The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century, Volume XVI, 1609

 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XVI

 Preface Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (_concluded_). Antonio de Morga; Mexico, 1609. Conqvista de las Islas Malvcas. Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola; Madrid, 1609. Bibliographical Data Appendix: Customs of the Pampangas in their lawsuits. Juan de Plasencia, O. S. F. ; [1589?]

ILLUSTRATIONS

 Title-page of _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_ (Mexici ad Indos, 1609), another edition of Morga's work; photographic reproduction of the facsimile presented in Zaragoza's edition (Madrid, 1887); from copy in possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, which is supposed to be the only copy extant of Zaragoza's edition. View of corcoa (the vessel known as "caracoa"); photographic facsimile of engraving in John Stevens's _Collection of Voyages and Travels_ (London, 1711), i. --in Argensola's "Discovery and conquest of the Molucco and Philippine Islands, " p. 61; from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society. Autograph signature of Antonio de Morga; photographic facsimile from MS. In Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. Title-page of Conqvista de las Islas Malvcas, by Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola (Madrid, 1609); photographic facsimile, from copy in library of Harvard University. 

PREFACE

In the present volume is concluded the notable work by Morga, _Sucesosde las Islas Filipinas_, which was begun in _Vol_. XV. The reader isreferred to the preface of that volume for some account of the book, and of the manner in which it is presented in this series. Anotherbook notable in the history of the Philippines is that of Argensola, _Conqvista de las Islas Molvcas_ (Madrid, 1609). In presentinghere this work, the Editors follow the plan which proves to bemore or less necessary with many of the printed early histories ofthe islands--that of translating in full only such parts of thebook as relate directly to the Philippines, and are of especialvalue or importance; and furnishing a brief synopsis of all matteromitted, in order that the reader may survey the book as a whole, and understand the relations and connections of the parts thatare presented in full with those that are synopsized. This methodis rendered necessary by the limitations of this series in regardto space, especially as most of the old histories--as Aduarte's, San Agustin's, and La Concepción's--are exceedingly voluminous;and, moreover, devote much space to the affairs of Japan, China, and other countries outside the Philippines. All matter of this sortmust of course, be omitted; and much of what remains is more usefulfor annotations, or is relatively unimportant for publication. TheEditors consider, as do many other persons interested in this series, that it is desirable to present (especially in the early period ofthe Philippine history) the larger part of these documents from themanuscript and hitherto unpublished material largely conserved inforeign archives; and that the needs of students and investigatorswill thus be better served than by occupying the valuable and limitedspace of this series with complete translations of books which can befound in large American libraries. The location of all these will benoted, so far as is possible, in the volume devoted to bibliographicalinformation at the end of this series; meanwhile the needs of mostreaders will be suitably met by the synopses of omitted matter and thefree use of such works as those of La Concepción and San Antonio inannotations. The Editors purpose to present a few of these histories, especially in the earlier period, in very full form, so far as theycover Philippine history; for these are original sources, from whichlater writers obtained much of their material. These methods renderthis series unusually rich in valuable historical material, allcarefully selected, and much of it greatly condensed by the excisionof extraneous, irrelevant, and unimportant matter. The parts thusomitted and synopsized will be, as heretofore, indicated by enclosingthe synopses in brackets. 

Continuing his narrative, Morga describes his voyage to Mexico, whither he goes (1603) to be a member of the Audiencia there. He thenrelates the events of the Chinese uprising in Luzón in that year, which has been fully described in previous volumes of this series;and his picturesque although plain narrative casts new light upon thatepisode. Many Spaniards in Manila are so alarmed by this danger thatthey remove, with all their households and property, to Nueva España;but one of the ships carrying them is lost at sea, and the other iscompelled, after great injury and loss, to return to Manila--a seriouscalamity for the colony there. The governor does his best to fortifythe city, and reënforcements and supplies are provided for him fromNueva España. Bishop Benavides dies (1605). Friars from the islandsgo to Japan, but the emperor of that country is offended at theirpreaching, and advises Acuña to restrain them. In the summer of 1605arrive supplies and men from Nueva España, and Acuña proceeds with hispreparations for the expedition against the Dutch in the Moluccas. Inthe following spring he sets out on this enterprise, conducting itin person; Morga describes this naval campaign in detail. Ternate iscaptured by the Spaniards without bombardment, and with little loss tothemselves. The fugitive king of the island is persuaded to surrenderto the Spaniards and become a vassal of Felipe. Several other pettyrulers follow his example and promise not to allow the Dutch to engagein the clove trade. Acuña builds a new fort there, and another inTidore, leaving Juan de Esquivel as governor of the Moluccas, witha garrison and several vessels far their defense, and carrying toManila the king of Ternate and many of his nobles, as hostages. DuringAcuña's absence a mutiny occurs among the Japanese near Manila, whichis quelled mainly by the influence of the friars. The governor dies, apparently from poison, soon after his return to Manila. The tradeof the islands is injured by the restrictions laid upon it by thehome government; and the reduction of Ternate has not sufficed torestrain the Moro pirates. The natives of the Moluccas are uneasy andrebellious, especially as they have a prospect of aid from the Dutch, who are endeavoring to regain their lost possessions there. Morga citesa letter from a Spanish officer at La Palma, recounting the purposeand outcome of van Noordt's expedition to the Indian archipelago. 

The historical part of Morga's account ends here; and the finalchapter is devoted to a description of the islands and their people, the customs and religious beliefs of the natives, and the condition atthat time of the Spanish colony and the city of Manila. He describesthe principal islands of the Philippine group, beginning with Luzón;the various races of inhabitants--Moros, Negritos, and Visayans:their mode of dress, their occupations and industries, their habitsof life; their weapons, their ships and boats; the trees and fruits ofthe islands; the animals and birds, both wild and tame; the reptiles, fishes, and other creatures; and various plants. Among these is thebuyo (or betel); the habit of chewing it has become universal among theSpaniards, of all classes, and poison is often administered throughits medium. Various means and methods of poisoning are described, as well as some antidotes therefor. Some account is given of thegold mines and pearl fisheries, and of other products of the countrywhich form articles of commerce. Morga describes the two great lakesof Luzón (Bombon and Bai), Manila and its harbor and approaches, andother principal ports, with some neighboring islands; and gives someaccount of the Visayan people and the larger islands inhabited by them, and of the tides in the archipelago. Then follows an interesting anddetailed account of the Filipino peoples, their language, customs, beliefs, etc. The language used in Luzón and other northern islandsis different from that of the Visayas; but all the natives write, expressing themselves fluently and correctly, and using a simplealphabet which resembles the Arabic. Their houses, and their modeof life therein, arc fully described; also their government, socialorganization, and administration of justice. The classes and statusof slaves, and the causes of enslavement are recounted. Their customsin marriages and dowries, divorces, adoption, and inheritance aredescribed; also in usury, trading, and punishment for crimes. Thestandard of social purity is described by Morga as being very low;yet infamous vices were not indigenous with them, but communicated byforeigners, especially by the Chinese. The natives of Luzón appearto be superior, both intellectually and morally, to the Visayanpeoples. Their religious beliefs and practices are recounted by Morga, who naturally ascribes these to the influence of the devil. He alsonarrates the entrance of Mahometanism into the islands, and how itwas checked by the coming of the Spaniards. 

Morga next sketches the condition at that time of Spanish coloniesin the islands. He describes the city of Manila in detail, withits fortifications, arsenals, government and municipal buildings, cathedral, and convents; also the seminary of Santa Potenciana, andthe hospitals. There are six hundred houses, mostly built of stone, within the walls, and even more in the suburbs; "and all are thehabitations and homes of Spaniards. " All the people, both men andwomen, are clad and gorgeously adorned in silks; and nowhere is theregreater abundance of food, and of other necessaries of human life, than in Manila. Morga enumerates the dignitaries, ecclesiasticaland civil, who reside in the city; and mentions it as the centerand metropolis of the archipelago. He then briefly describes theother Spanish settlements in the Philippines; and mentions in theirturn the various orders and their work there, with the number oflaborers in each. He praises their efforts for the conversion, education, and social improvement of the Indians. He defines thefunctions of both the civil and the ecclesiastical authorities, and the policy of the government toward the natives; and describesthe application and results in the Philippines of the encomiendasystem imported thither from America. He deprecates the permissiongiven to the Indians for paying their tributes in kind or in money, at their option; for it has led to their neglecting their formerindustries, and thus to the general damage of the country. Slaverystill exists among them, but the Spaniards have been forbidden toenslave the natives. Personal services of various sorts are duefrom the latter, however, to their encomenderos, to the religious, and to the king, for all of which they receive a moderate wage; andall other services for the Spaniards are voluntary and paid. Closerestrictions are laid upon the intercourse of the Spaniards withnatives. Various information is given regarding appointments tooffice, residencias, elections, town government, and finances; alsoof the ecclesiastical organization, expenses, and administration, as well as of the incomes of the religious orders. Morga recountsthe numbers, character, pay, and organization of the military andnaval forces in the islands. The bulk of the citizens are merchantsand traders, commerce being the chief occupation and support of theSpanish colony. Manila is a market for all the countries of EasternAsia, from Japan to Borneo. The China trade is restricted to theinhabitants of the Philippines; Morga describes its nature and extent, and the manner in which it is conducted, as well as the characterand methods of the Chinese traders. A similar account is given of thetrade carried on with the Philippines by the Japanese, Borneans, andother neighboring peoples, and of the shipment to Nueva España of thegoods thus procured. This last commerce is "so great and profitable, and easy to control, that the Spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage in, any other industry, " and thus not only they neglect toavail themselves of and develop the natural resources of the country, but the natives are neglecting and forgetting their former industries;and the supply of silver in the country steadily flows out of it andinto the hands of infidels. Morga enumerates the officials, revenues, and expenditures of the colonial government. As its income is too smallfor its necessary expenses, the annual deficit is made up from theroyal treasury of Nueva España. But this great expense is incurred"only for the Christianization and conversion of the natives, forthe hopes of greater fruits in other kingdoms and provinces of Asia. "

The large extent of the Chinese immigration to the islands isdisapproved by Morga, as unsafe to the Spaniards and injurious to thenatives. Some Chinese are needed for the service of the Spaniards, for all the trades are carried on by them; but the number of Chineseallowed to live in the islands should be restricted to those who arethus needed. Morga describes the character, dress, mode of life, and settlements of the Chinese near Manila; they are cared for inreligious matters by the Dominican friars. The Christian Chinese liveapart from the heathens, in a settlement of some five hundred people;Morga has but a poor opinion of even these converts. Some account isalso given of the Japanese who have settled in Manila; Morga commendsthem, and states that they prove to be good Christians. 

He ends his work by a detailed account of the navigation and voyageto and from the Philippines. The Mexican port of departure for thisroute has been removed from Navidad to Acapulco. Morga describes thewestward voyage; the stop at the Ladrone Islands, and the trafficof the natives with the ships; and the route thence, and among thePhilippine Islands. The return route to Mexico is much more difficultand dangerous; for the winds are varying and not always favorable, and the ship must change its course more frequently, and go far northto secure favoring winds, there encountering cold weather. These severechanges cause much suffering, and even death; and the vessel makes thisvoyage without once touching land until it reaches Acapulco, a periodof five or six months. Morga also describes the voyage to Spain byway of Goa and the Cape of Good Hope, which also is long and dangerous. 

Argensola writes a history of "the conquest of the Malucas, " andbegins by describing the islands thus named, their inhabitants, andthe customs, mode of dress, and language of the people. He relatesthe current stories of their origin and of their early intercoursewith Occidental peoples, mainly through the spice trade. The earlierexpeditions of the Portuguese to the Moluccas arouse the hostility ofthe natives; and so much difficulty and expense to the government isthus occasioned that his councilors advise Felipe II to abandon thePhilippines and Moluccas, as not worth so much cost. This he refusesto do, on account of the necessity and duty of converting the pagansin those lands--a decision confirmed also by Felipe III. Argensolaenumerates the various arguments pro and con regarding the retentionof the islands by Spain, which he justifies for the sake of convertingthe heathen. The points thus far given are those of the brief synopsiswhich results from our examination of books i-iv in the _Conqvista_, Turning to book v, we find a brief outline of the conquest of thePhilippines by Legazpi, their peoples, their chief products, and theirfauna. The expedition of Peñalosa to conquer Ternate is described;it proves a failure, for various causes. The king of Spain sends the"invincible armada" against England (1588), desiring to check theinroads of Northern heretics against Spanish commerce in the Orient;but that fleet is defeated, and dispersed. Santiago de Vera alsosends an expedition against Ternate, but it also is a failure. Oneof the princes that island asks for Spanish aid to gain its royaltyfor himself--offering, in return, to become a vassal of Spain; buthis death prevents any further arrangement of this sort. Gomez PerezDasmariñas undertakes an expedition for the conquest of the Moluccas, of which and of his tragic end a full account is given in book vi, furnishing much interesting information thereon which is not elsewhereto be obtained. Dasmariñas drafts rowers from among the Filipinonatives and the Chinese, by force; this causes much resentment amongthem. He obtains full reports of affairs in the Moluccas, and adviceregarding the conduct of the campaign, from the Jesuits in thoseislands. Dasmariñas sets out on this expedition (October 17, 1594), his own galley being manned by Chinese rowers. These, being harshlytreated, mutiny, and murder all the Spaniards on the galley save two(October 25), a friar and the governor's secretary. The governor'sdeath renders necessary the appointment of a temporary successor to hisoffice; this is his son, Luis Perez Dasmariñas. The murderers returnto Luzón, with armed vessels, hoping to find the country defenselessand conquer it; but the forces at Manila are sufficient to overawethe Chinese. 

At this juncture, Langara, king of Camboja, asks for aid from theSpaniards; and Dasmariñas sends for this purpose an expedition undercommand of Gallinato. The Spaniards slay the usurper of the Cambojanthrone; this dignity is offered to Gallinato, but he refuses it, andRuiz and Velloso replace the rightful heir on the throne. Dasmariñashimself undertakes another expedition to Camboja, at his own cost;but he is driven by storms to the Chinese coast, some of his ships arewrecked, and another is destroyed, with most of its crew, by Malaysat Camboja. These disasters put an end, for the time, to any furtherattempts against Ternate. 

Argensola relates the exploits of Figueroa and his successors insubduing the Mindanaos, who are aided by the king of Ternate, asbeing in a sense his vassals. Felipe II dies (1598), and for a timethe affairs of Moluccas are neglected. Book vii mainly relates toDutch voyages to the Eastern Archipelago; the presence of the Dutchencourages the Ternatans to keep up their resistance to the Spaniardsand Portuguese. Governor Acuña arrives in the Philippines (May, 1602), and for some time is occupied with the internal affairs of the colonyand the establishment of amicable relations with the Japanese. Thesematters being settled, he turns his mind toward the conquest ofthe Moluccas; and he coöperates with the expedition under Furtadode Mendoza, which had been sent for this purpose from India. Thecombined fleets meet with temporary successes at Ternate, but arefinally compelled to abandon the undertaking. The home governmentfinally decides that it must be again and effectively prosecuted;and that Acuña himself shall conduct another expedition against theMoluccas. The royal decree for this (dated June 20 1604) is givenin full. 

Argensola relates the great fire in Manila and the Chineseinsurrection, both in 1603; he gives some information thereon whichis not found in other accounts. This revolt, although quelled, causes great disturbance of business and industry, and much wantand distress, in Manila, which had so largely been dependentupon its Chinese population. Soon afterward reënforcements andsupplies are received there from Mexico. In February, 1605, a Dutchfleet appears in the Eastern archipelago, and captures Amboina andTidore. Portuguese fugitives from Tidore inform Acuña of the purposeof the Dutch to attack the galleons on the Mexican route and perhapsother Spanish interests; and to drive out the Spaniards from thatquarter of the world. He immediately sends more men to the garrisonsin the Pintados, and takes other precautions. The arrival of numerousreënforcements at Manila encourages him and checks the insolence ofsurrounding peoples. The Dutch aid the Ternatans, while Acuña makesvigorous preparations for the expedition to be made against thesefoes. He sails with over three thousand men, in thirty-six vessels, from Iloilo on January 5, 1606. The flagship is wrecked at La Caldera;the other vessels mistake their course, and do not reach the Moluccasuntil late in March. They besiege Ternate, and finally carry it byassault; the city and fort are pillaged by the soldiers. Afterward theking is induced to surrender and Acuña makes a treaty with him. Theking surrenders his forts and restores all captives; delivers up anyDutchmen or Spanish renegades who may be in Ternate; and gives upthe villages of Christian natives in adjacent islands. Acuña leaves astrong garrison in Ternate, and carries the king and other captivesto Manila. A few weeks after his return, Acuña dies--by poison, according to popular rumor. 

To this volume is appended (apropos of an allusion by Morga) aninteresting account of the ancient customs observed by the natives ofPampanga in the administration of justice. These differed, according tothe social status of the parties concerned, and the kind of crime; but, in general, certain fixed amounts were paid as the penalties for mostcrimes, and in some cases the penalty was life for life. If the culpritcould not pay the fine, he was usually sold as a slave. Parricide andinfanticide were apparently unknown among them. Marriages, divorces, inheritances, enslavements, disputes, etc. , are all considered in thisaccount, obtained by the Franciscan Juan de Plasencia from the natives. 

_The Editors_June, 1904. 

SUCESOS DE LAS ISLAS FILIPINAS (_concluded_)

By Dr. Antonio de Morga. Mexico: at the shop of Geronymo Balli inthe year 1609; printed by Cornelio Adriano Cesar. 

SOURCE: The translation is made from the Harvard copy of the originalprinted work. 

TRANSLATION: This is made by Alfonso de Salvio, Norman F. Hall, and James Alexander Robertson. 

EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS. [1]

Chapter Seventh (_concluded_)

On the tenth [of July] [2] of the same year, the vessels"Espiritu-Santo" and "Jesus Maria" left the port of Cabit en routefor Nueva España--in the wake of two smaller vessels, which had beendespatched a fortnight before--with the Filipinas merchandise. Don Lopede Ulloa was their commander, while Doctor Antonio de Morga left thoseislands in the almiranta, the "Santo Espiritu, " to fill the office ofalcalde of the court of Mexico. Before leaving the bay, both vesselswere struck head on by a storm, and went dragging upon the coast, buffeted by the heavy seas and winds, and amid dark and tempestuousweather, from three in the afternoon until morning of the next day, notwithstanding that they were anchored with two heavy cables in theshelter of the land, and their topmasts struck. Then they groundedupon the coast, in La Pampanga, ten leguas from Manila. The stormlasted for three more consecutive days. Consequently it was regardedas impossible for those vessels to sail and make their voyage, inasmuch as the season was now well advanced, and the vesselswere very large and heavily laden, and were deeply imbedded in thesand. Advice was immediately sent overland to Manila, whence werebrought several Chinese ships, cables, and anchors. By dint of thegreat efforts exerted, both vessels, each singly, were fitted withtackle and cables, which were rigged at the stern. There awaiting thehigh tide, the ships were drawn, by force of capstan and men, sternfirst for more than one legua through a bank of sand, upon whichthey had struck, until they were set afloat, on the twenty-secondof July, St. Magdelen's day. Immediately they set sail again, as the vessels had sustained no injury, nor sprung any leak; andthey made their voyage and navigation, under light winds, to thecoast of Nueva España. A violent south-southwest gale, accompaniedby heavy showers, hail, and cold, struck the ship "Espiritu Sancto"on the tenth of November, in forty-two degrees, and within sight ofland. The wind was blowing obliquely toward the shore, upon which thevessel was almost wrecked several times. The vessel suffered distressand lost its rigging, while the crew was worn out by the voyage andwith the cold. The storm lasted until November twenty-second. On themorning of that day, while the ship was in the trough of the waves, and with topmasts shipped, it was struck by a squall of rain and hail, accompanied by great darkness. A thunderbolt, descending the mainmast, struck the vessel amidships. It killed three men besides wounding andmaiming eight others; it had entered the hatches, and torn open themainhatch, with a blaze of light, so that the interior of the shipcould be seen. Another thunderbolt fell down along the same mastamong the entire crew, and stunned sixteen persons, some of whomwere speechless and unconscious all that day. It left the vesselby the pump-dale. The next day, the wind veered to north-northeast, whereupon the ship set sail, and went coasting along the land, withsufficient winds until the nineteenth of the month of December, when it made port at Acapulco. There were found the two smallervessels that had sailed first from Manila. Three days later, GeneralDon Lope de Ulloa entered the same port of Acapulco, in the ship"Jesus Maria. " That vessel had sustained the same storms as the ship"Espiritu Sancto. " From the time when the two vessels had separated, on sailing out of the channel of Capul, in the Filipinas Islands, they had not sighted one another again during the entire voyage. 

In the same year six hundred and three, Governor Don Pedro de Acuñasent the ship "Sanctiago" from Manila to Japon, with merchandise. Itwas ordered to make its voyage to Quanto, in order to comply with thedesire and wish of Daifusama. As news had been already received of thedeath of Fray Geronimo de Jesus, four of the most important religiousof his order in Manila--namely, Fray Diego de Bermeo [3] (who had beenprovincial), Fray Alonso de la Madre de Dios, Fray Luys Sotello, [4]and one other associate--sailed on that vessel for the said kingdom. 

