesos; and the clerks were increasedby three, each with 200 pesos salary per annum--in consideration ofthe fact that there were many accounts in arrears to catch up with, and that the said two offices were joined into one. Other appointmentsresembling the one aforesaid were made in the persons of Pedro deLeuzarra, in the year 618, and Luis de Vera Encalada, in the year620. At this time the said chief official notary of this exchequerwas given a salary of 450 pesos, without its appearing when or whythis increase was granted; and that same practice was continued. Inthe year 626, Alonso Garcia de la Vega was appointed with the titleof "auditor-arranger" (Book 7, folio 65), in accordance with the actof the Audiencia above mentioned. In the year 629, Juan Baptista deZubiaga was appointed [_In the margin_: "Memorial, folio 266, Book 1, folios 49, 128"] with the title of "auditor-arranger, " and four clerks, of whom we shall treat at the end of this paper, its proper place. Against the statements of the royal officials, in regard to its beingpossible to avoid those expenses, the auditor of accounts, Luisde Encalada, stated in the year 625, in the suit that he had withthem, that they could not be avoided, for the tribunal of accounts, consisting of the governor and two auditors [_oidores_] cannotpersonally arrange or audit them, both because of their occupationsand because it is outside their profession; and their only duty isto dispose of the uncertainties and results [_resultas_] which maybe proposed to them by the auditor of accounts. [Point 4] Papers of the secretary's office. In regard to the advantages in havingthis office or tribunal, it seems that Governor Don Alonso Faxardo, in a letter of August 10, 619, [74] petitioned your Majesty to haveintelligent persons sent as clerks; and informed your Majesty thathe had appointed Pedro de Leuzarra, a trustworthy person, auditor ofaccounts, because of the incompetency of Francisco Lopez Tamayo. TheCouncil, upon examining that letter, decreed, November 17, 620, thatpersons be named for that office, and that it was to be filled fromthat time thenceforth by his Majesty; and accordingly the appointmentby the governor must cease. That decree does not appear to have had any effect; for since that timeand until the present, as has been seen, the governors have filled thatoffice, notwithstanding that the Council gave that advice in the saidyear, and your Majesty granted the office to Alvaro de Revolledo. Asit was then believed that the salary of this office was 500 pesos, the said Alvaro de Revolledo petitioned that it be increased to2, 000 ducados or to 510, 000 maravedis, the same as that of the royalofficials of those islands, so that he could exercise the said officewith greater authority. No decision was made on the petition, and thesaid Alvaro de Rebolledo was afterward appointed to the accountancyof San Miguel de Piura, with a salary of 300 pesos ensayados. The tribunal of accounts of Mexico state, in a letter of June 27, 625, that they have seen the necessity, from what they have examined of theaccounts of the said Filipinas Islands, of sending a person to visitthem who can adjust affairs pertaining to the expenses of the royalestate of those islands, and lay down a system [of conducting them]for the future. The person who must go should be of the ability, authority, and qualifications that the matter demands. He should behighly compensated and honored, in order that his office be respectedand the end in view obtained. It is the most important action foryour Majesty's service, and has most need of reform. It appears that the said Alvaro de Rebolledo again petitioned, inthe year 626, that his warrant be despatched to him, with the salarythat your Majesty might be pleased to grant him, so that, its valuebeing known, he might be able to fulfil his duties. February 19, 626, it was decreed by the Council that he should be heard. Thereupon, the Council ordered the viceroy to investigate this matter, and tosubmit a relation of whatever had happened in regard to the office ofauditor of accounts of Manila, and whether this office is necessary, whether it be for life, and what are its qualifications and duties; andof the tribunal of accounts. In obedience to this order, the viceroy, Marquis de Cerralbo, in a letter of May 22, 627, states that what heunderstands is that it is necessary that this office be permanent, and that very suitable persons trained in the tribunal of accountsand the other duties of the royal estate, should be found [for it];and that it will be advisable that the official who should exerciseit be approved by the governor of Filipinas. The tribunal of accounts of Mexico, in a letter of May 28, of thesame year 627, sent a report regarding the aforesaid which had beendrawn up, by order of the viceroy, by one of the auditors [_oidores_]of the tribunal, Gaspar Bello de Acuña. In this it is declared that itis necessary that not only should the accounts of the royal treasuryin Manila be audited, but also the accounts of all the royal estatewhich should be in the keeping of any person whatever; for this wasa thing that has never been customary there, or had regular course, because of the resistance offered by the royal officials. The saidaccounts are of much more importance than any others; and it istherefore important to appoint a person who is thoroughly competentand reliable to inspect everything pertaining to the royal estateof the said islands; for the accountants hitherto appointed havebeen remiss in their proceedings. That has arisen from the povertyof the country, and from all being united there; or because thosewho try to proceed with any show of thoroughness in your Majesty'sservice do not find aid in those who can give it in a matter thatis of so great importance; and because this office, from what isunderstood of the condition of the royal estate in those islands, is subject to ordinary occupation and residence, and has a salary ofone thousand pesos per annum. Since not more than one is appointed, he will need a clerk to help him in the methodical arrangement of thesaid accounts, and what is dependent on them. For the said officeof accountant, a fully competent person, and one of abilities, will be needed. He should be well equipped, and honored with thenecessary writs of prohibition for matters pertaining to his office, and with the privileges that may pertain to it. It is advisable thathe should be sent as visitor of all things that concern the royalestate, to audit the accounts that are to be audited, and review thosethat are concluded, notwithstanding the visitor-general appointed;for the latter cannot have the intelligence, experience, and methodwhich your Majesty orders to be exercised in such matters--which areunderstood only by those who have gained their knowledge in the chiefbureau of accounts of those kingdoms. Such a person can be appointedwith a time-limit, and, at the expiration of that time, he may return;and another man of skill and experience may remain as the ordinary andusual one, with the title of "auditor of accounts" for your Majesty;and he should receive the ordinary salary that your Majesty cares togrant him, and have a clerk to help him. The Council, upon examination of the above-mentioned reports, decreedon December 6, 627, that the papers that occasioned them shouldbe collected, and taken to the Council. From that time, it does notappear that anything pertaining to this matter has been done in or outof the Council until the year 631, upon the arrival of the visitor, Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas, at the said islands. He having foundJuan Baptista Zubiaga holding the said office of auditor-arranger ofaccounts and results [_resultas_], by the appointment of the governorin the year 629, ordered the said Juan Baptista to cease to exercisehis duties, and to bring the papers in his charge to the visitor'soffice; and ruled that there the said Juan Baptista and Diego Ortizde Vargas, auditor [_contador_] of the visit, should together reviewall the accounts of the royal treasury and estate, with four otherclerks. They were to receive the following salaries: the said Diego deOrtiz de Vargas, 2, 000 ducados; the said Juan Baptista, 1, 000 pesos, the same as he had received before [when exercising his office];to one clerk 400 pesos, to another, 350, to another 300, and to thefourth 200. Later, at the end of the visit in the year 633, the said visitor gavethe said Juan Baptista de Zubiaga the title of "auditor of accountsand results" [_resultas_] with a salary of 1, 000 ducados per annum, increasing his salary [_In the margin_: "Memorial, folio 266"]because of the extra work which he would have in collecting [theamounts due from] the results [_resultas_] which remained drawn inhis possession. He was to get a confirmation from your Majesty forthe increase, namely, from the 1, 000 pesos which he received beforeto the 1, 000 ducados assigned to him by the visitor, within sixyears. Besides the above, he was to have two clerks to assist himand commission to audit all the accounts, both general and private, pertaining to the royal estate. [_In the margin_: "The title is tobe found in the collection of papers for the claim of this man inregard to the confirmation. "] He made rules in regard to its execution, and ordered them to beobeyed and observed, and to be inscribed in the royal books for thatpurpose. Although the royal officials were opposed to both things, the visitor ordered them to obey the enactment. Because the saidroyal officials refused to inscribe the said ordinances in the royalbooks, he fined them five hundred ducados apiece, which remained inthe royal treasury. He had those ordinances inscribed in the books, getting the books for that purpose from the royal treasury, forthe royal officials refused to do it [_In the margin_: "Memorial, folio 266"]. In the report made for your Majesty by the said visitorin the year 634, regarding the visit, he states that he thinks thatthose islands have the greatest need of a tribunal of the bureau ofaccounts, so that the accounts of the royal treasury may be auditedthere annually for the preceding year, and results made of all forwhich warrants have been improperly issued, and that has failed to becollected, thus avoiding the delays which have occurred hitherto. Itis very necessary to have not only the said auditor of accountsappointed by him in the said bureau of accounts, but also a greaterforce of men and more authority in the said bureau of accounts. Ifthat course had been pursued hitherto, it is undeniable that so greata quantity of funds would not have been badly administered, lost, and uncollectible. In his opinion, those islands have much greaterneed of a tribunal or a bureau of accounts than of an Audiencia, president, and auditors [_oidores_]. By a certification given by the said auditor of accounts and of thevisit, Juan Baptista Zubiaga, it appears that the results [_resultas_]drawn up against the royal officials and other private personsduring the visit amounted to six hundred and ninety-five thousandand sixty pesos. The governor of Filipinas, in a letter written to your Majesty August10, 634, [75] declares that it will be advisable that your Majesty bepleased to send an auditor of accounts, and that such auditor shouldbe a person of authority, who shall receive an adequate salary; andstates that he who is holding that office _ad interim_ was a servantof one of the auditors [_oidores_] of those islands, and thinks moreof spending his time in maintaining his friendships than in attendingto what is necessary. He thinks that with the above appointment, andthe correction of some recent ordinances, the condition of affairswould be improved. A report made from the secretary's office having been examined in theCouncil on September 26, 635, regarding what appeared to be there onthis matter, it was ordered that your fiscal should examine it; andthat, after also examining what advices had been received concerningit and the letters of the visitor, he should inform the Council inregard to it all. The said your fiscal declared that the ordinances andpapers sent by the royal officials had come without authentication;and therefore, until they should come with that requisite, he hadnothing to say. This defect no longer operates, for the above-mentioned ordinanceshave arrived duly authenticated, in the body of the [records of the]visit; and the officials, in a letter in which they set forth theobjections to those ordinances, have sent some authenticated papersfor the proof of their statements. On February 20, 637, the papers on the matter having been examinedin the Council, it was ordered that they be taken to your fiscal, with the rest of the papers concerning the visit that touch the royalestates and its accounts--so that, upon receiving his statement, the advisable decision may be made as to whether it is best to sendan auditor of accounts to Filipinas, or not. It does not appear thatthe said your fiscal has as yet answered. This is the condition thatappears from the above-cited records; and your Majesty will ordainthe measures that seem best to you. THE CONQUEST OF MINDANAO _Letter from Father Marcelo Francisco Mastrili, [76] in which hegives account of the conquest of Mindanao to Father Juan de Zalazar, [77] provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Filipinas Islands. _ _Gratia, et pax Christi, etc. _ I would by no means have expected, Father, your Reverence's commandto inform you of our expedition to Mindanao, had you known thatthe letters which I wrote to Father Juan de Bueras from Lamitan hadremained at Sanboanga; because, since I recounted in them, with muchdetail, all the events of the conquest of Mindanao, I asked him toread them to your Reverence, so that, without fatiguing yourselfwith my separate letter, you might know what had happened. And now, having in obedience to your command, departed for Taytay, I will hererelate to you faithfully as much as I can remember. Your Reverence of course knows how Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, governor of these islands, having determined on the expedition toMindanao, called a general council of war, in which all were of adverseopinion, saving only his nephew, Sargento-mayor Don Pedro Hurtado deCorcuera. In spite of this, constrained by desire for his own glory, and for the honor of the two Majesties, the human and the divine, he resolved, notwithstanding the contrary opinion of the entirecouncil, to persevere in his pious intentions. On the day, therefore, of the Purification of our Lady, February second of this year 1637, having with all the soldiers attended confession and communion in thechapels of the palace, he ordered them to embark in eleven champans, which were already provided for this purpose. Father Juan de Barriosand I embarked in the flagship with his Lordship, and Sargento-mayorDon Marcos Zapata, whom he brought for a companion, and to sit athis table. The priest Don Juan, chaplain of the fleet, sailed onthe almiranta, with Sargento-mayor Don Pedro Hurtado de Corcuera;and an Augustinian friar came, as confessor for the Pampangos, inLorenço Ugalde's champan. The previous day a letter had come from the archbishop, statingthat there were eighty hostile caracoas at the island of Mindanao;so his Lordship, in order to surprise them, sailed with five champansfor the opposite and outer coast of the island, and directed CaptainUgalde to skirt the inner coast, with the rest of the boats, as faras Point Nasso, [78] on the shore of the island of Othon. The factthat they found no trace of enemies anywhere, stamped the report asfalse, and as inspired by the effort of the devil for the purposeof hindering us in our journey; for we were compelled, by takingthis route, to toil for more than twelve days in order to cover thedistance of twelve leguas to this Point Nasso in Othon, the brisasbeing dead ahead when we attempted to round the cape. One day when(an opportunity offering) we were trying to double it, the fury ofthe wind and the sea was so great that we broke the steering-gear, and there was great danger of the ship's foundering, and of our beingdrowned. I would have been drowned more quickly than anyone else, for, being at the stern, I became entangled with the sheets of the sail, [79] at the time of the furious and unexpected turn which the ship(being no longer under control) gave, through the force of the wind. So great, in fact, was the rage and pain which the evil one sufferedon account of our expedition, and what he already feared [from it]that, as I afterward knew with certainty, he often complained to acertain person, speaking in an audible voice in the woods, saying:"Why come ye? What do ye seek? Who brought you here? Curses on you;I will deprive you of life, and we will have done with this!" I didnot believe this at the time, as coming from the father of lies; but hetaught us later, by experience, how much he did to make his word good. Now, although all these things were enough in themselves to cause sometrouble, yet the most agreeable conversation of his Lordship, withthe pious division which he made of the hours of the day, left theevil one no opportunity. For, in the morning, Father Juan de Barriosand I said mass; there with his Lordship we recited the canonicalhours, the office to our Lady, matins, and the prayers for the dead;in the afternoon at vespers, the same prayers, and the holy matins, and the prayers to the Virgin; in the early evening we had the _Salve_[_i. E. _, "Hail, Mary"], with the public litany; and at night prayersfor the souls in purgatory, usually relating some miracle, whichwas of great profit to many. Nor need your Reverence think that welost any time because of the contrariety of the winds at Point Nassothat I mentioned; for orders were despatched to the Pintados Islandsby the Indian volunteers, and sent to Othon with the _falua_ [80]by Adjutant Don Francisco Olozaran--who returned in a champan withthe father rector of Othon, Father Francisco Angel, [81] and FatherGregorio Belin. The latter was going from Samboanga to Manila to givehis Lordship the news of the victory won by Sargento-mayor NicolasGonçalez over seven caracoas from Mindanao, which were returning, withsome slaves and sacred ornaments, from plundering the islands. Thefather rector brought with him from Othon excellent provisions, andafterward he gave the whole fleet much better at Iloilo. His Lordshiparrived at that place with the aforesaid father, in the falua, threedays before we did, in order to have time to visit the fort, and seewhether the boats of Captain Briones were prepared for the relief ofour troops in Mindanao. On the arrival of the champans, Father Angeldisembarked, to return to his mission in the island of Negros; and thefather rector of Othon embarked in Captain Martin Monte's champan, with his Lordship's orders for Samboanga, which place we reached onthe twenty-second of February. Here his Lordship commanded that neither the [cannon of the] fortnor the musketry should be discharged at his approach, in order notto make a noise and thus make his presence known; and for the samereason he ordered that no vessels should go out of the river. Inspite of all this Corralat soon knew of his coming, through the sonof a chief of Basilan, who at that time was imprisoned in the fortof Samboanga, with orders that he was not to be released except uponurgent request by the [Jesuit] fathers, so that in this way they mightsecure the goodwill of the Moros. The next day general communionwas proclaimed, together with an indulgence and full jubilee forthe whole camp, for the first Sunday in Lent--his Lordship obligingall the soldiers to give certificates of confession and communion totheir officers; and he had his own servants do the same thing, for Ifound him one day collecting the certificates with his own hands. Allthis was done with great fervor, and with many general confessions, in which the continual discourses and sermons of those days aidedgreatly. All received communion on Sunday with his Lordship, theblessed sacrament being exposed, and all were present later at FatherBerlin's [_sic_] sermon. In the evening, at the time of replacing theHost, his Lordship was again present with all the soldiery, becausehe had appointed me in the morning to preach the evening sermon onthe reverence and devotion necessary to be observed in church, in thepresence of so great a Majesty. This I did to the best of my ability, at the end inspiring the soldiers for the campaign, and inciting themto battle by showing them, painted on canvas, [82] a figure of Christ, whose feet and right arm the Moros had cut off; in the middle of itthey had made a large hole, using the cloth as a _chinina_, or smallmantle. This a Moro actually wore, and they killed him while he hadit on, the day when Nicolas Gonçalez captured the caracoas. FatherBerlin brought it with the sacred ornaments to his Lordship; and he, knowing that I had been on the lookout for some such thing in Manila, as soon as he saw it at Point Nasso, gave it to me. When I showedthis image to the soldiers, and exhorted them to avenge with arms theinjuries of the holy Christ, such were the tears, and so great thetender devotion and holy desire for vengeance with which they werefired, that (as they afterward told me) they would, on leaving thechurch, have been willing to offer battle with all the world [againstthem]. The effects were very marked, and much tenderness [of feelingwas displayed], so that at last it was openly said that the motherwho had no sons in this glorious enterprise was very unfortunate. With this fervor and so excellent preparation, the champans departedon the trip to Mindanao, [83] which is sixty leguas from Samboanga, on the third of March, and on the fourth all the rest of us set out, with his Lordship, in eleven caracoas. In all, four companies embarked, three of Spaniards, and one of Pampangos. His Lordship's companyconsisted of a hundred and fifty soldiers; Nicolas Gonçalez had onehundred, and Ugalde as many more, who were seamen; the master-of-camphad that of the Pampangos. I would not fail to write of what happenedon Tuesday, when the champans departed. We all wished that his Lordshipwould not go until Saturday, that we might see whether some of theIndian scouts would not return in the meanwhile; but I did not wishto ask it from him until I had commended the matter to God. I askedthe father rector to say mass to St. Francis Xavier for my intention, and I also said it. Then we withdrew into a room, and, after suitableprayer, his Lordship opened the book of the letters of that saint(which I hold to be a divine guide), pointing out beforehand the partwhich was to be read, and these were the words: _Many times we thinkthat our own opinion might be better; nevertheless, we must leaveaffairs to Him who governs them, if we wish to succeed. _ The will ofthe saint was plain to be seen, nor did I desire to contrive furtherspeech about the arrangements with his Lordship. And truly all thingswere guided by Heaven in order to give him the glorious victory whichhe attained--to the confusion of the Moros and the undeceiving ofthe Indians, who now know that the Spaniards can, when they choose, fight in their territory without them. In the gulf of La Silanga we met with a very severe and dangeroustempest, of which we rid ourselves by exorcisms and sacred relics, as is our way in dealing with things evidently planned by the evilone. Here Nicolas Gonçalez waited with eight caracoas to tow thechampans through La Silanga, which is a strait of the sea two leguaslong, between the great island of Mindanao and another and smallisland. His Lordship, with four of the caracoas, went to Punta deFlechas, so called from the ceremony and superstition of the Moros inshooting arrows at one of its rocks when they are returning to theirown country, to show their thankfulness to Mahomet. Here we remainedfor two days, awaiting the vessels of the fleet; during this time Isaid mass on shore, having beforehand uttered tremendous conjurationsagainst the evil one, as holy Mother Church is wont to do, with herexorcisms, holy water, etc. Then our people burned all the arrows, of infinite number, that were fixed on that headland, with a thousandother things--articles of food, such as fish, eggs, etc. --which, as a sign of their devotion, they are wont to leave fastened to therock with black pegs. We set up a number of crosses in differentplaces, and then the name of the place was solemnly changed to Puntade San Sebastian, in order that that saint, with his holy arrows, might complete the destruction of those infernal and accursed oneswhich for so many years have vexed us. The name was given also incommemoration of the fact that Don Sebastian [_i. E. _, Corcuera]has been the first governor to cast anchor here and to round thiscape; besides this, the marvelous fall of this rock in the nightwhen Nicolas Gonçalez fought within sight of it, we all attributeto this saint, who desired to give to Don Sebastian pledges for theglorious campaign of Mindanao, since only that part of the rock fellwhich faced toward Mindanao--as we all saw with wonder. While we werehere, a light vessel came from the enemy to reconnoiter our fleet;our falua gave chase, but, being very far away, could not overtakeit. We, however, encountered a small boat containing four of ourIndian captives who had fled from the enemy; they informed us thatseveral Javanese ships were on the point of departure from Mindanao, laden with Christian slaves. I confess to your Reverence that this wasnot news to his Lordship, but he was cut to the heart by the miseryof so many souls, and he at once decided to sail night and day inorder to overtake the ships. This holy zeal was the sole and truereason for his pushing on without halt till he came up with them, instead of waiting for his fleet; and he was well rewarded by Heavenwith so fortunate a victory, as your Reverence will see. Now the evil spirit, who for so many years had dwelt at this Puntade Flechas, undertook to oppose us and hinder our advance. For threetimes, by the violence of the wind and sea, we were turned back; andthe fourth time, without any contrary wind, we remained motionlessfor more than an hour, although our caracoa had ninety _barrigas_(as they call rowers on the Pintados Islands). Thus the work of theevil one was plainly to be seen; but, by casting a few holy relicsinto the sea and pronouncing exorcisms, as before, we soon passed on. These deceptions and obstacles of the invisible enemy being overcome, we came in sight of Mindanao, without recognizing it, on Friday thethirteenth of March, with four caracoas. When I had finished sayingmass--this was before dawn--his Lordship embarked in the falua, and with only six soldiers went to reconnoiter the place, to soundthe rivers and harbors of the coast, and to see whether any Moro whocould serve as a guide might be captured, for we had none. He pursuedseveral of them up to their own shore, discharged two muskets at them, and nevertheless they fled up the river, abandoning their vessels. Inresponse to these shots, the report of a cannon was heard from inland;this gave us much cause for fear, seeing that his Lordship was so bold, and we dreaded lest he had engaged with the enemy. Then we recited thelitany, and other prayers; and, rowing as fast as possible, met themcoming back. The governor embarked in his caracoa at eleven o'clock inthe morning, and placed in order all four of the caracoas, with thetwo champans of our fleet--those of Captains Don Rodrigo and Ugalde, which had arrived three days before, and captured three caracoas fromthe enemy. [84] From another direction there came, under a white flag, a letter from the Recollect fathers whom the Moros held captive there, that [our men?] should inform them of what was going on. He castanchor near the mouth of the river, where some huts were to be seen, without knowing what village it was; [85] and turning to me, said:"I will quarter my men in those cabins tonight. " Then he ordered allto eat; and having sent Adjutant Don Francisco Olazaran to land withtwenty-five musketeers to seize the shore, and sounding the trumpetsand the drums, discharging the ship's cannon in the direction of theharbor, his Lordship disembarked, with all his soldiers--who, betweenSpaniards and Pampangos, amounted to seventy men. The sargento-mayor ofthe forces and the admiral of the fleet, Don Pedro Hurtado de Corcuera, drew up the forces on the beach, placing, at his Lordship's direction, two field-pieces in the vanguard; and these were the terror of theenemy. Here, after I had aroused and encouraged the soldiers with the[sight of the] miraculous picture of St. Francis Xavier on one side, and that of the holy Christ (which I mentioned above) on the other--thetwo suspended from a lance--I walked between the vanguard and the bodyof the troops, with Father Juan de Barrios, the Augustinian father, and the chaplain of the fleet, which line of march we preservedduring the whole campaign. At the time when we were disembarking oneof our captive Indians came swimming toward us from the land, andwe learned from him that this was the port of Corralat; but he wasin such terror of the many musket-shots which the Moros, on seeingus, fired at him from an ambuscade which they had prepared againstour people, that he could tell us nothing more. And so we marched onwithout knowing whether in the aforesaid port there were any force ofarms or soldiers; we took for granted that what had always been saidof the place was true--namely, that all the defenses of Corralatwere upon the hill above, and not in the town below. Yet becausethis was the cause of God, where human means failed, I besought HisDivine Majesty, together with the saints, to illumine with especiallight his Lordship [the governor], so that, leaving the open roadfrom the shore to the town, he should march with his soldiers by theroad on the right. This route compelled us to cross the river twice, with considerable difficulty for the two cannon and for the personof his Lordship, who plunged into the water with all the rest ofthe soldiers. In spite of all this, it saved us from two very greatdangers: one of them the armed ambuscade on the left side of the road, in the thickly-wooded part of a little hill--which we could hardlyhave escaped, as the road was very marshy, and was blocked by reeds, fruit plantations, and houses. The other peril was even greater; allthe cannon of the fort were trained in the aforesaid direction [towardthe left], and could not harm us, because they could not be turned tothe right. The truth is that they had trained two chambered culverinsvery low against our path at the foot of the fortification--whichwould doubtless have done us much injury, but, through their greatfear and confusion, no one succeeded in firing them. After God had delivered us, without our knowing it, from perils sogreat, considering the small numbers of our expedition, his Lordshipwas marching in the vanguard, by the road which he had miraculouslychosen. We had crossed the river for the first time, and the artilleryand musketry were soon clearing the field as far as a stockade nearthe river, where the Moros made their first stand. Here it happenedthat, upon his Lordship's going forward for a moment to see whatenemy lay behind the stockade, four Moros set upon him with theircampilans; he very swiftly faced about, to fire at them his gun, which a negro at his side always bore; and, not seeing the servant(for he had fallen a little behind), his Lordship fell to with hissword, with such spirit that the Moros, disheartened, soon fled. Inspite of this, one of the Moros--Borongon, Corralat's most valiantcaptain--going out most courageously from the other side of thestockade, tried to prevent our men (who were now ready to cross theriver for the second time) from attacking the fort, which had beendescried from this first stockade. He valiantly wounded two, and, for a third, attacked Captain Lorenço de Ugalde who was leading halfthe troops in this direction--the rest, under Captain Don Rodrigo, marching along the right bank of the river, where a great numberof Moros was now gathering. Captain Ugalde parried with his shieldthe first two blows of the campilan; and then, rushing in with hissword, gave Borongon many wounds in the face, being unable to reachhis breast because of the arms that the Moro carried; but he forcedhim to retire. His retreat, however, availed but little, becauseof the furious musket-fire of our men; and finally Don FranciscoOlaceran's sword completed the work, and the Moro captain went intothe river. And now, after this man's death, our troops went on, without further resistance, to the fort. It was furnished with a newmoat, and was full of arms; and it had eight pieces of artillery inbronze, twenty-seven culverins [_versos_], many muskets with rests [?;_de pinsote_], arquebuses, and other hand-arms. There was a garrisonof more than two thousand Moros for the fortress and the port, as wewere told by Sosocan (a Moro friendly to us, and very well informed inregard to the equipment and strength of Corralat). All this profitedthem little, however; for so pressing was our attack that very soonwe were masters of all, and Alférez Amesquita raised his flag abovethe fort. Many Moros had been killed, and the rest fled badly wounded, as we learned on the following day from our prisoners. At this placewe killed the commander of the fort, a grandson of Corralat--the sonof one of his daughters, who had married the lord of the lake [86][country]--a very spirited youth, of whom his grandfather was veryfond. He had that day vowed to Mahomet not to abandon the fort untilhis death, and thus he fulfilled his promise. Seeing now our flags on the enemy's stockade, we soon, with hisLordship, crossed the river for the second time; and climbing up on theother side, I also raised my standard, that of Christ and St. FrancisXavier. We all sang the _Te Deum laudamus_; and, after his Lordship hadgiven the name of St. Francis Xavier to the fort and had left AlférezAmesquita as its governor, with a garrison of soldiers, we advanced tothe rear of a stockade which Corralat defended with its one cannon, and to the mosque. Here the Moros had rallied for the last time, trusting in what their captain-general [_condestable_] had told them, that they were not to retreat until they saw him fall. He believed, by some witchcraft or other, that our bullets could not injure him;and he had had proof of this, for once a ball had broken the boneof his leg, crippling him, but without breaking the skin or drawingblood. In this confidence, he came out with his men to defy us, but Captain Zubire at once leveled his musket at him, and sent twoballs through his forehead; this was the only portion of his bodyuncovered, the rest of it being protected by an English shield. Thewretched man fell dead on the spot, and instantly all the rest inthe stockade and the mosque lost courage, left their arms, and fledwith all possible speed to the woods. At this same time Don Rodrigo, marching with his detachment between the slope of the hill and theriver, charged the enemy so valiantly that by force he compelled themto abandon all their ships--which, for fear of us, they had hiddentwo days before in a broad inlet to this same river. Here they thoughtthe ships would be safe, because they had brought them in so quietly, and because the place was so far away from the mouth of the river. Thus in a little more than half an hour we gained possession of allbelow [the hill], and we would have captured the heights above onthe same day, had we had all our forces, for the Moros fled in sogreat fright that Corralat himself had covered his face with mudso as not to be recognized by our men. This was told us by one ofhis servants, a Christian, who came to us the following morning, reporting a great number of Moros wounded--especially the king ofthe Lake, who was suffering with a bullet-wound in the breast; hehad come to celebrate some marriage, that of a cousin of his with adaughter of Corralat. From this captive, and others, we learned thatCorralat had desired, in any event, to surrender to the governor, but that the Christians had not consented to this, and had persuadedhim to make a defense, promising that they would fight in the frontrank. This promise they fulfilled, especially the day of the assaultupon the hill, for it was they who did us the most injury; but theypaid the penalty of this advice, not only with the property which wetook from their ships, but with their lives, which the Moros themselvestook in anger at their bad advice. After the fight, the soldiers commenced to sack the houses; andthe governor, having seen all the ships as far as the river above, retired with those who had accompanied him, to the mosque. Here thefirst thing that was done was to take the great chair of Mahomet, with his books and other paraphernalia, and burn them. What we sawwhen we came to take out this throne certainly surprised us; for, before we reached the fire, two most venomous serpents came out fromthe feet of the chair, terrifying the soldiers greatly. And truly, nothing other than serpents and poison ought to guard the chair of thegreat devil of Mindanao. When the chair was burned, together with allelse that savored of superstition, we consecrated the mosque to ourLady with the _Salve_; and early the next morning (which was Saturday, the fourteenth of March), having dedicated the church to God withthe title of "Our Lady of Good Fortune, " we commenced to say massesin it, at a very beautiful altar, which served us during the twelvedays while we were there. This same mosque, being very large and conveniently situated, servedfor headquarters; his Lordship and the other captains lodged there, the other houses round about being used for the soldiers--althoughour being on the bank of the river, very near the woods, andsomewhat distant from the fort, brought it about that every nightthe Moros attacked us. Because of the continual showers of rain thatfall at night, they might have given us a great deal of trouble(since we cannot use firearms when it is wet), if his Lordship'swise arrangements and planning had not provided for everything; forafter having fortified the road to the hill with a very strong ravelinguarded by soldiers, etc. , great fires burned every night around thecamp. The sentinels continually called out the watchword; and allthe sargentos-mayor and captains, and often his Lordship himself, made the rounds. The Moros, therefore, seeing us always vigilant, dared not attack us openly, but a few of the bravest tried theirfortune in attacking us, and these were often at the mouth of theriver, when our men were going to or from the fleet. One night, returning from visiting the sick, I was there in a small champan, with only Captain Rodrigo and four Sangleys--who, in their fear, notseeing the way ran the boat on a shoal. It certainly was a miracleof God that the Moros did not notice this; for, if they had, theywould surely have killed us. I escaped at that place another greatdanger, for, not knowing that by day the Moros lay continually inambuscade in some little huts quite a distance from the fort, I wenteach day among them; and it pleased God that they never saw me. Whenhis Lordship learned of these ambuscades, he ordered the huts burned. The vessels which were in the river the first day could not be taken tothe fort until the next day, the tide being low. There were more thanthirty of these ships--large, medium-sized, and small--the greaterpart of them laden with a thousand things, especially five or sixvery large vessels from Java, full of wax, oil, rice, and otherarticles of merchandise. All our people had the benefit of thesethings, except of a certain quantity of wax, which was kept for theking, together with a great number of arms. There were eight cannonof bronze, with ladles; twenty-seven versos, a cast-iron pedrero, a great many chambers for versos, and more than a hundred muskets andarquebuses; and an infinite quantity of bullets, iron, powder, arrows, and _sompites_, a kind of little arrow which they shoot by means ofblowpipes [87]--so poisonous that, unless very powerful remedies aresoon applied, it kills in a few hours. Other implements of warfare werefound in the powder-house, which we used as barracks for the Pampangos. The next day the rest of the champans and caracoas of our fleet beganto arrive, and the governor at once appointed Captain Mena as headof the fleet for all the time while we should be at Mindanao. Forgovernor of Fort St. Francis Xavier, he chose Sargento-mayor Palomino, who fortified it and put it in order, fencing it in on all sides, withits port-holes and defenses, and adding around it a hidden rampartwith embrasures, so that it could contain two ranks of artilleryand musketry. On this enterprise Don Pedro Hurtado de Corcueraworked very hard, for he is especially skilled in the Flemish mode offortification; and the governor himself gave the plan for the buildingand his hands for the work, turning the first earth with the spade. Two days more, Sunday and Monday, were spent in making many sortiesand in burning many neighboring places, Captain Rodrigo with his mentraveling by land, and Captain Ugalde with his, by sea, until theyreached the former dwelling of Corralat, which is called Puerto delas Savanillas. [88] They burned all the houses, together with manyother villages and some large ships which they found concealed in ariver. The other soldiers who remained in the camp busied themselvesin launching all the sunken caracoas (which were many) with whichthe Moros were wont to make raids; and in searching out whateverwas buried. This included many chambers for versos; also iron, wax, and three bells--besides the large one which stood at the door of themosque, mouth upward, full of water in which the Moros washed theirfeet before entering the mosque. On this Sunday morning, his Lordship sent also to Samboanga a Morocaracoa full of our Christian prisoners and Sangleys, who had beencoming in great numbers to the camp since the first day, especiallyon Saturday morning. At the same time, a boat came by way of theriver with the Indian who had been our prisoner for many years, accompanied by twelve others of his household--his wife, his son, his father-in-law, etc. , most of them Moros. At the stern of the boatwas a large cross with a white flag suspended from it. This sight, you may be sure, drew tears of joy from us all, at seeing the spoils sovaliantly snatched away from the great devil of Mindanao. I was causedsome anxiety by the coming that Saturday morning of a certain Moro, who appeared, his whole body covered with mud, and came up the riverin a small boat with two fowls, asking to be taken to the señor Aria(for thus they call the governor of these islands, this word meaning"king" in their language), for he wished to present the fowls tohim with his own hand. Questioned as to the cause and motive for hiscoming, he said he was driven by hunger and necessity, because theyhad nothing to eat up on the hill; so would all have to come [to us]in a few days. Events showed this to be false, for a great quantity ofprovisions was found there later, confirming my suspicions and thoseof others. It must have been a trick contrived by the devil and hisministers against our captain-general, who, conducting himself on thisoccasion (as on others) with great prudence and diplomacy, commandedwithout seeing the man, that he should be handed over to Sosozan--aMoro who was friendly to us, and had come with us from Samboanga--whowas to hand him over to the governor of the fort. This was done, and thus, without knowing it, we were saved from a great danger. When matters at the fort and the port below were settled, and all theships burned except three or four, which were kept to take back toSamboanga, Nicolas Gonçalez arrived, on Monday evening, the sixteenth, with the rest of our fleet. A great tempest had detained them afterthey passed La Silanga, in which one caracoa was lost, under CaptainSisneros, but only a boy was killed. At once his Lordship arranged affairs for marching upon the hillthe next day. He ordered that biscuit and cheese for four days begiven to the soldiers; and Sargento-mayor Don Pedro, with Adjutant DonFrancisco Olazaran, spent the whole night in making them confess--whichconfessions I received--not being content with their confessionsat Samboanga. At three o'clock in the morning masses began to be said, and atthe end of the first his Lordship made an address to the soldiers, in which he manifested his great zeal for the honor of God and hismilitary experience. We had agreed that afterward I was to display[the images of] the blessed Christ and St. Francis Xavier; but, to confess the truth to your Reverence, I had no heart for it; andtherefore I decided not to do so--as it were, a presage of what wasto happen to us that day. When his talk was finished, his Lordship sent Sargento-mayor NicolasGonçalez with Father Melchor de Vera (who had come with him fromSamboanga), with a hundred and twenty Spaniards, thirty Pampangos, and eighty Indians to carry the packs, to cut off the enemy'sretreat from the hill, and to descend by the same path to attackthem. He assigned Captain Castelo to the advance-guard, and CaptainBererra with two famous spies (one a Moro, the other a Christian)to the rear-guard--ordering them to sound their trumpets beforehand, so that his Lordship might attack at the same time from the otherdirection, and thus they could surround the Moros. After NicolasGonçalez had gone, the governor drew up his troops, putting CaptainRodrigo at the head of the rest, and giving to each of the half-paycaptains a troop of soldiers. The flags, a piece of artillery, theammunition, and the provisions were with the body of the troops, and in the rear-guard were the Pampangos; Sargento-mayor Don Pedrowas in the advance-guard, with Captain Don Rodrigo; Sargento-mayorPalomino remained in the camp with a goodly number of soldiers, and with the father rector of Othon as chaplain. The troops were drawn up, and at six in the morning we commencedour march very gayly. After going a legua and a half, we came upona large town at the foot of the hill, very beautiful and quiet, fullof fruit groves, bananas, and sugar-cane--but deserted by the Moroson the previous night, as far as we could infer from the houses, and from the fire which was still consuming the king's fortifiedhouse; they had fired it, doubtless, for fear that his Lordship wouldentrench himself in it, it being very well fitted for that. However, he ordered the adjutant, Don Martin, to fortify another house onthe bank of the river with a good barrier, [89] a cannon, and agarrison of Pampangos, to guard the packs and cover the retreat ofthe soldiers. Then the rest of us crossed the river to reconnoiterthe enemy's position; the water was breast-high. A little later, wecrossed another creek, and commenced to climb a ravine full of coarsegrass. Here his Lordship halted, and, seeing another road farther down, asked the guide whether that road also led to the hill. He said "yes;"but, upon being asked which was better, replied that both were verybad. Then his Lordship (a special light from heaven illuminating him)said: "If, in the opinion of this Moro who is guiding us, both roadsare bad, I prefer going by the other rather than by this one by whichhe is taking us. " So he commanded the advance-guard to turn backand go by the other road. Your Reverence will soon see the specialprovidence of God, and the protection of my glorious saint. At theother road (by which the Moro was leading us) there were aimed threepieces of artillery, which could not be seen; and one of them mightat least have destroyed the whole vanguard. When our chief gunnerdischarged the bronze cannon, which stood between two large iron ones, he found that it contained two great cannon balls, two crowbars, andthree hundred musket-balls, with a double charge [of powder]. Havingescaped this danger we proceeded by the other road, by which, havingcrossed the river and the creek for the second time, we arrived atthe foot of a hill. Here we halted, and his Lordship sent some ofthe advance-guard ahead to inspect the road, since from what couldbe seen at the beginning of the ascent it seemed very bad. They wentto examine it, and soon word came back that after the first turn theroad was better, so we all went up. The truth is that the overflowingcourage, spirit, and desire for fighting which possessed the soldiers, those of the vanguard especially, made the road seem good to them;as a matter of fact, it was narrow, rough, and very dangerous onaccount of terrible precipices on each side. We had made two or threeturns, up the hill, thinking to find some place where we could halt, when from two stockades on the right side of the mountain the Moroscommenced to fire upon us. A cannon ball came toward me, grazing me;but it was prevented by divine Providence from inflicting any furtherinjury than leaving its mark in the shape of a hole in my cassock. MayGod grant that by this wonderful escape I am reserved for some otherand more glorious death! We all felt sure that there was no other stockade besides these twowhich we saw, when, at the third turn of the hill, the advance-guardcame upon another, which we had not been able to see. They commencedto fight bravely from below it, but because the position of thestockade was very strong, and that of our men very cramped--hemmedin by formidable precipices, and exposed to all the guns and otherweapons of the enemy (especially sompites, bacacayes, and stones)--nosooner would some of our men gain the little open place before thestockade than they would fall dead or wounded. For this reason, after having fought a good two hours, the fort could not be taken. During this time the four priests who went up the hill--Father Juande Barrios, the Augustinian friar, the chaplain of the fleet, andI--remained at this place, confessing the wounded and encouraging theothers. On the whole march, so far, I had not chosen to unfurl thestandard of the holy Christ and St. Francis Xavier; but at the time ofthe battle, my fervor and zeal being aroused, I did what the Holy Ghostbade me, and was thus constrained to give the banner to a soldier--whoat my order went on ahead, further up the hill, to guard the personof his Lordship, who had left me in order to reconnoiter the stockadefrom a nearer point. A ball came, which pierced the canvas of boththe sacred pictures, but without touching the figures; at that timethe saint was facing the stockade, and it has been positively learned(how, I know not) that that ball was intended by the evil one to kill agreat personage, and the saint who stood before him saved him from it. I, seeing that our affairs were in such straits, offered on mypart an earnest prayer to the saint; and afterward I said aloudto his Lordship that he ought to make a vow to the saint that hewould build him a chapel at San Miguel. To this he replied with muchspirit and generosity, "Yes, Father, and it shall be made very richand very beautiful. " I thought it best to designate that church, because it was that of the saint to whom St. Francis Xavier, whenhe was living, felt most devotion and love. I cannot deny that myheart was much troubled at this time, although not for fear of thebullets, which flew about us like mosquitoes, and made a terrifyingnoise in the trees; for I can truthfully assert to your Reverencethat I felt no trace of fear during this whole campaign, thanksto God, although I found myself in the greatest straits and perilsof my whole life; and His grace comforted and aided me greatly inthis emergency. Forever blessed and hallowed be His holy name, _queattingit a fine, usque ad finem fortiter, et disponit omnia suaviter_, [90] who hath brought me by so many circuitous ways to a positionso in accord with my life-long desires. Thus, what distressed me onthat day was not fear, but the sight of the bravest and most gallantsoldiers either dead or wounded; nevertheless, it consoled me much tosee them enter the battle with the names of Christ and St. FrancisXavier on their lips, and die uttering the same words. Over manywas laid the standard containing these two images, which even boresome spots of blood. Some were praying with their reliquaries andkissing them, others beseeching me for general absolution to preparethem