As soon as the ships "Jesus Maria" and "Espiritu Sancto" sailed forNueva España, and the ship "Sanctiago" with the religious for Japon, there was more time to discuss further the matter started by the comingof the Chinese mandarins. For finding themselves unoccupied with othermatters, fear of the Sangleys became universal, and the suspicions thatwere current that the Sangleys were about to commit some mischievousoutbreak. This the archbishop and some religious affirmed and told, publicly and privately. At this time, a considerable number of Chinesewere living in Manila and its environs. Some of them were baptizedChristians living in the settlements of Baibai and Minondoc, [5] on theother side of the river, opposite the city. Most of them were infidels, occupied and living in these same settlements and in the shops ofthe parián in the city; [they were employed] as merchants and in allother occupations. The majority of them were fishermen, stonecutters, charcoal-burners, porters, masons, and day-laborers. Greater securitywas always felt in regard to the merchants, for they are the betterclass of people, and those who are most interested, because of theirproperty. So great security was not felt about the others, even thoughthey were Christians; because, as they are a poor and covetous people, they would be inclined to any act of meanness. However, it was alwaysthought that it would be difficult for them to cause any commotion, unless a strong fleet came from China, on which they could rely. Talkcontinued to increase daily, and with it suspicion; for some of theChinese themselves, both infidels and Christians, in order to provethemselves friends of the Spaniards, and clean from all guilt, eventold the Spaniards that there was to be an insurrection shortly, and other similar things. Although the governor always consideredthese statements as fictions and the exaggerations of that nation, and did not credit them, yet he was not so heedless that he did notact cautiously and watch, although with dissembling, for whatevermight happen. He took pains to have the city guarded and the soldiersarmed, besides flattering the most prominent of the Chinese and themerchants, whom he assured of their lives and property. The nativesof La Pampanga and other provinces near by were instructed beforehandto supply the city with rice and other provisions, and to come toreënforce it with their persons and arms, should necessity arise. Thesame was done with some Japanese in the city. As all this was donewith some publicity, since it could not be done secretly, as so manywere concerned, one and all became convinced of the certainty of thedanger. Many even desired it, in order to see the peace disturbed, and to have the opportunity to seize something. [6] From that time, both in the city and its environs, where the Sangleys were livingscattered, these people began to persecute the Sangleys by word anddeed. The natives, Japanese and soldiers of the camp took from themtheir possessions and inflicted on them other ill-treatment, callingthem dogs and traitors, and saying that they knew well that theymeant to rebel. But they said they would kill all the Sangleys first, and that very soon, for the governor was preparing for it. This alonewas sufficient to make it necessary for the Sangleys to do what theyhad no intention of doing. [7] Some of the most clever and covetousset themselves to rouse the courage of the others, and to makethemselves leaders, telling the Sangleys that their destruction wassure, according to the determination which they saw in the Spaniards, unless they should anticipate the latter, since they [the Sangleys]were so numerous, and attack and capture the city. They said thatit would not be difficult for them to kill the Spaniards, seizetheir possessions, and become masters of the country, with the aidand reënforcements that would immediately come to them from China, as soon as the auspicious beginning that they would have made inthe matter should be known. In order to do this when the time came, it was advisable to build a fort and quarters in some retired andstrong place near the city, where the people could gather and unite, and where arms and supplies could be provided for the war. At leastsuch a fort would be sufficient to assure there their lives fromthe outrages that they were expecting from the Spaniards. It waslearned that the chief mover in this matter was a Christian Sangley, an old-time resident in the country, named Joan Bautista de Vera. [8]He was rich and highly esteemed by the Spaniards, and feared andrespected by the Sangleys. He had often been governor of the latter, and had many godchildren and dependents. He had become an excellentSpaniard, and was courageous. He himself, exercising duplicity andcunning, did not leave the city, or the houses of the Spanish duringthis time, in order to arouse less suspicion of himself. From therehe managed the affair through his confidants; and in order to assurehimself better of the result, and to ascertain the number of men ofhis race, and to make a census and list of them, he cunningly hadeach of them ordered to bring him a needle, which he pretended tobe necessary for a certain work that he had to do. These needles heplaced, as he received them, in a little box; and when he took themout of it, he found that he had sufficient men for his purpose. Theybegan to construct the fort or quarters immediately at a distance ofslightly more than one-half legua from the village of Tondo, among someestuaries and swamps, and in a hidden location. [9] They stored theresome rice and other provisions, and weapons of little importance. TheSangleys began to gather there, especially the masses--the commonpeople and day-laborers; for those of the parián, and the mechanics, although urged to do the same, did not resolve to do it, and remainedquiet, guarding their houses and property. The restlessness of theSangleys daily continued to become more inflamed. This, and theadvices given to the governor and the Spaniards, kept the lattermore anxious and apprehensive, and made them talk more openly of thematter. The Sangleys, seeing that their intention was discovered, andthat delay might be of so great harm to them, determined, although theinsurrection was planned for St. Andrew's day, the last of November, to anticipate that day, and to lose no more time. On Friday, thethird day of the month of October, the eve of St. Francis, theycollected very hurriedly in the above-mentioned fort; consequently, by nightfall, there were two thousand men in it. Joan Bautista deVera--a thief in the rôle of an honest man, since he was the leaderand organizer of the treason--went immediately to the city andtold the governor that the Sangleys had risen, and that they werecollecting on the other side of the river. The governor, suspectingthe mischief, had him immediately arrested and carefully guarded;and he was afterward executed. Then, without tap of drum, the governorordered the companies, both of the camp and the city, to be notified, and all to hold their arms in readiness. Very shortly after nightfall, Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was living near the monastery and church ofMinondoc, on the other side of the river, came hurriedly to the cityto advise the governor that the Sangleys had revolted. He asked fortwenty soldiers to go to the other side [of the river], where he wouldguard the said monastery. Cristoval de Axqueta, sargento-mayor of thecamp, went with these men, together with Don Luys. As the silenceof night deepened, the noise made by the Sangleys grew louder, forthey were continuing to assemble and were sounding horns and otherinstruments, after their fashion. Don Luys remained to guard themonastery, with the men brought from Manila, where he had placedin shelter many women and children of Christian Sangleys, with thereligious. The sargento-mayor returned immediately to the city, where he told of what was being done. The call to arms was sounded, for the noise and shouts of the Sangleys, who had sallied out to setfire to some houses in the country, was so great that it was thoughtthat they were devastating that district. The Sangleys burned, first, a stone country-house belonging to Captain Estevan de Marquina. Thelatter was living there with his wife and children; and none of themescaped, except a little girl, who was wounded, but who was hiddenin a thicket. [10] Thence the Sangleys went to the settlement ofLaguio, [11] situated on the shore of the river, and burned it. Theykilled several Indians of that settlement, and the rest fled to thecity. There the gates were already shut and all the people, witharms in hand, manned the walls and other suitable posts, ready forany emergency, until dawn. The enemy, who now had a greater numberof men, retired to their fort, to make another sally thence with moreforce. Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was guarding the church and monasteryof Minondoc, expected hourly that the enemy was about to attack him, and sent a messenger to the governor to beg for more men. These weresent him, and consisted of regulars and inhabitants of the city, under Captains Don Tomas Brabo de Acuña (the governor's nephew), Joan de Alcega, Pedro de Arzeo, and Gaspar Perez, by whose counsel andadvice Don Luys was to be guided on this occasion. All was confusion, shouting, and outcry in the city, particularly among the Indians, andthe women and children, who were coming thither for safety. Although, to make certain of the Sangleys of the parián, their merchants hadbeen asked to come into the city, and bring their property, they didnot dare to do so; for they always thought that the enemy would takethe city because of their great force of numbers, and annihilate theSpaniards, and they would all be in danger. Consequently they preferredto remain in their parián, in order to join the victorious side. DonLuys Dasmariñas thought it advisable to go in search of the enemyimmediately with the reënforcements sent him by the governor, beforethey should all assemble and present a strong front. He left seventysoldiers in Minondoc, in charge of Gaspar Perez; while with the rest, about one hundred and forty of the best picked arquebusiers, hewent to the village of Tondo, in order to fortify himself in thechurch, a stone building. He arrived there at eleven o'clock in themorning. The Chinese, in number one thousand five hundred, arrivedat the same place at the same time, bent on the same purpose. Anhour's skirmish took place between the two sides, as to which onewould gain the monastery. Captain Gaspar Perez came up with thereënforcement of the men left at Minondoc. The enemy retired to hisfort, with a loss of five hundred men. Gaspar Perez returned to hispost, where Pedro de Arzeo was also stationed. Don Luys Dasmariñas, exultant over this fortunate engagement, determined immediately topress forward in pursuit of the enemy with his men, notwithstandingthe heat of the sun and without waiting to rest his followers. He sentAlferez Luys de Ybarren to reconnoiter. The latter brought word thatthe enemy was in great force, and near by. Although Juan de Alcegaand others requested Don Luys to halt and rest his men, and awaitthe governor's orders as to what was to be done, his desire not tolose the opportunity was so great that, rousing his men with harshwords, in order to make them follow him, he marched forward untilthey reached a swamp. After leaving the swamp, they came suddenlyinto a large clearing, where the enemy was stationed. The latter, upon seeing the Spaniards, surrounded them in force on all sides, armed with clubs, some with catans, and a few with battle-axes. DonLuys and his men, not being able to retreat, fought valiantly, andkilled a number of Sangleys. But finally, as the latter were in sogreat force, they cut all the Spaniards to pieces, only four of whomescaped, badly wounded; and these carried the news to Manila. [12]This result was of great importance to the Sangleys, both because somany and the best Spanish soldiers were killed in this place, andbecause of the weapons that the Sangleys took from them, and whichthey needed. With these arms they flattered themselves that theirobject was more certain of accomplishment. Next day, October five, the Sangleys sent the heads of Don Luys, Don Tomas, Joan de Alcega, and other captains to the parián; and they told the Sangleys therethat, since the flower of Manila had been killed, they should revoltand join them, or they would immediately come to kill them. Theconfusion and grief of the Spaniards in the city was so great thatit prevented them from taking the precautions and exercising thediligence demanded by the affair. But the sight of their necessity, and the spirit of their governor and officials made them all remainat their posts on the walls, arms in hand. They fortified as stronglyas possible the gates of the parián and of Dilao, and all that part ofthe wall where the enemy might make an assault. They mounted a piece ofartillery above each gate, and stationed there the best men, among whomwere religious of all the orders. Upon that day, Sunday, the enemy, flushed with the victory of the preceding day and their army swelledby the additional men that joined them, attacked the city. Burningand destroying everything in their path, they went to the river, forthere was no vessel with which to resist them, as all those of thefleet were in the provinces of the Pintados. They entered the parián, [13] and furiously assaulted the city gate, but were driven back bythe arquebuses and muskets, with the loss of many Sangleys. Theywent to the church of Dilao, and there assaulted the gate and walls(which were there lower), by means of scaling-ladders, with the samedetermination. But they experienced the same resistance and loss, which compelled them, on the approach of night, to retire with greatloss to the parián and to Dilao. That whole night the Spaniardsspent in guarding their wall, and in preparing for the morrow. Theenemy passed the night in the parián and at Dilao, making carts, mantelets, scaling-ladders, artificial fire, and other contrivances, for approaching and assaulting the wall, and for burning the gates, and setting fire to everything. At dawn of the next day, Monday, theSangleys came together with these arms and tools, and having reachedthe wall with their bravest and best-armed men, attacked it withgreat fury and resolution. The artillery destroyed their machines, andcaused them so great injury and resistance with it and the arquebuses, that the Sangleys were forced to retire again to the parián andto Dilao, with heavy loss. Joan Xuarez Gallinato, accompanied bysome soldiers and a Japanese troop, made a sally from the Dilao gateupon the Sangleys. They reached the church, when the Sangleys turnedupon them and threw the Japanese into disorder. The latter were thecause of all retreating again to seek the protection of the walls, whither the Sangleys pursued them. At this juncture Captain Don Luys deVelasco entered Manila. He came from the Pintados in a stout caracoa, manned by some good arquebusiers, while others manned some bancas thatsailed in the shelter of the caracoa. They approached the parián andDilao by the river, and harassed the enemy quartered there on that andthe two following days, so that they were compelled to abandon thosepositions. These vessels set fire to the parián, and burned everything, and pursued the enemy wherever they could penetrate. The Sangleys, upon beholding their cause waning, and their inability to attain theend desired, resolved to retire from the city, after having lost morethan four thousand men; to advise China, so that that country wouldreënforce them; and for their support to divide their men into threedivisions in different districts--one among the Tingues of Passic, thesecond among those of Ayonbon, and the third at La Laguna de Bay, SanPablo, and Batangas. On Wednesday they abandoned the city completely, and, divided as above stated, marched inland. Don Luys de Velasco, with some soldiers and armed Indians who came from all sides to therelief of Manila, accompanied by some Spaniards who guided them, andthe religious from their missions, went by way of the river in pursuitof them, and pressed them, so that they killed and annihilated thebands bound for the Tingues of Passic and for Ayombon. The majorityand main body of the Sangleys went to La Laguna de Bay, the mountainsof San Pablo, and Batangas, where they considered themselves moresecure. Burning towns and churches, and everything in their path, theyfortified themselves in the above-mentioned sites. Don Luys de Velasco, with seventy soldiers, continued to pursue them, killing each day agreat number of them. On one occasion Don Luys was so closely engagedwith the enemy, that the latter killed him and ten soldiers of hiscompany, and fortified themselves again in San Pablo and Batangas, where they hoped to be able to sustain themselves until the arrivalof reënforcements from China. [14]

The governor, fearful of this danger, and desirous of finishingthe enemy, and giving entire peace to the country, sent Captainand Sargento-mayor Cristoval de Axqueta Menchaca with soldiersto pursue and finish the enemy. This man left with two hundredSpaniards--soldiers and volunteers--three hundred Japanese, and onethousand five hundred Pampanga and Tagál Indians, [15] on the twentiethof October. He was so expeditious, that with little or no loss ofmen, he found the Sangleys fortified in San Pablo and Batangas, and, after fighting with them, killed and destroyed them all. None escaped, except two hundred, who were taken alive to Manila for the galleys. Thecaptain was occupied in this for twenty days, and with it the war wasended. Very few merchants were left in Manila, and they had taken thegood counsel to betake themselves, with their possessions, among theSpaniards in the city. At the beginning of the war there were notseven hundred Spaniards in the city capable of bearing arms. [16]

After the end of the war, the need of the city began, for, becauseof not having Sangleys who worked at the trades, and brought inall the provisions, there was no food, nor any shoes to wear, not even at excessive prices. The native Indians are very far fromexercising those trades, and have even forgotten much of farming, andthe raising of fowls, cattle, and cotton, and the weaving of cloth, which they used to do in the days of their paganism and for a longtime after the conquest of the country. [17] In addition to this, people thought that Chinese vessels would not come to the islandswith food and merchandise, on account of the late revolution. Aboveall, they lived not without fear and suspicion that, instead ofthe merchant vessels, an armed fleet would attack Manila, in orderto avenge the death of their Sangleys. All conspired to sadden theminds of the Spaniards. After having sent Fray Diego de Guevara, prior of the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, to the court ofEspaña by way of India, with news of this event--but who was unableto reach Madrid for three years, because of his various fortunesin India, Persia, and Italia, through which countries he went--theyimmediately sent Captain Marco de la Cueva, together with Fray LuysGandullo of the Order of St. Dominic, to the city of Macao in China, where the Portuguese were living, with letters for the chief captainand the council of that city. These letters advised the latter ofthe revolt of the Sangleys, and of the result of the war, so that, if they should hear any rumors of a Chinese fleet, they could sendword. At the same time letters were taken from the governor to theTutons, Aytaos, and visitors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo, recounting the outbreak of the Chinese, which obliged the Spaniardsto kill them. Upon their arrival at Macao, Marcos de la Cueva andFray Luys Gandullo found no news of a fleet, but that everything wasquiet--although the Chinese had already heard of the insurrection andmuch of the result, from some Sangleys who had fled from Manila inchampans, upon that occasion. It was immediately learned in Chincheothat these Spaniards were in Macao, whereupon Captains Guansan Sinuand Guachan, wealthy men and usually engaged in trade with Manila, went to look for them. Having learned the truth of the event, theytook the letters for the mandarins and promised to deliver them. Theyurged other merchants and vessels of Chincheo, who were afraid, to goto Manila that year. This was very useful, for through them much of thenecessity that the city [of Manila] was suffering was supplied. Withthis result and with some powder, saltpeter, and lead which Marcosde la Cueva had provided for the magazines, the latter left Macao, and sailed to Manila, which he reached in May, to the universal joyof the city over the news that he brought--which began to be verifiedimmediately by the coming of the fleet of thirteen Chinese vesselsbearing food and merchandise. 

In the month of June of this year six hundred and three, [18] twovessels were despatched from Manila to Nueva España, under commandof Don Diego de Mendoça who had been sent that year by the viceroy, Marques de Montesclaros, with the usual reënforcements for theislands. The flagship was "Nuestra Señora de los Remedios" and thealmiranta "Sant Antonio. "

Many rich men of Manila, warned by the past troubles, took passagein these vessels with their households and property, for NuevaEspaña--especially in the almiranta--with the greatest wealth thathas ever left the Filipinas. Both vessels experienced so severestorms during the voyage, in the altitude of thirty-four degrees, and before having passed Japon, that the flagship, without masts andgreatly lightened and damaged, put back in distress to Manila. Thealmiranta was swallowed up in the sea, and no one was saved. This wasone of the greatest shipwrecks and calamities that the Filipinas havesuffered since the past ones. 

During the rest of that year and that of six hundred and five, untilthe sailing of the vessels which were to go to Castilla, [19] thegovernor occupied himself in repairing the city, and supplying it withprovisions and ammunition, with the special object and care that thedecision which he was awaiting from the court for making an expeditionto Maluco--of which he had been advised and warned--should not findhim so unprepared as to cause him to delay the expedition. In thishe was very successful, for at that same time, the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel, had arrived in Mexico with six hundred soldiersfrom España. In Mexico more men were being enrolled, and a greatpreparation was made of ammunition, food, money, and arms, which theviceroy sent to the governor from Nueva España in March of that year, by order of his Majesty, in order that he might go to Maluco. Allthis arrived safely and in due season at Manila. 

Shortly after the ships had left Manila for Nueva España, and thosedespatched thence by the viceroy had entered, Archbishop Don FrayMiguel de Benavides died of a long illness. His body was buriedamid the universal devotion and grief of the city. [20] At this sametime, Don Pedro de Acuña received three letters, by the ships thatcontinued to come from China that year, with the merchandise andwith their principal captains. They were all of the same tenor--whentranslated into Castilian--from the Tuton and Haytao, and from theinspector-general of the province of Chincheo, and were on the matterof the insurrection of the Sangleys and their punishment. They wereas follows:

[This letter occupies folios 113b-115a of the original edition ofMorga. We have already presented that document in our V0L. XIII, p. 287, which is translated from a copy of the original manuscript. Theanswer of Acuña to this letter will be found in V0L. XIV, in thesecond document of that volume. ]

The letter of the inspector-general was written on the twelfth ofthe second month--which according to our reckoning is March of thetwenty-third year of the reign of Vandel [_i. E. _, Wanleh]. The eunuch's[21] letter was written on the sixteenth of the said month and year;and that of the viceroy, on the twenty-second of the month. 

The governor answered these letters through the same messengers, civilly and authoritatively. He gave an explanation of the deed andjustified the Spaniards, and offered friendship and trade anew with theChinese. He said that their property, which had remained in Manila, would be restored to the owners, and that those imprisoned in thegalleys would be freed in due season. First, however, he intended touse them for the Maluco expedition, which he was undertaking. 

The entrances into various provinces of Japon by the discalcedreligious of St. Francis and those of St. Dominic and St. Augustine, continued to be made, both in the Castilian vessel itself which wasdespatched that year to the kingdoms of Quanto, [22] and in otherJapanese vessels which came to Manila with the silver and flour of theJapanese, in order to trade. This was permitted and allowed by Daifu, now called Cubosama, who that year sent the governor, through one ofhis servants, certain weapons and presents, in return for others whichthe governor had sent him. He answered the latter's letter as follows:

 _Letter from Daifusama, lord of Japon, to governor Don Pedro de Acuña, in the year one thousand six hundred and five. _

 I received two letters from your Lordship, and all the gifts and presents mentioned in the memorandum. Among them, when I received them, the wine made from grapes pleased me greatly. During former years, your Lordship requested permission for six vessels, and last year for four, and I always granted your request. But, what angers me greatly is that among the four vessels that your Lordship requested was that one called "Antonio, " which made the voyage without my orders. This was a very lawless act, and in contempt of me. Can it be, perhaps, that your Lordship would send to Japon without my permission any vessel that you wished? Besides this, your Lordship and others have often negotiated about the sects of Japon, and requested many things in regard to them. This likewise I cannot concede; for this region is called Xincoco [Shinkoku], or "dedicated to the idols. " These have been honored with the highest adoration from the time of our ancestors until now, and their acts I alone cannot undo or destroy. Consequently, it is not at all advisable that your religion be promulgated or preached in Japon; and if your Lordship wish to preserve friendship with these kingdoms of Japon and with me, do what I wish, and never do what is displeasing to me. Lastly, many have told me that many wicked and perverse Japanese, who go to that kingdom and live there for many years, afterward return to Japon. This makes me very angry. Consequently, your Lordship will, in the future, allow no one of the Japanese to come here in the vessels that come from your country. In other matters, your Lordship shall act advisedly and prudently, and shall so conduct affairs, that henceforth I may not be angered on account of them. 

The governor, carrying out his dearest wish, was to make theexpedition to Terrenate in the Malucos, which should be done quickly, before the enemy could gather more strength than he had then; forhe had been informed that the Dutch, who had seized the islandand fortress of Amboino, had done the same with that of Tidore, whence they had driven the Portuguese who had settled therein, andhad entered Terrenate, where they had established a trading-post forthe clove-trade. Accordingly, as soon as the despatches in regard tothis undertaking arrived from España, in June of six hundred and five, and the men and supplies from Nueva España, which were brought at thesame time by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel, the governor spentthe balance of this year in preparing the ships, men, and provisionsthat he deemed necessary for the undertaking. Leaving behind inManila sufficient force for its defense, he went to the provinces ofPintados, where the fleet was collected, in the beginning of the yearsix hundred and six. 

By the fifteenth day of the month of March, the governor hadthoroughly prepared the fleet--which consisted of five ships, fourgalleys with poop-lanterns [_galeras de fanal_], three galliots, fourchampans, three funeas, two English lanchas, two brigantines, onebarca chata [23] for the artillery, and thirteen fragatas with highfreeboard. There were one thousand three hundred Spaniards, countingregulars, captains and officers, substitutes [_entretenidos_], andvolunteers. Among them were some Portuguese captains and soldiers, under charge of the chief captain of Tidore, [24] who was at thatisland when the Dutch seized it. These Portuguese came from Malacato serve in the expedition. There were also four hundred Indianpioneers--Tagáls and Pampangos of Manila--who went to serve at theirown cost, under their own officers, and with their own weapons. Therewas a quantity of artillery of all kinds, ammunition, tools, andprovisions for nine months. [25] Don Pedro de Acuña left the point ofHilohilo, which is near the town of Arevalo in the island of Panai, [on the above day] with all this equipment, and coasting the islandof Mindanao, made port at La Caldera, in order to replenish his water, wood, and other necessaries. 

The governor embarked in the galley "Santiago" and took underhis charge the other galleys and oared vessels. The ship "JesusMaria" acted as flagship of the other vessels, and was commandedby the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel. Captain and Sargento-mayorCristoval de Azcueta Menchaca acted as admiral of the fleet, which, after attending to its necessities at La Caldera, left that port. Onsetting sail, the flagship, which was a heavy vessel, was unable toleave port, and the currents drove it shoreward so that, without theothers being able to help it, it grounded. It was wrecked there, butthe crew, artillery, and a portion of its ammunition and clothing, were saved. After setting fire to the ship, and taking what nails andbolts they could, so that the Mindanaos could not make use of them, the fleet continued its voyage. The galleys coasted along the islandof Mindanao, and the ships and other deep-draught vessels sailed inthe open sea, all making for the port of Talangame, in the island ofTerrenate. The vessels, although experiencing some changes of weather, first sighted the islands of Maluco, after they had been reconnoiteredby a large Dutch ship, well equipped with artillery, which was anchoredat Terrenate. This vessel fired some heavy artillery at our vessels, and then immediately entered the port, where it fortified itself undershelter of the land, and with its artillery and crew and the peopleof Terrenate. The master-of-camp went with his vessels to the islandof Tidore, where he was well received by the Moro chiefs and cachils;for the king was away, as he had gone to the island of Bachan to bemarried. The master-of-camp found four Dutch factors there, who weretrading for cloves. He learned from them that the ship at Terrenatewas from Holland, and was one of those which had sailed from Amboinoand seized Tidore, whence it had driven the Portuguese, and that it wasbeing laden with cloves. It was awaiting other vessels of its convoy, for they had made friendship and treaties with Tidore and Terrenate, in order to be protected against the Castilians and Portuguese. Themaster-of-camp had the king of Tidore summoned immediately, and, while awaiting Don Pedro de Acuña, rested his men and cleaned theships, and made gabions and other things necessary for the war. DonPedro de Acuña, through his pilots' fault, had gone thirty leguasto leeward of the island of Terrenate toward the island of Celebes, otherwise called Mateo. Recognizing that island, he returned toTerrenate, and passing in sight of Talangame, discovered the Dutchvessel. He tried to reconnoiter it, but after seeing that it washarming his galleys with its artillery, and that the master-of-campwas not there, he proceeded to Tidore, where he found the latter, to the great joy of all. There they spent the remainder of the monthof March. At this juncture the king of Tidore arrived, with twelvewell-armed caracoas. He expressed joy at the governor's coming, towhom he complained at length of the tyranny and subjection in whichhe was kept by Sultan Zayde, [26] king of Terrenate, who was aidedby the Dutch. He offered to go in person to serve his Majesty in thefleet, with six hundred men of Tidore. Don Pedro received him andfeasted him. Then, without any further delay at Tidore, or any moreconcern about the ship at Talangame, he set about the chief purposefor which they had come. On the last of March he started to return toTerrenate. On that day he anchored in a harbor between the settlementand the port, as did also the king of Tidore with his caracoas. Thatsame night the Dutch ship weighed anchor and went to Amboino. At dawnof next day, April first, soldiers were landed with some difficulty, with the intention of marching along the shore (which was a very closeand narrow stretch) to the fort, in order to plant the artillery, with which to bombard it. As the governor thought that mischief wouldensue because of the narrowness and closeness of the pass, he landeda number of pioneers on the high ground, to open another road, sothat the remainder of the army might pass, and the enemy be divertedin several directions. By these efforts, he placed his camp underthe walls, although a great number of Terenatans came from variousdirections to prevent him. The vanguard of the camp was in chargeof Joan Xuarez Gallinato and Captains Joan de Cuevas, Don Rodrigode Mendoça, Pasqual de Alarcon, Joan de Cervantes, Captain Vergara, and Cristoval de Villagra, with their companies. The other captainswere in the body of the squadron. The rearguard was under command ofCaptain Delgado, while the master-of-camp aided in all parts. Thearmy came up within range of the enemy's artillery, which suddenlybegan to play. The governor came to see how the troops were formed, and, leaving them at their post, returned to the fleet to have thepieces brought out for bombarding, and to obtain refreshment forthe soldiers. Some high trees intervened between the troops and thewall, in which the enemy had posted some scouts to reconnoiter thefield. They were driven down, and our own scouts posted there, who gaveadvice from above of what was being done in the fort. Captain Vergara, and after him, Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and Alarcon, went to reconnoiterthe walls, the bastion of Nuestra Señora, and the pieces mounted onthe ground there, and a low wall of rough stone which extended tothe mountain, where there was a bastion in which the wall ended. Itwas called Cachiltulo, and was defended with pieces of artillery anda number of culverins, muskets, arquebuses, and pikes; while manyother weapons peculiar to the Terenatans were placed along the wallfor its defense. Having seen and reconnoitered all this, although notwith impunity, because the enemy had killed six soldiers with theartillery and wounded Alferez Joan de la Rambla in the knee with amusket-ball, the Spaniards returned to the army. A trifle past noon, a lofty site was reconnoitered, in the direction of the bastion ofCachiltulo, whence the enemy could be attacked and driven from thewall; and Captain Cuevas was ordered to occupy it with twenty-fivemusketeers. Having done this, the enemy sent out a crowd of mento prevent him from occupying it. A skirmish ensued, and the Morosturned and retreated to their wall. Cuevas followed them so closelyand persisted so long, that he needed reënforcement. The scouts inthe trees gave information of what was being done, whereupon CaptainsDon Rodrigo de Mendoça, Alarcon, Cervantes, and Vergara reënforcedhim with their light-armed pikemen and halberdiers. They pursuedthe enemy with so great rapidity and resolution that they enteredthe walls behind them. However, some of the Spaniards were wounded, and Captain Cervantes was pushed down from the wall and his legsbroken, which caused his death. Captain Don Rodrigo de Mendoça, pursuing the enemy, who were retiring, ran inside the wall as faras the cavalier of Nuestra Señora, while Vergara ran in the oppositedirection along the curtain of the wall to the bastion of Cachiltulo, and went on as far as the mountain. By this time the main body of thearmy had already assaulted the wall. Mutually aiding one another, they mounted the wall and entered the place on all sides, althoughwith the loss of some dead and wounded soldiers. The soldiers werestopped by a trench beyond the fort of Nuestra Señora, for the enemyhad retreated to a shed, which was fortified with a considerable numberof musketeers and arquebusiers, and four light pieces. They dischargedtheir arquebuses and muskets at the Spaniards, and threw cane spearshardened in fire, and _bacacaes_, [27] after their fashion. TheSpaniards assaulted the shed, whereupon a Dutch artilleryman trying tofire a large swivel-gun, with which he would have done great damage, being confused did not succeed, and threw down the linstock, turned, and fled. The enemy did the same after him, and abandoned the shed, fleeing in all directions. Those who would do so embarked with the kingand some of his wives and the Dutch in one caracoa and four _juangas_[28] which they had armed near the king's fort. Captain Vergara enteredthe fort immediately, but found it deserted. Don Rodrigo de Mendoça andVillagra pursued the enemy toward the mountain for a long distance, and killed many Moros. With this, at two o'clock in the afternoon, the settlement and fort of Terrenate was completely gained. TheSpanish banners and standards were flung from it, without it havingbeen necessary for them to bombard the walls, as they had expected;and the fort was taken at so slight cost to the Spaniards. Their deadnumbered fifteen men, and the wounded twenty more. The whole town wasreconnoitered, even its extremity--a small fort, called Limataen--whichcontained two pieces of artillery, and two other pieces near themosque on the seashore. The loot of the place was of small importance, for already the things of most value, and the women and children, had been removed to the island of Moro, whither the king fled andtook refuge in a fort that he had there. Some products of that landwere found, and a great quantity of cloves. In the factory of theDutch were found two thousand ducados, some cloth goods and linens, and many weapons, while in many places were excellent Portuguese andDutch artillery, a number of culverins and a quantity of ammunition, of which possession was taken for his Majesty. [29] A guard wasplaced over what was gained, and the place was put in a conditionfor defense with some pieces taken from the fleet, while the governorordered and provided whatever else was advisable. 