for so glorious a death--obtained in avenging the injuriesdone to the holy Christ (this was the common formula, as it were, of all)--and others at last, whom I could not reach, declared theirsins publicly giving tokens of the great grief and contrition whichthey felt. There was one of these, in particular, who said threetimes: "Sirs, tell such-a-one to pardon me; for money was given mein Manila to induce me to murder him in time of battle, and I shouldhave murdered him had not God brought me to this condition. " Truly, the depth of his contrition touched me greatly--only this one thinghe had not confessed the night before; then I confessed nearly allthe rest, and they received the sacrament with the utmost devotion. Among the first wounded was Captain Ugalde, who had two bullet-woundsin his arms, and Sargento-mayor Don Pedro Hurtado de Corcuera, witha musket ball which went through his right leg; so that this valiantcavalier, being no longer able to be upon his feet, remained for a longtime upon his knees, encouraging the soldiers, although he was in greatdanger of being killed. He was in the very spot where they had woundedDon Rodrigo de Guillestigui, who was a most distinguished soldier;for he fought continually, and remained all the time in the ditchof the stockade without coming out, even when he had a considerablewound. Alférez Amesquita succeeded in hoisting our flag over the fort, but with the utmost danger; for they nearly hurled him down, with aspear-wound in his head and several sompites in his throat. Our menwere fasting, and, besides that, laden with provisions and arms, andwearied by the march (which had been more difficult than long); but, like lions, they caused the Moros much more fear in their death than ifthe port had been taken without bloodshed. The Moros were terrified, too, by seeing our soldiers thus obstinately keep up the battle ina slaughter-house--for this place deserves no other name. And yourReverence may be well assured that a million of Spaniards could neverhave gained the height; for I believe that no one can possibly pictureor imagine the strength of that place unless he were present at theattack. The truth is, that they passed from courage to rashness;for, by not ceasing to fight, they changed his Lordship's orders(or else they heard them backwards) [as if he were] commanding theleaders to rally instead of ordering a retreat. Then they counted ongaining the victory through the soldiers who were coming up behind(though most of them paid for this over-confidence with their lives), and were for a long time deceived with this hope. However, the realreason why the governor did not sooner order the retreat was thathe was waiting for the instant when Nicolas Gonçalez should attackfrom above on the other side, for the latter had no more than threeleguas to go; but, having found the road very bad, and being himselffar from well, he could not get there till night. With these hopes, and with very many false tidings of victory, which were very oftengiven, his Lordship waited, and urged on the soldiers for full twohours in a very dangerous place, exposed to all the weapons of theenemy; but, seeing many dead and wounded, he pushed his way forward, and, with great danger to himself (and to all of us, if any mishaphad befallen him), reached the little open space in full sightof the stockade. There he stood, in a furious storm of bullets, stones, bacacayes, and sompites, which killed and wounded many at hisside--especially his armor-bearer, through whose helmet and skull theysent a bullet. Now, having reconnoitered the place for more than halfan hour, and seeing that it could not be taken by storm from thisroad (as a half-pay officer had told him a little while before), he expressed his annoyance at those who sought with lies to detainhim and involve him more deeply, and ordered the retreat to be sounded. The enemy might, indeed, have done us much injury when we commencedthe retreat; for the dead numbered eighteen, the wounded more thaneighty, and the few who remained were very weary, and hampered bythe aforesaid wounded men. Besides this, the road was precipitous, and more difficult to descend than to climb. But God our Lord, bythe intercession of my glorious saint, blinded the enemy wholly;and the courage and prudent management of his Lordship gave themno time to attack us. With the utmost courage, he went along as ifnothing had happened, brandishing his naked sword--encouraging all;holding back the soldiers, so that they should retreat gradually;with his face always to the enemy, sending the men down; and havingour drums and trumpets sounded, until we reached the house whichAdjutant Don Martin had fortified. When all were there, we saw onone side a great number of Moros coming down a defile to prevent ourretreat to the camp. A few cannon-shots were fired at them, and theyquickly hurried back to the hill. His Lordship wished to halt here andawait the attack by Nicolas Gonçalez, but the smallness of his forcescompelled him to retire, which he did, the drums beating, as before, until we reached the camp. The wounded were placed, for that night, in a cabin in front of the mosque; and in the morning we transferredthem to the champans, burying three who had died. Many were of theopinion that his Lordship ought to retire that evening to the fort--asafer place, in case of attack--but he was not willing to display anyweakness before the enemy, and so that night passed in great anxiety;for, if the Moros were to come down, it would at least endanger thewounded. We learned from some of the captives that they really intendedto attack us; but that, thinking the governor (for whom they mistookCaptain Martin Monte, [91] on account of his distinguished presence)had fallen on that day, they felt it necessary to give thanks first toMahoma for so great a victory, with many ceremonies and revels whichthey held that night, with the heads of our dead--as we ourselvesguessed from the great number of lights which we saw at the same timeon the hill. After this assault, when we retired at nightfall to thecamp, the governor wrote to Nicolas Gonçalez, telling him of what hadhappened; and ordering him that if, by his position and the stateof his troops, he thought he could take the hill, he should attackvigorously alone; but, if he thought that he could not succeed, heshould contrive an honorable retreat to the camp, where they wouldarrange everything. He gave the letter to Sosocan to send, but noone dared to take it, so it came back to the secretary. Very early the next morning, I was saying mass, when cannon-shots andvolleys of musketry commenced to be heard from the hill--a sign thatour men were fighting. The whole camp was in a tumult, and his Lordshipordered Don Pedro to march with all the able-bodied men by the sameroad that they had followed the previous day, in order to divide theenemy's forces, assuming that Nicolas Gonçalez was already engaged. Ikept on with the mass, although with much difficulty, because of themany tears which the noise of the cannon called forth; and since themass that I was saying was for our dead soldiers, I implored theirblessed souls to obtain from God for us the victory for which theyhad spent their blood the day before. After mass, we said the fulllitany, and all engaged in prayer; it was an impressive thing to seethe governor on his knees with tears in his eyes, his hands raisedto heaven like Moses of old, praying for aid, and that the victorymight come to his troops. Less than an hour had passed when twosoldiers came with the news of the victory, and soon Father Melchorarrived with the enemy's flags. I will not write of the embraces, the merrymaking, and the joy in our camp, for your Reverence canimagine it better than I can describe it. His Lordship at once gavea banner to the soldiers who had brought the news, and by him he sent[the promise of] an encomienda to Nicolas Gonçalez. Father Vera related to us the story of the taking of the hill, as follows: They marched all day Tuesday the seventeenth, the dayof our attack, not because the way was so long, but so bad, as Ihave already said, and because Nicolas Gonçalez had to travel ina hammock. He was actually so weak and ill that, as he afterwardadmitted to me, his sword served him for a cane the day of the fight;and a boy had to support his arm, which he could not lift for theweight of his shield. They had various encounters with Moros, but, in order to avoid noise, the order was given not to fight; and so onthe way they killed only the cachice [_i. E. _, kasis] of Corralat, whom they found hidden in a thicket. They halted that night andfortified themselves in a height which overlooked the hill; and earlyon the morning of Wednesday (the day of St Joseph's vigil and of theglorious angel Gabriel) Nicolas Gonçalez had urged on the soldiers, and told them that since there was no avenue of retreat open to them, there was nothing for it but to gain either the hill or heaven. Theymade a valiant attack upon the enemy, who were awaiting them behinda huge tree lying across the middle of the road--having no otherstockades or ditches on this part of the hill, for they could notimagine that we would attack them there. They held their ground, fighting, for a time; but Captain Castelo, who was leading thevanguard, having crossed with some soldiers to the other side of thelog, forced them to abandon their position. Then he followed themwith his troops, without difficulty or danger, on the rear as faras the stockades and forts, till he remained master of two of thesewith four pieces of artillery and the king's strong-house where hekept his treasure. Many Moros were killed, not only by our shots, but by rushing down in a furious and headlong flight through a verynarrow ravine which was at the entrance of this very stockade wherethey expected us--falling, by a just judgment of God, into the verysnares which they had laid for us. At the same time Captain Castelomet some Moros who were coming to join the others--the garrison ofthe third stockade, which we had attacked the day before with ourvanguard; and, with the same ease, he compelled them to flee and flingthemselves down, he remaining master of the fort and its arms, whichwere muskets with rests, arquebuses, campilans, etc. The relativesand the men and maid-servants of Corralat, with many of his people, who were taken prisoners on that day, said that the night before hehad put under his feet a monstrance containing the blessed sacrament, which he had stolen, saying to all that there was nothing to fear, for he had the God of the Christians already under his feet; and that, considering the great strength of his fortified hills and stockades, and the large quantity of provisions that they had, they would be quitesafe, unless it rained men from heaven. But when, the next morning, they brought him word that our men were attacking from the rear, he said to his wife: "The Spaniards have chosen a bad place for me"(reflecting that, as I have said, he had no defense for guarding therear of the hill); "however, be of good courage, and wait here for me, for I am going to do to these what I did yesterday to the others. " Hewent, and his wife, seeing that we were coming in, urged her womento fling themselves down with her, so as not to be captured. They, being more sensible, refused to do this, [92] and so they became ourslaves; while the poor queen, with a child which she was holding inher arms, flung herself down and remained hanging from a tree. Thiswas a cause of regret to us all, on account of the kind dispositionwhich she possessed, according to the report given us by the fatherrector of Dapitan, who knew her to be very friendly to our Christiancaptives--sending them food secretly (especially to the religious), and reproaching her husband when he maltreated and abused them. Afterthe queen had flung herself down, Corralat, with a bullet-wound in onearm, came in search of her; and, seeing her already dead, he fled byone of those declivities, without being recognized, to some hamletsfour leguas from the hill, where they say he is now recovering. None of our men died, thanks be to God; only seven or eight werewounded, and they are now well. Don Rodrigo--who had set out thatmorning, as I have said, with the other troops--learning en route ofthe victory, sent the soldiers to Nicolas Gonçalez as reënforcements, and himself returned to the camp. Now your Reverence will see whether we could ever have taken the campby starvation, as they said we could; it contained grain-fields, bananapatches, a brook of very pure water, and six or seven thousand basketsof rice--which for them was very extensive provision. Nicolas Gonçalezfortified himself with his troops in two places: Captain Bezerra, withfifty soldiers, occupied the king's house which had been set aside forhis Majesty [the king of Spain], and Nicolas Gonçalez remained withthe rest of the forces in the principal stockade where the artillerywas; while they burned all the other stockades, and the houses, rice, and grain-fields, and brought down the four pieces of artillery. Thisthey did in two days, to the admiration of all--even of the gunners, who held it to be impossible. Those men would have abandoned them, if his Lordship had not remained firm in his intention of not goinguntil the cannon came down--not wishing Corralat to say that theSpaniards could not bring down what he had taken up, although he didit with two thousand Indians, in six months, and our men did it intwo days with four rowers [_barrigas_]. I cannot deny that the joy of that day was very great, but the deathof the two Recollect fathers distressed us greatly--his Lordshiphaving tried to the utmost of his power to deliver them from theMoros. Although they had captured three at Pintados, one of them waskilled by our own men [93] under Nicolas Gonçalez, on the day when hesurprised the enemy's fleet at Punta de San Sebastian, formerly Puntade Flechas. One the Moros killed on the day when we gained the lowerport, because, when they were fleeing with their wives and captives tothe upper fort, this good servant of God being unable to travel veryfast on account of having been ill, they killed him with a shower ofblows; and then hanged him, dead, from a tree so that we should seehim from the camp. But, because we were at a distance, we could not, although we saw him, get possession of his body--especially as theytook it away early the next day; and we were unable to find out whatthey did with it. The other father they killed on the hill, throughrage, on the day that Nicolas Gonçalez won the hill--although he didnot die until the following day, in the mosque below the hill, beforethe altar. It comforted him greatly to see already blessed, with thetitle of Nuestra Señora de la Buen Succeso ["Our Lady of Success"], the building which a little while before had stood there dedicatedto Mahoma. Five fathers whom we found at the camp were present athis death; and the next morning we buried him in the sea, not beingwilling to leave his sacred body to the hands of the barbarians. WhenI was washing him to prepare him for burial, I was astounded at thegreat number of wounds and cruel campilan blows with which they hadmutilated his whole body; and then I wondered at his patience andendurance. The soldiers too admired the great zeal of this holy man, because, when they found him thus wounded in a corner of the fort, he did not complain, but immediately asked if there were any woundedsoldier for him to confess. When he was told that he must not fatiguehimself, and that we had brought a Jesuit father for that very purpose, he was greatly rejoiced, and asked to have him brought so that hemight confess to him; Father Melchor de Vera came up at once. When, they brought him down to the camp, I was with the sick on thefleet; they told me (but not till evening, when I returned) that hisLordship had performed acts of kindness for the father, in keepingwith his devotion--helping to bring him in and place him in the bed, giving him food with his own hands, washing the blood from his wounds, and comforting him with tender and loving words, especially when thesurgeon commenced to treat him. Inasmuch as his clothing adhered tohis wounds by reason of his having passed a day and a half withoutattention, the pain of pulling the garments away was very great; and, when he winced a little, his Lordship was at once at hand with thestory of the passion of our Lord, and found it so efficacious that, ashe afterward declared to me, the father did not utter another word, noroffer any other resistance, but exhibited the patience of a gloriousmartyr. I confess that I washed his wounds after his death more withtears from my eyes than with water from the river, in holy envy of theglorious way in which he had ended his pilgrimage. Before he died, I begged him to beseech God for a like death for me, or even a morepainful one, in defense of His holy law. The holy man promised it, and I hope by his intercession to obtain it--although not becauseI deserve it, unless in return for the relief I gave his gloriouswounds in the last four absolutions which I gave him with my specialconsolation. Surely those are fortunate fathers who have been ableto show to the world, by their blood, the zeal and divine love whichthey bear in their bosoms. After burying the father the next morning, Friday, March twentieth, two days after the victory, we went up the hill with his Lordship;but so great was the stench from the dead Moros in the ravines(although many still lived, judging by the cries and groans of manypersons which were heard) that, almost as soon as we had reachedthe top and had looked at the king's house, we returned to thecamp. His Lordship then commanded that with the exception of thechurch ornaments, and the arms kept for his Majesty, everythingshould be divided among the soldiers. His Lordship did not reservefor himself or his friends even one blanca's worth--surely an actionvery justly applauded, certainly, and admired because it is not nowpracticed among the captains-general, and because it was, I believe, the first [of its kind] in these Filipinas Islands; and it confirmedthe opinion that all held of the governor, as a wholly disinterestedgentleman. An enormous amount was found and divided; they say thatthere were many cabinets full, and very heavy; what is certain is, that the whole of Corralat's treasure was here, and whatever he hadplundered during so many years. Your Reverence does not need to be toldthat the soldiers came back well satisfied, and many very rich. Thecampaign brought them great profit; and truly they deserved it all, for they all fought most valiantly. A great chest was filled with theornaments of the churches--sacred vessels, such as chalices, patens, monstrances, censers, chrismatories, etc. --which we have now mostcarefully returned to their owners; so that your Reverence was enabledto fill four floats with these ornaments, in the solemn processionwhich his Lordship held in Manila on Trinity Sunday, in thanksgivingto God for the victory. It troubled me, however, on the day when weclimbed the hill, that I had not time to search for my beads, which Ihad lost on the day of the assault--when, to placate the wrath of God, I tore my cassock hastily down the middle. But the next day God choseto console me; for, on my return from visiting the sick at the camp, his Lordship gave me my beads. He had recognized them in the hand of asoldier who had found them on his way down the hill, and had given theman I know not how many pesos for them. They certainly were worth it, because they were made from the stake at which the martyrs in Japanwere burned; and because they had touched the whole body of my mostglorious patron saint Francis Xavier, at Goa; these are the reasonswhy I prize them so highly. Six whole days were spent in distributing, or burning and destroying, everything in Mindanao; and thus on the twenty-fifth of March, theday of the blessed Annunciation, we started on the return trip toSamboanga. But the governor would not set sail before returning thanksat that very place to His Divine Majesty for so great a victory. Hetherefore arranged a solemn procession with the blessed sacrament, from the mosque to the fort--himself at the head, carrying the image ofthe holy Christ and of St. Francis Xavier, patron of the expedition, and wearing the white robe of his order, in which he had receivedcommunion. The soldiers with their muskets, and the artillery atthe fort, gave eight royal salutes with ball--which aside from doinghonor to the procession, served to clear the two little hills of theambuscade, which, without our knowledge, the Moros had laid to preventour embarkation. We found this out by means of the large number ofdead bodies which Captain Juan Nicolas discovered a little whileafter, when, returning from the Bugayen River, he wished to see theplace where we had attacked Corralat. When the procession was over, we set fire to the mosque and the fort; and the troops commencedto embark in good order, in the small champans of the fleet. ThenSargento-mayor Palomino was sent with five caracoas and a hundredSpaniards, with Father Melchor de Vera, who knew the language verywell, to search for Moncay, king of Bagaien [_i. E. _, Buhayen] [94]and the real lord of the island of Mindanao; this Corralat, though hisrelative, was but the tyrant. Bagaien is twelve leguas from the fort ofMindanao. [Palomino went] to make a treaty of peace with him wherebyhe should become a tributary and vassal to his Majesty. While we weresetting sail, one of our Indian captives appeared on the shore. Thefalua brought him off to our champan, and he told us how he had fledfrom the enemy's grain-fields where they had kept him during thosedays; and that, passing through one of the ravines of the hill, he had found a vast number of dead Moros. [95] Two or three hours after leaving Mindanao, we met Captain Juan Nicolasand Father Gutierrez, [96] father rector of Dapitan, who with fortyships and order for Sargento-mayor Palomino, in which he commandedthat officer that, notwithstanding his previous instructions, he should make use of all the troops sent him to capture Moncay, or at least disarm him. After this we continued our course, and onPassion Sunday we reached Samboanga. The fleet and the army receivedtheir captain-general, returning victorious, with a royal salute; andFather Gregorio Belin, in his cope, with the _Te Deum laudamus_. I, after accompanying them as far as the official buildings, went toarrange the hospital for the sick; for although I had attended themat Mindanao and on the journey, and assisted them with all that hisLordship provided, yet, on account of the discomforts of the ships inwhich they had had to be shut up, and because of the lack of fowls, they arrived in a very weak condition. I set out at once in searchof beds--even taking those in the [Jesuit] house. I collected in oneroom as many dainties as I could find, for the refreshment of thesick; and I shut up in our corral all the fowls which had come toSamboanga from Othon, which private persons had given his Lordship, and he had turned over to me for the use of the wounded. With theseprovisions I remained in the hospital, to minister by night and byday to the bodies and souls of the sick, encouraged by his Lordship'svisits. By means of all this care, and by the confession and generalcommunion in which all took part on Palm Sunday, the majority ofthe men, thanks to God, were quite well by Saturday in Holy Week, at which time we left Samboanga. Truly anyone who saw the number and grievous nature of the wounds couldnot deny that it was a miraculous thing that out of eighty woundedonly two died, aside from the three who succumbed on the night ofthe attack; for all the wounds contained poison, and many of them, moreover, were very deep and serious. Thus we saw the effects upon oursick of the sompites, bacacayes, and bullets--which, although theywere all deadly weapons, we found on the hill [that we attacked], placed in a jar filled with poison. It is true that I availed myselfof some very effective antidotes which they gave me at Manila; but thetrue remedy was to mix with them a little of a relic of St. FrancisXavier--which, in conjunction with the faith of those who were ill, worked wonders. Captain Maroto tested their virtues well, for he wasalready black in the face, and in his death-agony, when he calledme to confess him and to administer the sacraments. Better still wasAlférez Amesquita, who ejected through his mouth three sompites whichhad pierced his throat three days before, during the attack. But bestof all was the case of a sargento in the same company, to whom I gaveextreme unction in great haste, because he had a bullet-wound in hisstomach and most of his food passed out through the wound. There aremany others too, who, grievously injured at Mindanao, are now goingabout Manila. Only Alférez Romero and Menchaca died at Samboanga, and that was because they would not let themselves be cured. During this time, the governor was awaiting the return ofSargento-mayor Palomino and of Captain Juan Nicolas from Bugayen. Inplace of resting on those days, he went in person among the soldiers, working in a ditch which he had ordered to be dug to bring to thefort a stream of fresh water, which it lacked; and now they sendword from Samboanga that, by the grace of God, the water has reachedthem. Before putting his hand to any other work he desired, likethe devout gentleman that he is, to thank God a second time for thevictory, with a fiesta in honor of the blessed sacrament. And becausehe lacked neither the valor nor the piety of that great captain, JudasMacabeus, he ordered that the next day the funeral honors should besolemnized for his dead soldiers--although, unfortunately for thesefestivals, it devolved upon me to preach at both. He also publisheda long bulletin of gifts, offices, and rewards for those who werewounded in the campaign; and in this way so attached all the soldieryto himself that now they talk of and concern themselves with nothingelse but their captain-general--even the very seamen declaring thatthey do not wish to avail themselves of the privilege of crossing toNueva España, because they would miss