Cachil Amuxa, the king's nephew and the greatest chief of Terrenate, came with other cachils to make peace with the governor. He saidthat he and all the Terenatans wished to be vassals of his Majesty, and that they would have rendered homage long before, but the kingprevented them. The latter as a proud man, and, confident in hisown opinion, although he had been advised to surrender the fort tohis Majesty and render him homage, had steadily refused to do so, having been encouraged and emboldened by the success that he hadgained upon other occasions. That was the reason that he found himselfin his present wretched condition. He offered to induce the king toleave the fort of Moro if given assurance of life. Don Pedro de Acuñareceived this Moro well, and as a Portuguese, Pablo de Lima--one ofthose whom the Dutch had driven from Tidore, a man of high standing, and well acquainted with the king--offered to accompany him, thegovernor despatched them with a written passport as follows:

 _Passport from Don Pedro de Acuña to the king of Terrenate_

 I, Don Pedro de Acuña, governor, captain-general, and president of the Filipinas Islands, and general of this army and fleet, declare that, over my signature, I hereby give security of life to the king of Terrenate, in order that he may come to talk with me--both to him and those whom he may bring with him--reserving to myself the disposal of all the others as I may see fit. I certify this in his Majesty's name. And I order that no person of this fleet molest him or any of his possessions, and that all observe what is herein contained. Given in Terrenate, April six, one thousand six hundred and six. 

 _Don Pedro de Acuña_

Within nine days Cachilamuja and Pablo de Lima returned to Terrenatewith the king, the prince, his son, [30] and others of his relatives, cachils and sangajes, [31] under the said passport. They placedthemselves under the governor's power, and he received them withgreat affection and respect. He lodged the king and his son in agood house in the settlement, under guard of a company. The kingrestored the villages of Christians that his Majesty had possessedin the island of Moro, when the fort of Terrenate was lost by thePortuguese. He placed his person and kingdom in his Majesty's power, and surrendered a quantity of muskets and heavy artillery that he hadin some forts of the said island. The governor did not despoil himof his kingdom, but on the contrary allowed him to appoint two of hismen to govern, whose choice was to be ratified by himself. The king, his son the prince, and their cachils and sangajes swore homage to hisMajesty. The kings of Tidore and Bachan, and the sangaje of La Bua didthe same, and covenanted and promised not to admit either the Dutchor other nations into Maluco for the clove-trade. They promised, ashis Majesty's vassals, to go on all occasions to serve him with theirpersons, men, and ships, whenever summoned by whomever commanded thefort of Terrenate; that they would oppose no obstacles to the Moroswho wished to become Christians; that if any wicked Christian wentto their lands to turn renegade, they would surrender him; and othersuitable things. Therewith great and small were content and pleased, since they were freed from the tyranny of the king of Terrenate. Thegovernor remitted to them the third part of the tributes which theywere wont to pay their king, and gave the Moros other advantages. Thenhe planned a new and modern fort, in a very conspicuous and suitablelocation, and began to build it. In order that the old fort might bebetter defended while the new one was being completed, he reduced itto a less size, by making new cavaliers and bastions, which he finishedand furnished with ramparts and stout gates. He commenced another fortin the island of Tidore, on a good location near the settlement. Afterplacing in order whatever he judged necessary in Terrenate and Tidore, and in the other towns and fortresses of Maluco, he returned withhis fleet to the Filipinas. He left the master-of-camp, Joan deEsquivel, with a garrison of six hundred soldier--five hundred, in five companies, for Terrenate--in the fort of Terrenate to actas his assistant and as governor of Maluco; he also left there onelarge forge and a number of smiths, sixty-five pioneers, thirty-fivestonecutters, two galliots, two well-armed brigantines, and crews ofrowers. The other company of soldiers [was to be stationed] in Tidoreunder command of Captain Alarcon; while ammunition and provisions forone year were left in both forts. In order to be more assured of the[peaceful] condition of the country, he took the king of Terrenatefrom it and carried him to Manila, as well as his son the prince, andtwenty-four cachils and sangajes, most of them the king's relatives, to whom he showed every honor and good treatment. He explained tothem why he took them, and that their return to Maluco depended uponthe security and tranquillity with which the Moros should conductthemselves in their obedience and service to his Majesty. [32] Thethree Portuguese galliots returned to Malaca, taking with them theDutch who were in Maluco and the Portuguese captains and soldiers whohad come to take part in this expedition. The governor entered Manilain triumph with the remainder of the fleet, on the last day of May, six hundred and six. He was received there with acclamations of joyand praise from the city, who gave thanks to God for so happy andprompt result in an undertaking of so great weight and importance. 

During the governor's absence in Maluco, the royal Audiencia ofthe islands governed the Filipinas. The Audiencia wished to drivea number of Japanese from the city, for they were a turbulentpeople and promised little security for the country. When thiswas attempted and force employed, the Japanese resisted, and thematter came to such a pass that they took arms to oppose it, andit was necessary for the Spaniards to take their arms also. Theaffair assumed definite proportions, and some on either side wishedto give battle. However, it was postponed by various means until, through the efforts of certain religious, the Japanese were quieted;and afterward as many as possible were embarked in vessels, althoughthey resented it greatly. This was one of the greatest dangers thathas threatened Manila, for the Spaniards were few in number, and theJapanese more than one thousand five hundred, and they are a spiritedand very mettlesome race. Had they come to blows on this occasion, the Spaniards would have fared ill. [33]

The governor, upon entering Manila, took over immediately the affairsof his government, especially the despatching of two vessels about tosail to Nueva España. He was present in person in the port of Cabitat the equipment and lading of the ships, and the embarcation of thepassengers. He was seized by some indisposition of the stomach whichcompelled him to return to Manila and take to his bed. His pain andvomiting increased so rapidly that, without its being possible torelieve him, he died in great anguish on St. John's day, to the greatsorrow and grief of the country. Especially did the king of Terrenateshow and express his grief, for he had always received great honorand kind treatment from the governor. It was suspected that his deathhad been violent, because of the severity and the symptoms of hisillness. The suspicion increased, because the physicians and surgeons, having opened his body, declared, from the signs that they found, that he had been poisoned, which made his death more regrettable. [34]The Audiencia buried the governor in the monastery of St. Augustineat Manila, with the pomp and ostentation due to his person andoffices. Then, again taking charge of the government, the Audienciadespatched the vessels to Nueva España, whence advice was sent tohis Majesty of the taking of Maluco and the death of the governor. 

The flagship, in which Don Rodrigo de Mendoça was sailing as generaland captain, reached Nueva España quickly with this news. Thealmiranta, notwithstanding that it left the islands at the sametime, delayed more than six months. Eighty persons who perishedfrom disease were buried in the sea, while many others stricken bythe disease died of it upon landing at the port of Acapulco. Amongthese was the licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera, auditor of Manila, who had been appointed auditor of Mexico. 

At the arrival of these vessels, it was learned that since the deathof Don Pedro de Acuña, and the taking over of the government by theAudiencia, no change had occurred in the affairs of the islands;but that their commerce was restricted because of the prohibitionwhich forbade sending to the islands more than five hundred thousandpesos each year of the proceeds from the sale of the merchandise inNueva España. On account of this the people were in need, as thisamount appeared little for the many Spaniards and for the extentof the trade--by which all classes are sustained, as they have noother resources or capital. Also, although the gaining of Maluco hadbeen so important for affairs in those islands themselves, and theirpunishment for the reduction of the other rebels--especially thoseof Mindanao and Jolo, from whom the Filipinas had received so greatinjury--the desirable quiet and stability had not been secured. Forthe Mindanaos and the Joloans were not yet discontinuing theirdescents upon the provinces of the Pintados in their war-vessels, toseize booty according to their custom--and this will continue untila suitable expedition be sent against them--and Maluco affairs werenot failing to give Joan de Esquivel, the master-of-camp, sufficientto do. He was acting as governor there and had but little securityfrom the natives, who, being a Mahometan people, and by nature easilypersuaded and fickle, are restless, and ready for disturbances andwars. Daily and in different parts the natives were being incitedand aroused to rebellion; and although the master-of-camp and hiscaptains were endeavoring to punish and pacify them, they could notdo what was necessary to quiet so many disturbances as arose. Thesoldiers were dying, and the food giving out; and the aid sent fromManila could not arrive at the time or in so great quantity as wasrequested, because of the perils of the voyage and the straits ofthe royal treasury. [35] The coming of vessels to Maluco at thistime from Holanda and Zelanda was not less prejudicial to all ourinterests; for the Dutch, having so great interests in the islands, and having established their interests there so firmly, were comingin squadrons by the India route, to recover what they had lost inAmboino, Terrenate, and other islands. With their countenance, theMoros were revolting against the Spaniards, who had their hands fullwith them, and more so with the Dutch, for the latter were numerous, and more dangerous enemies than the natives. 

The Dutch interest in these regions is so vast--both in the clove-tradeand that of other drugs and spices, and because they think thatthey will have a gateway there for the subjugation of the wholeOrient--that, overcoming all the toil and dangers of the voyage, they are continually coming to these islands in greater numbers andwith larger fleets. If a very fundamental and timely remedy be notadministered in this matter, it will increase to such an extent ina short time that afterward no remedy can be applied. 

The English and Flemish usually make this voyage by way of the straitof Magallanes. Francisco Draque [Drake] was the first to make it, and some years later Tomas Liscander [Candish or Cavendish], whopassed by Maluco. 

Lately Oliver del Nort, a Fleming, made the voyage. The Spanish fleetfought with his fleet amid the Filipinas Islands, at the end of theyear one thousand six hundred. In this fight, after the capture ofhis almiranta (which was commanded by Lamberto Biezman) the flagship, having lost nearly all its crew, and being much disabled, took toflight. And as it afterward left the Filipinas, and was seen in Sundaand the Java channels, so disabled, it seemed impossible for it tonavigate, and that it would surely be lost, as was recounted abovewhen treating of this. 

This pirate, although so crippled, had the good fortune to escape fromthe Spaniards, and, after great troubles and hardships, he returnedto Amstradam with his ship "Mauricio, " with only nine men alive, reaching it on the twenty-sixth of August in the year six hundredand one. He wrote the relation and the events of his voyage, and gaveplates of the battle and of the ships. This was afterward translatedinto Latin and printed by Teodoro de Bri, a German, at Francfort, inthe year six hundred and two. Both relations are going the rounds, and the voyage is regarded as a most prodigious feat and one of sogreat hardships and perils. [36]

Bartolome Perez, a pilot, gave the same news from the island of LaPalma. He, having come from England by way of Holanda, conversedwith Oliver del Nort, and the latter narrated to him his voyageand sufferings, as mentioned by Licentiate Fernando de la Cueva ina letter from the island of La Palma, [37] on the last of July, ofthe year six hundred and four, to Marcos de la Cueva, his brother, who was a resident of Manila, and one of the volunteers who embarkedon the Spanish flagship which fought with the pirate. This letter isas follows. 

 I answer two of your Grace's letters in this: one dated July, six hundred and one, and the other July, six hundred and two. In both of them your Grace relates to me the shipwreck that befell you and how you saved yourself by swimming. Long before I saw your Grace's letters, I had learned of your mishap, whereat I was very anxious and even quite grieved; because of what was reported here, I imagined that your Grace had a part in it. Consequently, I was singularly overjoyed at the assurance that your Grace still possessed life and health. Having them, one can conquer other things; and without them human treasure has no value. By way of Flandes (whence ships come daily to this island), I learned much, nay, all the event, although not so minutely. For Oliver de Nort, who was the Dutch general, with whom the engagement occurred, arrived safely in Holanda, with eight men--and he made nine--and without money. His purpose when he left the rebellious states of Holanda and Zelanda, with five armed vessels laden with merchandise--which were worth, principal and merchandise, one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand ducados--was to trade and carry on commerce through the strait (and such were his orders), in whatever parts he should be, with friends or enemies. He was not to attack anyone, but only to defend himself and to incline the Indians to trade and exchange with him. All the vessels having reached the strait together, three of them became separated there because of storms, and must have been wrecked; for up to the present nothing has been heard of them. Having seen himself so abandoned, and that he could not restore his loss by trade, or else because he did not receive a hospitable reception from the inhabitants of Piru, he determined to exceed his orders, and make that voyage one of plundering. Accordingly he stationed himself at the mouth of the river to await ships. The rest that befell, your Grace knows. Oliver de Nort is a native of the city of Roterdam, and he reached it with an anchor of wood. [38] He had no other with which to anchor, nor indeed had he any other left. It is said that this is a very heavy wood of the Indias, and he has placed it at the door of his house, as a mark of distinction. He arrived, as I say, with nine men, all told, very much worn out, and as by a miracle. He has printed a book of his voyage, with engravings of his vessels, and many other details of what happened to him, and the hardships that they endured in the fight and throughout the voyage, both to show his own glory and to incite others to similar deeds. A pilot of this island, one Bartolome Perez, was seized and taken to Inglaterra before the peace or truce. He came through Holanda, where he conversed at great length with Oliver. The latter told him all that had happened to him, which is known to all, and was discussed in this island before that voyage. Bartolome Perez says that Oliver de Nort praised the Spaniards greatly, and said they were the bravest men he had seen in his life. They had gained the deck of his ship, and all the upper works, when he cried out from below deck to set fire to the powder, whereupon he believes that the Spaniards left for fear of being blown up. The Dutch then had an opportunity to escape, but so crippled were they that their reaching port seems a miracle. The pilot says that he saw the anchor and the book, and what pertains to the book is stated here. I have recounted this to your Grace, because of the statements in your letter, namely, that people considered them as lost, and so that so singular a case may be known there. 

Now the Dutch make the voyage more quickly and more safely, goingand coming, by way of India, but not touching at its ports or coasts, until they reach the islands of the Javas [39]--Java major and Javaminor--and Samatra, Amboino, and the Malucas. Since they know thedistrict so well, and have experienced the immense profits ensuing tothem therefrom, it will be difficult to drive them from the Orient, where they have inflicted so many losses in both spiritual andtemporal affairs. 

¶ _Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of their natives, antiquity, customs, and government, both during the period of their paganismand after their conquest by the Spaniards, and other details. _

¶ _Chapter Eighth_

The islands of the eastern Ocean Sea, adjacent to farther Asia, belonging to the crown of España, are generally called, by those whonavigate thither by way of the demarcation of Castilla and Castilla'sseas and lands of America, "the Western Islands;" for from the timethat one leaves España, he sails in the course of the sun from eastto west, until he reaches them. For the same reason they are called"Eastern Islands" by those who sail from west to east by way ofPortuguese India, each of them circumscribing the world by voyagingin opposite directions, until they meet at these islands, which arenumerous and of varying size; they are properly called Filipinas, and are subject to the crown of Castilla. They lie within the tropicof Cancer, and extend from twenty-four degrees north latitude to theequinoctial line, which cuts the islands of Maluco. There are manyothers on the other side of the line, in the tropic of Capricorn, which extend for twelve degrees in south latitude. [40] The ancientsaffirmed that each and all of them were desert and uninhabitable, [41]but now experience has demonstrated that they deceived themselves;for good climates, many people, and food and other things necessaryfor human life are found there, besides many mines of rich metals, with precious gems and pearls, and animals and plants, which naturehas not stinted. 

It is impossible to number all the islands--counting larger andsmaller--of this vast archipelago. Those comprised in the name andgovernment of Filipinas, number about forty large islands, besidesother smaller ones, all consecutive. The chiefest and best known areLuzon, Mindoro, Tendaya, [42] Capul, Burias, Mazbate, Marinduque, Leite, Camar, Ybabao, Sebu, Panay, Bohol, Catenduanes, Calamianes, Mindanao, and others of less renown. 

The first island conquered and colonized by the Spaniards wasSebu. [43] From there the conquest was started and continued in allthe neighboring islands. Those islands are inhabited by people, natives of the same islands, called Viçayas; or by another name, Pintados--for the more prominent of the men, from their youth, tattootheir whole bodies, by pricking them wherever they are marked and thenthrowing certain black powders over the bleeding surface, the figuresbecoming indelible. But, as the chief seat of the government, and theprincipal Spanish settlement, was moved to the island of Luzon--thelargest island, and that one nearest and opposite to Great China andJapon--I shall treat of it first; for much that will be said of it issimilar in the others, to each of whose particulars and distinctivedetails I shall pass in due time. 

This island of Luzon extends lengthwise, from the point and head whereone enters the Filipinas Islands (by the channel of Capul, whichlies in thirteen and one-half degrees north latitude) to the otherpoint in the province of Cagayan, called Cape Bojeador (and locatedopposite China, in twenty degrees), more than two hundred leguas. Insome parts its width is more constricted than in others, especially inthe middle of the island, where it is so narrow that it is less thanthirty leguas from sea to sea, or from one coast to the other. Thewhole island is more than four hundred leguas in circumference. 

The climates of this island are not harmonious; on the contrary, theypresent a great diversity in its different districts and provinces. Thehead and beginning of the island, in the region of the channel, is moretemperate in the interior, although the coasts are hot. The site ofthe city of Manila is hot, for it is on the coast and is low; but inits vicinity, quite near the city, there are districts and settlementsmuch cooler, where the heat is not oppressive. The same is true of theother head of the island, opposite China, named Cagayan. The seasonsof the year--winter and summer--are contrary to those in Europe; forthe rains generally last in all these islands from the month of Juneuntil the month of September, and are accompanied by heavy showers, whirlwinds, and storms on sea and land. The summer lasts from Octoberto the end of May, with clear skies and fair winds at sea. However, the winter and rainy season begins earlier in some provinces thanin others. [44] In Cagayan winter and summer almost coincide withthose of España, and come at the same seasons. 

The people inhabiting the province of Camarines and almost as far asthe provinces of Manila, in this great island of Luzon, both alongthe coast and in the interior, are natives of this island. They areof medium height, with a complexion like stewed quinces; and bothmen and women are well-featured. They have very black hair, andthin beards; and are very clever at anything that they undertake, keen and passionate, and of great resolution. All live from theirlabor and gains in the field, their fishing, and trade, going fromisland to island by sea, and from province to province by land. 

The natives of the other provinces of this island as far as Cagayan areof the same nature and disposition, except that it has been learnedby tradition that those of Manila and its vicinity were not nativesof this island, but came thither in the past and colonized it; andthat they are Malay natives, and come from other islands and remoteprovinces. [45]

In various parts of this island of Luzon are found a number ofnatives black in color. Both men and women have woolly hair, and theirstature is not very great, although they are strong and robust. Thesepeople are barbarians, and have but little capacity. They possess nofixed houses or settlements, but wander in bands and hordes throughthe mountains and rough country, changing from one site to anotheraccording to the season. They support themselves in certain clearings, and by planting rice, which they do temporarily, and by means of thegame that they bring down with their bows, in the use of which theyare very skilful and certain. [46] They live also on honey from themountains, and roots produced by the ground. They are a barbarouspeople, in whom one cannot place confidence. They are much given tokilling and to attacking the settlements of the other natives, in whichthey commit many depredations; and there is nothing that can be doneto stop them, or to subdue or pacify them, although this is alwaysattempted by fair or foul means, as opportunity and necessity demand. 

The province of Cagayan is inhabited by natives of the same complexionas the others of the island, although they are better built, and morevaliant and warlike than the others. They wear their hair long andhanging down the back. They have been in revolt and rebellion twicesince the first time when they were pacified; and there has been plentyto do, on different occasions, in subduing them and repacifying them. 

The apparel and clothing of these natives of Luzon before theentrance of the Spaniards into the country were generally, for themen, certain short collarless garments of _cangan_, sewed togetherin the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching slightly belowthe waist; some were blue and others black, while the chiefs hadsome red ones, called _chinanas_. [47] They also wore a strip ofcolored cloth wrapped about the waist, and passed between the legs, so that it covered the privy parts, reaching half-way down the thigh;these are called _bahaques_. [48] They go with legs bare, feet unshod, and the head uncovered, wrapping a narrow cloth, called _potong_ [49]just below it, with which they bind the forehead and temples. Abouttheir necks they wear gold necklaces, wrought like spun wax, [50]and with links in our fashion, some larger than others. On their armsthey wear armlets of wrought gold, which they call _calombigas_, and which are very large and made in different patterns. Some wearstrings of precious stones--cornelians and agates; and other blueand white stones, which they esteem highly. [51] They wear aroundthe legs some strings of these stones, and certain cords, coveredwith black pitch in many foldings, as garters. [52]

In a province called Zambales, they wear the head shaved from themiddle forward. On the skull they have a huge lock of loose hair. [53]The women throughout this island wear small jackets [_sayuelos_]with sleeves of the same kinds of cloth and of all colors, called_varos_. [54] They wear no shifts, but certain white cotton garmentswhich are wrapped about the waist and fall to the feet, while otherdyed cloths are wrapped about the body, like kirtles, and are verygraceful. The principal women have crimson ones, and some of silk, while others are woven with gold, and adorned with fringe and otherornaments. They wear many gold necklaces about the neck, calumbigason the wrists, large earrings of wrought gold in the ears, and ringsof gold and precious stones. Their black hair is done up in a verygraceful knot on the head. Since the Spaniards came to the country manyIndians do not wear _bahaques_, but wide drawers of the same cloths andmaterials, and hats on their heads. The chiefs wear braids of wroughtgold containing many designs, while many of them wear shoes. The chiefwomen also wear beautiful shoes, many of them having shoes of velvetadorned with gold, and white garments like petticoats. 

Men and women, and especially the chief people, are very clean and neatin their persons and clothing, and of pleasing address and grace. Theydress their hair carefully, and regard it as being more ornamental whenit is very black. They wash it with water in which has been boiledthe bark of a tree called _gogo_. [55] They anoint it with aljonjolioil, prepared with musk, and other perfumes. All are very careful oftheir teeth, which from a very early age they file and render even, with stones and iron. [56] They dye them a black color, which islasting, and which preserves their teeth until they are very old, although it is ugly to look at. [57]

They quite generally bathe the entire body in the rivers and creeks, both young and old, without reflecting that it could at any time beinjurious to them; [58] for in their baths do they find their bestmedicines. When an infant is born, they immediately bathe it, andthe mother likewise. The women have needlework as their employmentand occupation, and they are very clever at it, and at all kinds ofsewing. They weave cloth and spin cotton, and serve in the housesof their husbands and fathers. They pound the rice for eating, [59] and prepare the other food. They raise fowls and swine, andkeep the houses, while the men are engaged in the labors of thefield, and in their fishing, navigation, and trading. They are notvery chaste, either single or married women; while their husbands, fathers, or brothers are not very jealous or anxious about it. Bothmen and women are so selfish and greedy that, if they are paid, theyare easily won over. When the husband finds his wife in adultery, he is smoothed and pacified without any trouble--although, since theyhave known Spaniards, some of those who assume to be more enlightenedamong them have sometimes killed the adulterers. Both men and women, especially the chiefs, walk slowly and sedately when upon theirvisits, and when going through the streets and to the temples; andare accompanied by many slaves, both male and female, with parasolsof silk which they carry to protect them from the sun and rain. Thewomen walk ahead and their female servants and slaves follow them;behind these walk their husbands, fathers, or brothers, with theirman-servants and slaves. [60]

Their ordinary food is rice pounded in wooden mortars, and cooked--thisis called _morisqueta_, [61] and is the ordinary bread of the wholecountry--boiled fish (which is very abundant), the flesh of swine, deer, and wild buffaloes (which they call _carabaos_). Meat and fishthey relish better when it has begun to spoil and when it stinks. [62]They also eat boiled camotes (which are sweet potatoes), beans, _quilites_ [63] and other vegetables; all kinds of bananas, guavas, pineapples, custard apples, many varieties of oranges, and othervarieties of fruits and herbs, with which the country teems. Theirdrink is a wine made from the tops of cocoa and nipa palm, of whichthere is a great abundance. They are grown and tended like vineyards, although without so much toil and labor. Drawing off the tuba, [64]they distil it, using for alembics their own little furnaces andutensils, to a greater or less strength, and it becomes brandy. This isdrunk throughout the islands. It is a wine of the clarity of water, but strong and dry. If it be used with moderation, it acts as amedicine for the stomach, and is a protection against humors and allsorts of rheums. Mixed with Spanish wine, it makes a mild liquor, and one very palatable and healthful. 

In the assemblies, marriages, and feasts of the natives of theseislands, the chief thing consists in drinking this wine, day and night, without ceasing, when the turn of each comes, some singing and othersdrinking. As a consequence, they generally become intoxicated withoutthis vice being regarded as a dishonor or disgrace. [65]

The weapons of this people are, in some provinces, bow and arrows. Butthose generally used throughout the islands are moderate-sized spearswith well-made points; and certain shields of light wood, with theirarmholes fastened on the inside. These cover them from top to toe, and are called _carasas_ [_kalasag_]. At the waist they carry adagger four fingers in breadth, the blade pointed, and a third ofa vara in length; the hilt is of gold or ivory. The pommel is openand has two cross bars or projections, without any other guard. Theyare called _bararaos_. They have two cutting edges, and are kept inwooden scabbards, or those of buffalo-horn, admirably wrought. [66]With these they strike with the point, but more generally with theedge. When they go in pursuit of their opponent, they show greatdexterity in seizing his hair with one hand, while with the otherthey cut off his head with one stroke of the bararao, and carryit away. They afterward keep the heads suspended in their houses, where they may be seen; and of these they make a display, in orderto be considered as valiant, and avengers of their enemies and ofthe injuries committed by them. [67]

Since they have seen the Spaniards use their weapons, many of thenatives handle the arquebuses and muskets quite skilfully. Before thearrival of the Spaniards they had bronze culverins and other piecesof cast iron, with which they defended their forts and settlements, although their powder is not so well refined as that of the Spaniards. 

Their ships and boats are of many kinds; for on the rivers and creeksinland they use certain very large canoes, each made from one log, and others fitted with benches and made from planks, and built upon keels. They have vireys and barangays, which are certain quickand light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with littlewooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at the bow, and theycan hold a number of rowers on both sides, who propel their vesselswith _bucçeyes_ or paddles, and with _gaones_ [68] on the outsideof the vessel; and they time their rowing to the accompaniment ofsome who sing in their language refrains by which they understandwhether to hasten or retard their rowing. [69] Above the rowers isa platform or gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the fighting-menstand, in order not to interfere with the rowing of the oarsmen. Inaccordance with the capacity of the vessels is the number of men onthese gangways. From that place they manage the sail, which is squareand made of linen, and hoisted on a support or yard made of two thickbamboos, which serves as a mast. When the vessel is large, it alsohas a foresail of the same form. Both yards, with their tackle, can belowered upon the gangway when the weather is rough. The helmsmen arestationed in the stern to steer. It carries another bamboo frameworkon the gangway itself; and upon this, when the sun shines hot, or it rains, they stretch an awning made from some mats, woven frompalm-leaves. These are very bulky and close, and are called _cayanes_[70] Thus all the ship and its crew are covered and protected. Thereare also other bamboo frameworks for each side of the vessel, whichare so long as the vessel, and securely fastened on. They skim thewater, without hindering the rowing, and serve as a counterpoise, so that the ship cannot overturn nor upset, however heavy the sea, or strong the wind against the sail. It may happen that the entirehull of these vessels, which have no decks, may fill with water andremain between wind and water, even until it is destroyed and brokenup, without sinking, because of these counterpoises. These vessels havebeen used commonly throughout the islands since olden times. They haveother larger vessels called caracoas, _lapis_, and _tapaques_, whichare used to carry their merchandise, and which are very suitable, as they are roomy and draw but little water. They generally dragthem ashore every night, at the mouths of rivers and creeks, amongwhich they always navigate without going into the open sea or leavingthe shore. All the natives can row and manage these boats. Some areso long that they can carry one hundred rowers on a side and thirtysoldiers above to fight. The boats commonly used are barangays andvireys, which carry a less crew and fighting force. Now they putmany of them together with iron nails instead of the wooden pegs andthe joints in the planks, while the helms and bows have beaks likeCastilian boats. [71]

The land is well shaded in all parts by trees of different kinds, and fruit-trees which beautify it throughout the year, both alongthe shore and inland among the plains and mountains. It is very fullof large and small rivers, of good fresh water, which flow into thesea. All of them are navigable, and abound in all kinds of fish, which are very pleasant to the taste. For the above reason thereis a large supply of lumber, which is cut and sawed, dragged to therivers, and brought down, by the natives. This lumber is very usefulfor houses and buildings, and for the construction of small and largevessels. Many very straight thick trees, light and pliable, are found, which are used as masts for ships and galleons. Consequently, vesselsof any size may be fitted with masts from these trees, made of onepiece of timber, without its being necessary to splice them or makethem of different pieces. For the hulls of the ships, the keels, futtock-timbers, top-timbers, and any other kinds of supports andbraces, compass-timbers, transoms, knees small and large, and rudders, all sorts of good timber are easily found; as well as good plankingfor the sides, decks, and upper-works, from very suitable woods. [72]

There are many native fruit-trees, such as the _sanctors_, _mabolos_, tamarinds, _nancas_, custard-apples, papaws, guavas, and everywheremany oranges, of all kinds--large and small, sweet and sour;citrons, lemons, and ten or twelve varieties of very healthful andpalatable bananas. [73] There are many cocoa-palms bearing fruitof pleasant taste--from which is made wine and common oil, whichis a very healing remedy for wounds; and other wild palms of theforests--that do not yield cocoa-nuts, but serve as wood, and fromwhose bark is made bonote, a tow for rigging and cables, and also forcalking ships. Efforts have been made to plant olives and quinces, and other fruit-trees of España, but as yet they have had no success, except with pomegranates and grapevines, which bear fruit the secondyear. These bear abundance of exceedingly good grapes three times ayear; and some fig-trees have succeeded. Vegetables of every kindgrow well and very abundantly, but do not seed, and it is alwaysnecessary to bring the seeds from Castilla, China, or Japon. 

In the Cagayan provinces are found chestnut-trees, which producefruit. In other districts are found pines and other trees which yieldcertain very large pine-nuts, with a hard shell and a pleasant taste, which are called piles. [74] There is abundance of cedar which iscalled _calanta_, a beautiful red wood called _asana_, [75] ebony ofvarious qualities, and many other precious woods for all uses. The meatgenerally eaten is that of swine, of which there is a great abundance, and it is very palatable and wholesome. 

Beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stock-farms inmany different parts of the islands. The cattle are bred from thoseof China and Nueva España. [76] The Chinese cattle are small, andexcellent breeders. Their horns are very small and twisted, and somecattle can move them. They have a large hump upon the shoulders, andare very manageable beasts. There are plenty of fowls like those ofCastilla, and others very large, which are bred from fowls broughtfrom China. They are very palatable, and make fine capons. Some ofthese fowls are black in feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and arepleasant to the taste. [77] Many geese are raised, as well as swans, ducks, and tame pigeons brought from China. There is abundance offlesh of wild game, such as venison, and wild boars, and in some partsporcupines. There are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, whichare raised in the fields and are very spirited; others are broughttame from China; these are very numerous, and very handsome. Theselast are used only for milking, and their milk is thicker and morepalatable than that of cows. 

Goats and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, becauseof the humidity of the country. These animals sicken and die for thatreason, and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. Ewes and rams, although often brought from Nueva España, never multiply. Consequentlythere are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has notas yet seemed suitable for them. [78] There were no horses, mares, orasses in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from Chinaand brought them from Nueva España. Asses and mules are very rare, but there are many horses and mares. Some farms are being stocked withthem, and those born there (mixed breeds for the most part) turn outwell, and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, andare of medium size. Those brought from China are small, very strong, good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. Some horsesof good colors are brought from Japon. They have well-shaped bodies, thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which makesthem look like draft-horses. Their heads are rather large, and theirmouths hard. They run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited, and of much mettle. The daily feed of the horses consists throughoutthe year of green provender, [79] besides rice in the husk, whichkeeps them very fat. [80]

There are many fowls and field birds, and wild birds of wonderfulcolors and very beautiful. There are no singing birds suitable forkeeping in cages, although some calendar larks [_Calandrias_] called_fimbaros_, [81] smaller than those of España, are brought from Japon, whose song is most sweet. There are many turtle-doves, ring-doves;other doves with an extremely green plumage, and red feet and beaks;and others that are white with a red spot on the breast, like apelican. Instead of quail, there are certain birds resembling them, but smaller, which are called _povos_ [82] and other smaller birdscalled mayuelas. [83] There are many wild chickens and cocks, whichare very small, and taste like partridge. There are royal, white, andgrey herons, flycatchers, and other shore birds, ducks, lavancos, [84]crested cranes, sea-crows, eagles, eagle-owls, and other birds of prey, although none are used for hawking. There are jays and thrushes as inEspaña, and white storks and cranes. [85] They do not rear peacocks, rabbits, or hares, although they have tried to do so. It is believedthat the wild animals in the forests and fields eat and destroy them, namely, the cats, foxes, badgers, and large and small rats, whichare very numerous, and other land animals. [86]

Throughout these islands are found a great number of monkeys, ofvarious sizes, with which at times the trees are covered. There aregreen and white parrots, but they are stupid in talking; and verysmall parroquets, of beautiful green and red colors, which talk aslittle. The forests and settlements have many serpents, of variouscolors, which are generally larger than those of Castilla. Some havebeen seen in the forests of unusual size, and wonderful to behold. [87]The most harmful are certain slender snakes, of less than one varain length, which dart down upon passersby from the trees (where theygenerally hang), and sting them; their venom is so powerful thatwithin twenty-four hours the person dies raving. 

There are many very large scorpions in the rivers and creeks, and agreat number of crocodiles, which are very bloodthirsty and cruel. Theyquite commonly pull from their bancas the natives who go in thoseboats, and cause many injuries among the horned cattle and the horsesof the stock-farms, when they go to drink. And although the people fishfor them often and kill them, they are never diminished in number. Forthat reason, the natives set closely-grated divisions and enclosuresin the rivers and creeks of their settlements, where they bathe. Therethey enter the water to bathe, secure from those monsters, which theyfear so greatly that they venerate and adore them, as if they werebeings superior to themselves. All their oaths and execrations, andthose which are of any weight with them (even among the Christians)are, thus expressed: "So may the crocodile kill him!" They call thecrocodile _buhaya_ in their language. It has happened when some onehas sworn falsely, or when he has broken his word, that then someaccident has occurred to him with the crocodile, which God, whom heoffends, has so permitted for the sake of the authority and purityof the truth, and the promise of it. [88]

The fisheries of sea and rivers are most abundant, and include allkinds of fish; both of fresh and salt water. These are generally usedas food throughout the entire country. There are many good sardines, sea-eels, sea-breams (which they call _bacocos_), daces, skates, _bicudas_, _tanguingues_, soles, _plantanos_, [89] _taraquitos_, needle-fish, gilt-heads, and eels; large oysters, mussels, [90]_porçebes_, crawfish, shrimp, sea-spiders, center-fish, and all kindsof cockles, shad, white fish, and in the Tajo River of Cagayan, [91]during their season, a great number of _bobos_, which come down tospawn at the bar. In the lake of Bonbon, a quantity of tunny-fish, not so large as those of España, but of the same shape, flesh, andtaste, are caught. Many sea-fish are found in the sea, such as whales, sharks, _caellas_, _marajos_, _bufeos_, and other unknown speciesof extraordinary forms and size. In the year of five hundred andninety-six, during a furious storm in the islands, a fish was flunginto shallow water on one of the Luzon coasts near the province ofCamarines. It was so huge and misshapen, that although it lay inmore than three and one-half braças of water, it could not againget afloat, and died there. The natives said that they had neverseen anything like it, nor another shaped like it. Its head was ofwonderful size and fierce aspect. On its frontal it bore two horns, which pointed toward its back. One of them was taken to Manila. Itwas covered with its skin or hide, but had no hair or scales. It waswhite, and twenty feet long. Where it joined the head it was as thickas the thigh, and gradually tapered proportionally to the tip. Itwas somewhat curved and not very round; and to all appearances, quite solid. It caused great wonder in all beholders. [92]

There is a fresh-water lake in the island of Luzon, five leguas fromManila, which contains a quantity of fish. Many rivers flow into thislake, and it empties into the sea through the river flowing from itto Manila. It is called La Laguna de Bay ["Bay Lake"]. It is thirtyleguas in circumference, and has an uninhabited island in its middle, where game abounds. [93] Its shores are lined with many nativevillages. The natives navigate the lake, and commonly cross it intheir skiffs. At times it is quite stormy and dangerous to navigate, when the north winds blow, for these winds make it very boisterous, although it is very deep. 

Twenty leguas from Manila, in the province of Bonbon, is another lakeof the same name [Bonbon], not so extensive as the former, but witha great abundance of fish. The natives' method of catching them isby making corrals [94] of bejucos, which are certain slender canesor rushes, solid and very pliant and strong; these are employedfor making cables for the natives' boats, as well as other kindsof ropes. They catch the fish inside these corrals, having made theenclosures fast by means of stakes. They also catch the fish in wickerbaskets made from the _bejucos_, but most generally with _atarrayas_, [95] _esparaveles_, other small _barrederas_, [96] and with handlines and hooks. [97] The most usual food of the natives is a fishas small as _pejerreyes_. [98] They dry and cure these fish in thesun and air, and cook them in many styles. They like them better thanlarge fish. It is called _laulau_ among them. [99]

Instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit, like walnuts, which they call _paos_. [100] Some are small, and otherslarger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant taste. They alsoprepare _charas_ [101] in pickle brine, and all sorts of vegetablesand greens, which are very appetizing. There is much ginger, and itis eaten green, pickled, and preserved. There are also quantitiesof _cachumba_ [102] instead of saffron and other condiments. Theordinary dainty throughout these islands, and in many kingdoms ofthe mainland of those regions, is _buyo_ [betel]. This is made froma tree, [103] whose leaf is shaped like that of the mulberry. Thefruit resembles an oak acorn, and is white inside. [104] This fruit, which is called _bonga_, is cut lengthwise in strips, and each strip isput into an envelope or covering made from the leaf. With the _bonga_is thrown in a powder of quick lime. [105] This compound is placedin the mouth and chewed. It is so strong a mixture, and burns somuch, that it induces sleep and intoxication. It burns the mouths ofthose not used to it, and causes them to smart. The saliva and allthe mouth are made as red as blood. It does not taste bad. Afterhaving been chewed [106] for a considerable time it is spit out, when it no longer has any juice, which is called çapa [sapá]. Theyconsider very beneficial that quantity of the juice which has goneinto the stomach, for strengthening it, and for various diseases. Itstrengthens and preserves the teeth and gums from all inflammations, decay, and aches. They tell other wonderful effects of it. What hasbeen seen is that the natives and Spaniards--laymen and religious, men and women--use it so commonly and generally that mornings andafternoons, at parties and visits, and even alone in their houses, all their refreshments and luxuries consist of buyos served onheavily-gilded and handsomely adorned plates and trays like chocolatein Nueva España. In these poison has been often administered fromwhich the persons eating them have died, and that quite commonly. 

The natives (especially the chiefs) take whenever they leave theirhouses, for show and entertainment, their boxes of buyos--which theycall _buccetas_ [107]--ready to use, and the leaf, _bonga_, and quicklime, separately. With these handsome boxes, which are made of metaland of other materials, they carry the scissors and other tools formaking the buyo with cleanliness and neatness. Wherever they may stop, they make and use their buyo. In the pariáns, or bazars, buyos aresold ready made, and the outfit for making them. [108]

The natives of these islands quite commonly use as venoms and poisonsthe herbs of that class found throughout the islands. They are soefficacious and deadly that they produce wonderful effects. Thereis a lizard, commonly found in the houses, somewhat dark-green incolor, one palmo long, and as thick as three fingers, which is called_chacon_. [109] They put this in a joint of bamboo, and cover itup. The slaver of this animal during its imprisonment is gathered. Itis an exceedingly strong poison, when introduced as above stated, inthe food or drink, in however minute quantities. There are variousherbs known and gathered by the natives for the same use. Some ofthem are used dry, and others green; some are to be mixed in food, and others inhaled. Some kill by simply touching them with the handsor feet, or by sleeping upon them. The natives are so skilful inmaking compounds from these substances, that they mix and apply themin such a manner that they take effect at once, or at a set time--longor short, as they wish, even after a year. Many persons usually diewretchedly by these means--especially Spaniards, who lack foresight, and who are tactless and hated because of the ill-treatment that theyinflict upon the natives with whom they deal, either in the collectionof their tributes, or in other matters in which they employ them, without there being any remedy for it. There are certain poisonousherbs, with which, when the natives gather them, they carry, all ready, other herbs which act as antidotes. In the island of Bohol is one herbof such nature that the natives approach it from windward when theycut it from the shrub on which it grows; for the very air alone thatblows over the herb is deadly. Nature did not leave this danger withouta remedy, for other herbs and roots are found in the same islands, ofso great efficacy and virtue that they destroy and correct the poisonand mischief of the others, and are used when needed. Accordingly, when one knows what poison has been given him, it is not difficult, if recourse be had in time, to cure it, by giving the herb that isantidotal to such poison. At times it has happened that pressure hasbeen put upon the person suspected of having committed the evil tomake him bring the antidote, by which it has been remedied. There arealso other general antidotes, both for preservation against poison andfor mitigating the effects of poison that has been administered. Butthe most certain and efficacious antidotes are certain small flies orinsects, of a violet color, found on certain bushes in the islandsof Pintados. These are shut up in a clean bamboo joint, and coveredover. There they breed and multiply. Ground rice is put in with them, and they exist thereon. Every week they are visited [110] and the oldrice removed and new rice put in, and they are kept alive by thismeans. If six of these insects are taken in a spoonful of wine orwater--for they emit no bad odor, and taste like cress--they producea wonderful effect. Even when people go to banquets or dinners wherethere is any suspicion, they are wont to take with them these insects, in order to preserve and assure themselves from any danger of poisonand venom. 

All these islands are, in many districts, rich in placers and minesof gold, a metal which the natives dig and work. However, since theadvent of the Spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more slowlyin this, and content themselves with what they already possess injewels and gold ingots, handed down from antiquity and inherited fromtheir ancestors. [111] This is considerable, for he must be poor andwretched who has no gold chains, calombigas [bracelets], and earrings. 

Some placers and mines were worked at Paracali in the province ofCamarines, where there is good gold mixed with copper. This commodityis also traded in the Ylocos, for at the rear of this province, which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty and rugged mountainswhich extend as far as Cagayan. On the slopes of these mountains, in the interior, live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whomno incursion has been made, who are called Ygolotes. These nativespossess rich mines, many of gold and silver mixed. They are wont todig from them only the amount necessary for their wants. They descendto certain places to trade this gold (without completing its refiningor preparation), with the Ylocos; there they exchange it for rice, swine, carabaos, cloth, and other things that they need. [112] TheYlocos complete its refining and preparation, and by their medium itis distributed throughout the country. Although an effort has beenmade with these Ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they workthem, and their method of working the metal, nothing definite hasbeen learned, for the Ygolotes fear that the Spaniards will go toseek them for their gold, and say that they keep the gold better inthe earth than in their houses. [113]

There are also many gold mines and placers in the other islands, especially among the Pintados, on the Botuan River in Mindanao, and in Sebu, where a mine of good gold is worked, called Taribon. Ifthe industry and efforts of the Spaniards were to be converted intothe working of the gold, as much would be obtained from any one ofthese islands as from those provinces which produce the most in theworld. But since they attend to other means of gain rather thanto this, as will be told in due time, they do not pay the properattention to this matter. 

In some of these islands pearl oysters are found, especially inthe Calamianes, where some have been obtained that are large andexceedingly clear and lustrous. [114] Neither is this means of profitutilized. In all parts, seed pearls are found in the ordinary oysters, and there are oysters as large as a buckler. From the [shells of the]latter the natives manufacture beautiful articles. There are alsovery large sea turtles in all the islands. Their shells are utilizedby the natives, and sold as an article of commerce to the Chineseand Portuguese, and other nations who go after them and esteem themhighly, because of the beautiful things made from them. 

On the coasts of any of these islands are found many small whitesnail shells, called _siguei_. The natives gather them and sell themby measure to the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantanes, and other peoplesof the mainland. It serves there as money, and those nations tradewith it, as they do with cacao-beans in Nueva España. [115]

Carabao horns are used as merchandise in trading with China; anddeerskins and dye-wood with Japon. The natives make use of everythingin trading with those nations and derive much profit therefrom. 

In this island of Luzon, especially in the provinces of Manila, Panpanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos, certain earthenware jars [_tibores_]are found among the natives. They are very old, of a brownish color, and not handsome. Some are of medium size, and others are smaller, and they have certain marks and stamps. The natives are unable togive any explanation of where or when they got them, for now they arenot brought to the islands or made there. The Japanese seek them andesteem them, for they have found that the root of a plant called _cha_[tea]--which is drunk hot, as a great refreshment and medicine, amongthe kings and lords of Japon--is preserved and keeps only in thesetibors. These are so highly valued throughout Japon, that they areregarded as the most precious jewels of their closets and householdfurniture. A tibor is worth a great sum, and the Japanese adorn themoutside with fine gold beautifully chased, and keep them in brocadecases. Some tibors are valued and sold for two thousand taes ofeleven reals to the tae, or for less, according to the quality ofthe tibor. It makes no difference if they are cracked or chipped, for that does not hinder them from holding the tea. The natives ofthese islands sell them to the Japanese for the best price possible, and seek them carefully for this profit. However, few are found now, because of the assiduity with which the natives have applied themselvesto that search. [116]

At times the natives have found large pieces of ambergris on thecoasts. When they discovered that the Spaniards value it, they gatheredit, and have made profit from it. The past year of six hundred andtwo, some natives found in the island of Sebu a good-sized piece ofambergris, and when their encomendero heard of it, he took it, andtraded with them secretly for it, on the account of their tribute. Itis said that it weighed a good number of libras. Afterward he broughtit out and sold it by the ounce at a higher rate. [117]

In the province and river of Butuan--which is pacified and assignedto Spaniards, and is located in the island of Mindanao--the nativespractice another industry, which is very useful. As they possessmany civet cats, although smaller than those of Guinea, they makeuse of the civet and trade it. This they do easily, for, when themoon is in the crescent, they hunt the cats with nets, and capturemany of them. Then when they have obtained the civet, they loose thecats. They also capture and cage some of them, which are sold in theislands at very low prices. [118]

Cotton is raised abundantly throughout the islands. It is spun andsold in the skein to the Chinese and other nations, who come toget it. Cloth of different patterns is also woven from it, and thenatives also trade that. Other cloths, called medriñaques, are wovenfrom the banana leaf. [119]

The islands of Babuytanes [120] consist of many small islands lyingoff the upper coast of the province of Cagayan. They are inhabitedby natives, whose chief industry consists in going to Cagayan, intheir tapaques, with swine, fowls, and other food, and ebony spears, for exchange. The islands are not assigned as encomiendas, nor isany tribute collected from them. There are no Spaniards among them, as those natives are of less understanding and less civilized [thanthe others]. Accordingly no Christians have been made among them, and they have no justices. 

Other islands, called the Catenduanes, lie off the other head ofthe island of Luzon, opposite the province of Camarines, in fourteendegrees of north latitude, near the strait of Espiritu Santo. Theyare islands densely populated with natives of good disposition, whoare all assigned to Spaniards. They possess instruction and churches, and have an alcalde-mayor who administers justice to them. Most ofthem cultivate the soil, but some are engaged in gold-washing, andin trading between various islands, and with the mainland of Luzon, very near those islands. [121]

The island of Luzon has a bay thirty leguas in circumference onits southern coast, situated about one hundred leguas from the capeof Espiritu Santo, which is the entrance to the Capul channel. Itsentrance is narrow, and midway contains an island called Miraveles[_i. E. _, Corregidor] lying obliquely across it, which makes theentrance narrow. This island is about two leguas long and one-halflegua wide. It is high land and well shaded by its many trees. Itcontains a native settlement of fifty persons, and there the watchmanof the bay has his fixed abode and residence. There are channels atboth ends of the island, where one may enter the bay. The one at thesouth is one-half legua wide, and has a rock in its middle called ElFraile ["the friar"]. The one on the north is much narrower, but anyships of any draft whatever can enter and go out by both channels. Theentire bay is of good depth, and clean, and has good anchorages in allparts. It is eight leguas from these entrances to the colony of Manilaand the bar of the river. A large harbor is formed two leguas southof Manila, with a point of land that shelters it. That point has anative settlement called Cabit, [122] and it gives name to the harbor, which is used as a port for the vessels. It is very capacious and wellsheltered from the vendavals--whether the southeast, and southwest, thewest, and west-southwest, or the north-northeast and north winds. Ithas a good anchorage, with a clean and good bottom. There is a goodentrance quite near the land, more than one and one-half leguas wide, for the ingress and egress of vessels. All the shores of this bay arewell provided with abundant fisheries, of all kinds. They are denselyinhabited by natives. Above Manila there is a province of more thantwenty leguas in extent called La Pampanga. This province possessesmany rivers and creeks that irrigate it. They all flow and emptyinto the bay. This province contains many settlements of natives, andconsiderable quantities of rice, fruits, fish, meat, and other foods. [123]

The bar of the river of Manila, which is in the same bay, near thecolony of Manila on one side and Tondo on the other, is not very deepbecause of certain sand shoals on it, which change their position atthe time of the freshets and obstruct it. Consequently, although thewater is deep enough for any vessel past the bar, still, unless theyare fragatas, vireys, or other small vessels, they cannot pass the barto enter the river. In respect to galleys, galliots, and the vesselsfrom China, which draw but little water, they must enter empty, andat high tide, and by towing. Such vessels anchor in the bay outsidethe bar, and, for greater security enter the port of Cabit. 

There is another good port called Ybalon, [124] twenty leguas fromthe channel of the same island of Luzon, which is sheltered from thevendavals, and has a good entrance and anchorage. There the vesselsthat enter to escape the vendaval find shelter, and wait until thebrisa returns, by which to go to Manila, eighty leguas away. 

On the coasts of Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan, there are someports and bars, where ships can enter and remain, such as the harborof Marihuma, [125] the port El Frayle ["the friar"], [126] that ofBolinao, the bar of Pangasinan, that of Bigan, the bar of Camalayuga, at the mouth of the Tajo River (which goes up two leguas to thechief settlement of Cagayan)--besides other rivers, bars, harbors, and shelters of less account for smaller vessels throughout the coastsof this island. 

Quite near this large island of Luzon, many other islands, largeand small, are located; they are inhabited by the same natives asLuzon, who have gold placers, sowed fields, and their trading. Suchare Marinduque, Tablas Island, Mazbate, Burias, Banton, Bantonillo, and others of less importance. The nearest of them to Manila is theisland of Mindoro. It is more than eighty leguas long and about twohundred in circumference. It has many settlements of the same natives, and the side lying next the provinces of Balayan and Calilaya is sonear and close to the island of Luzon, that it forms a strait whichcontains powerful currents and races, through which the ships goingto and from Manila enter and leave. The winds and currents there arevery strong. It is about one-half a legua wide. In that part is thechief town of this island of Mindoro. It has a port that is called ElVaradero ["the place for laying up ships"] for large vessels. Thereare also other anchorages and bars throughout this island for smallervessels; and many settlements and natives on all the coasts of thisisland. All of the settlements abound in rice, food, and gold-placers, and all kinds of game and timber. [127]

The cape of Espiritu Santo, which is sighted by ships entering theFilipinas Islands on the way from Nueva España, is in an island calledTendaya, [128] in about thirteen degrees. Twenty leguas south afterturning this cape of Espiritu Santo lie the island of Viri, and manyothers which are sighted. Through them an entrance opens to the islandof Sebu by a strait called San Juanillo, which is formed by theseislands. It is not very good or safe for the larger ships. But towardthe north after leaving this course, one reaches the island of Capul, which forms a strait and channel of many currents and rough waves, through which the ships enter. Before reaching the strait there is arock, or barren islet, called San Bernardino; this strait is formed bythe coast of the island of Luzon and that of the island of Capul. Itschannel is about one legua long and less wide. 

On leaving this strait, after having entered by it, three small isletsform a triangle. They are called the islands of Naranjos ["Oranges"], and are lofty and inaccessible with steep rocks. Upon them ships arewont to be driven by the powerful currents, even though they try toescape them. These are not inhabited, but the others [Capul, Viri, etc. ] are large islands containing many settlements of natives andall kinds of provisions and food. 

South of this district lie the islands of Biçayas, or, as they arealso called, Pintados. They are many in number, thickly populated withnatives. Those of most renown are Leite, Ybabao, [129] Camar [Samar], Bohol, island of Negros, Sebu, Panay, Cuyo, and the Calamianes. Allthe natives of these islands, both men and women, are well-featured, of a good disposition, and of better nature, and more noble in theiractions than the inhabitants of the islands of Luzon and its vicinity. 

They differ from them in their hair, which the men wear cut in a cue, like the ancient style in España. Their bodies are tattooed with manydesigns, but the face is not touched. [130] They wear large earringsof gold and ivory in their ears, and bracelets of the same; certainscarfs wrapped round the head, very showy, which resemble turbans, and knotted very gracefully and edged with gold. They wear also aloose collarless jacket with tight sleeves, whose skirts reach halfway down the leg. These garments are fastened in front and are madeof medriñaque and colored silks. They wear no shirts or drawers, butbahaques [_i. E. _, breech-clouts] of many wrappings, which cover theirprivy parts, when they remove their skirts and jackets. The women aregood-looking and graceful. They are very neat, and walk slowly. Theirhair is black, long, and drawn into a knot on the head. Their robesare wrapped about the waist and fall downward. These are made of allcolors, and they wear collarless jackets of the same material. Bothmen and women go naked and without any coverings, [131] and barefoot, and with many gold chains, earrings, and wrought bracelets. 