next year's campaign. In this way several days were spent, until our fleet from Bugayenarrived--on Wednesday in Holy Week; and the next day, with threecaracoas came the brother of the king as ambassador, to treat withhis Lordship and confirm the peace negotiated by Sargento-mayorPalomino. The latter had done so because he was not able to executethe second order, which Juan Nicolas carried, who had come too late, bringing it when Moncay had agreed to as many conditions as we coulddesire--even to stating publicly to his followers that he wished to bethe friend and vassal of the king of España, and that whoever did notdesire the same must quit his villages. In accordance with this, theambassadors offered five things to the governor in the name of the kinghis brother: to surrender all Christian captives; to pay tribute tohis Majesty; to receive the Jesuit fathers, so that they might publiclyteach his subjects the law of Jesus Christ; that if the governor wishedto maintain a fort with a garrison of Spaniards in Moncay's country, he would treat them as brothers; and that he would be the friend oftheir friends, the enemy of their enemies. Consequently, he would doall in his power to put a stop to Corralat's doings, dead or alive, and to deliver him into the governor's hands. His Lordship receivedthe envoy in great state, seated in a chair, surrounded by the mostbrilliant of the army, in elegant and splendid array. The ambassadorsat on one end of the same carpet, astonished at the magnificence ofour captain-general and his soldiers. The captain-general commandedthe governor of the fort to entertain the envoy at his own house, andsent later, for his delectation, some cocoanuts and chickens. He gavehim some very beautiful pieces of silk; but for a captured sargentowhom the ambassador gave back in the name of the king his brother, he said that he would give nothing, because that soldier was a vassalof the king of España. The ambassador was importunate that he shouldsend Moncay something, at least some of his own weapons. His Lordshipreplied that up to this time Moncay had been an enemy, and that, as such, nothing was due him; but that he must begin to give proofsof his friendship, by immediately sending us his captives, etc. ;and then he would very soon experience the governor's liberality. Heoffered him two thousand pesos if he delivered up Corralat dead, and four thousand if alive. This news was received by the Moro withgreat pleasure, on account of the greed for money which possesses thosepeople; so that I am sure, considering this, that Corralat's days arefew. On Saturday in Holy Week, his Lordship being ready to embark, he came to dismiss the ambassador, and to receive the documents andarticles of peace, signing them in the envoy's presence. At the end, while his Lordship, to do honor to him at the final farewell, wasembracing him, the Moro told him most gratefully that at the end offour moons (they designate months thus) he would come to see him atManila--news which consoled me greatly, because of the facility thatit will afford your Reverence to send workers to so abundant a harvest. Then all the artillery was discharged, the fleet responding; and, when his Excellency the governor had embarked, we set sail for Manila, and the ambassador for Bugayen. At the same time Captain Juan Nicolasand Captain Juan de León departed with a company of a hundred Spaniardsand a thousand Indians, with the command that, after having accompaniedthe ambassador of Bugaien to his own land, they should go on and makethe circuit of the island of Mindanao, as far as Dapitan, destroyingand burning all the villages that would not submit to our arms. Thefather rector of Dapitan, and the Augustinian friar who had come asconfessor for the Pampangos, were chaplains for this fleet. On the same day Father Gregory Belin with Captain Sisneros departedfrom Samboanga for the island of Basilan, for a reason which I willexplain to your Reverence. This island--lying in front of our fort, andtwo leguas away from it--has three or four thousand tributarios who payto the king of Jolo, although they have always desired to be tributaryto his Majesty. The chiefs of the islands came lately to render theirobedience to the governor; he thereupon commanded that the governor ofthe fort should protect the aforesaid tributarios, and defend them fromJolo, until the next year, when he would subject Jolo also by forceof arms to the same tribute. When this was proclaimed, two hundredJoloan chiefs, with all their households, came to a near-by island, intending to cross over and live in Samboanga and be our vassals. Butthey wished to know his Lordship's pleasure; so the aforesaid captainwith Father Belin went to assure them of their safety and take them tothe fort, where, he trusted in God, they would now be well instructedand become favorably inclined to holy baptism. Because his Lordshiphad no fathers to send to Basilan, he wrote to Father Francisco Angelthat, by virtue of the very far-reaching grant which he has fromyour Reverence, he should at once cross from the island of Negrosto Samboanga. Here the governor of the fort would give him soldiersfor his body-guard, and all else necessary for the promulgation ofthe holy gospel in the aforesaid island--where, as I have said, he had already gone most joyfully, as the father rector of Othoninformed me; for the principal motive of his coming from España tothese Filipinas Islands was the mission to Mindanao. But that fathercould not minister alone to the whole island; besides, at Samboangathere are but two fathers--Father Melchor de Vera, who on account ofhis frequent attacks of illness can scarcely take care of everythingat the fort which his Lordship entrusted to him, as a person wellskilled in such matters; and Father Gregory Belin, [who is busy] incaring for the whole garrison, of which he is chaplain. So the manyvillages of Moros that are in the vicinity of the fort, such as LaCaldera, etc. , have no one to instruct them. The king also of Sibuguey(a river [whose valley is] much more fertile and abundant than LaPanpanga) himself came, while we were in Mindanao, to the governorto ask for terms of peace and for priests. His son has come now, with the [Spanish] galleons from Terrenate, to be educated in Manila;and in like manner the other chiefs are coming every day, since themiserable downfall of the principal king of these islands, Corralat, who held almost all in tyrannical subjection, and as tributarios. Eventhe king of Jolo sent Dato Achen (his especial favorite, and themost gallant and valorous captain that we have seen among the Moros)with letters to his Lordship, to confirm the terms of peace whichhis wife herself had come with our captain, to negotiate the yearbefore--excusing himself for not having come in person by saying thathe was expecting a fleet with which the king of Burney was coming tomake war on him, being an ally of his enemies the Camucones. May your Reverence's charity recognize what an abundant harvestoffers in Mindanao, and how destitute that field is in laborers;for where, in my opinion, forty would be few, there are only two ofthem. Certainly this is to be regretted, for it is one of the mostglorious missions that could be desired, lacking neither the evidenceof great fruitfulness nor promise of most noble martyrdom. And finally, it is enough that St. Francis Xavier is its apostle, since it washe who first preached in it the holy gospel, [97] as is stated inthe bull for his canonization. I trust that, through the divinecompassion, the news of this glorious and longed-for victory andconquest of the great island of Mindanao will move the hearts ofthose in his Majesty's court and his royal Council of the Indias, to send many workers this year to this glorious harvest field. This is all that concerns our expedition to Mindanao, except the returnjourney to Manila--which, being long and dangerous, caused us muchsuffering. For if we came across any island, we had perforce to sailall the way around it; and if we wished to go in any given directionthe wind instantly put itself dead ahead, with three or four _baguios_[_i. E. _, hurricanes]--which are violent tempests. At the islands ofNegros, Mindoro, and Marinduque it was a divine miracle, throughthe special protection of St. Francis Xavier, that we escaped allthe dangers, especially the one that we encountered at Mindoro. Ourmast broke, and a huge wave rushed over our stern so suddenly, sounexpectedly to the pilots and sailors that they, seeing it comingover the sea from a distance, hastily summoned me to exorcise it, which I did. It can assuredly have been of no other than diabolicorigin, to declare as the author of so many attacks, hindrances, and contrary circumstances the great devil of Mindanao, whom hisLordship had just so valiantly wrested from his seat. But if the work of the enemy was evident in our dangers, much moremanifest and clear was the divine protection and that of our saint inthese same perils--as when it saved us from some rocky shoals justoff Manila, where we would inevitably have run aground; and from achampan which sprang a leak, from which, without knowing about theleak, we shifted our quarters a day before. There are many otherinstances which I will not mention, that your Reverence may not bewearied. Twice we stopped on the way for provisions to refresh thesick--once at Iloilo, where our fathers entertained us; the othertime at Panay, at the invitation of Captain and Alcalde-mayor DonFrancisco de Frias. At last, since the winds were wholly contraryand his Lordship had suffered so much on the way, he resolved todisembark in Tayabas, with Sargento-mayor Don Pedro, his nephew, andCaptain Lorenço Ugalde, both being ill and in need of a surgeon'sservices. From this place we traveled by land for two days, as faras the lake [_i. E. _, Laguna de Bay]; going from there by the [Pásig]River, we reached Manila on May nineteenth. I halted at San Miguel, and the sick remained at Manila, while his Lordship went on the samenight to Cavite, where the armada had orders to await him. The wholefleet, by God's protection, arrived safely within four days; and so onSunday the governor made his entry with the pomp and magnificence whichyour Reverence saw. I know not whether many remarked on the events ofthat day, but this is the fact, that of all the champans but one waslacking--that of Captain Gabriel Niño de Tabora, which was carryingsome large cannon of the enemy's; and when his Lordship reachedManila by one route, from Cavite, to make his entry, Don Gabriel Niñoarrived, by another, from Mariveles. In this it seems that God choseto show His special providence by bringing all the fleet in withoutthe loss of anything, small or great, from the spoils. Blessed andpraised forever be His holy name, who through the valor, zeal, andChristian devotion of this gallant knight, has glorified Himself bygranting at the same time relief to the islands, and punishment tothe arrogance of these Moros. Events showed plainly the truth of therevelation which that holy servant of God received with regard to thecoming of this governor, for the complete deliverance and salvationof this conquered land. May our Lord give him life and health, thathe may finish what he had undertaken with so much spirit and couragefor the glory of His Divine Majesty. This is all that has suggested itself to me to write to yourReverence of this campaign of ours in Mindanao, as glorious as itwas wonderful--except to urge that your Reverence at once send manylaborers [98] to sow the seed of the holy gospel and even to gather theharvest in many parts of the island, judging by the great readiness[to receive the faith] that I observed when I came away. Only thegreat lack of workers which I perceived in this province of Filipinastroubles me, for they are very few in proportion to the many missionsand Christian settlements which are in their charge--and much morenow than ever, since so wide a door is opening. Certainly, if God hadnot called me to another empire, [99] I should consider myself mostfortunate if I might be employed, in accordance with my obedience, inthe spiritual conquest of the kingdoms of Mindanao. In spite of this, I trust in the intercession of my glorious saint, Francis Xavier, thatsince he was the first to labor in this island, and, although wounded, was the protector and patron of this expedition, he will not cease toprosecute the work in which he has so earnestly engaged, as we know;and that he will dispose matters in such a manner that many will comefrom Europe in these years to employ their labors in so glorious amission. Therefore, since, as I have already said, I do not deserveto be chosen, I beseech your Reverence to obtain from that saint, with your holy sacrifices and prayers, this boon for me--that for thepart which I have taken in the conquest of this island, he will admitme into the number of the workers in some other island, and into itsspiritual conquest; so that, all of us thus working in missions nearto that of this great apostle to the East, we may together enjoy hisspecial protection and support in this life, and be admitted among hisdevoted and beloved ones in the life to come, which may God throughHis infinite mercy grant us! Taytay, June 2, 1637. The humble servant and obedient son of your Reverence: [Marcelo Francisco Mastrilli] [100] EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1636-37 _Pax Christi, etc. _ Father Diego de Bobadilla: I shall give your Reverence an account in this letter, although verybriefly, of what happened in these islands after your Reverence leftthem; for many are writing long relations of special matters. The father rector of the college of Manila, Francisco Colin, [101]arrived at Manila at the end of July, and was received with greatrejoicing by all in general, both by the inmates of the house and byoutsiders and by the orders; and throughout the year he has had thesame acceptance. He has aided the governor by his counsel; but hewho has shown the greatest joy and happiness is the archbishop, whois receiving much help from him. His Excellency has been notably wonover, and has shown us extraordinary favors. He gave us the missionof Quiapo, which we had so much desired because of its nearness toSanta Cruz. He continued the Tuesday sermons during Lent in our house, and honored our church on the day when the indulgence of the sevenaltars was published. On that day he dined in our refectory, and onall occasions has shown himself truly a father to us. On account ofthe said indulgence, the number of people who come to our church hasgreatly increased. Father Marcelo Mastril, he of the miracle of our father St. FrancisXavier, arrived here with four other Italian fathers, on the dayof our father St. Ignatius, 1636, in a galliot, aboard which was aknight of the Order of Christ, who came as captain-general of Macan; hebrought, as his auditor, another knight of the same habit. The matteroccurred as I shall relate. Two galleons left Goa for Macan. In thesecond was that Polish father, the relative of the king of Polonia[_i. E. _, Poland]. While passing through the strait of Sincapura, they met three Dutch vessels. The ship of the captain-general ofMacan took to the sea, and taking the best direction, escaped theDutch vessels; and the first land that they struck was the mouth ofthis bay. The other ship was captured by the Dutch. Two days lateranother galliot arrived from Cochin, carrying a Portuguese fathernamed Figueredo, [102] en route to Maluco. When that ship passed, the Dutch had already left. One would not believe the joy with whichFather Marcelo was received; for the miracle had already become known, as I had brought many of the pamphlets from Madrid. [103] All looked athim as at a man brought back to life; all were eager to learn of themiraculous occurrence from his own mouth; and in order to satisfy thewhole city, he preached on the day of our father St. Francis Xavier, in our church at Manila. Many people were there. He preached veryeloquently, and called forth tears from the audience at the narrationof the miracle. The devotion of the people toward the saint has beengreatly increased. They have all copied his pictures from a paintingwhich the father had painted in Portugal, and which he says greatlyresembles the pilgrim figure in which he saw the saint. The Portuguesefound here a patache from Macan; and consequently, their people went[thither] by the last of October, in the patache. In their galliotwent the captain-general. Father Marcelo tried to proceed on histrip to Macan; but, when he came to embark, Don Sebastian [Hurtadode Corcuera] pressed him strongly to remain this year, for ends thathe said were very important for the service of God and of the king;and accordingly the father did so. The four Italian fathers who hadaccompanied Father Marçelo embarked in the patache, and with themFather Juan de Barrios, who took as his companion Brother AlonsoBernal. Father Juan de Barrios was going to negotiate matters ofimportance on behalf of the governor with that city. They left thisport, and scarcely had they coasted along for forty leguas from thisisland, when so furious a storm struck them from the north, in whichdirection they were sailing, that they had to return. The galliot wassaved, but the patache was driven ashore twelve leguas from here, onAll Saints' day, suffering about twenty-five drowned. Among them weretwo priests--one a secular, and the other a friar. The rest escaped, although they suffered considerably. None of the money which theywere taking to Macan was lost. The captain-general went to Macanlater in his galliot, taking three fathers with him. Father Marcelowas in Mindanao at that time, and another father in Marinduque, andaccordingly they remained here. It has been learned from Chinese shipsthat they arrived safely. This month of July Father Marçelo embarkedin a Chinese ship, whose owner gave bonds that he would land him in aplace where he could get to Macan. May God grant him a safe voyage. Hehas left these islands greatly edified by the shining examples ofadmirable virtues that he has given, and all have universally regrettedhis departure. Don Fray Diego Aduarte came from Nueva Segobia toendeavor once more to unite the new congregation of San Pablo with theancient province of Rosario. He returned without concluding anything, and died shortly after his arrival at his bishopric. A pilot and three other sailors--all Dutch--escaped from this portThe Indians of Yndan killed the three sailors, and captured the pilot, who confessed and was awaiting the gallows. But Don Sebastian pardonedhim, and promised to send him to Terrenate or the island of Hermosa, if he wished; or, if he preferred to serve the king again, to give himemployment. He chose to serve the king, and was very grateful. Thethree Dutchmen whom your Reverence left in our house were convertedto the Catholic faith. They came to this port, and were given placesas sailors. One of them was one of those who ran away and was killed;the other two remain quiet. Two pilots and sixteen Spanish sailors fledin a champan; and another champan, with twenty soldiers, was sent intheir pursuit. The latter encountered a large champan at Playa Honda, and tried to reconnoiter it, believing that it was the one in which themen had fled. The other champan, which was full of Chinese, preparedfor defense, and fought; they wounded the [Spanish] commander and othersoldiers with clubs, stones, and fragments of crockery ware. Six of theSangleys were killed, and others wounded, whereupon they surrendered, and were brought to this port, where liberty was given to those leftalive. Nothing was heard of the other champan. But it is already known, by way of China, that they arrived at Macan. Another large gang of sailors were afterward discovered, who had achampan in the river of Cañas [104] in order to flee. They were caught, and some of them were punished, although mercifully; as a result, thoseflights have ceased. A friar came here, clad as a secular priest, whohad been punished and exiled by the Inquisition at Goa. He attemptedhere to flee to Cochinchina with a number of negroes--one of whom wasthe one whom your Reverence left in the office of the procurator forthe province, and a good interpreter. They were caught, although bychance, while within the river, and are in prison. _The island of Hermosa_ Last year a champan left there for Manila with seventeen Spaniardsaboard. A Franciscan friar who had been for two or three years inChina was also coming, who was still wearing his hair long. His nameis Fray Antonio. [105] They suffered great storms and hardships, andat the end of twenty days they found themselves before the fort ownedby the Dutch in that island. They were captured and sent to Jacatra, and from thence to Maluco, with orders that they be set at liberty--butonly on condition of a signed statement from the governor of thoseforts that a like number of Dutchmen would be returned to them whenopportunity offered, which was done. They came with the galleons thatcarried the reënforcements. I saw here Fray Antonio, who is a nativeof Balladolid and who was still wearing his hair long. I have latelyheard it said that he has returned to China with other friars. Heaffirms that it is very easy to enter Ucheo, and that a hold has beenobtained among the people; and that it is openly known that they areEuropeans and priests, without anyone molesting them. He said in regardto Jacatra that the Dutch have deeply offended the emperor of Java;and that no Dutchman leaves their fort without the natives cuttingoff his head. That prince has begged aid from the viceroy of India, in order to drive the Dutch thence. He told, us also that while hewas there, a fleet sailed for Ambueno, where the natives had revolted, with the intention to reduce them by force. The relief ship which wentlast year to the island of Hermosa was, while returning, wrecked atIlocos by the strength of the currents. No one was drowned. There isnothing else to narrate concerning that place. _Maluco_ The relief ships for Terrenate sailed in January of this year. Theircommander is Hieronimo Enriques Sotelo, who sailed in the galleon"San Luis. " As admiral goes, in the "San Ambrosio, " Don Pedro deAlmonte, who came from Acapulco as captain the year before. Don Alonsode Acoçer was commander of the patache which came from Acapulco asalmiranta; and Rafael Ome was commander of a galley which had justbeen finished on the stocks, named "San Francisco Xavier. " FatherMarcelo Mastril said mass in it and blessed it, on the day of itslaunching. A number of large champans went also. The Dutch wereawaiting them with two galleons; but seeing our fleet, they retiredunder shelter of their fort of Malayo. The supplies having beendisembarked, a feat never before performed was accomplished--namely, the galleons and galleys went out to fight with the Dutch shipswhere they were stationed. Our ships did some damage to them, andalso to the fort of Malayo. Our almiranta also received some damage, but only one sailor was killed. Considerable reputation was gainedby this attack. The Tidorans, our allies, were very proud and happy;and their king sent presents to the commander and admiral, togetherwith his congratulations. The galleons and the patache returned; theybrought no cloves, for there had been no harvest. The galley remainedthere, with another stationed at those forts. After the departureof the galleons, the two Dutch ships left, and during a calm wereattacked by the two galleys. One of them came near being defeated;but, a wind springing up, they escaped by the favorable opportunitythus afforded. On that occasion, Don Agustin de Cepada was commanderof the old [106] galley. He has two brothers who are in Mexico, andyour Reverence will find another brother in our professed house atMadrid. The above was learned from a champan which came after theships of the relief expedition. In another champan, the last toleave those forts, came news regarding the king of Manados, fortyleguas from Terrenate. Manados is a point of Macasar. He had sent torequest help from the governor [of Terrenate], Don Pedro de Mendiola, against some who had revolted against him. He also sent his son andheir, some sixteen or seventeen years old, to be educated among theSpaniards, and asked for fathers to baptize his vassals. The youthis being instructed in our house, together with the prince of Siao, who is of his own age. The aid [which he asked] was sent, and FatherPantaleon, of our Society of Jesus. Another contingent of Dutchmen fromMalayo deserted to us, and were brought here by the relief galleons. _Camucones_ Many caracoas sailed out from this enemy this year. Committingdepredations, they went in among these islands so far that theyreached and pillaged Palapag, outside the Embocadero, and passed thecape of Espiritu Santo. They captured in Baco, in Ybabao, more thanone hundred Christians. There they separated into two divisions, one of which went to Albay. The corregidor, who was Captain Mena, of the Order of St. George, sailed from the island of Manila toattack them, with some Spaniards and six Franciscan friars. Theypressed the Camucones so closely that they drove ashore seven oftheir caracoas at Capul, where they freed many Christian captives, and some Camucones were slain by the natives. The enemy abandonedthree other empty caracoas on the high sea, after their crews hadbeen transferred to other caracoas in order to get away faster. Ofour men, a musket-ball wounded only one friar, who died later. Thefather provincial went to visit Pintados, and passed in sight of theCamucones, as was learned afterward from a captive who escaped. Butthey did not pursue him, as they thought that it was an armed warcaracoa of the Spaniards. The other division [of the Camucones]returned to the channel, and, coasting the island of Ybabao, enteredBangahun, where they captured more than one hundred Christians. Thosetwo things have left us very full of wrath, both on account of thecaptives, and because we see that there is no place, however remoteit be, that is safe. A caracoa of soldiers from Zibu fought withthis division, and some damage was inflicted on them; and some of theCamucones were killed, and some captured. On returning to their owncountry, the Camucones suffered a great reverse from a furious gale, while they were coasting along Panay. Three caracoas were drivenashore; and of those pirates who escaped alive, many are in galleysin this port. Having crossed over to the Calamyanes, while they weresailing in much confusion some Spaniards captured two caracoas there, and delivered twenty captives from our mission of Mindoro. Fifteencaracoas were voyaging together, and while coasting along Paragua, twodays before arriving at Burney, they met thirty caracoas of Joloans, who for some little time have been hostile to the Borneans. The thirtycaracoas from Jolo attacked the fifteen, and captured them all. Theytook captive in them more than one hundred and fifty Camucones alive, and more than one hundred Christians. The latter were ransomed at amoderate price at Sanboangan. I have seen some of our missions, whereI heard all about the affair. It is feared, however, that the Camuconeswill make a raid this year also. Accordingly, Don Sebastian is sendingtwenty-five soldiers to our missions of Catbalogan, etc. , so that, aided by other Spaniards who are going there in some caracoas--whichthe Indians have built at their own cost, and which are large andgood--the Camucones may be opposed and even chastised. _Mindanao_ The captain-general of Cachil Corralat, one Tagal, left Mindanaowith eight good caracoas [107] to pillage these islands. He remainedamong them for a matter of seven months, at full ease, committingmany depredations. At Cuyo he captured Don Diego de Alabes, whowas corregidor there. He also captured the father prior of Cuyo, anAugustinian Recollect, and two other friars; and although they hadhidden themselves with all their ornaments and chalices, that didnot avail them, for the enemy knew not how to find them. Tagal wentto Mindoro, and everywhere he pillaged a great quantity of goods, and took a great number of captives. He left Don Diego Alabes inMindoro, so that he might come [here] to get his ransom and that of thethree Recollect fathers. They demanded two thousand pesos and thirtytaes of gold--the latter amounting to more than three hundred pesosin addition--for each person. Don Diego arrived exhausted with hishardships, from which he died shortly after his arrival at Manila. Henarrated most insolent acts of Tagal, who blasphemed greatly, andwho threatened that he would enter this bay and pillage and burn itscoasts. Don Sebastian already bore in his breast the resolution togo to Mindanao, and this occurrence increased further his desire tohumiliate that enemy. When the so great ransoms were proposed to him, he answered that he would like to raise them, but that until he shouldgo, he would not discuss this point. Even before anything had beenascertained, he sent Bartolome Dias de la Barrera as governor of SanBoangan, and Nicolas Gonsales as captain and sargento-mayor. They setout at the beginning of November, and shortly after their arrival[at Zamboanga] they learned that Tagal had passed on the inside[108] of the island of Taguima with eight caracoas [109] laden withcaptives and spoils. Although the pirates were one day in the lead, theSpaniards made haste, and inside of two hours equipped six caracoas;[110] and Nicolas Gonsales sailed in pursuit of the enemy, thinkingthat, as they were so heavily laden with booty, he could overtake them. This happened, for he met them at Punta de Flechas. It was calledso because the natives believed that a great war divinity was there, who considers it a grateful sacrifice for them to offer him arrows;and this is the reason why they land at that point when they go outarmed and on their return, discharging many arrows in honor of thedivata or idol whom they adore there: Nicolas Gonsales and his menfought valiantly; they killed Tagal, and captured the flagship andthree other caracoas. The other caracoas escaped by taking flight. ManyMindanaos were killed, and only twenty were captured alive. In theflagship was the father prior of Cuyo, who was so badly woundedby our balls that he died two hours after the defeat. A brother ofTagal was also mortally wounded. He very anxiously begged baptismof the father; and, after his baptism, they both died. The other twofathers were in the caracoas which escaped. There were one hundred andthirty-two Christian captives liberated there, and some others werealso killed by our balls. Not one of our men was killed. A remarkablecircumstance occurred at the time of the fight--namely, that therewas a great earthquake at that time, which caused in that heightprodigiously loud roaring sounds, which terrified both our men andthe enemy. The Spaniards drew out their rosaries and reliquaries, and, holding them in their hands, begged God for mercy; and the cliff fellinto the sea. That was an announcement of the fortunate victory whichDon Sebastian was to have afterward, who gave this point the name SanSebastian, both for his saint, and on account of the arrows with whichthat saint was martyred. Among the spoils was found a large sheet onwhich was painted a figure of the Christ, and before him St. Augustinekneeling. The Mindanaos had cut off one arm of the Christ, and hadbeheaded St. Augustine, in order to be able to make a mantle of itafter their fashion--mocking, and saying that they were carryingthe God of the Christians captive. They spit in the chalices, andcommitted other outrages, and uttered other great blasphemies. Beforereceiving this news, Don Sebastian left Manila with twelve champans, in which were embarked his company, as well as that of the sailorsof the port of Cavite, and another company of Pampangos. He choseSt. Francis Xavier as patron saint of his expedition. With him he tookFather Marcelo de Mastril, which was the reason for his detaining thelatter; he also took his confessor, Father Juan de Barrios. He lefton February 2, and passing by Oton, landed at the city and fort, where he learned of the victory of Nicolas Gonsales, and saw themutilated Christ. His desire to take satisfaction for the insultsoffered to God increased with this sight; and, pursuing his voyage, he arrived at Sanboangan February 22. [111] There in a very brieftime, Don Sebastian arranged his voyage to La Mitan, as the chiefvillage of Cachil Corralat is called. Although he had, it is true, been advised at Pintados that Captains Juan Nicolas and Juan de Leon, who were going with eighty Spaniards and one thousand volunteer Indiansto take part in this war, had not even yet arrived, nevertheless withhis champans and other oared vessels of Sanboangan (in which wentas captain Nicolas Gonsales, who was sick), he immediately set out, leaving orders for the volunteers to follow him when they arrived. Onaccount of the contrary weather, the vessels were unable to go in abody; and hence Don Sebastian de Corcuera arrived first, with onlyseventy Spaniards in a few champans. The Moro Corralat had heard ofthe arrival of the governor, and talked of submission; but he wasdissuaded from it by six Javanese trading vessels that were stoppingthere. Although those vessels were already laden and about to sail, they offered to remain and aid in the defense. Thereupon they all tookposition ready to receive the Spaniards and to fight with them. Theyhad a fort in the village with good [112] pieces of artillery and amatter of ten versos, and many muskets and arquebuses. Don Sebastian, thinking that the rest of the fleet was delayed, had two field piecesdisembarked; and with fifty Spaniards, the remainder being left inthe ships, he made an attack upon the enemy. It was a matter whichwas regarded as a miracle, that with so few men he should conquer somany Moros. He gained the fort and the village, and sent the peoplein flight to the hill, which they had fortified. There was a greatslaughter of Mindanaos, but not one Spaniard was killed in thisfray. Father Marçelo was carrying the standard, which was placed ona spear--the mutilated Christ on one side, and St. Francis Xavier onthe other, back to back. There they found about three hundred ships, great and small, and a great amount of property. The governor set aguard over it; and, the Moros having fled to the hill, the Christiancaptives continued to come in, and the rest of the fleet arrived. Thegovernor purified the mosque, and a solemn procession was made throughthe village with great pomp as a thank-offering; and mass was heard inthe mosque. This village has a sheltered hill which the Indians callYlihan; it is a natural fort. The Moros had in it some pieces [113]with ladles, and sixteen or seventeen versos and other firearms. Theascent is very narrow, so that it is difficult to mount it singlefile. At its sides are steep precipices and heights. There Corralathad taken shelter with all his men, and, confident in his arms andthe ruggedness [of the place] was proudly awaiting the Spaniards. Athis rear was a rough and very secret ascent, which did not alarmour commander; for, six days after the surrender of the village, DonSebastian had despatched Nicolas Gonsales with spies and good soldiersaround by the rear, while his Lordship was resolved to attack from thefront, which was one and one-half leguas from the village. NicolasGonsales set out, although very much impeded, and Don Sebastianmarched with his men, after leaving a guard in the village. Theplan was to attack at the same time from both sides. On coming tothe hill, the vanguard immediately attacked, with over-confidentspirit. But as it was so well defended, and the Moros were behindworks, while the Spaniards were in the open, and there was no path bywhich to mount, the Spaniards began to fall dead and wounded; whilethe Moros received no damage, until the arrival of Don Sebastian, who made them retire. About twenty valiant Spaniards were killed. TheMoros, encouraged by this, were more careless of the other approach, by which Nicolas Gonsales mounted the following day, and gained theeminence before he was perceived. When they were discovered, Corralathastened to the defense, but he soon turned and fled, having beenwounded in one arm. The others fled with him. His wife, with a childin her arms, threw herself over a precipice, as did many other people;and thus the hill was won for the king our sovereign. Two Recollectfathers [114] were found, all mangled with wounds that they had justreceived; one of them was already dead, the other lived two days. DonSebastian was immediately advised of the result, and mounted thehill. The booty found there was immense. The houses were burned; theartillery and versos were taken down the hill. With those below, theynumbered twelve pieces with ladles, twenty-seven versos and falcons, and one hundred and twenty muskets and arquebuses. Many Moros werecaptured, and many Christians set free. La Mitan and three otherneighboring villages were burned, and their boats were burned, withthe exception of some that were taken to Sanboangan. This enterpriseconcluded, the governor returned with all his fleet, having first sentSargento-mayor Palomino to Cachil Moncay--an own cousin to Corralat andhis keen antagonist, and a son of the great pirate Silongan--offeringhim friendship, and asking that he would try to get Corralat intohis power. Don Sebastian met the volunteers under Juan Nicolas atsea. He ordered them to follow Palomino in order that the treatymight be given greater encouragement. Shortly after the arrival ofDon Sebastian at Sanboangan, they returned with a brother of Moncayas ambassador. Moncay offered to pay tribute, and to free all theChristian captives in his lands. Upon the conclusion of these matters, Don Sebastian returned to Manila; of his triumphal entrance therein, with the thank-offering to God for the victory, and the honors made tothe dead, I shall say nothing here, as I wrote a special relation ofit which I enclose herewith. [115] Don Sebastian ordered Juan Nicolas, with the eighty Spaniards and one thousand volunteer Indians, to returnto La Mitan, and to sail round the island as far as Caragan, committingall possible hostilities upon the people tributary to Corralat. Hedid this admirably, pillaging and burning many villages, beheadingmany of the people because they defended themselves, capturing others, and burning a great number of ships. In consequence Corralat has beengreatly humbled, and all those Moros are fearful. News was receivedlater that Moncay is sending us a number of captives, and others ofthe captives held by Corralat are also coming. _Xolo_ What has somewhat disturbed the satisfactory course of affairs isXolo. It is an island which is even nearer to Sanboangan than the[village of] La Mitan belonging to Corralat. That Moro has held as histributaries the people of the island of Taguima and Basilan, [116]which is four leguas from our fort of Sanboangan. After the manyplundering raids which he has made among our islands, he was verydesirous of peace. A letter was written to him, saying that peacewould be considered; and among other conditions which were imposedon him was one, namely, that he should evacuate [the island of]Taguima (which was to be tributary to the king), and that ministersof the gospel should be established there in order to baptize thenatives. In fact, Father Francisco Angel had been sent thither, so that he might administer to them the holy sacraments. To thishe replied that he did not want peace, and with this declarationand action the Joloans have fortified themselves. Dato Ache, whois the greatest pirate of that island, has gone to Cachil Corralat, in order to unite with him against the Spaniards. As a result, thechiefs of Taguima and Basilan--who were apparently very contented, and were on very friendly terms with us--have retired; and FatherFrancisco Angel writes that he has not been able to go there. Thechiefs of the mainland of Mindanao, who were dancing attendance onthe Spaniards at Sanboangan, have become somewhat impertinent. ButDon Sebastian is preparing for the chastisement of Xolo, and intendsto go in person by the end of December to conquer it, as he did theopposition of Corralat. May God grant him a good voyage and a happyoutcome. If this Moro is humbled, all the island of Mindanao will bevery peaceable. _Japon_ Since ships have come neither from that kingdom nor from Macan, wehave not had any letters giving a detailed report of events. But wehave learned from Chinese ships that the Portuguese of Macan wentto the fairs in that country, and made great profits. It is alsosaid that the emperor has ordered the Dutch that they shall not bepermitted at any time or place to harm the ships of Macan that sailto Japon. A renegade mestizo priest--of a Portuguese father and aJapanese mother--gave as his opinion that, in order to extinguishmore completely the Christianity of that kingdom, they should exileall those who had any blood of the Portuguese or Castilians. Thatwas done, and they were delivered to those from Macan, so that thesepeople might be taken to their city, and there be kept until furtherorders. They ordered that renegade also to go to Macan, since hewas also concerned by this. He begged them to send him to Jacatrawith the Dutch, and his request was granted. It has also been saidthat a cousin of the king, [117] who is seignior of five kingdoms, is making war on him, and that many Japanese are following him. _Various_ A letter was received from the father of the Society of Jesus whois in Camboja, a short time ago. He says in it that the Dutch haveestablished a factory in that kingdom, which has certainly givenus much anxiety. The island of Tabuca lies midway between Mindanaoand Maluco; I have been told by the father guardian of St. Francis, who came from Terrenate, that on arriving at it on his way hither, to take in a supply of water, the chiefs of it told him that threecaracoas full of men tributary to Corralat had just arrived; thatthey were fearful because of what had happened to their seignior, and that they were trying to send a despatch to Terrenate in order toestablish friendship [with the Spaniards], and to request priests tobaptize them. The commander of the galleys, Antonio Carreño de Baldes, died at this port; and that post of commander was given to NicolasGonsales, and he is at the same time governing the port. Don Francisco de Balderrama, although so young a lad, went to Mindanaowith Don Sebastian; and, while near his Lordship, it happened that amusket-ball struck the governor's page (who was at his side) in theflap of his helmet. The ball went in his cheek and came out throughhis mouth, and struck Don Francisco in the breast, knocking him downimmediately. However, he received no hurt; for on examining him, itwas found that the ball had passed through his clothing and shirt, and had struck in some altar-linens which he carried next his breastthrough devotion, without its having left any mark on them. That isesteemed as a miracle. This is what has occurred to me to write yourReverence. I shall be careful to do the same, God helping, every year, providing that your Reverence writes me of occurrences there. Mayour Lord preserve your Reverence, and give you a prosperous voyage, etc. Cavite, July 23, 1637. [118] Juan Lopez [119] CORCUERA'S TRIUMPHANT ENTRY INTO MANILA _An account of the reception given in Manila to Señor Hurtado deCorcuera, when he returned triumphant from Mindanao. _ [120] Yesterday, a little before eleven a. M. , we left Cavite in a row-boatwith Don Sebastian, and reached Santiago at one p. M. A short timebefore our arrival, some Japanese Christians came out to meet him, in two champans--the sides of which were entirely surrounded withshield-shaped forms of white linen cloth adorned with green crosses;they bore also many white flags, with fresh flowers; and they welcomedhis arrival with blasts from the trumpet that they carried. Thegovernor received them very cordially; and they, falling behind, accompanied him. We landed [121] at the house of Amaro Diaz, wherethe military headquarters were located. From that place Father Juande Barrios and myself went to our house, where we found the fatherprovincial Father Juan de Bueras, Father Roa, [122] and father Marcelo[_i. E. _, Mastrilli], who had all come to the reception, (but beforeI give an account of it, it is to be known that a quarter of an hourafter the arrival of Don Sebastian, there came the champan of DonGraviel Niño, the only one who was missing. ) At the head [of the troops] marched Nicolás Gonzalez with hisfamous and victorious company of the buff doublets; around hisshield-bearer walked many other pages, carrying the weapons that DonNicolas had taken away from the Mindanaos in the naval battle. Wegave him a thousand congratulations for his notable success. Thiscompany was followed by that of the sailors under the command ofAlférez A. Mezquita. They marched in two files, and between thesewent first the friendly Indians and Sangleys who had been deliveredfrom captivity to Corralat; and indeed the sight of some of theseIndians, of both sexes, moved us to compassion, as they walkedcarrying their rosaries. At a little distance behind them, in themidst of the same company, came the Mindanao captives, of both sexes;the women and the children were not bound, but the men marched inchains and shackles. This company was followed by a large body of menwho carried the weapons taken from the enemy: shields, breastplates, campilans, spears, and two war-trumpets which seemed to be of Dutchmake. Then came the company of Pampangos [123] who also took partin the expedition. Captain Carranza followed, on horseback; and ashe is the captain of artillery, he was in charge of the carts withthe firearms taken from the enemy. In three of these carts were themuskets and arquebuses; in one were the culverin-chambers and threesmall church-bells, and in another followed twelve or fourteensmall culverins; then came a large falcon which could easily betaken for a culverin, and five or six gun-carriages, each carryingtwo small pieces and some falcons. These were followed by largeartillery pieces, one by one, which the natives dragged with ropes;and the last and largest of these was drawn by four horses. All theseweapons were accompanied by the artillerymen; and directly afterthem came six boys, carrying six flags taken from Corralat. Behindthese marched the company of the governor with great splendor; DonSebastian himself rode before them on horseback, in plain attire, and almost treading upon the flags of the enemy. Behind him camehis shield-bearer, carrying his helmet, on which was a large tuftof white plumes; his chaplain and his secretary followed, also onhorseback. As the governor was seen advancing toward the city, asalvo of artillery was fired from the forts at the Bagunbaya gate;and as he entered the city, a merry peal of bells rang from our house, the wind-instruments began to play, and the choir sang a festal song[_villancico_]. All the inmates of our house [124] stood, clad inour priestly mantles, waiting for him under a fine triumphal arch, handsomely adorned with silk and with scrolls containing verses. Therewe gave him welcome, and congratulated him on the victory won; towhich he responded very courteously. As the governor came under thearch, Don Josepito de Salazar, [125] elegantly dressed, came out frombehind some screens which were on a platform, and recited a poem [126]written by Brother Liorri, in which he extolled the victory, thankedand congratulated the governor and his soldiers, and ended by sayingthat according to the name Corquera--that is, _corda quærens_ ("seekfor breasts and hearts")--he had found them in all of us who werethere, since we held him in our hearts, and wished him all prosperityand happiness. The governor listened attentively to this address, and at the end he turned toward the fathers and thanked them. [127] Then the procession marched to the square, where a squadron of sixcompanies, under arms, was awaiting it. All of us, in order to seethe affair, went to the balconies of the master-of-camp, Pedro deHeredia, arriving there in time to see the governor alight beforethe great church, where the royal Audiencia and the ecclesiasticaland secular cabildos awaited him. He entered the church and, humblyprostrated on the floor, offered a prayer of considerable length, attributing his entire success to God. Again he mounted his horse, and approached the squadron; there, hat in hand, he addressed bothcaptains and soldiers with great display of kindness; and the armyanswered him with a general salute, while the standard-bearers loweredthe flags. Then he proceeded to his palace; but when he was descriedfrom the fort of Santiago, its warden, General Don Fernando de Ayala, saluted him with a volley from all the artillery of the fort. Thesix companies of the camp followed the governor's company; and thusended this magnificent triumph, which has greatly delighted people ofall nations. The master-of-camp, Pedro de Heredia, regaled us with abountiful and choice repast, with several kinds of conserves; afterwhich we returned to our house, thanking God for having seen whatwe have desired to see during so many years. The multitude of peoplewho filled the streets, windows, and balconies could not be numbered;and words cannot tell the tender feelings which the joy and the sightof so grand and new a spectacle caused in every heart. There wasscarcely a person from whose eyes the joyful tenderness of the heartdid not draw tears. At night all the walls around were illuminated, as well as many other places both within and without the city. Manysky-rockets were fired, and at about ten or eleven o'clock at nightthe soldiers in masquerade went through the streets on horsebackwith many torches, to display their joy; both men and horses wereelegantly and splendidly adorned. May God send us many days like this, on which Christ Jesus may triumph over his enemy; and may He preserveyour Reverence, etc. Manila, May 25, 1637. Last night, May twenty-sixth, the city masquerade came out; it wasso large and magnificent that, from whatever side it was viewed, itmade a fine appearance. All the windows and balconies were brilliantlyilluminated. Before the door of our church huge bonfires were built, and we ourselves went down to see the procession a little nearer. Thistook place about nine o'clock at night. For those who died in the war, the governor caused solemn funeralsto be held in the new military church, on June fifth. Eight altarswere erected, and, beginning before dawn, masses were said at thesealtars to which office all had been invited, both the secular clergyand those of the orders; and this lasted throughout the morning. Toeach priest who would accept it, a gratuity of a peso was given forthe mass celebrated, but many refused to take this. At the proper timewas celebrated a mass followed by a sermon, at which were present allthe city, the clergy, and the religious orders. The sermon was veryappropriate for the occasion, and was well delivered; it was preachedby Father Francisco Pinelo, of the Order of St. Dominic. His text wasvery opportune, taken from Job 12, verse 6: _Abundant tabernaculapradonum, et audacter provocant Deum cum ipse dederit omnia_ [_inmanus eorum_]--"The dwellings of pirates are full of riches; theybecome haughty and bold at their strength; they scorn and provoke God;but it is He who gives them success, in order to punish and correct theChristians. " [128] All this has happened in the present case; for theMoros insolently ill-treated God and His saints in their holy images, cutting off the arms of the crucified Christ, and saying that theyhad taken captive the God of the Christians. The preacher added thisfrom verse 13, which says: _Apud ipsum est sapientia et fortitudo, ipse habet consilium et intelligentiam_, [129] etc. --"The wretchedones do not know that God unites in Himself a council of state andone of war; in the former He decrees their ruin, and by the latterHe carries it out, " as has been clearly seen in this expedition. The thanksgiving fiesta was held on the seventh of June, in thecathedral, on account of the great concourse of people to hear it;but even that had not room for them. The procession started from thecathedral and passed through the same streets as it does on CorpusChristi day. These streets were all adorned with handsome archesand