Their weapons consist of large knives curved like cutlasses, spears, and caraças [_i. E. _, shields]. They employ the same kinds of boats asthe inhabitants of Luzon. They have the same occupations, products, and means of gain as the inhabitants of all the other islands. TheseVisayans are a race less inclined to agriculture, and are skilfulin navigation, and eager for war and raids for pillage and booty, which they call _mangubas_. [132] This means "to go out for plunder. "

Near the principal settlement of the island of Sebu, there is a fineport for all manner of vessels. It has a good entrance and furnishesshelter at all times. It has a good bottom and is an excellentanchorage. There are also other ports and bars of less importanceand consideration, as in all these islands, for smaller vessels. 

This island of Sebu is an island of more than one hundred leguas incircumference. It has abundance of provisions, and gold mines andplacers, and is inhabited by natives. 

Beyond it lie other islands, very pleasant and well populated, especially the island of Panay. Panay is a large island, morethan one hundred leguas in circumference, containing many nativesettlements. [133] It produces considerable quantities of rice, palm-wine, and all manner of provisions. It has flourishing andwealthy settlements, on what is called the river of Panay. Thechief one is Oton, which has a bar and port for galleys and ships, shipyards for building large ships, and a great amount of timber fortheir construction. There are many natives, who are masters of allkinds of shipbuilding. Near this island lies an islet eight leguasin circumference, which is densely populated by natives who are allcarpenters. They are excellent workmen, and practice no other tradeor occupation; and, without a single tree of any size on this wholeislet, they practice this art with great ability. From there all theislands are furnished with workmen for carpentry. The island is calledthat of the Cagayanes. 

After the island of Sebu follow immediately the island of Mindanao, an island of more than three hundred leguas in circumference, andJoló, which is small. Lower down is the island of Borneo, a verylarge island, more than five hundred leguas in circumference. All ofthese islands are densely populated, although that of Borneo is notsubdued. Neither is that of Mindanao in entirety, but only the riverof Botuan, Dapitan, and the province and coast of Caragan. 

Below this island [Mindanao], before reaching that of Borneo, liethe islands of the Calamianes. They are very numerous, and consist ofislands of various sizes, which are densely inhabited with natives;they have some supply of provisions and engage in certain kindsof husbandry. However the most usual occupation is that of theirnavigations from island to island in pursuit of their trading andexchange, and their fisheries; while those who live nearest the islandof Borneo are wont to go on piratical raids and pillage the nativesin other islands. 

The flow- and ebb-tides, and the high and low tides among theseislands are so diverse in them that they have no fixed rule, either because of the powerful currents among these islands, orby some other natural secret of the flux and reflux which the mooncauses. No definite knowledge has been arrived at in this regard, for although the tides are highest during the opposition of the moon, and are higher in the month of March than throughout the rest of theyear, there is so great variation in the daily tides that it causessurprise. Some days there are two equal tides between day and night, while other days there is but one. At other times the flow during theday is low, and that of the night greater. They usually have no fixedhour, for it may happen to be high-tide one day at noon, while next dayhigh-tide may be anticipated or postponed many hours. Or the tide ofone day may be low, and when a smaller one is expected for next day, it may be much greater. 

The language of all the Pintados and Biçayas is one and the same, by which they understand one another when talking, or when writingwith the letters and characters of their own which they possess. Theseresemble those of the Arabs. The common manner of writing among thenatives is on leaves of trees, and on bamboo bark. Throughout theislands the bamboo is abundant; it has huge and misshapen joints, and lower part is a very thick and solid tree. [134]

The language of Luzon and those islands in its vicinity differs widelyfrom that of the Bicayas. [135] The language of the island of Luzonis not uniform, for the Cagayans have one language and the Ylocosanother. The Zambales have their own particular language, while thePampangos also have one different from the others. The inhabitants ofthe province of Manila, the Tagáls, have their own language, whichis very rich and copious. By means of it one can express elegantlywhatever he wishes, and in many modes and manners. It is not difficult, either to learn or to pronounce. 

The natives throughout the islands can write excellently with certaincharacters, almost like the Greek or Arabic. These characters arefifteen in all. Three are vowels, which are used as are our five. Theconsonants number twelve, and each and all of them combine withcertain dots or commas, and so signify whatever one wishes to write, as fluently and easily as is done with our Spanish alphabet. The methodof writing was on bamboo, but is now on paper, commencing the linesat the right and running to the left, in the Arabic fashion. Almostall the natives, both men and women, write in this language. Thereare very few who do not write it excellently and correctly. 

This language of the province of Manila [_i. E. _, the Tagál] extendsthroughout the province of Camarines, and other islands not contiguousto Luzon. There is but little difference in that spoken in the variousdistricts, except that it is spoken more elegantly in some provincesthan in others. [136]

The edifices and houses of the natives of all these FilipinasIslands are built in a uniform manner, as are their settlements;for they always build them on the shores of the sea, between riversand creeks. The natives generally gather in districts or settlementswhere they sow their rice, and possess their palm trees, nipa andbanana groves, and other trees, and implements for their fishingand sailing. A small number inhabit the interior, and are calledtinguianes; they also seek sites on rivers and creeks, on which theysettle for the same reasons. 

The houses and dwellings of all these natives are universally set uponstakes and _arigues_ [_i. E. _, columns] high above the ground. Theirrooms are small and the roofs low. They are built and tiled with woodand bamboos, [137] and covered and roofed with nipa-palm leaves. Eachhouse is separate, and is not built adjoining another. In the lowerpart are enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, where their fowlsand cattle are reared, and the rice pounded and cleaned. One ascendsinto the houses by means of ladders that can be drawn up, which aremade from two bamboos. Above are their open _batalanes_ [galleries]used for household duties; the parents and [grown] children livetogether. There is little adornment and finery in the houses, whichare called _bahandin_. [138]

Besides these houses, which are those of the common people and thoseof less importance, there are the chiefs' houses. They are builtupon trees and thick arigues, with many rooms and comforts. They arewell constructed of timber and planks, and are strong and large. Theyare furnished and supplied with all that is necessary, and are muchfiner and more substantial than the others. They are roofed, however, as are the others, with the palm-leaves called nipa. These keep outthe water and the sun more than do shingles or tiles, although thedanger from fires is greater. 

The natives do not inhabit the lower part of their houses, becausethey raise their fowls and cattle there, and because of the dampand heat of the earth, and the many rats, which are enormous anddestructive both in the houses and sowed fields; and because, astheir houses are generally built on the sea shore, or on the banks ofrivers and creeks, the waters bathe the lower parts, and the latterare consequently left open. 

There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled overthem as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in everyisland, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized bythe natives themselves. Some were more powerful than others, andeach one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families;and these obeyed and respected the chief. Some chiefs had friendshipand communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. [139]

These principalities and lordships were inherited in the maleline and by succession of father and son and their descendants. Ifthese were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relativessucceeded. Their duty was to rule and govern their subjects andfollowers, and to assist them in their interests and necessities. Whatthe chiefs received from their followers was to be held by them ingreat veneration and respect; and they were served in their wars andvoyages, and in their tilling, sowing, fishing, and the building oftheir houses. To these duties the natives attended very promptly, whenever summoned by their chief. They also paid the chiefs tribute(which they called _buiz_), in varying quantities, in the crops thatthey gathered. The descendants of such chiefs, and their relatives, even though they did not inherit the lordship, were held in thesame respect and consideration. Such were all regarded as nobles, and as persons exempt from the services rendered by the others, orthe plebeians, who were called _timaguas_. [140] The same right ofnobility and chieftainship was preserved for the women, just as forthe men. When any of these chiefs was more courageous than othersin war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followersand men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they werechiefs. These latter retained to themselves the lordship and particulargovernment of their own following, which is called _barangai_ amongthem. They had _datos_ and other special leaders [_mandadores_]who attended to the interests of the barangay. 

The superiority of these chiefs over those of their barangai was sogreat that they held the latter as subjects; they treated these wellor ill, and disposed of their persons, their children, and theirpossessions, at will, without any resistance, or rendering accountto anyone. For very slight annoyances and for slight occasions, theywere wont to kill and wound them, and to enslave them. It has happenedthat the chiefs have made perpetual slaves of persons who have goneby them, while bathing in the river, or who have raised their eyesto look at them less respectfully and for other similar causes. [141]

When some natives had suits or disputes with others over matters ofproperty and interest, or over personal injuries and wrongs received, they appointed old men of the same district, to try them, the partiesbeing present. If they had to present proofs, they brought theirwitnesses there, and the case was immediately judged according towhat was found, according to the usages of their ancestors on likeoccasions; and that sentence was observed and executed without anyfurther objection or delay. [142]

The natives' laws throughout the islands were made in the same manner, and they followed the traditions and customs of their ancestors, without anything being written. Some provinces had different customsthan others in some respects. However, they agreed in most, and inall the islands generally the same usages were followed. [143]

There are three conditions of persons among the natives of theseislands, and into which their government is divided: the chiefs, of whom we have already treated; the timaguas, who are equivalent toplebeians; and slaves, those of both chiefs and timaguas. 

The slaves were of several classes. Some were for all kinds of workand slavery, like those which we ourselves hold. Such are called_saguiguilires_; [144] they served inside the house, as did likewisethe children born of them. There are others who live in theirown houses with their families, outside the house of their lord;and come, at the season, to aid him in his sowings and harvests, among his rowers when he embarks, in the construction of his housewhen it is being built, and to serve in his house when there areguests of distinction. These are bound to come to their lord's housewhenever he summons them, and to serve in these offices without anypay or stipend. These slaves are called _namamahays_, [145] and theirchildren and descendants are slaves of the same class. From theseslaves--_saguiguilirs_ and _namamahays_--are issue, some of whom arewhole slaves, some of whom are half slaves, and still others one-fourthslaves. It happens thus: if either the father or the mother was free, and they had an only child, he was half free and half slave. If theyhad more than one child, they were divided as follows: the firstfollows the condition of the father, free or slave; the second thatof the mother. If there were an odd number of children, the last washalf free and half slave. Those who descended from these, if childrenof a free mother or father, were only one-fourth slaves, because ofbeing children of a free father or mother and of a half-slave. Thesehalf slaves or one-fourth slaves, whether saguiguilirs or namamahays, served their masters during every other moon; and in this respect sois such condition slavery. 

In the same way, it may happen in divisions between heirs that a slavewill fall to several, and serves each one for the time that is duehim. When the slave is not wholly slave, but half or fourth, he hasthe right, because of that part that is free, to compel his master toemancipate him for a just price. This price is appraised and regulatedfor persons according to the quality of their slavery, whether it besaguiguilir or namamahay, half slave or quarter slave. But, if he iswholly slave, the master cannot be compelled to ransom or emancipatehim for any price. 

The usual price of a sanguiguilir slave among the natives is, at most, generally ten taes of good gold, or eighty pesos; if he is namamahay, half of that sum. The others are in the same proportion, taking intoconsideration the person and his age. 

No fixed beginning can be assigned as the origin of these kinds ofslavery among these natives, because all the slaves are natives ofthe islands, and not strangers. It is thought that they were made intheir wars and quarrels. The most certain knowledge is that the mostpowerful made the others slaves, and seized them for slight cause oroccasion, and many times for loans and usurious contracts which werecurrent among them. The interest, capital, and debt, increased so muchwith delay that the borrowers became slaves. Consequently all theseslaveries have violent and unjust beginnings; and most of the suitsamong the natives are over these, and they occupy the judges in theexterior court with them, and their confessors in that of conscience. [146]

These slaves comprise the greatest wealth and capital of the nativesof these islands, for they are very useful to them and necessaryfor the cultivation of their property. They are sold, traded, andexchanged among them, just as any other mercantile article, from onevillage to another, from one province to another, and likewise fromone island to another. Therefore, and to avoid so many suits as wouldoccur if these slaveries were examined, and their origin and sourceascertained, they are preserved and held as they were formerly. 

The marriages of these natives, commonly and generally were, andare: Chiefs with women chiefs; timaguas with those of that rank; andslaves with those of their own class. But sometimes these classesintermarry with one another. They considered one woman, whom theymarried, as the legitimate wife and the mistress of the house; andshe was styled _ynasaba_. [147] Those whom they kept besides herthey considered as friends. The children of the first were regardedas legitimate and whole heirs of their parents; the children of theothers were not so regarded, and were left something by assignment, but they did not inherit. 

The dowry was furnished by the man, being given by his parents. Thewife furnished nothing for the marriage, until she had inherited itfrom her parents. The solemnity of the marriage consisted in nothingmore than the agreement between the parents and relatives of thecontracting parties, the payment of the dowry agreed upon to the fatherof the bride, [148] and the assembling at the wife's parents' house ofall the relatives to eat and drink until they would fall down. At nightthe man took the woman to his house and into his power, and there sheremained. These marriages were annulled and dissolved for slight cause, with the examination and judgment of the relatives of both parties, and of the old men, who acted as mediators in the affairs. At sucha time the man took the dowry (which they call _vigadicaya_), [149]unless it happened that they separated through the husband's fault;for then it was not returned to him, and the wife's parents keptit. The property that they had acquired together was divided intohalves, and each one disposed of his own. If one made any profits inwhich the other did not have a share or participate, he acquired itfor himself alone. 

The Indians were adopted one by another, in presence of therelatives. The adopted person gave and delivered all his actualpossessions to the one who adopted him. Thereupon he remainedin his house and care, and had a right to inherit with the otherchildren. [150]

Adulteries were not punishable corporally. If the adulterer paid theaggrieved party the amount adjudged by the old men and agreed uponby them, then the injury was pardoned, and the husband was appeasedand retained his honor. He would still live with his wife and therewould be no further talk about the matter. 

In inheritances all the legitimate children inherited equally fromtheir parents whatever property they had acquired. If there were anymovable or landed property which they had received from their parents, such went to the nearest relatives and the collateral side of thatstock, if there were no legitimate children by an ynasaba. This wasthe case either with or without a will. In the act of drawing a will, there was no further ceremony than to have written it or to havestated it orally before acquaintances. 

If any chief was lord of a barangai, then in that case, the eldest sonof an ynasaba succeeded him. If he died, the second son succeeded. Ifthere were no sons, then the daughters succeeded in the same order. Ifthere were no legitimate successors, the succession went to thenearest relative belonging to the lineage and relationship of thechief who had been the last possessor of it. 

If any native who had slave women made concubines of any of them, and such slave woman had children, those children were free, as wasthe slave. But if she had no children, she remained a slave. [151]

These children by a slave woman, and those borne by a married woman, were regarded as illegitimate, and did not succeed to the inheritancewith the other children, neither were the parents obliged to leavethem anything. Even if they were the sons of chiefs, they did notsucceed to the nobility or chieftainship of the parents, nor to theirprivileges, but they remained and were reckoned as plebeians and inthe number and rank of the other timaguas. 

The contracts and negotiations of these natives were generally illegal, each one paying attention to how he might better his own businessand interest. 

Loans with interest were very common and much practiced, and theinterest incurred was excessive. The debt doubled and increased allthe time while payment was delayed, until it stripped the debtor ofall his possessions, and he and his children, when all their propertywas gone, became slaves. [152]

Their customary method of trading was by bartering one thing foranother, such as food, cloth, cattle, fowls, lands, houses, fields, slaves, fishing-grounds, and palm-trees (both nipa and wild). Sometimesa price intervened, which was paid in gold, as agreed upon, or in metalbells brought from China. These bells they regard as precious jewels;they resemble large pans and are very sonorous. [153] They play uponthese at their feasts, and carry them to the war in their boats insteadof drums and other instruments. There are often delays and terms forcertain payments, and bondsmen who intervene and bind themselves, but always with very usurious and excessive profits and interests. 

Crimes were punished by request of the aggrieved parties. Especiallywere thefts punished with greater severity, the robbers being enslavedor sometimes put to death. [154] The same was true of insulting words, especially when spoken to chiefs. They had among themselves manyexpressions and words which they regarded as the highest insult, when said to men and women. These were pardoned less willingly andwith greater difficulty than was personal violence, such as woundingand assaulting. [155]

Concubinage, rape, and incest, were not regarded at all, unlesscommitted by a timagua on the person of a woman chief. It wasa quite ordinary practice for a married man to have lived a longtime in concubinage with the sister of his wife. Even before havingcommunication with his wife he could have had access for a longtime to his mother-in-law, especially if the bride were very young, and until she were of sufficient age. This was done in sight of allthe relatives. 

Single men are called _bagontaos_, [156] and girls of marriageable age, _dalagas_. Both classes are people of little restraint, and from earlychildhood they have communication with one another, and mingle withfacility and little secrecy, and without this being regarded amongthe natives as a cause for anger. Neither do the parents, brothers, or relatives, show any anger, especially if there is any materialinterest in it, and but little is sufficient with each and all. 

As long as these natives lived in their paganism, it was not knownthat they had fallen into the abominable sin against nature. But afterthe Spaniards had entered their country, through communication withthem--and still more, through that with the Sangleys, who have comefrom China, and are much given to that vice--it has been communicatedto them somewhat, both to men and to women. In this matter it hasbeen necessary to take action. 

The natives of the islands of Pintados, especially the women, are veryvicious and sensual. Their perverseness has discovered lasciviousmethods of communication between men and women; and there is one towhich they are accustomed from their youth. The men skilfully makea hole in their virile member near its head, and insert therein aserpent's head, either of metal or ivory, and fasten it with a peg ofthe same material passed through the hole, so that it cannot becomeunfastened. With this device, they have communication with their wives, and are unable to withdraw until a long time after copulation. They arevery fond of this and receive much pleasure from it, so that, althoughthey shed a quantity of blood, and receive other harm, it is currentamong them. These devices are called _sagras, _ and there are very fewof them, because since they have become Christians, strenuous effortsare being made to do away with these, and not consent to their use;and consequently the practice has been checked in great part. [157]

Herbalists and witches are common among these natives, but are notpunished or prohibited among them, so long as they do not cause anyspecial harm. But seldom could that be ascertained or known. 

There were also men whose business was to ravish and take awayvirginity from young girls. These girls were taken to such men, andthe latter were paid for ravishing them, for the natives considered ita hindrance and impediment if the girls were virgins when they married. 

In matters of religion, the natives proceeded more barbarously andwith greater blindness than in all the rest. For besides being pagans, without any knowledge of the true God, they neither strove to discoverHim by way of reason, nor had any fixed belief. The devil usuallydeceived them with a thousand errors and blindnesses. He appeared tothem in various horrible and frightful forms, and as fierce animals, so that they feared him and trembled before him. They generallyworshiped him, and made images of him in the said forms. These theykept in caves and private houses, where they offered them perfumesand odors, and food and fruit, calling them _anitos_. [158]

Others worshiped the sun and the moon, and made feasts anddrunken revels at the conjunction of those bodies. Some worshiped ayellow-colored bird that dwells in their woods, called _batala_. Theygenerally worship and adore the crocodiles when they see them, bykneeling down and clasping their hands, because of the harm thatthey receive from those reptiles; they believe that by so doingthe crocodiles will become appeased and leave them. Their oaths, execrations, and promises are all as above mentioned, namely, "May_buhayan_ eat thee, if thou dost not speak truth, or fulfil what thouhast promised, " and similar things. 

There were no temples throughout those islands, nor houses generallyused for the worship of idols; but each person possessed and madein his house his own _anitos_, [159] without any fixed rite orceremony. They had no priests or religious to attend to religiousaffairs, except certain old men and women called _catalonas_. Thesewere experienced witches and sorcerers, who kept the other peopledeceived. The latter communicated to these sorcerers their desiresand needs, and the catalonas told them innumerable extravagancies andlies. The catalonas uttered prayers and performed other ceremonies tothe idols for the sick; and they believed in omens and superstitions, with which the devil inspired them, whereby they declared whether thepatient would recover or die. Such were their cures and methods, andthey used various kinds of divinations for all things. All this waswith so little aid, apparatus, or foundation--which God permitted, sothat the preaching of the holy gospel should find those of that regionbetter prepared for it, and so that those natives would confess thetruth more easily, and it would be less difficult to withdraw themfrom their darkness, and the errors in which the devil kept them forso many years. They never sacrificed human beings as is done in otherkingdoms. They believed that there was a future life where thosewho had been brave and performed valiant feats would be rewarded;while those who had done evil would be punished. But they did notknow how or where this would be. [160]

They buried their dead in their own houses, and kept their bodiesand bones for a long time in chests. They venerated the skulls of thedead as if they were living and present. Their funeral rites did notconsist of pomp or assemblages, beyond those of their own house--where, after bewailing the dead, all was changed into feasting and drunkenrevelry among all the relatives and friends. [161]

A few years before the Spaniards subdued the island of Luzon, certain natives of the island of Borneo began to go thither to trade, especially to the settlement of Manila and Tondo; and the inhabitantsof the one island intermarried with those of the other. These Borneansare Mahometans, and were already introducing their religion among thenatives of Luzon, and were giving them instructions, ceremonies, andthe form of observing their religion, by means of certain _gazizes_[162] whom they brought with them. Already a considerable number, and those the chiefest men, were commencing, although by piecemeal, to become Moros, and were being circumcised [163] and taking thenames of Moros. Had the Spaniards' coming been delayed longer, thatreligion would have spread throughout the island, and even through theothers, and it would have been difficult to extirpate it. The mercyof God checked it in time; for, because of being in so early stages, it was uprooted from the islands, and they were freed from it, thatis, in all that the Spaniards have pacified, and that are under thegovernment of the Filipinas. That religion has spread and extendedvery widely in the other islands outside of this government, so thatnow almost all of their natives are Mahometan Moros, and are ruledand instructed by their _gaçizes_ and other _morabitos_; [164] theseoften come to preach to and teach them by way of the strait of Ma[la]caand the Red Sea, through which they navigate to reach these islands. 

The arrival of the Spaniards in these Filipinas Islands, since theyear one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, the pacification andconversion that has been made therein, their mode of governing, andthe provisions of his Majesty during these years for their welfare, have caused innovations in many things, such as are usual to kingdomsand provinces that change their religion and sovereign. The foremosthas been that, besides the name of Filipinas which all the islandstook and received from the beginning of their conquest, they belongto a new kingdom and seigniory to which his Majesty, Filipo Second, our sovereign, gave the name of Nuevo Reyno de Castilla ["New Kingdomof Castilla"]. By his royal concession, he made the city of Manilacapital of it, and gave to it as a special favor, among other things, a crowned coat-of-arms which was chosen and assigned by his royalperson. This is an escutcheon divided across. In the upper part is acastle on a red field, and in the lower a lion of gold, crowned andrampant, holding a naked sword in its right paw. One-half of the bodyis in the form of a dolphin upon the waters of the sea, to signifythat the Spaniards crossed the sea with their arms to conquer thiskingdom for the crown of Castilla. [165]

The city of Manila was founded by the adelantado Miguel Lopez deLegazpi, first governor of the Filipinas, in the island of Luzon. Itoccupies the same site where Rajamora had his settlement and fort--ashas been related more at length--at the mouth of the river whichempties into the bay, on a point between the river and the sea. Thewhole site was occupied by this new settlement, and Legazpi apportionedit to the Spaniards in equal building-lots. It was laid out withwell-arranged streets and squares, straight and level. A sufficientlylarge main square [_Plaza mayor_] was left, fronting which were erectedthe cathedral church and municipal buildings. He left another square, that of arms [_Plaza de armas_], fronting which was built the fort, aswell as the royal buildings. He gave sites for the monasteries, [166]hospital, and chapels which were to be built, as being a city whichwas to grow and increase continually--as already it has done; for, in the course of the time that has passed, that city has flourishedas much as the best of all the cities in those regions. 

The city is completely surrounded with a stone wall, which is morethan two and one-half varas wide, and in places more than three. Ithas small towers and traverses at intervals. [167] It has a fortressof hewn stone at the point that guards the bar and the river, with aravelin close to the water, upon which are mounted some large piecesof artillery. This artillery commands the sea and river, while otherpieces are mounted farther up to defend the bar, besides some othermoderate-sized field-pieces and swivel-guns. These fortificationshave their vaults for storing supplies and munitions, and a magazinefor the powder, which is well guarded and situated in the innerpart; and a copious well of fresh water. There are also quartersfor the soldiers and artillerymen, and the house of the commandant[alcayde]. The city has been lately fortified on the land side at thePlaza de armas, where it is entered by a strong wall and two salienttowers, defended with artillery, which command the wall and gate. Thisfortress is called Santiago, and has a company of thirty soldierswith their officers, and eight artillerymen who guard the gate andentrance by watches--all in charge of a commandant who lives inside, and has the guard and custody of the fort. 

There is another fortress, also of stone, in the same wall, withinculverin range, located at the end [168] of the curtain, which extendsalong the shore of the bay. It is called Nuestra Señora de Guia, andis a very large round tower. It has its own court, well, and quartersinside, as well as the magazine, and other rooms for work. It has atraverse extending to the beach, on which are mounted a dozen large andmoderate-sized pieces, which command the bay and sweep the wall, whichextends along the shore to the gate and to the fort of Santiago. Onthe other side the fortress has a large salient tower, mounted withfour large pieces, which command the shore ahead in the direction ofthe chapel of Nuestra Señora de Guia. The gate and entrance is withinthe city and is guarded by a company of twenty soldiers and theirofficers, six artillerymen, and one commandant and his lieutenant, who live inside. 

On the land side, where the wall extends, there is a rampart calledSant Andres, which mounts six pieces of artillery that command inall directions, and some swivel-guns. Farther on is another traversecalled San Gabriel, opposite the parián of the Sangleys, with a likeamount of artillery. Both have some soldiers and an ordinary guard. 

The wall has a sufficient height, and is furnished with battlements andturrets, built in the modern style, for its defense. It has a circuitof about one legua, which can be made entirely on top. It has manybroad steps of the same hewn stone, at intervals inside. There arethree principal city gates on the land side, and many other posternsopening at convenient places on the river and beach, for the serviceof the city. Each and all of them are locked before nightfall bythe ordinary patrols. These carry the keys to the guard-room of theroyal buildings. In the morning when day comes, the patrols returnwith the keys and open the city. [169]

The royal arsenals front on the Plaza de armas. In them are kept andguarded all the supplies of ammunition, food, rigging, iron, copper, lead, artillery, arquebuses, and other things belonging to the royalestate. They have their own officers and workmen, and are placed incharge of the royal officials. 

Near these arsenals is located the powder-house, with its master, workmen, and convicts, where powder is generally ground in thirtymortars, and that which is spoiled is refined. [170]

The building for the founding of artillery is located on a suitablesite in another part of the city. It has its molds, ovens, and tools, founders, and workmen who work it. [171]

The royal buildings are very beautiful and sightly, and contain manyrooms. They have many windows opening toward the sea and the Plazade armas. They are all built of stone and have two courts, withupper and lower galleries raised on stout pillars. The governor andpresident lives inside with his family. There is a hall for the royalAudiencia, which is very large and stately; also a separate chapel, a room for the royal seal, [172] and offices for the scriveners of theAudiencia, and the government. There are also other apartments for theroyal treasury and the administration of the royal officials, while alarge porch opens on the street with two principal doors, where theguardroom is located. There is one company of regular arquebusiers, who come in daily with their banners to stand guard. Opposite, on theother side of the street, is another edifice for the royal treasuryand those in charge of it. [173]

The houses of the cabildo, located on the square, are built ofstone. They are very sightly and have handsome halls. On the groundfloor is the prison, and the court of the alcaldes-in-ordinary. [174]

On the same square is situated the cathedral church. It is builtof hewn stone, and has three naves, and its main chapel, and choir, with high and low seats. The choir is shut in by railings, and hasits organ, missal-stands, and other necessary things. The cathedralhas also its sacristan [175] and his apartments and offices. 

Within the city is the monastery of St. Augustine. It is very largeand has many dormitories, a refectory and kitchens. They are nowcompleting a church, which is one of the most sumptuous in thosedistricts. This convent has generally fifty religious. [176]

The monastery of St. Dominic is inside the walls. It containsabout forty religious. It was built of stone, and was very wellconstructed. It has a church, house, and all offices. It has latelybeen rebuilt, and much better; for it was completely destroyed inthe burning of the city in the year six hundred and three. 

The monastery of St. Francis is farther on. It is well constructedof stone, and its church is being rebuilt. It contains about fortydiscalced religious. 

The residence [_colegio_] of the Society of Jesus is established nearthe fortress of Nuestra Señora de Guia. It contains twenty religiousof their order, and is an excellent stone house and church. Therethey study Latin, the arts, and cases of conscience. Connected withthem is a seminary and convictorio [177] for Spanish scholars, withtheir rector. These students wear gowns of tawny-colored frieze withred facings. [178]

In another part of the city stands a handsome house, walled in, withits stone church, called San Andres and Santa Potenciana. It is a royalfoundation, and a rectoress lives there. It has a revolving entranceand a parlor, and the rectoress has other confidential assistants;and there shelter is given to needy women and girls of the city, in the form of religious retirement. Some of the girls leave thehouse to be married, while others remain there permanently. It hasits own house for work, and its choir. His Majesty assists them witha portion of their maintenance; the rest is provided by their ownindustry and property. They have their own steward and their priest, who administers the sacraments to them. [179]

In another part is the royal hospital for Spaniards, with itsphysician, apothecary, surgeons, managers, and servants. It and itschurch are built of stone; and it has its sick rooms and the bedservice. In it all the Spaniards are treated. It is usually quitefull; it is under the royal patronage. His Majesty provides the mostnecessary things for it. Three discalced religious of St. Francisact there as superintendents, and they prove very advantageous forthe corporal and spiritual relief of the sick. It was burned in theconflagration of the former year six hundred and three, and is nowbeing rebuilt. 

There is another charitable hospital in charge of the Confraternity ofthat name. It was founded in the city of Manila by the Confraternityof La Misericordia of Lisboa, and by the other confraternities ofIndia. [180] It has apostolic bulls for works of charity, such asburying the dead, supporting the modest poor, marrying orphans, andrelieving many necessities. There the slaves of the city are treated, and lodgings are likewise provided for poor women. 

Next to the monastery of St. Francis is located the hospital fornatives, [181] which is under royal patronage. It was founded withalms, by a holy lay-brother of St. Francis, one Fray Joan Clemente. Agreat many natives, suffering from all diseases, are treated therewith great care and attention. It has a good edifice and workroomsbuilt of stone. The discalced religious of St. Francis manage it;and three priests and four lay-brothers, of exemplary life, livethere. These are the physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries of thehospital, and are so skilful and useful, that they cause many marvelouscures, both in medicine and in surgery. 

The streets of the city are compactly built up with houses, mostly ofstone, although some are of wood. Many are roofed with clay tiling, andothers with nipa. They are excellent edifices, lofty and spacious, andhave large rooms and many windows, and balconies, with iron gratings, that embellish them. More are daily being built and finished. Thereare about six hundred houses within the walls, and a greater number, built of wood, in the suburbs; and all are the habitations and homesof Spaniards. 

The streets, squares, and churches are generally filled with peopleof all classes, especially Spaniards--all, both men and women, clad and gorgeously adorned in silks. They wear many ornaments andall kinds of fine clothes, because of the ease with which these areobtained. Consequently this is one of the settlements most highlypraised, by the foreigners who resort to it, of all in the world, both for the above reason, and for the great provision and abundanceof food and other necessaries for human life found there, and soldat moderate prices. 

Manila has two drives for recreation. One is by land, along the pointcalled Nuestra Señora de Guia. It extends for about a legua alongthe shore, and is very clean and level. Thence it passes through anative street and settlement, called Bagunbayan, to a chapel, muchfrequented by the devout, called Nuestra Señora de Guia, and continuesfor a goodly distance further to a monastery and mission-house ofthe Augustinians, called Mahalat. [182]

The other drive extends through one of the city gates to a nativesettlement, called Laguio, by which one may go to a chapel of SanAnton, and to a monastery and mission-house of discalced Franciscans, a place of great devotion, near the city, called La Candelaria. [183]

This city is the capital of the kingdom and the head of thegovernment of all the islands. It is the metropolis of the othercities and settlements of the islands. In it reside the Audiencia andChancillería of his Majesty, and the governor and captain-general ofthe islands. [184]

Manila has a city cabildo with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, twelveperpetual regidors, an alguaçil-mayor [_i. E. _, chief constable], a royal standard-bearer, the scrivener of the cabildo, and otherofficials. 

The archbishop of the Filipinas Islands resides in this city. He hashis metropolitan church, and all the cathedral dignitaries--canons, racioneros, medias racioneros, [185] chaplains, and sacristans--and amusic-choir, who chant to the accompaniment of the organ and of flutes[_ministriles_]. The cathedral is quite ornate and well decorated, and the Divine offices are celebrated there with the utmost gravityand ceremony. As suffragans the cathedral has three bishops--namely, in the island of Sebu, and in Cagayan and Camarines. [186]

There is a royal treasury with three royal officials--factor, accountant, and treasurer--by whom the royal revenue of all theislands is managed. [187]

The vessels sailing annually to Nueva España with the merchandise andinvestments of all the islands are despatched from the city of Manila;and they return thither from Nueva España with the proceeds of thismerchandise, and the usual reënforcements. 

In the city is established the camp of the regular soldiers whom hisMajesty has had stationed in the islands. 

Several galleys are also stationed at Manila with their general andcaptains, as well as other war-vessels, of deep draft, and smallerones built like those used by the natives, to attend to the needs ofall the islands. 

The majority of the vessels from China, Japon, Maluco, Borney, Sian, Malaca, and India, that come to the Filipinas with their merchandiseand articles of trade, gather in the bay and river of Manila. In thatcity they sell and trade for all the islands and their settlements. 

In the province [of Cagayán] of this same island of Luzon was foundedthe city of Segovia, [188] during the term of Don Gonçalo Ronquillo, the third governor. It has two hundred Spanish inhabitants who live inwooden houses on the shore of the Tajo River, two leguas from the seaand port of Camalayuga. There is a stone fort near the city for thedefense of it and of the river. This fort mounts some artillery, andhas its own commandant. Besides the inhabitants, there are generallyone hundred regular soldiers, arquebusiers, and their officers. Theyare all in charge and under command of the alcalde-mayor of theprovince, who is its military commander. 

In that city is established a bishop and his church, although atpresent the latter has no dignitaries or prebendaries. [189] Thereis a city cabildo consisting of two alcaldes, six regidors, and analguacil-mayor. The city abounds in all kinds of food and refreshmentat very cheap prices. 

The city of Caçeres was founded in the province of Camarines of thesame island of Luzon, during the term of Doctor Sande, governor ofthe Filipinas. It has about one hundred Spanish inhabitants; andhas its cabildo, consisting of alcaldes, regidors, and officials. Abishop of that province is established there and has his church, although without dignitaries or prebendaries. A monastery of discalcedFranciscans is located there. The government and military affairs ofthat province are under one alcalde-mayor and war-captain, who residesin Caçeres. The latter is a place abounding in and furnished with allkinds of provisions, at very low rates. It is founded on the bank ofa river, four leguas inland from the sea, and its houses are of wood. 

The fourth city is that called Santisimo Nombre de Jesus; it is locatedin the island of Sebu, in the province of Bicayas or Pintados. It wasthe first Spanish settlement and was founded by the adelantado MiguelLopez de Legazpi, the first governor. It is a fine seaport, whose wateris very clear and deep, and capable of holding many vessels. The cityhas an excellent stone fort, which mounts a considerable quantity ofartillery, and which has its commandant and officers for the guardand defense of the port and of the city. It is sufficiently garrisonedwith regulars, and is under command of the alcalde-mayor, the militarycommander of the province, who lives in the city. The settlementcontains about two hundred Spanish inhabitants who live in housesof wood. It has a cabildo, consisting of two alcaldes-in-ordinary, eight regidors, and an alguacil-mayor and his officers. It has abishop and his church, like those of other cities of these islands, without prebendaries. [190]

The city is provided with food by, and is a station for, the shipsgoing from Maluco to Manila. Through his Majesty's concession they keepthere a deep-draft merchant vessel, which generally leaves its portfor Nueva España, laden with the merchandise of the products gatheredin those provinces. It has a monastery of Augustinian religious anda seminary of the Society of Jesus. 

The town of Arevalo was founded on the island of Oton [Panay], duringthe term of Don Gonçalo Ronquillo. [191] It contains about eightySpanish inhabitants, and is located close to the sea. It has a woodenfort, which mounts some artillery, and a monastery of the Order ofSt. Augustine; also a parish church, with its own vicar and secularpriest. This church belongs to the diocese of the Sebu bishopric. 

It has a cabildo, consisting of alcaldes, regidors, and otherofficials. There is one alcalde-mayor and military leader in thoseprovinces. The town is well supplied with all kinds of provisions, sold at very low rates. 

The settlement of Villa Fernandina, [192] which was founded in theprovince of the Ilocos on the island of Luzon, is settled by Spaniards, but very few of them remain there. It has a church, with its own vicarand secular priest. Now no mention will be made of it, on account ofwhat has been said. The alcalde-mayor of the province resides there, and the town is situated in the diocese of the Cagayan bishopric. 

From the earliest beginning of the conquest and pacification ofthe Filipinas Islands, the preaching of the holy gospel thereinand the conversion of the natives to our holy Catholic faith wereundertaken. The first to set hand to this task were the religiousof the Order of St. Augustine, who went there with the adelantadoLegazpi in the fleet of discovery, and those of the same order whowent afterward to labor in this work, and toiled therein with greatfervor and zeal. Thus, finding the harvest in good season, theygathered the first fruits of it, and converted and baptized manyinfidels throughout the said islands. [193]

Next to them in the fame of this conversion, the discalced religiousof the Order of St. Francis went to the islands by way of NuevaEspaña; then those of the Order of St. Dominic, and of the Society ofJesus. [194] Lastly, the discalced Augustinian Recollects went. One andall, after being established in the islands, worked in the conversionand instruction of the natives. Consequently they have made--andthere are now in all the islands--a great number of baptized natives, besides many others in many parts, who, for want of laborers, have beenput off, and are awaiting this blessing and priests to minister tothem. Hitherto there have been but few missions in charge of secularpriests, as not many of these have gone to the islands; and as veryfew have been ordained there, for lack of students. 

The Order of St. Augustine has many missions in the islands of Pintadosand has established and occupied monasteries and various visitas. [195]In the island of Luzon, they have those of the province of Ylocos, some in Pangasinan, and all those of La Pampanga--a large number ofmonasteries; while in the province of Manila and its vicinity theyhave others, which are flourishing. 

The Order of St. Dominic has the missions of the province of Cagayan, and others in the province of Pangasinan, where are many monasteriesand visitas. They also administer others about the city. 

The Order of St. Francis has some missions and monasteries aboutManila, all the province of Camarines and the coast opposite, and LaLaguna de Bay. These include many missions. 

The Society of Jesus has three large missions in the neighborhoodof Manila, which have many visitas. In the Pintados it has manyothers on the islands of Sebu, Leite, Ybabao, Camar [Samar], Bohol, and others near by. They have good men, who are solicitous for theconversion of the natives. 

These four orders have produced many good results in the conversionof these islands, as above stated; and in good sooth the peoplehave taken firm hold of the faith, as they are a people of so goodunderstanding. They have recognized the errors of their paganismand the truths of the Christian religion; and they possess good andwell-built churches and monasteries of wood with their reredoses andbeautiful ornaments, and all the utensils, crosses, candlesticks, and chalices of silver and gold. Many devotions are offered, and thereare many confraternities. There is assiduity in taking the sacramentsand in attendance on the Divine services; and the people are carefulto entertain and support their religious (to whom they show greatobedience and respect) by the many alms that they give them, as wellas by those that they give for the suffrages and the burial of theirdead, which they provide with all punctuality and liberality. 

At the same time that the religious undertook to teach the nativesthe precepts of religion, they labored to instruct them in mattersof their own improvement, and established schools for the readingand writing of Spanish among the boys. They taught them to serve inthe church, to sing the plain-song, and to the accompaniment of theorgan; to play the flute, to dance, and to sing; and to play theharp, guitar, and other instruments. In this they show very greatadaptability, especially about Manila; where there are many finechoirs of chanters and musicians composed of natives, who are skilfuland have good voices. There are many dancers, and musicians on theother instruments which solemnize and adorn the feasts of the mostholy sacrament, and many other feasts during the year. The nativeboys present dramas and comedies, both in Spanish and in their ownlanguage, very charmingly. This is due to the care and interest ofthe religious, who work tirelessly for the natives' advancement. [196]

In these islands there is no native province or settlement whichresists conversion or does not desire it. But, as above stated, baptism has been postponed in some districts, for lack of workersto remain with the people, in order that they may not retrograde andreturn to their idolatries. In this work, the best that is possibleis done, for the mission-fields are very large and extensive. In manydistricts the religious make use, in their visitas, of certain of thenatives who are clever and well instructed, so that these may teachthe others to pray daily, instruct them in other matters touchingreligion, and see that they come to mass at the central missions; andin this way they succeed in preserving and maintaining their converts. 

Hitherto, the orders who control these missions in virtue of the_omnimodo_ and other apostolic concessions [197] have attended to theconversion of the natives, administered the sacraments, looked afterthe spiritual and temporal and ecclesiastical affairs of the natives, and absolved them in cases of difficulty. But now that there are anarchbishop and bishops, this is being curtailed, and the managementof these affairs is being given to the bishops, as the archbishop'svicars--although not to such an extent, nor has the administrationof these natives been placed in their charge, in matters of justice, and under the inspection and superintendence of the bishops, as theyhave endeavored to obtain. [198]

The governor and royal Audiencia of Manila attend to what it isadvisable to provide and direct for the greatest accomplishment andadvancement of this conversion, and the administration of the nativesand their missions--both by causing the encomenderos to assistthe religious and churches, in the encomiendas that they enjoy, with the stipends and necessary expenses of the missions; and byfurnishing from the royal revenues what pertains to it, which is noless a sum. [199] They also ordain whatever else is required to beprovided and remedied for the said missions and for the advancementof the natives. This also is attended to by the archbishop and thebishops in what pertains to them in their duty and charge as pastors. 

The Holy Office of the Inquisition, residing in Mexico of NuevaEspaña, has its commissaries, servants, and helpers in Manila andin the bishoprics of the islands, who attend to matters touchingthe Holy Office. They never fail to have plenty to do there becauseof the entrance of so many strangers into those districts. However, this holy tribunal does not have jurisdiction of the causes pertainingto the natives, as the latter are so recently converted. 

All these islands are subdued, and are governed from Manila by meansof alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and lieutenants, each of whom rulesand administers justice in his own district and province. Appeals fromtheir acts and sentences go to the royal Audiencia. The governor andcaptain-general provides what pertains to government and war. 

The chiefs, who formerly held the other natives in subjection, now have no power over them in the tyrannical manner of formerdays. This was not the least benefit received by these natives inhaving been freed from such servitude. However, it is true thatmatters touching the slavery of former days have remained on thesame footing as before. The king our sovereign has ordered by hisdecrees that the honors of the chiefs be preserved to them as such;and that the other natives recognize them and assist them with certainof the labors that they used to give when pagans. This is done withthe lords and possessors of barangays, and those belonging to such andsuch a barangay are under that chief's control. When he harvests hisrice, they go one day to help him; and the same if he builds a house, or rebuilds one. This chief lord of a barangay collects tribute fromhis adherents, and takes charge of these collections, to pay them tothe encomendero. [200]

Besides the above, each village has a governor [201] who is elected. Heand his constables who are called _vilangos_ [202] comprise theusual magistracy among the natives. The governor hears civil suitswhere a moderate sum is involved; in appeal, the case goes to thecorregidor or alcalde-mayor of the province. These governors areelected annually by the votes of all the married natives of suchand such a village. The governor of Manila confirms the election, and gives the title of governor to the one elected, and orders him totake the residencia of the outgoing governor. [203] This governor, in addition to the vilangos and scrivener (before whom he makes hisacts in writing, in the language of the natives of that province), [204] holds also the chiefs--lords of barangays, and those who arenot so--under his rule and government, and, for any special service, such as collections of tributes, and assignments of personal services, as his _datos_ and _mandones_. [205] They do not allow the chiefs tooppress the timaguas or slaves under their control. 

The same customs observed by these natives in their paganism, areobserved by them since they have become Christians, in so far asthey are not contrary to natural law, especially as to their slavery, successions, inheritances, adoptions, wills, and lawful trading. Intheir suits, they always allege and prove the custom, and are judgedby it, according to royal decrees to that effect. In other causeswhich do not involve their customs, and in criminal cases, the matteris determined by law as among Spaniards. 

All of these islands and their natives, so far as they were pacified, were apportioned into encomiendas from the beginning. To the royalcrown were allotted those which were chief towns and ports, and thedwellers of the cities and towns; and also other special encomiendasand villages in all the provinces, for the necessities and expensesof the royal estate. All the rest was assigned to the conquerors andsettlers who have served and labored for the conquest and pacification, and in the war. This matter is in charge of the governor, who takesinto consideration the merits and services of the claimants. [206]In like manner the villages that become vacant are assigned. Thereare many very excellent encomiendas throughout the islands, and theyoffer many profits, both by the amount of their tributes and by thenature and value of what is paid as tribute. [207] The encomiendalasts, according to the royal laws and decrees, and by the regularorder and manner of succession to them, for two lives; but it maybe extended to a third life, by permission. After it becomes vacant, it is again assigned and granted anew. 

The tributes paid to their encomenderos by the natives were assignedby the first governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, in the provinces ofVicayas and Pintados, and in the islands of Luzon and its vicinity;they were equal to the sum of eight reals annually for an entiretribute from each tributario. The natives were to pay it in theirproducts--in gold, cloth, cotton, rice, bells, fowls, and whateverelse they possessed or harvested. The fixed price and value of eacharticle was assigned so that, when the tribute was paid in any oneof them, or in all of them, it should not exceed the value of theeight reals. So it has continued until now, and the governors haveincreased the appraisements and values of the products at differenttimes, as they have deemed advisable. 

The encomenderos have made great profits in collecting in kind, for, after they acquired possession of the products, they sold them athigher prices. By this they increased their incomes and the proceedsof their encomiendas considerably; until a few years ago his Majesty, by petition of the religious and the pressure that they brought tobear on him in this matter, ordered for this region that the nativesshould pay their tribute in whatever they wished--in kind or inmoney--without being compelled to do otherwise. Consequently, whenthey should have paid their eight reals, they would have fulfilledtheir obligation. Accordingly this rule was initiated; but experiencedemonstrates that, although it seemed a merciful measure, and onefavorable to the natives, it is doing them great injury. For, sincethey naturally dislike to work, they do not sow, spin, dig gold, rear fowls, or raise other food supplies, as they did before, whenthey had to pay the tribute in those articles. They easily obtain, without so much work, the peso of money which is the amount of theirtribute. Consequently it follows that the natives have less capitaland wealth, because they do not work; and the country, which wasformerly very well provided and well-supplied with all products, is now suffering want and deprivation of them. The owners of theencomiendas, both those of his Majesty and those of private personswho possess them, have sustained considerable loss and reduction inthe value of the encomiendas. 

When Gomez Perez Dasmariñas was appointed governor of the Filipinas, he brought royal decrees ordering the formation of the camp in Manila, with an enrollment of four hundred paid soldiers, with their officers, galleys, and other military supplies, for the defense and securityof the country. Before that time all the Spanish inhabitants hadattended to that without any pay. Then an increase of two reals toeach tributario over the eight reals was ordered. This was to becollected by the encomenderos at the same time when they collectedthe eight reals of the tribute, and was to be delivered and placedin the royal treasury. There this amount was to be entered on anaccount separate from that of the other revenue of his Majesty, andwas to be applied in the following manner: one and one-half reals forthe expenses of the said camp and war stores; and the remaining halfreal for the pay of the prebendaries of the Manila church, which hisMajesty pays from his treasury, until such time as their tithes andincomes suffice for their sustenance. [208]

These tributes are collected from all the natives, Christians andinfidels, in their entirety--except that in those encomiendas withoutinstruction the encomendero does not take the fourth part of the eightreals (which equals two reals) for himself, since that encomienda hasno instruction or expenses for it; but he takes them and depositsthem in Manila, in a fund called "the fourths. " [209] The moneyobtained from this source is applied to and spent in hospitals forthe natives, and in other works beneficial to them, at the option ofthe governor. As fast as the encomiendas are supplied with instructionand religious, the collection of these fourths and their expenditurein these special works cease. 

Some provinces have taken the census of their natives; and according tothese the tributes and the assignment of the two reals are collected. 

In most of the provinces no census has been taken, and the tributesare collected when due by the encomenderos and their collectors, through the chiefs of their encomiendas, by means of the lists andmemoranda of former years. From them the names of the deceased and ofthose who have changed their residence are erased, and the names ofthose who have grown up, and of those who have recently moved into theencomienda, are added. When any shortage is perceived in the accounts, a new count is requested and made. 

The natives are free to move from one island to another, and fromone province to another, and pay their tribute for that year in whichthey move and change their residence in the place to which they move;and to move from a Christian village that has instruction to anothervillage possessing it. But, on the other hand, they may not move froma place having instruction to one without it, nor in the same villagefrom one barangay to another, nor from one faction to another. Inthis respect, the necessary precautions are made by the government, and the necessary provisions by the Audiencia, so that this systemmay be kept, and so that all annoyances resulting from the moving ofthe settled natives of one place to another place may be avoided. 

Neither are the natives allowed to go out of their villages fortrade, except by permission of the governor, or of his alcaldes-mayorand justices, or even of the religious, who most often have beenembarrassed by this, because of the instruction. This is done so thatthe natives may not wander about aimlessly when there is no need ofit, away from their homes and settlements. 

Those natives who possess slaves pay their tributes for them if theslaves are _saguiguilirs_. If the slaves are _namamahays_ livingoutside their owners' houses, they pay their own tributes, inasmuchas they possess their own houses and means of gain. 

The Spaniards used to have slaves from these natives, whom they hadbought from them, and others whom they obtained in certain expeditionsduring the conquest and pacification of the islands. This was stoppedby a brief of his Holiness [210] and by royal decrees. Consequently, all of these slaves who were then in the possession of the Spanish, and who were natives of these islands, in whatever manner they hadbeen acquired, were freed; and the Spaniards were forever prohibitedfrom holding them as slaves, or from capturing them for any reason, orunder pretext of war, or in any other manner. The service rendered bythese natives is in return for pay and daily wages. The other slavesand captives that the Spaniards possess are Cafres and blacks broughtby the Portuguese by way of India, and are held in slavery justifiably, in accordance with the provincial councils and the permissions ofthe prelates and justices of those districts. 

The natives of these islands have also their personal services, whichthey are obliged to render--in some parts more than in others--tothe Spaniards. These are done in different ways, and are commonlycalled the _polo_. [211] For, where there are alcaldes-mayor andjustices, they assign and distribute certain natives by the weekfor the service of their houses. They pay these servants a moderatewage, which generally amounts to one-fourth real per day, and ricefor their food. The same is done by the religious for the mission, and for their monasteries and churches, and for their works, and forpublic works. [212]

The Indians also furnish rice, and food of all kinds, at the pricesat which they are valued and sold among the natives. These pricesare always very moderate. The datos, vilangos, and fiscals make thedivision, collect, and take these supplies from the natives; and inthe same manner they supply their encomenderos when these go to makethe collections. 

The greatest service rendered by these natives is on occasions of war, when they act as rowers and crews for the vireys and vessels that goon the expeditions, and as pioneers for any service that arises inthe course of the war, although their pay and wages are given them. 

In the same way natives are assigned and apportioned for the king'sworks, such as the building of ships, the cutting of wood, the tradeof making the rigging, [213] the work in the artillery foundry, andthe service in the royal [214] magazines; and they are paid theirstipend and daily wage. 

In other things pertaining to the service of the Spaniards and theirexpeditions, works, and any other service, performed by the natives, the service is voluntary, and paid by mutual agreement; [215] for, as hitherto, the Spaniards have worked no mines, nor have they giventhemselves to the gains to be derived from field labors, there is nooccasion for employing the natives in anything of that sort. 

Most of the Spaniards of the Filipinas Islands reside in the cityof Manila, the capital of the kingdom, and where the chief tradeand commerce is carried on. Some encomenderos live in provinces ordistricts adjacent to Manila, while other Spaniards live in thecities of Segovia, Caçeres, Santisimo Nombre de Jesus (in Sebu), and in the town of Arevalo, where they are settled, and where mostof them have their encomiendas. 