green branches, and many altars laden with decorations and richornaments. The final touch was given by the citizens, who adornedthe streets with hangings. It is generally affirmed that never havethere been seen in Manila so many and so rich draperies, so that, evenafter seeing them, people hardly believed that the city contained somany of them, and so elegant and valuable--besides those which hungfrom the balconies, which latter were those that ordinarily havebeen displayed. From the balconies upward was erected an awning ofbamboo, and that also was filled with hangings, and ribbons, andpieces of silk. In the procession marched a body of pikemen in two files, their pikesheld aloft. Between these files came first the captives who escapedfrom Corralat's power; they were well dressed and marched thus, threesoldiers, and then six captives, and so on, observing always the sameorder. Then followed the citizens, and, after them, all the religiousorders. The procession was enlivened by a great variety of dances andsimilar exhibitions, accompanied by various musical instruments and twoportable organs. Toward the end of the procession came four floats, so made as to form a sort of doubly-sloping roof. On the float wereplaced [the sacred things] which the Mindanaos had plundered: on eachslope lay the chasuble, choristers' mantles, frontals, and other sacredornaments; on the ridge stood the chalices, monstrances and patens;and at the edge were hung the chrismatories and small bells. This sightmoved the people to pity, and many tears were shed. The students in ourcollege of San José carried three of these floats on their shoulders, and the fourth was carried by our brothers who were students, clad insurplices. Immediately after the floats came Father Marcelo Mastril, with the banner which he carried when the town of Cachil Corralatwas taken; he had also borne it in another procession, which wasmade there in thanksgiving after the surrender. On this banner weredepicted, standing back to back, that figure of Christ which hadbeen stabbed and insulted by the enemy, and our father San FranciscoJavier, the patron saint of the whole expedition, whose eyes werebent upon the blessed sacrament. Then followed the royal standard, which was carried at first by the governor, and then in turn by thegentlemen of the royal Audiencia and the alcaldes-in-ordinary. Thesewere followed by the city magistrates, who carried the poles of acanopy under which advanced a stately car directed by robed priests, and bearing the blessed sacrament. When this car was seen enteringthe street, the blessed sacrament received a joyous salute fromthe nine ladled cannon and the twenty-seven culverins and falconswhich stood in the Plaza de Armas. All these weapons, except threelarge pieces that were left in the fort of Samboangan, had beentaken from Corralat. Not less solemn and magnificent was the salutemade by the corps formed of eight companies of arquebusiers in thecity square. Mass was celebrated by the ecclesiastical chapter, andsung with great solemnity; and Father Juan de Bueras preached a veryappropriate sermon in three quarters of an hour. The text on whichthe sermon was based was taken from Genesis 14, verse 14--when Abrahamwith three hundred and eighteen of his servants defeated the hostilekings who had taken captive his nephew Lot; and took from them all theplunder and the captives, together with all the precious and valuablethings they possessed. For this victory Melchisedec, priest of theMost High, in thanksgiving offered a sacrifice of bread and wine;and it is to be noticed that Abraham asked nothing of the plunderfor himself, content to give God the thanks for so great a victory. In order that there might not be lacking a pleasant interlude to sograve a drama, I shall relate what happened in this port of Cavite onthe same day, June seventh. On Saturday afternoon, June sixth, thechildren, having been dismissed early from the two schools, went toplay at the fort which has been begun at the outer edge of the town, and there began a game, some being Moros and others Christians--oneparty defending the fort, and the other rushing on to capture it. Notsatisfied with this, they made arrangements to carry on the game ina more fitting manner the next day. In the meantime they providedthemselves with flags and with wooden and bamboo swords. He whoplayed Cachil Corralat hoisted his flag on the fort, incited hismen to defend it, and even insulted the Christians by calling them"Spanish blusterers, " and "hens. " The latter, eager to assault, boldlyattacked them, but were so bravely repelled by the Moros that somewere wounded and roughly handled. This threw the Christians into suchrage that they furiously attacked the fort again, desisting only whenthey had gained entrance to it. Cachil Corralat, who fell into theirhands, was flung down from the wall, and was badly hurt on the head, so much so that it required five stitches in dressing the wound;but now I see him walking the streets, but with his head bandaged. Finally a very agreeable drama on the conquest of Mindanao, written byFather Hieronimo Perez, was presented in the evening of July fifteenth, in our church. [130] The play told the story of the campaign as itoccurred--not, however, without certain devices in which was displayedthe holy zeal, faith, and piety of the Society of Jesus. Thesekindled in Don Sebastian's mind the purpose to take vengeance for theinsults offered to God, and to put a stop to the injuries which theChristians of these islands, and especially our missions in Pintados, are suffering. The play ended with a tourney-dance, for which prizeswere given. Thus everything was as well and splendidly performed asone could desire. The crowning touch was given to the pleasure of the audience by thenews, which was brought to the governor while the prologue was beingspoken, that the ships from Castilla had arrived. _Laus Deo Virginis Mariae (sic)_ ROYAL AID REQUESTED BY THE JESUITS AT MANILA Most potent Sir: I, Father Francisco Colin, rector of the residence of the Societyof Jesus of this city, declare that his Majesty was pleased to orderthe issue of the royal decree which I present directed to this royalAudiencia--ordering that it inform him of the condition of the workon the said my residence, what is still to be done, and whether thesaid my residence has enough funds to enable it to continue the saidwork without his Majesty granting the ten thousand ducados payable inunassigned Indians, which was asked from him on the part of the saidmy residence. In that work have been spent the ten thousand ducadoswhich his Majesty granted to the said my residence in the year onethousand six hundred and twenty-five; and besides the said ten thousandducados have been spent forty thousand six hundred and eighty-onepesos. In order to be enabled to meet the said expense, because ofthe great need in which the order stood of a house and church, andbecause it had no money with which to do this, it obtained a loan oftwenty thousand two hundred, pesos, for which it pays one thousandand ten pesos interest annually. The other twenty thousand fourhundred and eighty-one pesos this residence owes to various persons, who, because they wish us well, have lent those amounts to the saidresidence. Besides that, all the legacies and alms that have fallen toit in the course of fourteen years have been spent, as appears more indetail in the certification which I present. As is evident and wellknown, the said work is yet to be finished. There still are lackingthe construction of the porter's lodge, the principal stairway of thehouse, the school, and the infirmary, with which the said work willbe preserved and extended. It is in danger of ruin from earthquakes, for a part of the said building is now open for lack of connectingwalls, as appears more in detail from the certification of MiguelSanchez Marufo, architect of this city, which I present. Therefore, I petition and beseech your Highness to be pleased to make the saidreport, so that it may be despatched in this patache, paying heedto the fact that all the aforesaid in this writing is accurate andtrue. Thereby will this residence receive grace and alms. Francisco Colin Manila, at the meeting of August three, one thousand six hundredand thirty-seven. Let his Majesty be informed according to theroyal decree. [The certification presented was as follows:] I, Father Francisco Colin, rector of the residence of the Societyof Jesus of this city of Manila, certify that it appears, fromthe account-books for the work of the church and house of the saidresidence, that there has been spent on the works the ten thousandducados which his Majesty granted it in the year one thousand sixhundred and twenty-five, and which were collected in the time ofGovernor Don Juan Niño de Tavora. In addition to the said sum, it alsoappears that there has been spent in the same work, forty thousandsix hundred and eighty-one pesos, which this residence now owes:twenty thousand two hundred of borrowed money, on which it pays onethousand and ten pesos interest; and the other twenty thousand fourhundred and eighty-one in coin, which are due to various persons, who lent them to this residence because they favor us; besides, thelegacies and alms that have fallen to it, in the course of fourteenyears since the first stone was laid, have also been consumed in thesame work. All the above is apparent to me, both by the account-booksof this residence, and because most of them were in my time andpartly by my authority. And, inasmuch as this is true, I affixed mysignature to the same in this residence of Manila, July twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. Juan [_sic_; _sc. _ Francisco] Colin [The certification of the architect is as follows:] I, Miguel Sanchez Marrufo, architect of this city, having examined atthe petition of Father Francisco Colin, rector of the residence ofthe Society of Jesus of this city, the work on the said residence, find that, although that part of the building which contains mostof the residence-quarters of the religious is now finished, there isstill another part yet to be constructed--namely, the porter's lodge, the principal stairway of the house, the schools, and the infirmaries, with which the quadrangle of buildings will be completed, and thesaid work will be extended and continued. What is finished is indanger of ruin from earthquakes, for, by lack of connecting walls, one part of the building finished is still open. This will causegreater injury if it be not remedied, making the edifice secure bycompleting the quadrangle of the said house. Inasmuch as this is true, I affixed my signature to the same. Manila, today, July twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. Miguel Sanchez Marrufo [The archbishop, Hernando Guerrero, wrote the following letter inregard to the matter:] Sire: By a decree of July ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, your Majesty orders me to inform you on the first opportunity, andto send my opinion, in regard to an alms of ten thousand ducados inunassigned Indians which is asked for in behalf of the residence ofthe Society of Jesus in this city of Manila, for the work on the saidresidence and church, in addition to another of like sum which yourMajesty was pleased to grant it in June, one thousand six hundredand twenty-five, for the same purpose. Having made the investigationsin fulfilment of the mandate of your Majesty, I find that the firstten thousand ducados have been consumed in the said work, as well asanother large sum which citizens of this city have given as alms andloans. Although the principal part of the building is finished, it isin danger because the fourth arch is wanting, which will join togetherwhat has been built. This ten thousand additional ducados which isnow petitioned will be very necessary; and although the said residencehas some revenues, I am informed that these do not cover the expenseof their ordinary support, because it is the seminary for study, the infirmary, and the hospitium of all the province. Consequently, I opine that it will be a work very proper for the royal kindness ofyour Majesty, and for the service of the Divine Majesty, to grant theresidence the alms of the said sum--or greater, if your Majesty be sopleased. Its being in unassigned Indians, with which grant the soldiersare rewarded, is not a [mere] favor to the said fathers, since theyembark with the soldiers on all the occasions demanding a fleet, andare employed in the rearing of the youth of this community, and alltheir ministers are engaged in the service of the community, gainingmuch fruit, and signalizing themselves among the other orders. Withthem and with me the said fathers are now in excellent harmony, andare the instrument of the peace between the tribunals, of which I amgiving your Majesty a special account, so that you might have in yourroyal Council an account of the dissensions which, as I advised you, we had last year. May our Lord preserve the Catholic and royal personof your Majesty as He can, and as is necessary to Christendom. Manila, August six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. Fray Hernando, archbishop of Manila. LETTERS FROM CORCUERA TO FELIPE IV Sire: When your Majesty, through your grace and condescension, sent me toserve you in these Filipinas Islands, you were pleased to give meyour commands in one of your royal decrees, dated at Madrid, on thesixteenth of February in the past year, one thousand six hundred andthirty-five--issued on account of the information which you had fromthis royal Audiencia of the losses which these islands have suffered, during the past thirty years and more, from Cachil Corralat, kingof the great island of Mindanao, from the kings of Jolo and Burney, and from the Camucones. They have plundered the islands, and takencaptive the poor Christian Indians, selling them as their slaves fromone country to another, seizing the religious and the ministers of theholy gospel, burning the villages, and devastating everything. Theroyal Audiencia has given your Majesty but scant information of thegreat and excessive injuries which these poor islands have experiencedfrom these Moro enemies. For in the year when I arrived here, they didnot content themselves with taking captive more than twenty-five orthirty thousand vassals of your Majesty; at this time which I mentionthey seized and carried away captive from the island of CalamianesDon Diego de Alabez, your Majesty's alcalde-mayor in that island andprovince, together with three religious, Recollects of the Order ofSt. Augustine, who in various places were furnishing instruction tothe vassals of your Majesty. At the same time when they made thisnotable seizure, they sacked the churches, and afterward burnedthem, carrying away the monstrances with the most holy sacrament, the chalices, and other sacred vessels, with all the ornaments thatthey could find--even taking the bells. All together, this booty wasworth more than two or three thousand pesos--which for churches sopoor, and for poor Indians, was a considerable loss. Having made inquiries as to what measures had been taken by mypredecessors in so many years to check such lawless acts, I wasassured by this royal Audiencia, and by all the oldest and mostexperienced residents of this colony, that in the past thirty-fouryears there had been expended from your Majesty's royal exchequermore than two hundred thousand pesos, in equipping fleets in Cebu, Oton, this city, and other places, against these enemies. But thesefleets were never able to come up with the pirates because of theswiftness of the Moro vessels, and because of the negligence of thecommanders who were sent on these expeditions; consequently, all thatwas accomplished was to go to the islands where these enemies hadbeen, and to live on the tender chickens and other supplies which thepoor Indians had carried away to the hills. All these things, and thecommands that your Majesty was pleased to lay upon me in your royaldecree above mentioned, constrained me to summon a council of war. Itincluded all the old soldiers who are in this city, not only thosein active service, but those on half-pay; also the royal Audiencia, and the royal officials of your Majesty. I told them how importantit was to put an end to these raids, as your Majesty had commanded, and proposed to go in person to punish these Moros. All the membersof the council uttered opinions contrary to mine, deeming it to be ofgreater importance that I should remain in this city. Only one thoughtthat I should go to render this service, and that was my nephew, Captain and Sargento-mayor Don Pedro Hurtado de Corcuera; and someone among them said that your Majesty's power was not sufficient toconquer the height of Mindanao, where the king Cachil Corralat was. Considering what your Majesty had commanded me in your royal decree, and the blasphemies which these Moros had uttered--saying that bycarrying away the monstrances with the most holy sacrament they werecarrying the God of the Christians captive, trampling upon them, and mocking them in other ways; spitting in the chalices; and usingthe patens as receptacles for the saliva from their buyo-chewing--allthese things obliged me, Sire, [to go on this quest]. After having sentto Terrenate two galleons well armed, two pataches, and six champans, with two hundred infantry and two hundred mariners, to carry suppliesto those forts, together with one new galley which the governor ofthose forts, Don Pedro de Mendiola, had requested from me that it mightaccompany the one which he maintained there (of which enterprise andof those islands I will give your Majesty an account in a separateletter), I embarked with eleven champans--vessels which were indeedfrail and weak, but the other galley had not been completed. I had myown company of infantry, of one hundred and fifty soldiers; another, of a hundred Pampango Indians; and that of Captain Lorenco de Orellay Ugalde, containing another hundred men, mariners. With these twohundred and fifty Spaniards and one hundred Pampango Indians, I sailedas far as the fort of Camboanga, which (as I wrote to your Majesty lastyear) Don Juan Cereco de Salamanca had begun, or had ordered to bebuilt, in that very island of Mindanao; by way of this port sail theships which go to Terrenate for the relief of those forts. I made thedecision which I have stated to your Majesty, in order to see if thatport was of so much importance as they were all assuring me it was, and whether the expenses which that fort has caused your Majesty werebeing checked; I also went in order to visit the rest of the islands, which lie on that route, and to repair the wrongs which certain personsare inflicting on the poor Indians. A few months before, I had sentto that fort a new governor and a new commander, judging that thoseofficers who had until then been stationed there had accomplishednothing of importance with their flotilla. After Sargento-mayorBartolome Diaz Barrera arrived as governor, and Sargento-mayorNicolas Gomez as captain of both companies, those Moros withdrawing[to their own country] with the rich prize of those religious andthe consecrated vessels which I have mentioned to your Majesty, anda friendly Moro having informed us that the pirates had passed, twoleguas from there, by the island of Basilan (or Taguima, for the islandhas both names), Bartolome Diaz Barrera sent Sargento-mayor [Gomez]with five caracoas and his company of soldiers. They encountered theMoros in the middle of their voyage, with their booty, and fought withthem. One of our own balls, strangely, struck one of the missionaryfathers, who tried to see how the Spaniards were fighting; and hewas killed. Out of seven caracoas which were conveying the enemy withtheir spoils, the said sargento-mayor captured four and burned one;and he rescued more than one hundred and twenty Christian captives, the rest being killed by our bullets. There were also some Moros who, as those people are so stubborn, would not stop killing our men, andperished by drowning. As soon as our men captured two of the caracoas, the rest took to flight, and by hard rowing reached their own lands, with the two priests and the greater part of the sacred vessels whichthey were carrying away as plunder. In the province of Camarines there was another piece of good-fortune;for Don Pedro Mena, alcalde-mayor of that province, burned eighteenof the Moro caracoas; and of the rest more than ten were wrecked by astorm, in which were drowned the Moros and the Christian captives whomthey were carrying away. In the island of Leite, two other officers, half-pay alférezes, sailed out in different vessels after the restof the Moro horde; and they captured from the pirates a caracoa, andslew many of their men. With these two successes, then, I arrived, Sire, at Camboanga with the troops whom I have mentioned; and fromthat fort I took Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gomez, with his company. Withthese, I had a force of three hundred and fifty Spaniards and onehundred and fifty Pampangos, and with them proceeded to Lamitan, the principal village of the king, Cachil Corralat; but only fourcaracoas and two champans could arrive at the same time with me, onaccount of stormy weather. Confiding more in the goodness and mercy ofGod than in the number of my soldiers, and having left those vesselswell guarded, I landed with about seventy Spaniards and two smallfield-pieces (which they themselves fired). They engaged the enemy, in both the village and the fort; and God was pleased to give yourMajesty a great victory, although by the means of forces so weakand so few soldiers. The village and fort were gained in less thanhalf an hour; in them were two pieces of bronze artillery, for six-and eight-libra balls respectively; thirteen bronze versos, and someforty or fifty muskets and arquebuses; and in the mosque were foundtwo bells. In the river were more than three hundred barks and othervessels; four of these, belonging to some merchants, were laden withwax, oil, and other goods, which made rich booty for the soldiers. Ireserved for your Majesty only the wax and oil, and the arms. If I hadhad more men, I would have followed the king to the top of the height;and it might be that before he reached the height he would have falleninto the hands of your Majesty's soldiers. I thought it best to givethanks to God for what had been accomplished, and to content myselfwith that until the rest of the men should arrive. This was Friday, the thirteenth of the month; on the sixteenth the rest of the vesselsarrived. Having made all the soldiers confess and receive communion, I distributed among them ammunition, and biscuit and cheese for fourdays. I sent Nicolas Gomez with one hundred and fifty Spaniards byway of the rear of the hill, two hours before daybreak, and fiftyPampangos, and some Indians to carry the supplies. I myself set outwith about two hundred Spaniards, fifty Pampangos, and as many moreIndians, by the route in front, and arrived at the foot of the hill, a distance of about a long legua. I found a large village built below, and abandoned by the Moros, who had retreated up the hill. I set outover the rugged slopes, and although the Moros uttered many shoutsand outcries, they did not interrupt my progress until we were ata musket-shot from their fortification. I had given orders to thecaptains who were leading the vanguard, Lorenzo de Ugalde and DonRodrigo de Guillestigui, and to my nephew the sargento-mayor, to makeobservations and reconnoiter when they reached the fort, instructingthem to win the fight, with hearts all the more courageous sincethey had seen that in the assault on the village not one man had beenkilled, and no more than two or three wounded. They laid siege to thehill before I could reach the scene of conflict, to which I proceededwith your Majesty's colors. The Moros awaited us with a good supply ofmuskets and versos; at the first volley they killed some of the moredaring soldiers, and wounded others. Our men reached the stockade, shouting "Santiago!" and asking for more men from the detachment whichwas still ascending the hill, by one of slopes and paths as rugged andnarrow as any which I ever saw in the Alarbes or the Pirineos, or inany places where I have served your Majesty. On account of the hastewith which he had tried to reach me, Captain Ugalde had lost an arm;and Captain Don Rodrigo de Guillestegui, alférez in my company, hadbeen several times struck by stones, so that he could hardly move. Mynephew Don Pedro had received a musket-shot in the right leg, acrossthe shin-bone. There were twenty-three killed, officers and men, andmore than fifty wounded. Although your Majesty's soldiers fought withgreat valor, the enemy could not have received much damage, even fromour musketry, on account of the great strength of their stockades, which were everywhere pierced with holes from our musket-balls; and, because we were unable to carry up the hill our two small field-pieces(which carry two-libra balls), the musketry could not accomplishmuch. Seeing that we could not carry the fort, and the number of menI had lost, so that there were hardly a hundred effective men left, and knowing that on the hill the Moros numbered four thousand, wellarmed, I took command of the rearguard, ordered that the wounded becarried away, and went down from the hill, uniting my troops withthe guard of Pampangos whom I had left with the cannon. Although Idesired to hold that post, I had not men for this; on that account, and in order that the Moros should not harass me by cutting off theheads of the wounded men, I had to escort them as far as the fort ofSan Francisco Xabiel, which had been gained below. I reached it atnight, with the troops discouraged, and reduced to the small numberthat I have mentioned to your Majesty. On this occasion I had not thesupport of Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gomez and his men--who went as therearguard, on account of pains in his legs--although he had not morethan three leguas to go from four o'clock in the morning to eleven, when the battle commenced. They were reconnoitering, carrying NicolasGomez in a hammock because he could not, on account of his foot, climb paths so rugged. He did not come back until the morning of thenext day, when I had sent eighty men who survived from the vanguard, towhich Nicolas Gomez had to go, setting out as soon as the men had heardmass. They went at that time because the enemy had not fortified therear of the hill. Captain Gastelu, who led Nicolas Gomez's vanguard, gained a good position, and killed some Moros who were defending apassage across which they had only felled a tree. Captain Gastelupassed this obstruction, and gained the top of the hill and therear of the king's main stronghold, where he had his house, and fourpieces of artillery. Of these, one was bronze, with your Majesty'sarms on it, carrying an eight-libra ball; the three others were ofcast iron, for six- and eight-libra balls. They were loaded up tothe mouth with balls, chains, and spikes, in order [to destroy us]if we had gone up the hill by that route, on which the guide whom Itook with me had already started us. But God influenced my choice, in order that we should go by the other road; for although I did notget off very cheaply, yet by this road it would have cost me far moredear. At the time when we were fighting above on the seventeenth ofMarch, the eve of St. Joseph's day, the eighty men whom I sent withCaptain Rodrigo de Guillestigui, my alférez, arrived at the foot ofthe hill on this other side; and, as a result of the pious hastewhich Father Marcelo Mastrilo used in saying mass in order thatwe might pursue our march, the news was soon brought to me thatthe Moros had flung themselves down from their heights in flight, and that your Majesty's banners were flying over their three fortsand our chaplains singing the _Te Deum laudamus_. Other arms weresecured there--twelve or thirteen versos, and more than a hundredarquebuses and muskets; everything else was given to the soldiersas booty, as a reward for their labors. Thus your Majesty gaineda victory, as others will write you. As the king, Cachil Corralat, is very influential in those regions, I have made public an offer togive three thousand pesos for his head. The captives and his wife'sservants tell me that the king was wounded in an arm by a musket-ball;with that, I understand, he will not be able to keep up his people'scourage; and, if he does not go away into those rugged mountains, he will not escape me. His wife threw herself from the walls, witha little child in her arms; and many other women belonging to theleading families were sold here on your Majesty's account--fifty ofthem, besides as many more men; while more than two hundred Christiancaptives were set free. Of the two Augustinian fathers, one had beenslain in revenge because we had killed, in the assault from below, the commander of that fort, who was a nephew of the king, and twoothers of their chiefs. On the day when the height was carried by ourmen, the Moros, when they took to flight, inflicted so many woundson the other father that, although they brought him to me alive, hehad seventeen mortal wounds, so that within thirteen hours he died, in my quarters. His death left us all as envious as compassionateof his fate. Thus all the three fathers, Sire, have died, at varioustimes. I brought away the ornaments and sacred vessels, and returnedthem to their owners, after having displayed them in a processionwhich was made as a thank-offering to the most holy sacrament--fromwhich, as I firmly believe, your Majesty received this favor [of thevictory], on account of the fiestas which had been celebrated a fewmonths before, in accordance with your royal decree. I send an officialstatement of this, in order that your Majesty may know in what manneryour commands were obeyed. I had intended to make this relation moreconcise, but I have not been able to do so. Others will give a moredetailed account of the campaign; but I am telling your Majesty onlythe substance of the service that has been rendered to you. I returned to Çamboanga, after I had sent Sargento-mayor Pedro Palominowith five caracoas to the king of Buayen, to reduce him to a vassalof your Majesty, and to make him pay tribute, or else wage war againsthim as we had done to Corralat. He yielded what was demanded from him, and became tributary to your Majesty. He and all his vassals pay theannual tribute: every married man, three eight-real pesos; and eachsingle man, a peso and a half. To some persons it has seemed that Ihave imposed a heavy tax on them; but they do not consider the greatexpenses which these Moros have caused to your Majesty's treasury, nor my granting them the favor, in your Majesty's royal name, ofremitting half the tribute to those who shall become Christians. Idoubt much whether they will do so; for they are a fierce andobstinate people. The king of Buayen will allow the fathers of theSociety to supply instruction, under the condition that they baptizeonly children, and do not annoy or urge the adults; I granted this, as being so in accord with the holy gospel, since God does not bringany one by force to His holy law; and gradually both the children andtheir grandparents will become Christians. I have therefore brought tosettle and live in the fort of Camboanga nearly four hundred Moros;and I hope that within a year all that island (which is larger thanthe whole of España) will pay tribute to your Majesty. I sent Captain Juan Nicolas with eighty Spaniards and twenty Pampangos, with a thousand fighting Indians from among your Majesty's Christianvassals; and he harried all the coast of more than half of theisland--burning villages and grain-fields, and destroying the trees, and cutting off more than seventy heads--until he reached the fortof Caraga in the same island. That fort (which I have now finished)is built of stone, without any expense from the royal treasury of yourMajesty; and that at Çamboanga will cost very little. Thus, betweenJuan Nicolas and myself, we made the entire circuit of the island. This coming year I will go, or I will send some one, to explore thecountry inland to the lake of Manala [_i. E. _, Malanao], around whichthere are more than seventy houses, I mean villages, containing manypeople. They are not supplied with firearms, although the Moros arewell provided with long arrows and other missile weapons. I hope in Godto carry on that enterprise as promptly and easily as this other one;and even to bring down from his lofty stronghold the king of Jolo, and reduce him to obedience to your Majesty. And I will try to send anexpedition--if not next year, then the year after--against the king ofBurney, who shelters and favors the Camucones, who by themselves andalone are of no account. When that is done, in all this archipelagothere will remain no enemy except the Dutch. God knows that if I hada thousand more Spaniards, I would give them enough in which to earnreward; but I have so much territory to guard, and in so many posts, that, with the small forces that there are in these islands, onethousand five hundred men, I cannot attempt to render your Majestythis service. Although your Majesty has not authorized me to grant extra pay, whenI saw how your soldiers fought in my presence, and how at the costof their blood and their lives they won credit for your Majesty'sarms, I granted in your royal name an increase of pay to the wounded, to each one a peso more than his usual wages; and to some I gave twopesos. This will be, in all, ninety-seven pesos of extra pay. In orderto compensate for this new expenditure from your Majesty's revenues, I placed in the royal treasury two hundred and fifty pesos whichwill be vacant at this time in every year, in order that from thissum may be paid the twenty-one and thirty pesos which an adjutanthad who died in the campaign; these amounts also will remain on thehalf-pay list. Accordingly, the only extra expense thus incurred fromyour Majesty's revenues is the other forty-six pesos; and from thatI have cut out more than twenty pesos, by means of offices which Ihave given to those soldiers--while within a year, or sooner, I willhave given offices to the rest of them, and thus will have canceledall the extra pay which I granted them. The royal official judges made objections to doing this, allegingtheir obligations. I replied that nevertheless they must confirmthese grants, and that I would give account of them to your Majesty;and that, in case you were not pleased to approve them, I would paythem from my own salary. For I consider it a grievous thing to seebefore me your soldiers fighting, and being crippled in your Majesty'sservice, and I not able to encourage them with the reward of a pesoof extra pay, which is very little gain for them. I entreat yourMajesty to be pleased to command that this be examined and approved;and, in case objection is made, to be pleased to let me know of it, sothat--although in like cases I may grant other favors to the soldiersin your royal name--I may not give them extra pay; and so that theroyal official judges may pay this amount from my salary, deductingfrom it what shall have been thus spent. May our Lord protect theCatholic person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, August 20, 1637. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty's feet. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera Sire: Master-of-camp Pedro de Heredia has by your Majesty's grace governedthe forts of Terrenate for twelve years, and you have commandedthat his residencia be taken; but he has ingenuity and shrewdness, and always has been able to make gifts to my predecessors. It isreported that he is accustomed to say among the soldiers that he has30, 000 pesos to close one eye of any governor who shall send to takehis residencia, and, if it should be necessary, as many more pesosto close the other eye; but he has found the door to this shut. He isavailing himself of his ingenuity, as he has done before, to make theresidencia which I have taken of his government suit his wishes. AfterI came here (or before), a Portuguese resident in Malaca demanded fromhim 60, 000 pesos, which Don Pedro had seized from his property. Iappointed Auditor Don Antonio Alvarez de Castro as judge in thissuit. The sentence having been pronounced, on sufficient evidence, that he must repay 12, 000 pesos to this Portuguese, Simon Texeira, Don Pedro appealed to your Majesty's royal Council of the Indias;but as you have here your royal Audiencia, the affair was placed inits hands. He challenged Auditor Marcos Çapata and all the lawyersof this city; his plea was that in Terrenate he had brought totrial Sargento-mayor Don Marcos Çapata, son of the auditor, becausehe had punished with the cudgel a subordinate of his for a certainshameless act, and because officially, without having complained toany one, he upbraided him for holding illicit relations with a marriedwoman, without having corrected or punished him. This might be true, because, in order to cover up his own evil proceedings, there was nota captain, nor a commander of the relief ships, nor a private soldier, with whom he did not pick a quarrel, in order to keep that man underguard during his term there, defending himself by saying that theywere his enemies, on account of his quarrel with them. Besides this, Sire, is the money which has come into his hands and those of theaccountant during these twelve years, together with the militarysupplies of all kinds which are carried to him every year. Theprovisions he distributed among the soldiers, without charging theseagainst their pay; and he has, according to assertions made to me, charged large quantities of supplies to many men who had fled tothe enemy on account of the bad treatment that they experienced, andto others who had died of sickness; it cannot be known, therefore, whether these men actually received them. All these things are madepublic by the soldiers whom I have had exchanged from those forts, which have held these men as slaves for twenty or twenty-four years, without their being allowed to come to this city. On account of allthese things, I have ordered that all the papers of the accountancyfor those forts shall be brought here, so that it may be seen howso great an amount of your Majesty's properly has been spent. Sincethe old soldiers have come back, there is no end to the petitionsagainst him--for having taken away from some of them honor, fromothers their possessions. As I found last year your Majesty's royal treasury in a needycondition, and the citizens not only had no money to lend it, butinstead had asked me for more than 60, 000 pesos from the Sangleylicenses in order to relieve their own needs, I managed through anintermediary person to inform Don Pedro that he could make a donationto your Majesty of 100, 000 pesos, which would adjust his residencia andhis affairs, rendering satisfaction to the parties concerned, so thathis reputation might be saved and that he might have opportunity toreceive grace from your Majesty; for the universal opinion is that hepossesses wealth amounting to 400, 000 pesos. Not only did he refuse todo this, but he even undertook to offer only 15, 000 pesos; so I orderedthat nothing more be said in this matter. This man is so subtle thatif your Majesty does not send an official to take his residencia, he will come out from it with everything just as he desires, asevery one says. I assert that it is necessary for your Majesty tosend some one, because with all the officials here Don Pedro is soshrewd and crafty and suave that he sways every one at his will, andwill attain all his desires. I have fulfilled my duty in placing thisbefore your Majesty; now you will be pleased to command what is mostexpedient to your royal service. May our Lord protect the Catholicperson of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, August 20, in the year 637. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty's feet. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera [_Endorsed_: "Manila; to his Majesty; 1637. Don Sebastian Hurtado deCorcuera, August 20; contains particulars regarding the master-of-campPedro de Heredia. " "February 5, 1639; hand to the fiscal. " "The fiscalsays that this letter comes alone, and without any accompanying proofsof the allegations. This residencia could be awaited, if an account ofit comes in the fleet; and if it is delayed in the Audiencia it can beentrusted to the auditor whom the Council shall be pleased to appoint, so that the residencia may be taken in a thoroughly satisfactory mannerand referred to the Council for its decision. Let the governor beinformed that he must endeavor most carefully to administer justice insuch cases, without giving any opportunity for composition of offences, which is so injurious to justice, which should be administered withthe utmost equity and uprightness to all persons. Madrid, February22, 1639. " "February 28; wait for the coming of the fleet, to seewhat information about this matter shall arrive; and if any comes, let it be brought with this letter. "] BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA The following documents are obtained from MSS. In the Archivo generalde Indias, Sevilla: 1. _Letter by Corcuera, June 30, 1636. _--"Simancas--Secular; Audienciade Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador vistos en el Consejo;años de 1629 á 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8. " 2. _Royal decrees. _--The first of these is in "Audiencia de Filipinas;registros de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades yparticulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años 1605 á 1645; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 12. " 3. _Auditorship of accounts. _--"Simancas--Secular; cartas y expedientesde los oficiales reales de Manila vistos en el Consejo; años 1623 á1641; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 30. " 4. _Letters by Corcuer_, 1637. --The same as No. 1. The following documents are obtained from the Academia Real dela Historia, Madrid (the first being a printed book, the othersoriginal MSS. ): 5. _Informatory memorial to king. _--This is collated with the MS. Copyin the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid--pressmark, "MSS. 8990, Aa 47, fol. 273-350. " 6. _Defeat of Moro pirates. _--In "Papeles de los Jesuitas; tomo 84, nº. 31. " 7. _Conquest of Mindanao. _--The same as No. 6, save "nº. 24. " 8. _Events in Filipinas. _--The same as No. 6, save "nº. 26. " The following documents are taken from the "Cedulario Indico, " inthe Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid: 9. _Letter to Corcuera. _--In "tomo 39, fol. 219b, nº. 210. " 2. _Royal Decrees. _--The second and third decrees, "tomo 39, fol. 226b, and 225, " respectively. The following document is taken from Barrantes's _Guerras piraticas_: 10. _Corcuera's entry. _--pp. 303-310. The following document is taken from Pastells's edition of Colin's_Labor evangélica_: 11. _Aid requested by Jesuits. _--Vol. Iii, pp. 757, 758. NOTES [1] "Costa" in Barrantes; but Sommervogel gives the name of no Jesuit, under either form, who could have gone from Manila in 1636. [2] The mass of contemporary material in Spanish archives on thecontest between Corcuera (the civil arm of the government) and theJesuits on one side, and the bishop and friars on the other, showshow important the matter was considered, and the virulence with whichthe fight was waged on both sides. The various documents relate theaffair pro and con, and it is narrated in official, semi-official, and religious documents. The facts of the case are stated, somewhatsuccinctly, in a printed document, undated (although probably 1636 or1637), signed by Licentiate Ruiz de la Vega, and addressed to the king, in which many of the letters between the various parties concerned (allgiven in this series) are given in full or extract, but nothing new istold. This document is in Archivo general de Indias, at Sevilla, in thepatronato "Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernadorde Filipinas, vistos en el Consejo; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8. " [3] See Cerezo's letter of that date, in Vol. XXIV, p. 308. [4] In the present translation we follow the printed original--usingthe copy belonging to the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid--asper the above title-page. Our transcript was collated with themanuscript copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, which maypossibly be a contemporaneous copy of the original manuscript ofthe Memorial; but this manuscript (which bears pressmark MSS. 8990, Aa-47, of which it occupies folios 273-350), which appears to havebeen done hastily, bears the mark of inaccuracies that make theprinted Memorial preferable. Where the difference is considerable, the reading of the manuscript is inserted in brackets after theother reading, and signed "_MS. _" These variations are here notedmainly as a guide to those who may use that manuscript. In almostevery case the number of the paragraph is omitted in the manuscript, as are also sometimes the marginal headings of the paragraphs, andmost of the other marginal notes. Reference has also been made inthe translation to the published edition of the manuscript Memorialin _Doc. Inéd. Amér. Y Oceanía_, vi (Madrid, 1866), pp. 364-484, which has been edited somewhat; and to an evident reprint from theprinted edition of 1637, in _Extracto historial_ (Madrid, 1736), folios 215-264. Matter taken from the latter is signed "_Ex. His. _" [5] _Avería_ was the tax or duty levied on goods shipped from Spain toAmerica, or from America to Spain, to meet the expenses of the navalconvoy to protect the fleet from pirates. See tit. Ix of lib. Ix, _Recopilación de leyes de Indias_ which treats of the _avería_, entitled, "Of the tax, administration, and collection of the duty of_avería_. "--Edward G. Bourne. [6] Note in margin of _Extracto historial_: "_Note_: The numberscited in these margins refer to this same memorial. " [7] At this point the manuscript and printed original both containa partial reduplication, as follows: _los vexinos y cargadores deFilipinas, que sin reconocer--es digo por solo no verse sujetos ádenunciationes. _ It may possibly be regarded as a parentheticalexpression added for the sake of force, and is translated: "thecitizens and exporters of Filipinas, who without recognizing--itis, I say, for the sole purpose of not becoming liable todenunciations. " This clause is dropped in the _Extracto historial_reprint. [8] See Vol. Xvi of this series, pp. 225-227. [9] The manuscript at this point contains a duplicate or confusion ofwords, as follows: _Reyes tienen vnos Estados, porque los han menester, y otros digo el embiarles ministros della aunque los. _ This provesthe manuscript only a clerical copy, as does also the fact that it iscopied in the same hand as other manuscripts of this same collection;and it shows the carelessness with which this copy was made. [10] The progress made by the Mahometans in the eastern part of Asiawas very slow. The inhabitants of Malacca were converted in 1276, those of the Moluccas in 1465, and those of Java in 1478, and thoseof the Celebes one year before Vasco da Gama rounded the cape ofGood Hope. Nevertheless, after 1521, many of the inhabitants of theseislands began to be converted to Catholicism. --See _Doc. Inéd. Amér. YOceanía_, vi, p. 375, note. [11] _Empeño_: This transfer, as may be seen from the treaty ofZaragoza (vol. 1, pp. 221-239), was part of the sale by Spain toPortugal of the spice-trade, right of navigation, and islands then indispute between the two crowns; but various stipulations were maderegarding it, so that the Maluco Islands were, in a sense, held asa pledge for the observance thereof. [12] This word is lacking in the manuscript. [13] At this point occurs a doublet of nine words in themanuscript--simply an error of the transcriber. [14] See this decree in vol. III, pp. 250, 251. [15] See this decree, with illustrations, in vol. IX, pp. 211-215. [16] See Vol. Iv, p. 108. [17] This is the date in the original printed edition, but both themanuscript and the reprint in the _Extracto historial_ give 1626. [18] At this point there is another _lapsus calami_ by the transcriberof the manuscript, resulting in another reduplication. [19] Both the manuscript and the _Extracto historial_ reprint sayMay 16. [20] See Vol. XX, p. 257. [21] This word is omitted in the manuscript. [22] Singapore signifies, in Malay, "place of lions"--although itwould be more apropos to call it "the place of tigers, " which are soplentiful there (_Doc. Inéd. Amér. Y Oceania_, vi, p. 383, note). [23] This sentence is very blindly worded, but perhaps indicates, by anticipation, the point made in section 40, _post_--where Indiaand the Philippines are mentioned as the "extremes" of the Spanishempire in the Orient. Or it may refer to the alternative presentednear the end of section 2. [24] Grau y Monfalcón evidently made use of Leonardo de Argensola's_Conqvistas de las Islas Malvcas_ in this review of Oriental commerce. [25] Referring to Ptolemy Neus Dionysus, surnamed Auletes ("theFlute-player"), who ruled over Egypt from b. C. 80 to 51. One of hisdaughters was the famous Cleopatra VI, who so infatuated the RomanCæsar and Antony. [26] This date in the manuscript is 1457, which is misprinted 1417in the reprint of 1866 (_Doc. Inéd. _). [27] See Sir Henry Middleton's _Voyage to Bantam_ (Hakluyt Society'spublications, London, 1855); that voyage took place in 1604-06. [28] This word is missing in the manuscript. [29] The cate is equivalent to 1. 