Spaniards may not go to the Indian villages, [216] except for thecollection of the tributes when they are due; and then only thealcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and justices. It is not permitted theseto remain continually in one settlement of their district, but theymust visit as much of it as possible. They must change their residenceand place of abode every four months to another chief village andsettlement, where all the natives may obtain the benefit of theirpresence; and so that the natives may receive as slight annoyanceas possible in supporting them and in the ordinary service that theyrender them. [217]

The governor makes appointments to all offices. When the term of officeexpires, the royal Aurdiencia orders the residencia of each officialto be taken, and his case is decided in accordance therewith; anduntil the residencia is completed, the incumbent cannot be appointedto any other duty or office. The governor also appoints commandantsof forts, companies, and other military officials, in all the cities, towns, and hamlets of the islands. [218]

Certain offices of regidors and notaries have been sold by royal decreefor one life. But the sale of these offices has been superseded, as it is now considered that the price paid for them is of littleconsideration, while the disadvantage of perpetuating the purchasersin office by this method is greater. 

Elections of alcaldes-in-ordinary for all the Spanish towns are heldon New Year's day by the cabildo and magistracy. The residenciasof these alcaldes-in-ordinary and their cabildos are ordered byhis Majesty to be taken at the same time as that of the governorand captain-general of the islands is taken; and they give accountof the administration of the revenues and the estates under theircare. However, the governor may take it before this, every year, or whenever he thinks it expedient and cause the balances of theiraccounts to be collected. With the governor's advice and permissionthe expenses desired by the towns are made. 

The city of Manila has sufficient public funds for certain years, through the fines imposed by its judges; in its own particularpossessions, inside and outside the city; in the reweighing of themerchandise and the rents of all the shops and sites of the Sangleysin the parián; and in the monopoly on playing cards. All this wasconceded to the city by his Majesty, especially for the expenses ofits fortification. [219] These revenues are spent for that purpose; forthe salaries of its officials, and those of the agents sent to España;and for the feasts of the city, chief of which are St. Potenciana'sday, May nineteen, when the Spaniards entered and seized the city, and the day of St. Andrew, November 30, the date on which the pirateLimahon was conquered and driven from the city. On that day the cityofficials take out the municipal standard, and to the sound of music goto vespers and mass at the church of San Andres, where the entire city, with the magistracy and cabildo and the royal Audiencia, assemblewith all solemnity. The above revenues are also used in receivingthe governors at their first arrival in the country, in the kings'marriage feasts, and the births of princes, and in the honors andfuneral celebrations for the kings and princes who die. In all theabove the greatest possible display is made. 

The other cities and settlements do not possess as yet so manysources of wealth or revenue, or the occasions on which to spendthem--although, as far as possible, they take part in them, in allcelebrations of the same kind. 

The Spaniards living in the islands are divided into five classes ofpeople: namely, prelates, religious, and ecclesiastical ministers, both secular and regular; encomenderos, settlers, and conquerors;soldiers, officers, and officials of war (both on land and sea), and those for navigation; merchants, business men, and traders; andhis Majesty's agents for government, justice, and administration ofhis royal revenue. 

The ecclesiastical prelates have already been stated, and are asfollows: The archbishop of Manila, who resides in the city, asmetropolitan, in charge of his cathedral church; he has a salaryof four thousand pesos, [220] which is paid from the royal treasuryannually. Likewise the salaries paid to the holders of the dignidades, [221] canonries, and other prebends, and those performing otherservices, are paid in the same manner. They are all under royalpatronage, and are provided in accordance with the king's orders. Thearchbishop's office and jurisdiction consists of and extends to all, both the spiritual and temporal, that is ecclesiastic, and to itsmanagement. [222]

The bishop of the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus in Sibu, thatof Segovia in Cagayan, and that of Caceres in Camarines, have thesame rights of jurisdiction and enjoy the same privileges in theirdioceses, since they are suffragans of the archbishop of Manila;appeal from their judgments is made to the latter, and he summons andconvokes them to his provincial councils whenever necessary. Theyreceive each an annual salary of five hundred thousand maravedisfor their support, which is paid from the royal treasury of Manila, besides their offerings and pontifical dues. All together it is quitesufficient for their support, according to the convenience of thingsand the cheapness of the country. At present the bishops do not possesschurches with prebendaries nor is any money set aside for that. [223]

The regular prelates are the provincials of the four mendicant orders, namely, St. Dominic, St. Augustine, St. Francis, the Society ofJesus, and the discalced Augustinians. [224] Each prelate governshis own order and visits the houses. The orders have nearly all themissions to the natives under their charge, in whatever pertains tothe administration of the sacraments and conversion--by favor of, and in accordance with, their privileges and the apostolic bulls, inwhich until now they have maintained themselves--and in what pertainsto judicial matters, as vicars of the bishops, and through appointmentand authorization of the latter. The discalced Augustinians as yethave no missions, as they have but recently entered the islands. 

The monasteries are supported by certain special incomes that theypossess and have acquired--especially those of the Augustiniansand those of the Society--and by help and concessions granted byhis Majesty. The Dominicans and Franciscans do not possess or allowincomes or properties; [225] and for them, as for the other orders, the principal source of revenue is in the alms, offerings, and aidgiven by the districts where they are established and where they havecharge. This help is given by both Spaniards and natives, very piouslyand generously. They are aided also by the stipend given them fromthe encomiendas for the instruction that they give there. Consequentlythe religious of the orders live well and with the comfort necessary. 

The first encomenderos, conquerors, and settlers of the islands, and their issue, are honorably supported by the products of theirencomiendas, and by certain means of gain and trading interests thatthey possess, as do the rest of the people. There are a great number ofthem, each one of whom lives and possesses his house in the city andsettlement of Spaniards in whose province he has his encomienda. Thisthey do in order not to abandon their encomiendas, and thus they arenearer the latter for their needs and for collections. 

Now but few of the first conquerors who gained the country and wentthere for its conquest with the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspiremain alive. 

The soldiers and officers of war and of naval expeditions formerlyconsisted of all the dwellers and inhabitants of the islands, whorendered military service without any pay or salary. They went on allthe expeditions and pacifications that arose, and guarded the fortsand presidios, and cities and settlements. This was their principalexercise and occupation. They were rewarded by the governor, whoprovided them with encomiendas, offices, and profits of the countryaccording to their merits and services. [226]

At that time the soldiers of the islands were the best in theIndias. They were very skilful and well-disciplined by both landand sea, and were esteemed and respected by all those nations. Theygloried in their arms, and in acquitting themselves valiantly. 

Afterward, when Gomez Perez Das Mariñas entered upon the government ofthe Filipinas, he founded the regular camp of four hundred soldiers:the arquebusiers, with pay of six pesos per month; the musketeers, with eight pesos; six captains, with annual pay of four hundredand twenty pesos apiece; their alféreces, sergeants, corporals, standard-bearers, and drummers, with pay in proportion to theirduties; one master-of-camp, with annual pay of one thousand fourhundred pesos; one sargento-mayor with captain's pay; one adjutant ofthe sargento-mayor and field-captain, with monthly pay of ten pesos;two castellans; commandants of the two fortresses of Manila, withfour hundred pesos apiece annually; their lieutenants; squads ofsoldiers and artillerymen; one general of galleys, with annual payof eight hundred pesos; each galley one captain, with annual pay ofthree hundred pesos; their boatswains, boatswains' mates, coxswains, alguacils of the galleys, soldiers, artillerymen, master-carpenters, riggers, sailors, conscripts, [227] galley-crews of Spanish, Sangley, and native convicts, condemned for crimes; and, when there is lackof convicts, good rowers are obtained from the natives for pay, for the period of the expedition and the occasion of the voyage. [228]

In the vessels and fleets of large vessels for the Nueva España line, the ships that are sent carry a general, admiral, masters, boatswains, commissaries, stewards, alguacils, sergeants of marine artillery[_condestables_], artillerymen, sailors, pilots and their assistants, common seamen, carpenters, calkers, and coopers, all in his Majesty'spay, on the account of Nueva España, from whose royal treasury theyare paid. All that is necessary for this navigation is suppliedthere. Their provisions and appointments are made by the viceroy;and this has hitherto pertained to him, even though the ships may havebeen constructed in the Filipinas. They sail thence with their cargoof merchandise for Nueva España, and return thence to the Filipinaswith the reënforcements of soldiers and supplies, and whatever elseis necessary for the camp, besides passengers and religious, and themoney proceeding from the investments and merchandise. [229]

After the establishment of a regular camp for guard and expeditions, the other inhabitants, dwellers, and residents were enrolled withoutpay under the banners of six captains of the Filipinas, for specialoccasions requiring the defense of the city. But they were relievedof all other duties pertaining to the troops, unless they shouldoffer of their own accord to go upon any expedition, or volunteerfor any special occasion, in order to acquire merits and benefits, sothat they may be given encomiendas that become vacant, and offices, and the means of profit of the country. They are not compelled orobliged to do this, unless they are encomenderos. Consequently allhave given themselves to trading, as there is no other occupation, but they are not unmindful of military service. 

His Majesty prohibits all who are in his pay in the military forcesof the islands from engaging in commerce; and orders the governornot to allow this, or permit them to export goods to Nueva España. Ifthe governors would observe that order, it would not be amiss. [230]

The merchants and business men form the bulk of the residents ofthe islands, because of the great amount of merchandise broughtthere--outside of native products--from China, Japon, Maluco, Malaca, Sian, Camboja, Borneo, and other districts. They invest in thismerchandise and export it annually in the vessels that sail to NuevaEspaña, and at times to Japon, where great profits are made fromraw silk. Thence on the return to Manila are brought the proceeds, which hitherto have resulted in large and splendid profits. 

Through the very great increase of this trade--which was harmfuland prejudicial to the Spanish merchants who shipped goods to Peruand Nueva España, and to the royal duties collected on the shipmentsfrom España--and through the business men of Mexico and Peru havingbecome greedy of trade and commerce with the Filipinas, by means oftheir agents and factors, so that the trade with España was ceasingin great measure, and the merchants were sending to the Filipinas fortheir investments great consignments of silver, which by that meansflowed yearly from his Majesty's kingdoms, to fall into the possessionof infidels: all persons of Nueva España and Peru were prohibited fromtrading and engaging in commerce in the Filipinas, and from taking theChinese merchandise to those regions. [231] Permission was given tothe inhabitants and residents of the Filipinas that they alone mighttrade in the said merchandise, and export it. They are to take thesegoods themselves, or send them with persons who belong to the islands, so that they may sell them. From the proceeds of the said merchandise, they may not carry to the Filipinas more than five hundred thousandpesos each year. [232]

A considerable number of _somas_ and junks (which are largevessels) generally come from Great China to Manila, laden withmerchandise. Every year thirty or even forty ships are wont to come, and although they do not come together, in the form of a tradingand war fleet, still they do come in groups with the monsoon andsettled weather, which is generally at the new moon in March. Theybelong to the provinces of Canton, Chincheo, and Ucheo [Fo-Kien], and sail from those provinces. They make their voyage to the city ofManila in fifteen or twenty days, sell their merchandise, and returnin good season, before the vendavals set in--the end of May and afew days of June--in order not to endanger their voyage. 

These vessels come laden with merchandise, and bring wealthy merchantswho own the ships, and servants and factors of other merchants whoremain in China. They leave China with the permission and licenseof the Chinese viceroys and mandarins. The merchandise that theygenerally bring and sell to the Spaniards consists of raw silk inbundles, of the fineness of two strands [_dos cabeças_], and othersilk of poorer quality; fine untwisted silk, white and of all colors, wound in small skeins; quantities of velvets, some plain, and someembroidered in all sorts of figures, colors, and fashions--others withbody of gold, and embroidered with gold; woven stuffs and brocades, ofgold and silver upon silk of various colors and patterns; quantitiesof gold and silver thread in skeins over thread and silk--but theglitter of all the gold and silver is false, and only on paper;damasks, satins, taffetans, _gorvaranes_, _picotes_, [233] and othercloths of all colors, some finer and better than others; a quantityof linen made from grass, called lençesuelo [handkerchief]; [234]and white cotton cloth of different kinds and qualities, for alluses. They also bring musk, benzoin, and ivory; many bed ornaments, hangings, coverlets, and tapestries of embroidered velvet; damaskand gorvaran of different shades; tablecloths, cushions, and carpets;horse-trappings of the same stuff, and embroidered with glass beads andseed-pearls; also some pearls and rubies, sapphires and crystal-stones;metal basins, copper kettles, and other copper and cast-iron pots;quantities of all sorts of nails, sheet-iron, tin and lead; saltpetreand gunpowder. They supply the Spaniards with wheat flour; preservesmade of orange, peach, _scorzonera_, [235] pear, nutmeg, and ginger, and other fruits of China; salt pork and other salt meats; live fowlsof good breed, and very fine capons; quantities of green fruit, orangesof all kinds; excellent chestnuts, walnuts, pears, and _chicueyes_[236] (both green and dried, a delicious fruit); quantities of finethread of all kinds, needles, and knick-knacks; little boxes andwriting-cases; beds, tables, chairs, and gilded benches, painted inmany figures and patterns. They bring domestic buffaloes; geese thatresemble swans; horses, some mules and asses; even caged birds, someof which talk, while others sing, and they make them play innumerabletricks. The Chinese furnish numberless other gewgaws and ornamentsof little value and worth, which are esteemed among the Spaniards;besides a quantity of fine crockery of all kinds; _canganes_, [237]_sines_, and black and blue robes; _tacley_, which are beads of allkinds; strings of cornelians, and other beads and precious stones ofall colors; pepper and other spices; and rarities--which, did I referto them all, I would never finish, nor have sufficient paper for it. 

As soon as the ship reaches the mouth of the bay of Manila, thewatchman stationed at the island of Miraveles goes out to it in alight vessel. Having examined the ship, he puts a guard of two or threesoldiers on it, so that it may anchor upon the bar, near the city, andto see that no one shall disembark from the vessel, or anyone enter itfrom outside, until the vessel has been inspected. By the signal madewith fire by the watchman from the said island, and the advice that hesends in all haste to the city--of what ship it is, whence it has come, what merchandise and people it brings--before the vessel has finishedanchoring, the governor and the city generally know all about it. [238]

When the vessel has arrived and anchored, the royal officials go toinspect it and the register of the merchandise aboard it. At thesame time the valuation of the cargo is made according to law, ofwhat it is worth in Manila; for the vessel immediately pays three percent on everything to his Majesty. [239] After the register has beeninspected and the valuation made, then the merchandise is immediatelyunloaded by another official into champans, and taken to the Parián, or to other houses and magazines, outside of the city. There thegoods are freely sold. 

No Spaniard, Sangley, or other person is allowed to go to the shipto buy or trade merchandise, food, or anything else. Neither is itallowed, when the merchandise is ashore, to take it from them orbuy it with force and violence; but the trade must be free, and theSangleys can do what they like with their property. 

The ordinary price of the silks (both raw and woven) and thecloths--which form the bulk of the cargo--is settled leisurely, andby persons who understand it, both on the part of the Spaniards andthat of the Sangleys. The purchase price is paid in silver and reals, for the Sangleys do not want gold, or any other articles, and will nottake other things to China. All the trading must be completed by theend of the month of May, or thereabout, in order that the Sangleysmay return and the Spaniards have the goods ready to lade upon thevessels that go to Nueva España by the end of June. However, thelarger dealers and those who have most money usually do their tradingafter that time, at lower rates, and keep the merchandise until thefollowing year. Certain Sangleys remain in Manila with a portion oftheir merchandise for the same purpose, when they have not had a goodsale for it, in order to go on selling it more leisurely. The Sangleysare very skilful and intelligent traders, and of great coolness andmoderation, in order to carry on their business better. They are readyto trust and accommodate freely whoever they know treats them fairly, and does not fail in his payments to them when these are due. Onthe other hand, as they are a people without religion or conscience, and so greedy, they commit innumerable frauds and deceits in theirmerchandise. The purchaser must watch them very closely, and knowthem, in order not to be cheated by them. The purchasers, however, acquit themselves by their poor payments and the debts that they incur;and both sides generally keep the judges and Audiencia quite busy. 

Some Japanese and Portuguese merchantmen also come every year fromthe port of Nangasaque in Japon, at the end of October with the northwinds, and at the end of March. They enter and anchor at Manilain the same way. The bulk of their cargo is excellent wheat-flourfor the provisioning of Manila, and highly prized salt meats. Theyalso bring some fine woven silk goods of mixed colors; beautifuland finely-decorated screens done in oil and gilt; all kinds ofcutlery; many suits of armor, spears, catans, and other weapons, all finely wrought; writing-cases, boxes and small cases of wood, japanned and curiously marked; other pretty gewgaws; excellent freshpears; barrels and casks of good salt tunny; cages of sweet-voicedlarks, called _fimbaros_; and other trifles. In this trading, somepurchases are also made, without royal duties being collected fromthose vessels. The bulk of the merchandise is used in the country, butsome goods are exported to Nueva España. The price is generally paidin reals, although they are not so greedy for them as the Chinese, for there is silver in Japon. They generally bring a quantity of itas merchandise in plates, and it is sold at moderate rates. 

These vessels return to Japon at the season of the vendavals, duringthe months of June and July. They carry from Manila their purchases, which are composed of raw Chinese silk, gold, deerskin, and brazil-woodfor their dyes. They take honey, manufactured wax, palm and Castilianwine, civet-cats, large tibors in which to store their tea, glass, cloth, and other curiosities from España. 

Some Portuguese vessels sail to Manila annually during the monsoon ofthe vendavals, from Maluco, Malaca, and India. They take merchandiseconsisting of spices--cloves, cinnamon, and pepper; slaves, both blacks and Cafres; cotton cloth of all sorts, fine muslins[_caniquies_], linens, gauzes, _rambuties_, and other delicateand precious cloths; amber, and ivory; cloths edged with _pita_, [240] for use as bed-covers; hangings, and rich counterpanes fromVengala [Bengal], Cochin, and other countries; many gilt articlesand curiosities; jewels of diamonds, rubies, sapphires, topazes, balas-rubies, and other precious stones, both set and loose; manytrinkets and ornaments from India; wine, raisins, and almonds;delicious preserves, and other fruits brought from Portugal andprepared in Goa; carpets and tapestries from Persia and Turquia, made of fine silks and wools; beds, writing-cases, parlor-chairs, and other finely-gilded furniture, made in Macao; needle-work incolors and in white, of chain-lace and royal point lace, and otherfancy-work of great beauty and perfection. Purchases of all the aboveare made in Manila, and paid in reals and gold. The vessels returnin January with the brisas, which is their favorable monsoon. Theycarry to Maluco provisions of rice and wine, crockery-ware, andother wares needed there; while to Malaca they take only the gold ormoney, besides a few special trinkets and curiosities from España, and emeralds. The royal duties are not collected from these vessels. 

A few smaller vessels also sail from Borneo, during the vendavals. Theybelong to the natives of that island, and return during the first partof the brisas. They enter the river of Manila and sell their cargoesin their vessels. These consist of fine and well-made palm-mats, a fewslaves for the natives, sago--a certain food of theirs prepared fromthe pith of palms--and tibors; large and small jars, glazed black andvery fine, which are of great service and use; and excellent camphor, which is produced on that island. Although beautiful diamonds are foundon the opposite coast, they are not taken to Manila by those vessels, for the Portuguese of Malaca trade for them on that coast. Thesearticles from Borneo are bought more largely by the natives than bythe Spaniards. The articles taken back by the Borneans are provisionsof wine and rice, cotton cloth, and other wares of the islands, which are wanting in Borneo. 

Very seldom a few vessels sail to Manila from Sian and Camboja. Theycarry some benzoin, pepper, ivory, and cotton cloth; rubies andsapphires, badly cut and set; a few slaves; rhinoceros horns, and thehides, hoofs, and teeth of this animal; and other goods. In return theytake the wares found in Manila. Their coming and return is between thebrisas and the vendavals, during the months of April, May, and June. 

In these classes of merchandise, and in the products of theislands--namely, gold, cotton cloth, mendriñaque, and cakes of whiteand yellow wax--do the Spaniards effect their purchases, investments, and exports for Nueva España. They make these as is most suitablefor each person, and lade them on the vessels that are to make thevoyage. They value and register these goods, for they pay into theroyal treasury of Manila, before the voyage, the two per cent royalduties on exports, besides the freight charges of the vessel, whichamount to forty Castilian ducados [241] per tonelada. This latter ispaid at the port of Acapulco in Nueva España, into the royal treasuryof the said port, in addition to the ten per cent duties for entranceand first sale in Nueva España. [242]

Inasmuch as the ships which are despatched with the said merchandiseare at his Majesty's account, and other ships cannot be sent, thereis generally too small a place in the cargo for all the purchases. Forthat reason the governor divides the cargo-room among all the shippers, according to their wealth and merits, after they have been examinedby intelligent men, appointed for that purpose. Consequently everyman knows from his share how much he can export, and only that amountis received in the vessel; and careful and exact account is taken ofit. Trustworthy persons are appointed who are present at the lading;and space is left for the provisions and passengers that are to goin the vessels. When the ships are laden and ready to sail, theyare delivered to the general and the officials who have them incharge. Then they start on their voyage at the end of the month ofJune, with the first vendavals. 

This trade and commerce is so great and profitable, and easy tocontrol--for it only lasts three months in the year, from thetime of the arrival of the ships with their merchandise, untilthose vessels that go to Nueva España take that merchandise--thatthe Spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage in, any otherindustry. Consequently, there is no husbandry or field-labor worthy ofconsideration. Neither do the Spaniards work the gold mines or placers, which are numerous. They do not engage in many other industries thatthey could turn to with great profit, if the Chinese trade shouldfail them. That trade has been very hurtful and prejudicial inthis respect, as well as for the occupations and farm industries inwhich the natives used to engage. Now the latter are abandoning andforgetting those labors. Besides, there is the great harm and lossresulting from the immense amount of silver that passes annually bythis way [of the trade], into the possession of infidels, which cannever, by any way, return into the possession of the Spaniards. 

His Majesty's agents for the government and justice, and the royalofficials for the management of his Majesty's revenue, are as follows:First, the governor and captain-general of all the islands, whois at the same time president of the royal Audiencia of Manila. Hehas a salary of eight thousand pesos de minas per year for all hisoffices. [243] He possesses his own body-guard of twelve halberdiers, whose captain receives three hundred pesos per year. The governor aloneprovides and regulates all that pertains to war and government, withthe advice of the auditors of the Audiencia in difficult matters. Hetries in the first instance the criminal cases of the regular soldiers, and any appeals from his decisions go to the Audiencia. [244] Thegovernor appoints many alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, deputies, andother magistrates, throughout the islands and their provinces, forcarrying on the government and justice, and for military matters. Theseappointments are made before a government chief scrivener appointedby his Majesty, who helps the governor. 

The governor likewise takes part with the royal Audiencia, asits president, in whatever pertains to its duties. The Audienciaconsists of four auditors and one fiscal--each of whom receives anannual salary of two thousand pesos de minas [245]--one reporter, one court scrivener, one alguacil-mayor, with his assistants, onegovernor of the prison of the court, one chancellor, one registrar, two bailiffs, one chaplain and sacristan, one executioner, attorneys, and receivers. The Audiencia tries all causes, civil and criminal, taken to it from all the provinces of its district. [246] Theseinclude the Filipinas Islands and the mainland of China, alreadydiscovered or to be discovered. The Audiencia has the same authorityas the chancillerías of Valladolid and Granada in España. At the sametime, the Audiencia provides whatever is advisable for the properand systematic management of the royal exchequer. 

His Majesty's revenues in the Filipinas Islands are in chargeof and their tribunal consists of three royal officials. They areappointed by his Majesty, and consist of a factor, an accountant, anda treasurer. They each receive an annual salary of five hundred andten thousand maravedis. They have their clerk of mines, and registrarsof the royal revenues, and their executive and other officials, allof whom reside in Manila. From that city they manage and attend toeverything pertaining to the royal revenues throughout the islands. 

His Majesty has a number of encomiendas apportioned to his royal crownthroughout the provinces of the Filipinas Islands. The tributes ofthose encomiendas are collected for his royal treasury by his royalofficials and the collectors engaged for that purpose by the royalofficials. From year to year these amount to thirty thousand pesos, after deducting costs and expenses. They collect, from one year toanother, eight thousand pesos in tributes from the Sangleys--bothChristians and infidels. [247]

They also collect the fifth of all gold dug in the islands. Byspecial concession for a limited period, the tenth is collectedinstead of the fifth. There is a declaration concerning it, to theeffect that the natives shall pay no fifths or other duties on thejewels and gold inherited by them from their ancestors before hisMajesty owned the country. Sufficient measures have been taken forthe clear understanding of this concession and its investigation, for that on which the tenth has once been paid, and the steps tobe taken in the matter. From one year to another they collect tenthousand pesos from these fifths, for much is concealed. [248]

The assignment of two reals from each tributario inures to the royaltreasury and is paid into it, for the pay of the soldiers and thestipend of the prebendaries. These are collected from the encomenderos, in proportion to, and on the account of, their tributes, and amountannually to thirty-four thousand pesos. 

The fines and expenses of justice are committed to the care of thetreasurer of the royal revenues, and are kept in the treasury. Theyamount annually to three thousand pesos. 

The three per cent duties on the Chinese merchandise of the Sangleyvessels average forty thousand pesos annually. [249]

The two per cent duties paid by the Spaniards for exporting merchandiseto Nueva España amount annually to twenty thousand pesos. On themerchandise and money sent from Nueva España to the Filipinas, result eight thousand pesos more. Consequently, in these things andin other dues of less importance that belong to the royal treasury, his Majesty receives about one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, or thereabout, annually in the Filipinas. [250]

Inasmuch as this amount does not suffice for the expenses that areincurred, the royal treasury of Nueva España sends annually to that ofthe Filipinas, in addition to the above revenues, some assistance inmoney--a greater or less sum, as necessity requires. For his Majestyhas thus provided for it from the proceeds of the ten per cent dutieson the Chinese merchandise that are collected at the port of Acapulcoin Nueva España. This assistance is given into the keeping of theroyal officials in Manila, and they take charge of it, with the restof the revenues that they manage and collect. 