8 English pounds; 87 poundsequal one quintal, 100 catés one pico, and 40 picos one koyan(_Doc. Inéd. Amér. Y Oceanía_, vi, p. 390, note). [30] See the description and prices of precious stones found inthe appendix to Duarte Barbosa's _East Africa and Malabar_ (HakluytSociety's publications, London, 1866), pp. 208-218. [31] Apparently referring to some plant of the genus _Strychnos_, several species of it having the reputation of curing the bites ofserpents. Blanco says (_Flora_, p. 61) that he himself has witnessedseveral cures by this means. [32] A dried fruit, resembling a prune, which contains tannin;formerly used in medicine, now mainly in tanning and dyeing. It isthe product of various species of _Terminalia_. [33] The manuscript is mutilated at this point, and contains onlythe first part of this name, "Vera. " [34] The manuscript reads "29. " [35] Apparently an error for "November;" see vol. Xvii, p. 252. [36] Cf. Heredia's list (1618?) of Dutch factories and posts, vol. Xviii, pp. 107-110; and Los Rios's mention of them, vol. Xix, pp. 288-290. [37] Tacomma, where the Dutch erected Fort Willemstadt. [38] This word is omitted in the manuscript. [39] The capital of the island of Gilolo bears the same name. Batochinais properly a part of the island (_Doc. Inéd. Amér. Y Oceanía_, vi, p. 400, note 1). [40] The island of Amboina was discovered about 1515 by the Portuguese, and taken by the Dutch February 23, 1603. See _Doc. Inéd. Amér. YOceanía_, vi, p. 400, note 2. [41] This word is lacking in the manuscript. [42] See, in Vols. V and VI of this series, the ordinance of May 5, 1583, giving form to the Audiencia, the establishment of which wasdecreed by royal order of the above date (March 5). [43] An imaginary money used in the Indias, which serves as astandard for valuing the ingots of silver; it is differentiated fromthe value of the real-of-eight, or coined peso, in order to allow forthe amount of seigniorage and other expenses at the mint. (Dominguez's_Dict. Nac. Lingua española_. ) In Morga's time the governor received eight thousand pesos de minasannually (see Vol. XVI, p. 188; also II, p. 97, note 43). [44] Spanish, _santas_; one would expect _sanativas_, "healing. " [45] Spanish, _seis mil aremilas_. _Mil_ is an obvious error, probablytypographical; and _aremilas_ is apparently a misprint for _acémilas_, "mules. " [46] _Comitre_: an officer in the galleys of that epoch, who hadcharge of the working of the ship, and the punishment of the rowersand convicts. See _Doc. Inéd. Amér. Y Oceania_, vi, p. 421, note 1. [47] This word is omitted in the manuscript. [48] This word is lacking in the manuscript. [49] Cf. Financial statements of the Philippine colonial governmentfound in Vols. VI, pp. 47-49: XIV, pp. 243-269; XVI, pp. 188-193;XIX, pp. 248-250, 292-297. [50] The manuscript is much confused at this point, reading _y assi elReal_ instead of _y assi al Perù_--the idea of the copyist evidentlybeing "Accordingly the royal [Council] concedes one ship annually toNueva España, " etc. , which does not make sense with what follows. [51] Annuity assigned upon the revenue of the crown. [52] Grau y Monfalcón leaves out of account the expeditions of Loaisaand Villalobos. [53] This word is lacking in the manuscript. [54] Spanish, _angeos_; _i. E. _, Anjou linen, because it was obtainedfrom that duchy; a coarse, heavy cloth of the poorer quality offlax. The linen of Rouen was fine. [55] These words, _lo mas_, are omitted in the manuscript. [56] See Cíeza de Leon's account of the mines of Potosi, in his_Chronicle of Peru_ (Markham's translation, Hakluyt Society'spublications, London, 1864), pp. 386-392. He says that he himselfsaw (1549) the amount of the royal fifths, 25, 000 to 40, 000 pesoseach week; and that these for the years 1548-51 amounted to morethan 3, 000, 000 ducados. Cf. Acosta's description, in his _Historyof the Indies_ (Hakluyt Society's publications, London, 1880), i, pp. 197-209; he reckons the fifths as 1, 500, 000 pesos (of 13 1/4reals each) yearly. Both writers state that much of the silver wasnever reported to the royal officials. Humboldt makes the statement (_New Spain_, Black's translation, iii, p. 372) regarding the yield of Potosi from 1624 to 1634, that it was5, 232, 425 piastres (or pesos; of eight reals each)--as translated, "average years, " which presumably is intended for "yearly average. " [57] See Vol. XV, p. 293. [58] Here occurs, in the manuscript, a later sentence copied in thewrong place. [59] This word is omitted in the manuscript. [60] _Trama_: a kind of weaving silk. [61] _Sinabafa_: material of the natural color, _i. E. _, unbleached. [62] Evidently meaning the silk produced in Misteca (Miztecapan), a province of Nueva España, now part of the state of Oajaca. Thisindustry appears to have been introduced there in consequence of asuggestion by the viceroy Montesclaros in 1612 (see Vol. XVII, p. 219). [63] Apparently meaning that as linen must then be imported intoSpain, to make good this deficiency, an extension of their marketfor this commodity would thus be secured by the French and Dutch, its chief manufacturers. [64] _Aviador_: a term used in Nueva España to denote the person whosupplied others with articles to work the silver mines. [65] This word is omitted in the manuscript. [66] Montero y Vidal says (_Hist. Piratería_, i, p. 162) that Tagalwas a brother of Corralat. [67] These religious were Fray Francisco de Jesús María, missionary inCuyo; and Fray Juan de San Nicolás, and Fray Alonso de San Agustín, of Linacapán in Calamianes. See sketches of their lives, captivity, and deaths in Luis de Jesús's _Hist. Relig. Descalzos_ (Madrid, 1663), pp. 284-293. Cf. "The martyrs of Calamianes, " in _Prov. S. Nicolás deTolentino agust. Descalzos_ (Manila, 1879), pp. 184-190. The corregidor(alcalde) captured at that time was Diego de Alabes. [68] Gregorio Belin (or Belon) was born at Madrid, March 15, 1608(probably; misprinted 1628 in Pastells's and Retana's _Combés_, col. 699); entered the Jesuit order in 1625, and was ordained a priestJanuary 6, 1633. In 1640, while in Cebú, he left the Society. [69] Punta de Flechas is the headland marking division between thegreat bays of Illana and Dumanquilas on the southern coast of Mindanao, and is at the south end of boundary line between the provinces ofCotabato and Zamboanga. This cape was anciently known as Panaon. [70] See Combés's account of this battle (_Hist. Mindanao_, cols. 234-238), and that of La Concepción (_Hist. Philipinas_, v, pp. 304-310). The latter states that the priest who died in the battlewas Fray Francisco de Jesús María, the Recollect captured in Cuyo;he was on Tagal's ship, and was fatally wounded by the Spanish guns. [71] This letter was probably written by Pedro Gutierrez, fromDapitan--of the Jesuit residence at which place he was rector inthe preceding year--which was at that time the chief of the Jesuitmissions in Mindanao. It is located almost at the northwest point ofthat island. [72] Arts. 67 and 69, here cited, are respectively 60 and 62 in theoriginal document (May 5, 1583) founding the Audiencia at Manila--forwhich see vol. V of this series, pp. 294, 295; cf. Duties of fiscal, p. 302. These differences of numbering, and some additional matterin No. 67, show that considerable additions to the old decree wererequired at the reëstablishment of the Audiencia. [73] This ordinance is contained in the first part of ley x, tituloxxix, libro viii, of the _Recopilación de leyes_. See Vol. XVI ofthis series, p. 193, note 251. [74] See the letter by Fajardo, here referred to, in Vol. XVIII, pp. 247-279. [75] See this letter in Vol. XXIV, p. 301. [76] Marcelo Francisco Mastrilli was born at Naples September14 (Crétineau-Joly says September 4), 1603, and entered upon hisnovitiate March 25, 1618. In obedience to the command of an apparitionof St. Francis Xavier which he believed he had seen (that saintalso miraculously curing him of a dangerous wound), he asked forthe missions of Japan. He left for his field in 1635, arriving atManila on July 3 of the following year. At the request of Corcuera, Mastrilli accompanied him in the expedition against Mindanao; soonafter the governor's triumphant return therefrom, Mastrilli went toJapan, where he was almost immediately imprisoned and tortured--finally(October 17, 1637) being beheaded at Nagasaki. See Murillo Velarde's_Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 81, and Crétineau-Joly's _Hist. Comp. DeJésus_, iii, pp. 161-163; the latter says that Mastrilli went toJapan to attempt the reclamation of the apostate Christoval Ferreira(Vol. XXIV, p. 230 and note 91), and that martyrdom there seemed tohim and other Jesuits a sort of expiation for Ferreira's sin. [77] Juan de Salazar was born at Baeza, Spain, December 26, 1582, and, while a student there, entered (October 26, 1598) the Jesuit order. Hisstudies were pursued at Montilla and Granada, and completed at Manila, where he arrived in 1605. He ministered to various Indian churches inLuzón, and held important offices in his order, becoming provincialin 1637. He died in 1645. See Murillo Velarde's _Hist. De Philipinas_, fol. 142-147. [78] The southwest point of the island of Panay, now called Siroan. [79] Spanish, _arpa de la vela_ (literally, "harp of the sail");apparently designating the arrangement of the ropes attached to thesail, suggesting the strings of a harp; see engraving of champan inVol. XIV, p. 223. [80] _Falúa_ (also _faluca_, English, felucca); a small open boat, or a long boat with oars. [81] Francisco Angel was born at San Clemente, Spain, April 14, 1603;and at the age of fifteen he became a Jesuit novice. He reached thePhilippines in 1626, and spent a long and arduous life in the serviceof the missions there; a large part of his work was in Mindanao andthe adjacent islands. He died at Catbalogan, February 24, 1676. SeeMurillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 353 verso. [82] This image had been taken by the Moros from the Recollectchurch on the island of Cuyo. "It was a titular [_i. E. _, an ¡mageof the titular (or patron saint) of that church] of our fatherSt. Augustine, and on a linen cloth represented the holy doctor, with Jesus Christ on one side, refreshing him with the blood fromHis side; and on the other the Virgin, offering him the ["virginal, "as La Concepción words it] nectar from her royal breasts. " Thus Luisde Jesús, in his _Historia religiosos descalzos_ (Madrid, 1663). Thefigure of St. Francis Xavier was conjoined with this one, later, by the Jesuits, to incite the soldiers. [83] Retana says, in the preface to his edition of Combés (col. Lvi)that the ancient divisions of the island of Mindanao were four: Butúan, Zamboanga, Mindanao (or district of the Moros), and Caraga. Colinstates (_Labor evangélica_, p. 42) that "the district of the Morosbegins at the river of Sibuguey, and extends along the discoveredcoast, always to the south, for more than sixty leguas, until itencounters the beginning of the jurisdiction of Caraga. .. . Its furthestpart is the bay of Tagalooc" (_i. E. _, Davao, according to Pastells, inhis edition of Colin, i, p. 43). The river above mentioned "dischargesits waters into the bay of Dumanquilas" (Retana and Pastells, _Combés_, col. 761). [84] The Ventura del Arco transcript is here somewhat differentlyworded; and according to it the sentence would continue thus: "(and byanother caracoa, which carried a white flag, a letter to the Recollectfathers whom the Moros held captive there, that they should inform them[_i. E. _, our men?] of what was going on) should cast anchor, " etc. [85] This place was Lamitan, Corralat's seat of governmentand court. The height to which that chief retreated after thecapture of Lamitan was named Ilihan, according to Montero y Vidal(_Hist. Piratería_, i, p. 168). [86] Probably referring to Liguasan, a large lake southeast ofCotabato, which forms a reservoir for the waters of the Rio Grandeof Mindanao--which river seems to have been the headquarters of thepiratical Moros of that island. The fort captured at this time waslocated at the mouth of that river. [87] _Sarvatanas_ (or _zarbatanas_): a word of Arabic origin, hereapplied to reeds or canes through which are blown poisoned darts--the_sompites_ (or _sumpitans_) of the text. (See Retana and Pastells'snote in _Combés_, col. 783. ) [88] _Sabanilla_, diminutive form of _sabana_ (English, "Savannah");a name given by Corcuera's Spanish soldiers to the fortress which wasconstructed, under the direction of Father Melchor de Vera, at thatpoint in Mindanao, south from Lake Lanao. Puerto de la Sabanilla wasanciently called Tuboc, on account of the springs that flow there. .. Which form the river now named Malabang. The etymology of thislast name indicates the formation of land by the deposits made bythe river, which may also be seen in the delta of the Rio Grande ofMindanao. (Retana and Pastells, in _Combés_, col. 760. ) Tuboc is the name of a modern pueblo on the eastern shore of IllanaBay. [89] Spanish, _empuyado_, from _empuyar_, meaning "to fasten withsharp spikes. " There seems to be no satisfactory English equivalent asa name for the defensive contrivance that has always been employed bythe Malays in the use of sharpened stakes (usually of bamboo) driveninto the ground, point upward, and planted thickly in the spot to bedefended; sometimes these are placed at the bottom of a trench andhidden by leaves, forming a dangerous pitfall. The use of _empuyado_in the text suggests the possibility that the Spaniards adopted thisdevice to guard some exposed approach to the building, fearing Malaytreachery--a conjecture strengthened by the presence of the Pampangoauxiliaries, who probably were accustomed to the use of this sort ofdefense. See Vol. XX, p. 273. [90] _i. E. _, "who attains His ends with power even to the end, butdisposes all affairs with gentleness. " [91] Combés says (Retana's ed. , p. 251) that Monte was slain inthe conflict. [92] Luis de Jesús says (_Hist. Relig. Descalzos_, p. 290) that otherwomen followed the queen's example, in order not to become captivesof the Spaniards. Combés, however, states (_Hist. Mindanao_, col. 252)that the queen and her children escaped as did Corralat; and that theearlier accounts were incorrect, based on hasty or mistaken reports. [93] This was Fray Francisco de Jesús Maria. The one slain by theMoros was Fray Juan de San Nicolas; Luis de Jesús says (p. 289)that this was caused by his rebuking Corralat for his profanationof the sacred articles which he had pillaged from the churches, whereupon the priest was slain by the enraged heathen. The third, Fray Alonso de San Agustin, was attacked at the same time, accordingto the above historian, and left for dead, but managed to make hisway to the Spanish camp. [94] The name then applied to the region situated some twelve leguasup the Rio Grande from its mouth, lying around the south-west partof Lake Liguasan. Retana and Pastells say (_Combés_, col. 750) thatBuhayen signifies "the place where crocodiles live. " Combés says(col. 271) that Moncay was generally supposed to be a mestizo, theson of a native "queen" and a Spaniard. [95] See accounts of this campaign in Combés's _Hist. Mindanao_, cols. 238-257; Murillo Velarde's _Hist. De Philipinas_, fol. 82-86;La Concepción's _Hist. Philipinas_, v, pp. 310-328; Montero y Vidal's_Hist. Piratería_, i, pp. 165-173. [96] Pedro Gutierrez was a Mexican; he was born at Colima on April24, 1593. He was sent to the Jesuit college at Valladolid, Spain, for his education, which resulted in his entering that order, in May, 1611. In 1622 he arrived in the Philippines, and labored long in theVisayas. In 1629 he was assigned to the residence at Dapitan, Mindanao, from which he soon undertook the conversion of the savage Subanos, and later of the Lutaos of Mindanao, with whom he achieved notablesuccess. He visited the captive Vilancio in Jolo, and tried in vainto ransom him; but he gained the goodwill of the Joloans. He aided inthe establishment of the Spanish fort at Zamboanga, and accompaniedthe Visayan fleet sent to Mindanao to reënforce Corcuera. In 1638 hewent with Corcuera's expedition to Jolo, and afterward with othersto various parts of Mindanao. He filled important posts in Bohol, Zebu, and Mindanao; and died at Iligan, July 25, 1651. See MurilloVelarde's account of this missionary's life, in _Hist. De Philipinas_, fol. 198 verso-207. [97] "Colin and Combés say that he crossed from Ternate to Mindanao, about the year 1546; although Garcia says that he went there later, on his way from Japan to India. The former statement is morecredible. " (Murillo Velarde, _Hist. De Philipinas_, fol. 74 verso. ) [98] In Pastells's edition of Colin (iii, p. 796) is published thefollowing letter from Corcuera to the king, obtained from the Sevillaarchives: "I gave your Majesty an account last year of the need that the Orderof the Society has for priests to act as ministers in the missions, now that I have gained two islands for your Majesty, that of Mindanaoand that of Bassilan. I have petitioned them to place ministers there, in the parts where they are so necessary, and they have commenced todo so. As they are few, they cannot give me as many as I want, althoughthey are doing all that they can to coöperate with me, taking religiousfrom other parts in order not to let so great a work cease, and one inwhich they will so well serve our Lord and your Majesty. This orderrenders much aid, Sire, and with great affection and love. I entreatyour Majesty, with all humility and earnestness, to be pleased tocommand that at least thirty or forty priests be furnished to them;with that aid they will be able to give me the ministers whom I ask, and chaplains for the galleons of Terrenate and other parts--as theyare doing, serving your Majesty without self-interest, and checking, by their teaching and good example, the loose conduct of the seamenand soldiers. It seems as if God has been pleased, ever since weundertook to fear God in these islands, as your Majesty had ordered, to give us so many successes and victories, from which the arms ofyour Majesty gain the luster and credit that is proper. " [99] Referring to Japan, the field to which Mastrilli was assigned. [100] In Pastells's edition of Colin (iii, p. 768) is printed thefollowing letter from Mastrilli to the king, dated July 8, 1637: "I have (clad already in Japanese garb) written a long letter to yourMajesty this same day, bidding farewell to your Majesty, and declaringthat, whether alive or dead, I shall ever be your Majesty's vassal, and most desirous of the increase of your empire and monarchy;and among the executioners and tortures of Japon, and much more, if I die I shall be, in the heavens, an eternal intercessor. I lefttwo things to request from your Majesty by special letters: one forforty priests of the Society of Jesus to come to these PhilipinasIslands, about which I have already written a letter; and the other, which I beg from your Majesty in this letter--namely, that you favorwith your royal munificence the schools of our Society in this cityof Manila, and in especial the college of San Joseph, by erecting init twenty fellowships, as your Majesty has done in the colleges ofPeru and Mexico. This is the last thing that I petition, with allpossible earnestness, from your Majesty, in whose royal hands thisletter will be placed when this matter is discussed in the Council, so that your Majesty may order it to be accomplished. May our Lordpreserve your royal person, and give you the years and happiness thatwe all desire and need. " [101] Francisco Colin was born at Ripoll, of a prominent Catalonianfamily, in July, 1592. At the age of thirteen he was sent to Barcelonafor his education; he there entered the Jesuit order, February 14, 1607. After his ordination he spent several years in preaching, inGerona, Cardona, and other places; and afterward was an instructorin the college at Zaragoza. Desiring to labor among the heathen, he entered the Philippine missions, arriving at Manila June 28, 1626. About that time, the Jesuits attempted to found missions inFormosa and Jolo, to which task Colin was assigned; but, these provingabortive, he remained at Manila, occupying a chair in the Jesuitcollege, and acting as confessor to Governor Niño de Tavora. Afterthe latter's death, Colin became rector of the college, and soonafterward was sent (1634) to the new mission of Mindoro, where hespent three years. Recalled to Manila, he was rector of the collegeuntil he was chosen (1639) provincial of the islands--an officewhich he held a second time, according to Pastelle. The latter yearsof his life were spent in literary work, preaching to the Indians, and religious exercises; he died on May 6, 1660. Among his writingsthe most important is his _Labor evangélica_ (Madrid, 1663), part ofwhich will be presented in subsequent volumes of this series. Seesketches of Colin's life in Murillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 259-267; and Pastells's edition of _Labor evangélica_ (Barcelona, 1904), pp. 225-230. [102] Antonio Figueredo was born at Ourem, Portugal, in 1586, andwas admitted into the Society in 1603. He was sent to the Indias, and ministered at Salsette; he was rector of Chaul and of Tana, andof the residence of San Paolo Vecchio at Goa, where he died May 8, 1650. See Sommervogel's _Bibliothèque_. [103] Evidently referring to the vision and miraculous cure whichare referred to _ante_, in sketch of Mastrilli's life, note 76. [104] Probably meaning the stream that falls into the sea nearest toPunta de Cañas, a point on the southwest coast of Bataán, which isthe small province of western Luzon that encloses the western sideof Manila Bay. [105] An evident reference to Fray Antonio Caballero (or Santa María, his name in religion), a noted laborer in the Chinese missions. He wasborn in April, 1602, at Baltanás, south of Valladolid, and enteredthe Franciscan order March 24, 1618. He spent four years (1629-33)in Manila, and then went to China. (His first convert in that countryafterward became a Dominican friar, and was finally (1674) consecrateda bishop, the first of his nation to attain that dignity--and, according to Dominican authority, the only Chinaman ever consecrated, up to 1890, as a bishop. This man's Chinese name was Lô, and he wasbaptized as Gregorio López; he was sent to pursue his studies in thecollege of Santo Tomás at Manila, where he received holy orders. Hedied at Nanking in February, 1690, at the age of eighty; see accountof his life in _Reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 433-436. ) After regaininghis liberty, on the occasion mentioned in our text, he spent sometwo years in Manila; and went in 1639 to Macao, to act as vicar ofthe convent of St. Clare there. In 1644 all the Spaniards residing inMacao were exiled by the Portuguese, and Fray Antonio, with those nuns, sailed (October 10) for Manila. They were driven by a storm to a portin Cochinchina, and obliged to remain six months in that country, where they were hospitably treated; in May, 1645, they arrivedsafely at Manila. Four years later, Fray Antonio returned to China, where he labored until his death--which occurred at Canton, May 13, 1669--having suffered imprisonment, exile, and many privations. Heleft many writings (some in Chinese), mainly referring to the missionsin China. See Huerta's sketch of his life and labors, in _Estado_, pp. 406-413. [106] In the original manuscript the word "new" has been crossed outand "old" written above the line. [107] In the margin is written: "Others say with 7. " [108] In the original manuscript the word "outside" has been crossedout, and "inside" written above the line. [109] In the margin occurs the note: "Or with 7. " [110] Marginal note: "One of the 6 left [the fleet] because itwas heavy. " [111] In the original manuscript the date "March 1" has been crossedout, and the above date inserted above the line. [112] In the original manuscript the word "five" is crossed out and"good" inserted above the line. [113] In the original manuscript, the figure "7" is crossed out, and"some" added above the line. [114] Marginal note: "One was said to have been killed in Mican theday of the assault. " [115] It will be found directly following the present document. [116] Both these names are applied to the same island, Basilan beingthe modern appellation. It is the largest island of a group of thesame name; numbering fifty-seven, nearly all of them very small. [117] Meaning the shogun Iyémitsu, who reigned until 1649. He was anable and far-sighted ruler, who adopted many political and economicmeasures of great importance. See Griffis's account of his reign, in _Mikado's Empire_, pp. 285-287. [118] This letter is published by Barrantes in his _Guerras piráticas, _pp. 289-303; he states that it was written to Fathers Diego deBobadilla and Simon Costa, while they were traveling to Rome, but heincorrectly gives the writer's name as Francisco Lopez, while Retana(_Bibliog. Mindanao_, p. 21) as incorrectly ascribes it to AlejandroLopez. In Barrantes's version, a postscript dated September 15 isappended to the letter, describing the gift of money offered to thegovernor by the Chinese on this occasion. This same statement willbe found in "Events in the Filipinas, 1637-38, " _post_. [119] Juan Lopez was born at Moratalla, Spain, December 27, 1584, andwhen fifteen years old entered the Jesuit order. In 1606 he departedfor the Philippines, where he held numerous positions of trust in hisorder, and was for a time a commissary of the Inquisition; he wasalso sent to Rome as procurator of the Filipinas province. He alsolabored in the missions of Pintados and in Mindanao. Lopez died atManila, September 3, 1659. See Murillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 269 verso, 270. [120] It is the copy of a letter written by Father Juan Lopez atCavite. --Barrantes. [121] Bobadilla's version of this letter (see his "Glorious victoriesagainst the Moros, " _post_) says that they landed "at the beachof Santiago de Bagumbaya, a settlement in front of Manila, anarquebus-shot distant. " Some additional details given by Bobadillawill be used, like this, as annotations to Lopez's own letter. [122] Francisco de Roa was born in 1592, in the City of Mexico. Atthe age of fourteen, he went to Manila, and became a student atthe Jesuit college of San José. On May 18, 1609, he became a Jesuitnovice there, and after his ordination as a priest he was sent to themissions of Pintados. Afterward summoned to Manila, he was a teacherin San José for five years; he was twice rector of the Manila house, and three times (1644, 1648, and 1659) was chosen provincial. Goingon an official visit to Mindanao, the ship which carried him waslost, with all on board (January, 1660). See Murillo Velarde's_Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 267, 268. [123] Bobadilla says of these natives: "They are a brave people, veryfaithful, and excellent Christians, and handle their weapons veryskilfully. They drill in companies in the camp at Manila, among theSpanish companies. In all the garrisons and expeditions they performmilitary duty well. " [124] "Our college is very near the gate, in the second square"(Bobadilla). [125] "A young and very handsome gentleman, a son of his Majesty'saccountant, Martin Ruyz de Salaçar" (Bobadilla). [126] Barrantes adds (pp. 310-317) copies of these verses, and ofothers which were evidently used on the arch above mentioned; andstates that Father Lopez, at the end, informs his correspondent thatthese stanzas were composed, the scrolls lettered, and the addresscommitted to memory, between seven o'clock at night and seven the nextmorning, on account of the short time available before the entry ofthe governor. [127] An abridgment of Lopez's letter to this point is found inthe Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library). The following additionalremarks are presumably added by the compiler of that collection:"The relation nevertheless neglects to mention the reception by thecity or municipal council, which apparently must have been very cold;for neither the Audiencia nor the regidors awaited the governor at thegates of the city, although they should have gone out to the PuertaReal ["royal gate"]. Neither does the relation state whether the citycouncil paid the bills for any function in honor of Corcuera and ofthe Spanish arms. The only ones who celebrated these were the Jesuits, the soldiers, the Indians, and some private persons--a matter whichdemands attention. " [128] A paraphrase, rather than a translation of the Latin. The Douayversion reads: "The tabernacles of robbers abound, and they provokeGod boldly, whereas it is he that hath given all into their hands. " [129] In the Douay version: "With him is wisdom, and strength, hehath counsel and understanding. " [130] "Among the spectators, and greatly enjoying the play, werethe governor, the royal Audiencia, the archbishop, and the principalpersons of the city of Manila" (Bobadilla).