From all this gross sum of his Majesty's revenue, the salaries ofthe governor and royal Audiencia are paid, as well as the stipendsof prelates and ecclesiastical prebendaries, the salaries of themagistrates, and of the royal officials and their assistants; thepay of all the military officers and regular soldiers; his Majesty'sshare of the stipends for instruction, and the building of churchesand their ornaments; the concessions and gratifications that he hasallowed to certain monasteries, and private persons; the buildingof large vessels for the navigation to Nueva España, and of galleysand other vessels for the defense of the islands; expenses forgunpowder and ammunition; the casting of artillery, and its care;the expense arising for expeditions and individual undertakingsin the islands, and in their defense; that of navigations to, andnegotiations with, the kingdoms in their vicinity, which are quitecommon and necessary. Consequently, since his Majesty's revenues inthese islands are so limited, and his expenses so great, the royaltreasury falls short, and suffers poverty and need. [251]

The proceeds from the ten per cent duties and the freight charges ofthe ships, which are collected at Acapulco in Nueva España, on themerchandise sent there from the Filipinas, although considerable, arealso not always sufficient for the expenses incurred in Nueva Españawith the ships, soldiers, ammunition, and other supplies sent annuallyto the Filipinas. These expenses are generally greatly in excessof those duties, and the amount is made up from the royal treasuryof Mexico. Consequently, the king our sovereign derives as yet noprofit from any revenues of the Filipinas, but rather an expenditure, by no means small, from his revenues in Nueva España. He sustains theFilipinas only for the christianization and conversion of the natives, and for the hopes of greater fruits in other kingdoms and provinces ofAsia, which are expected through this gateway, at God's good pleasure. 

Every year the Audiencia audits the accounts of the royal officials ofhis Majesty's revenues, strikes the balances, and sends the accountsto the tribunal of accounts in Mexico. [252]

In the city of Manila, and in all those Spanish settlements of theislands, reside Sangleys, who have come from Great China, besidesthe merchants. They have appointed settlements and are engaged invarious trades, and go to the islands for their livelihood. Somepossess their pariáns and shops. Some engage in fishing and farmingamong the natives, throughout the country; and go from one island toanother to trade, in large or small champans. [253]

The annual vessels from Great China bring these Sangleys in greatnumbers, especially to the city of Manila, for the sake of the profitsthat are gained from their fares. As there is a superabundance ofpopulation in China, and the wages and profits there are little, they regard as of importance whatever they get in the Filipinas. 

Very great annoyances result from this; for, not only can there belittle security to the country with so many infidels, but the Sangleysare a wicked and vicious race. Through intercourse and communicationwith them, the natives improve little in Christianity and morals. Andsince they come in such numbers and are so great eaters, they raisethe price of provisions, and consume them. 

It is true that the city could not be maintained or preserved withoutthese Sangleys; for they are the mechanics in all trades, and areexcellent workmen and work for suitable prices. But a less number ofthem would suffice for this, and would avoid the inconvenience of somany people as are usually in Manila when the ships arrive--to saynothing of the many Chinese who go about among the islands, underpretext of trading with the natives, and there commit innumerablecrimes and offenses. At the least, they explore all the country, therivers, creeks, and ports, and know them better than the Spaniardsdo; and they will be of great harm and injury in case of any revoltor hostile invasion of the islands. 

In order to remedy all the above, it was ordered that the vesselsshould not bring so many people of this kind, under penalties thatare executed; that, when the vessels return to China, they takethese Sangleys back with them; that only a convenient number ofmerchants remain in Manila, in the Parián, and the mechanics ofall necessary trades; and that these must have written license, under severe penalties. In the execution of this, an auditor of theAudiencia is engaged by special commission every year, together withsome assistants. On petition of the city cabildo, he usually allowsas many Sangleys to remain as are necessary for the service of alltrades and occupations. The rest are embarked and compelled to returnin the vessels going to China, and a great deal of force and violence[254] is necessary to accomplish it. 

Those merchants and artisans who remained in Manila before the revoltof the year six hundred and three had settled the Parián and itsshops. The Parián is a large enclosed alcaicería of many streets, at some distance from the city walls. It is near the river, and itslocation is called San Graviel. There they have their own governor, who has his tribunal and prison, and his assistants; these administerjustice to them, and watch them day and night, so that they may livein security, and not commit disorders. 

Those who cannot find room in this Parián live opposite, on the otherside of the river, where Tondo is, in two settlements called Baybayand Minondoc. They are in charge of the alcalde-mayor of Tondo, andunder the ministry of the religious of St. Dominic, who labor for theirconversion, and for that purpose have learned the Chinese language. 

The Dominicans have two monasteries with the requisite assistants, and a good hospital for the treatment of Sangleys. In a districtkept separate from the infidels, they have a settlement of baptizedSangleys, with their wives, households, and families, numbering fivehundred inhabitants; and the religious are continually baptizingothers and settling them in that village. But few of them turn outwell, for they are a vile and restless race, with many vices and badcustoms. Their having become Christians is not through the desireor wish for salvation, but for the temporal conveniences that theyhave there, and because some are unable to return to China becauseof debts incurred and crimes committed there. 

Each and all, both Christians and infidels, go unarmed and in theirnational garb. This consists of long garments with wide sleeves, madeof blue cangan (but white for mourning, while the chief men wear themof black and colored silks); wide drawers of the same material; halfhose of felt; very broad shoes, according to their fashion, made ofblue silk embroidered with braid--with several soles, well-sewed--andof other stuffs. Their hair is long and very black, and they takegood care of it. They do it up on the head in a high knot, [255]under a very close-fitting hood or coif of horsehair, which reachesto the middle of the forehead. They wear above all a high round capmade of the same horsehair, in different fashions, by which theirdifferent occupations, and each man's rank, are distinguished. TheChristians differ only in that they cut their hair short, and wearhats, as do the Spaniards. 

They are a light-complexioned people and tall of body. They havescant beards, are very stout-limbed, and of great strength. Theyare excellent workmen, and skilful in all arts and trades. They arephlegmatic, of little courage, treacherous and cruel when opportunityoffers, and very covetous. They are heavy eaters of all kinds of meat, fish, and fruits; but they drink sparingly, and then of hot beverages. 

They have a governor of their own race, a Christian, who has hisofficials and assistants. He hears their cases in affairs of justice, in their domestic and business affairs. Appeals from him go to thealcalde-mayor of Tondo or of the Parián, and from all these to theAudiencia, which also gives especial attention to this nation andwhatever pertains to it. 

No Sangley can live or own a house outside these settlements ofthe Parián, and of Baybay and Minondoc. Native settlements are notallowed in Sangley settlements, or even near them. No Sangley can goamong the islands, or as much as two leguas from the city, withoutspecial permission. Much less can he remain in the city at night, after the gates are shut, under penalty of death. 

There are generally some Japanese, both Christian and infidel, inManila. These are left by the vessels from Japon, although they arenot so numerous as the Chinese. They have their special settlement andlocation outside the city, between the Sangley Parián and the suburb ofLaguio, near the monastery of La Candelaria. There they are directedby discalced religious of St. Francis, by means of interpreterswhom the fathers keep for that purpose. They are a spirited race, of good disposition, and brave. They wear their own costume, namely, kimonos of colored silks and cotton, reaching half way down the leg, and open in front; wide, short drawers; close-fitting half-boots ofleather, [256] and shoes like sandals, with the soles of well-wovenstraw. They go bare-headed, and shave the top of the head as farback as the crown. Their back hair is long, and fastened upon theskull in a graceful knot. They carry their catans, large and small, in the belt. They have scant beards, and are a race of noble bearingand behavior. They employ many ceremonies and courtesies, and attachmuch importance to honor and social standing. They are resolute inany necessity or danger. 

Those who become Christians prove very good, and are very devoutand observant in their religion; for only the desire for salvationincites them to adopt our religion, so that there are many Christiansin Japon. Accordingly they return freely, and without opposition, to their own country. At most there are about five hundred Japaneseof this nation in Manila, for they do not go to other parts of theislands, and such is their disposition that they return to Japon, anddo not tarry in the islands; consequently very few of them usuallyremain in the islands. They are treated very cordially, as they area race that demand good treatment, and it is advisable to do so forthe friendly relations between the islands and Japon. [257]

Few people come from the other nations--Sian, Camboja, Borneo, Patan, and other islands--outside our government; and they immediately returnin their vessels. Consequently, there is nothing special to be saidof them, except that care is exercised in receiving and despatchingthem well, and seeing that they return quickly to their own countries. 

Since I have told, in the short time at my disposal, thecharacteristics of the Filipinas Islands, and their customs andpractices, it will not be inappropriate to discuss the navigation tothem since it is made thither from Nueva España; the return voyage, which is not short, or without great dangers and hardships; and thatmade in the eastern direction. 

When the islands were conquered in the year of one thousand fivehundred and seventy-four [_sic; sc_. 1564], the Spanish fleet sailedunder command of the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, from Puertode la Navidad [258] situated in the South Sea, on the coast of NuevaEspaña, in the province and district of Xalisco and Galicia, whereresides the royal Audiencia of Guadalajara. A few later voyageswere made also from the same port, until the point for the sendingof these vessels was removed, for better and greater convenience, to the port of Acapulco, located farther south on the same coast, in sixteen and one-half degrees of latitude; it is eighty leguas fromMexico, and in its district. It is an excellent port, sheltered fromall weather; and has a good entrance and good anchorages. Its vicinityis advantageous, being better provisioned and more populous than thatof La Navidad. There a large Spanish colony has been established, with its alcalde-mayor, and royal officials who have charge of hisMajesty's treasury; and these attend to the despatch of the vessels. 

The vessels that sail to the Filipinas, as they are despatched annuallyon his Majesty's account, must necessarily leave in the certain seasonof the brisas, which begin in the month of November and last until theend of March. This navigation should not be made at any other season, for from June the vendavals blow, and they are contrary to the voyage. 

As a rule, these ships sail and are despatched at the end of February, or at the latest by the twentieth of March. They sail west toward theislands of Las Velas, [259] otherwise called the Ladrones. The islandof Guan, one of them, lies in thirteen degrees of latitude. Inasmuchas the vessels on leaving Acapulco are wont sometimes to encountercalms, they sail south from sixteen and one-half degrees, in whichthe port is situated, until they strike the brisas, which is generallyat ten or eleven degrees. By this route they sail continually beforethe wind, and without changing the sails, with fresh and fair brisas, and in other moderate weather, for one thousand eight hundred leguas, without sighting any mainland or island. Then leaving to the souththe Barbudos and other islands, and advancing gradually to a latitudeof thirteen degrees, they sail until they sight the island of Guan;and above it, in fourteen degrees, that of La Çarpana [Seypan]. Thisvoyage to those Ladrones Islands lasts generally seventy days. 

The natives of those islands, who go naked, and are a very robustand barbarous race, go out to sea to meet the ships as soon as theydiscover them, at a distance of four to six leguas, with many vessels;these are one-masted, and are very slender and light. These vesselshave a counterpoise of bamboo to leeward, and their sails are madeof palm-leaves and are lateen-sails. Two or three men go in each onewith oars and paddles. They carry loads of flying-fish, dorados, [260] cocoa-nuts, bananas, sweet potatoes, bamboos full of water, and certain mats; and when they reach the ships, they trade these foriron from the hoops of casks, and bundles of nails, which they usein their industries, and in the building of their ships. Since someSpaniards and religious have lived among them, because of Spanishships being wrecked or obliged to take refuge there, they come morefreely to our ships and enter them. 

Our ships sail between the two islands of Guan and Çarpana toward theFilipinas and the cape of Espiritu Santo, a distance of three hundredleguas farther on, in the latitude of about thirteen degrees. Thisdistance is made in ten or twelve days with the brisas; but it mayhappen, if the ships sail somewhat late, that they encounter vendavals, which endanger their navigation, and they enter the islands aftergreat trouble and stormy weather. 

From the cape of Espiritu Santo, the ships enter the strait of Capulat the islands of Mazbate and Burias; thence they sail to Marinduqueand the coast of Calilaya, the strait of Mindoro, the shoals ofTuley, and the mouth of Manila Bay. Thence, they go to the port ofCabit. This is a voyage of one hundred leguas from the entrance tothe islands and is made in one week. This is the end of the voyage, which is good and generally without storms, if made in the proper time. 

These vessels now make the return voyage from the Filipinas to NuevaEspaña with great difficulty and danger, for the course is a long oneand there are many storms and various temperatures. The ships depart, on this account, very well supplied with provisions, and suitablyequipped. Each one sails alone, hoisting as much sail as possible, and one does not wait for the other, nor do they sight one anotherduring the voyage. 

They leave the bay and port of Cabit at the first setting-in ofthe vendavals, between the same islands and by the same straits, by the twentieth of June and later. As they set out amid showers, and are among islands, they sail with difficulty until they leavethe channel at Capul. Once in the open sea, they catch the vendaval, and voyage east, making more progress when they reach the latitudeof fourteen or fifteen degrees. 

Then the brisa starts. This wind is the ordinary one in the South Sea, especially in low latitudes. Since it is a head wind, the course ischanged, and the bow is pointed betwen the north and east, as muchas the wind will allow. With this they reach a higher latitude, andthe ship is kept in this course until the vendaval returns. Then, by means of it, the ship again takes an eastern course in thatlatitude where it happens to be, and keeps that direction as longas that wind lasts. When the vendaval dies, the ship takes the bestcourse that the winds allow, by the winds then blowing between northand east. If the wind is so contrary that it is north or northwest, so that the ship cannot take that course, the other course is takenso that they may continue to maintain their voyage without losingtime. At four hundred leguas from the islands they sight certainvolcanoes and ridges of the islands of Ladrones, which run north asfar as twenty-four degrees. [261] Among these they generally encountersevere storms and whirl-winds. At thirty-four degrees is the cape ofSestos, [262] at the northern head of Japon, six hundred leguas fromthe Filipinas. They sail among other islands, which are rarely seen, in thirty-eight degrees, encountering the same dangers and storms, and in a cold climate, in the neighborhood of the islands Rica deOro ["rich in gold"] and Rica de Plata ["rich in silver"], which arebut seldom seen. [263] After passing them the sea and open expanseof water is immense, and the ship can run free in any weather. Thisgulf is traversed for many leguas with such winds as are encountered, until a latitude of forty-two degrees is reached, toward the coast ofNueva España. They seek the winds that generally prevail at so high alatitude, which are usually northwest. After a long voyage the coastof Nueva España is sighted, and from Cape Mendoçino (which lies inforty-two and one-half degrees) the coast extends nine hundred leguasto the port of Acapulco, which lies in sixteen and one-half degrees. 

When the ships near the coast, which they generally sight betwen fortyand thirty-six degrees, the cold is very severe, and the people sufferand die. Three hundred leguas before reaching land, signs of it areseen, by certain _aguas malas_, [264] as large as the hand, roundand violet colored, with a crest in the middle like a lateen sail, which are called _caravelas_ ["caravels"]. This sign lasts until theship is one hundred leguas from land; and then are discovered certainfish, with half the body in the form of a dog; [265] these frolic withone another near the ship. After these _perrillos_ ["little dogs"]are seen the _porras_ ["knobsticks"], which are certain very long, hollow shoots of a yellow herb with a ball at the top, and whichfloat on the water. At thirty leguas from the coast are seen manygreat bunches of grass which are carried down to the sea by thegreat rivers of the country. These grasses are called _balsas_["rafts or floats"]. Also many perrillos are seen, and, in turn, all the various signs. Then the coast is discovered, and it is veryhigh and clear land. Without losing sight of land, the ship coastsalong it with the northwest, north-northwest, and north winds, whichgenerally prevail on that coast, blowing by day toward the land, and by night toward the sea again. With the decrease of the latitudeand the entrance into a warm climate the island of Cenizas [ashes]is seen, and afterward that of Cedros [cedars]. Thence one sails untilthe cape of San Lucas is sighted, which is the entrance of [the gulfof] California. From that one traverses the eighty leguas interveningto the islands of Las Marias and the cape of Corrientes ["currents"], which is on the other side of California in Val de Vanderas ["valley ofbanners"], and the provinces of Chametla. Thence one passes the coastof Colima, Sacatul, Los Motines ["the mutinies"], and Ciguatanejo, and enters the port of Acapulco--without having made a way-station ortouched land from the channel of Capul in the Filipinas throughoutthe voyage. The voyage usually lasts five months or thereabout, but often six and even more. [266]

By way of India, one may sail from the Filipinas to España, by makingthe voyage to Malaca, and thence to Cochin and Goa, a distanceof one thousand two hundred leguas. This voyage must be made withthe brisas. From Goa one sails by way of India to the cape of BuenaEsperança [Good Hope], and to the Terceras [_i. E. _, Azores] Islands, and thence to Portugal and the port of Lisboa. This is a very longand dangerous voyage, as is experienced by the Portuguese who makeit every year. From India they usually send letters and despatches toEspaña by way of the Bermejo ["Red"] Sea, by means of Indians. Thesesend them through Arabia to Alexandria, and thence by sea to Venecia[Venice] and thence to España. 

A galleon bound for Portugal sails and is despatched from the fort ofMalaca, in certain years, by the open sea, without touching at Indiaor on its coasts. It reaches Lisboa much more quickly than do the Goavessels. It generally sails on the fifth of January, and does not leavelater than that; nor does it usually anticipate that date. However, not any of these voyages are practiced by the Castilians--who areprohibited from making them--except the one made by way of NuevaEspaña, both going and coming, as above described. And although theeffort has been made, no better or shorter course has been found byway of the South Sea. [267]

_Laus Deo_

CONQUISTA DE LAS ISLAS MALUCAS

By the licentiate Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola. Madrid; [published]by Alonso Martin, in the year M. DC. IX. 

SOURCE: This is translated and synopsized from the original printedwork, for which purpose have been used the copies belonging to HarvardUniversity and to Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago. 

TRANSLATION: This document is translated and synopsized by JamesA. Robertson. 

 CONQUEST OF THE MALUCAS ISLANDS. 

 Dedicated to King Felipe III, Our Sovereign. 

 Written by Licentiate Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola, chaplain of her Majesty the Empress, and Rector of Villahermosa. 

 Madrid. Printed by Alonso Martin M DC IX. 

CONQUEST OF THE MALUCAS ISLANDS

[The usual licenses and preliminary matter precede Argensola's[268] history. The license of the king permitting the author, and no other, to have the book printed and sold for the followingten years, bears date "Madrid, January twenty-four, one thousandsix hundred and nine. " The license and approbation of the ordinary, Doctor Cetina, dated "Madrid, December 30, 1608, " certifies that thehistory contains nothing against the Catholic faith. Pedro de Valencia, royal chronicler, under date of "Madrid, January 14, 1609, " approvesthe work as deserving publicity. Licentiate Murcia de la Llana, after comparing a single printed copy with the original manuscript, appends a list of errata, with certification that, with these, thebook corresponds to the original. This bears date "Madrid, May 4, 1609. " Pedro Zapata del Marmol, at "Madrid, May seven, one thousandsix hundred and nine, " appraises the book and orders that it be soldat four maravedis per pliego or fold, thus making the price of thebook, since it contains one hundred and six pliegos, twelve reals, sixteen maravedis. In his dedication, dated "Madrid, May 4, 1609, "Argensola requests the king to read his book, as it "contains victoriesof the Church. " The author's brother, Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, secretary of the empress, chief chronicler of the king in Aragón, writes a letter "to the readers, " in which he meets their argumentsor supposed arguments, and defends the title and contents of the book, the method of treatment, the style, and its _raison d'être_. 

The work contains ten books, the first four of which consist almostentirely of matters extraneous to the Philippines, such as Malucomatters, the history of Pedro Sarmiento's expedition through the Straitof Magellan in search of Drake, etc. The last six books contain morePhilippine matter, and while Argensola cannot always be credited withthe same reliability as Morga, he often supplements the latter. Hisintroduction in the first book reads as follows:] [269]

I write of the reduction of the Malucas Islands to the obedience ofFelipe III, king of España, and the reduction of their kings to theirformer vassalage, which their predecessors rendered, and which wasintroduced anew by Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of the Filipinas andgeneral of the Spanish fleet. That was a victory worthy the foresightof so pious a monarch, of the care of the dignified ministers of hissupreme council, and of the valor of our nation: not so greatly becauseof the rare fertility of those provinces, as because by it was takenfrom the northern fleets one great compelling motive for sailing ourseas, so that they should not infect the purity of the new faith ofthe Asiatic Indians, and the inhabitants of our colonies who tradewith them, with heresy. The short time in which the undertakingwas completed does not detract from its praise; on the contrary, it can, by that very fact, occupy a worthy place among more copiousnarratives. Well do I see the dangers to which I expose myself, but Iam also confident that I shall not find a defense wanting. Illustrioussculptors or painters are wont to esteem highly the heads, arms, and other members, that are copied perfectly from living bodies, inimitation of which they form all the parts, when they wish to make anyfigure. Those ignorant of art despise that preparation, and only enjoythe statue or picture, which is composed of all its members, and do notexamine the imperfections that they may possess. My present relationof the recovery of those kingdoms will be judged by this esteem andby this contempt. For the wise, who know how history is formed, willesteem this part drawn from life. Others who read, as they confess, only to pass the time, will value it but little--preferring somehighly fabulous monstrosities, or a prolix book, which, under thename of history, contains a marvelous number of people, and theirdeaths; and which gives events, not as God disposed them, but as theydesire them. Hence it happens that many things worth knowing remainhidden, for, since they are deferred tor general histories, they arecontemporaneously written but meagerly, by those concerned in them;and when their manuscripts are wanted, they are not to be found, orelse bind the writer to the laws imposed on him by those who wishedto leave that memorial through their self-love or any other passion, and he can make no examination of their truth. Consequently to free asuccess so important as that of Ternate, the capital of all Maluco, from this danger, I was ordered to write it, during the lifetime ofthose who engaged in it either actively, or through counsel I am sofully informed of what is needful to write this history, that I hopeto supply my want of ability by the truth. Of this alone have I deemedit fitting to advise the reader, and not of the advantage that will bederived from a perusal of this relation. For if the reader desire myrelation, any advice on my part will be superfluous; and otherwise, even though such advice guide him rightly, it will be impossible toachieve anything thereby. 

[The first four books treat somewhat briefly of the legendary historyand the European discovery of the the Malucos; their importancein trade, by reason of their spices, and other resources; theirinhabitants; the early Portuguese domination and cruelties, and theconsequent risings and rebellions of the natives; the civil warsbetween Ternate and Tidors; and the accession of Felipe II to thePortuguese crown. The following extracts and abstracts are made fromvarious parts of these four books:]

The eastern archipelago . .. Embraces so many islands, thateven yet we do not know their exact number. Modern writers makefive divisions of this archipelago, which are themselves a likenumber of archipelagos--namely, Maluco, Moro, Papuas, Celebes, and Amboyno. The name of the first in that language is Moloc, and means the same as "capital, " for it is the capital of all theadjacent parts; and, according to others, Maluco, which signifiesin Arabic, as par excellence, "the kingdom. " It is reduced to fivechief islands, all under one meridian, all in sight of one another, and lying within a distance of twenty-five leguas. They lie acrossthe equator, their most northern latitude being one-half degree, and their most southern one degree. They are bounded on the west bythe island of Xilòlo, called Batochina de Moro by the Portuguese, and Alemaera by the Malucos. Of the many islands round about, whichare also called Malucas, . .. The following are remarkable for theabundance of their spice, namely--beginning at the north-Ternate, Tydore, Motiel, Maquien, and Bacham. In the time of their formerpagans they were called Cape, Duco, Moutil, Mara, and Seque . .. Theinhabitants differ from one another, as it were, by the miraculouskindness of nature. The women are light-complexioned and beautiful, while the men have a complexion somewhat darker than a quince. Thehair is smooth, and many anoint it with fragrant oils. They havelarge eyes and long eyelashes, which, with their eyebrows, theywear blackened. Their bodies are robust, and they are much givento war, but to all other employment they are slothful. They livelong, grow gray early, and are always active, on sea no less thanon land. Hospitable and kind to guests, they are importunate andinsistent in their demands when they become familiar. They are full ofself-interest in their dealings, and make use of tricks, frauds, andlies. They are poor, and consequently proud; and, to name many vicesin one, they are ungrateful. The Chinese occupied all these islandswhen they subjugated all that orient, then the Javanese and Malays, and lastly the Persians and Arabs. These last, by means of commerce, introduced the superstitions of Mahomet among the worship of theirgods (of whom some families boasted as ancestors). Their laws arebarbarous. They set no limit to their marriages. The chief wife of theking, called _putriz_ in their language, determines nobility and theright to the succession--to which her children are preferred, evenwhen they are younger than the children of other mothers. Not eventhe slightest theft is pardoned, but adultery is easily excused. Atdaybreak, those appointed for this duty sound (by law) large timbrelsin the streets of the settlements, in order to awaken married people, whom, on account of human propagation, they judge worthy of politicalcare. The majority of crimes are punished by death. In other thingsthey obey the tyranny or will of the conqueror. The headdress ofthe men consists of colored Turkish turbans, with many feathers inthem. That of the king, which corresponds to a crown, has the formof a miter in its peak. The remainder of the clothing universallyconsists of jackets which they call _cheninas_, and trousers ofblue, crimson, green, or violet damask. Of the same material aretheir cloaks, which are short and military, and fastened diagonallyor knotted on the shoulder, after the fashion of the ancient Romangarments, as known to us by the writings, statues, and other tracesof those times. The women show off their hair, now letting it hang, and again knotting it upon the head, and placing various kinds offlowers in the bands that hold it; so that, in the adjustment oftheir headdress, they are not embarrassed by veils, plumage, orfeathers. All that variety, even without art, adorns them. Theywear bracelets, earrings, and necklaces of diamonds and rubies, and long strings of pearls--ornaments that are not prohibited tothe common people; as neither are silks, which are especially wornby the women after the fashion of Persians and Turks. These are allthe wealth of the seas and surrounding lands. Men and women betokenin their dress the natural haughtiness of their disposition. Thevariety of their languages is not little. It may happen that onevillage cannot understand the language of the next. Malay, being mosteasy to pronounce, is most common. From the variety of languagesit is inferred that these islands have been populated by differentnations. Antiquity, and the art of navigating in those districts, isascribed to the Chinese. Others affirm that the Malucos are descendedfrom the Javanese, who, attracted by the sweetness of the odors waftedby the spices, stopped at Maluco. They took a cargo of cloves, whichuntil then were unknown, and, continuing to trade in these, carriedthem in their vessels to the Persian and Arabian straits. They wentthroughout those provinces, carrying also ilks, and chinaware--productsof the resources and skill of the Chinese. The cloves, by meansof the Persians and Arabs, came to the Greeks and Romans. SeveralRoman emperors tried to conquer the east, in order to find the spiceregions, so much did they desire the spice. Believing that they allcame from China, they gave them Chinese names. The Spaniards formerlybrought the spices with other merchandise from the Bermejo [_i. E. _, Red] or Erithrean Sea. The kings of Egypt once gained possession ofthe spices, and they reached Europe by way of the Asiatics. When theRomans made Egypt one of their provinces, they continued the trade. TheGenoese, much later, transferring the commerce to Theodosia (now Cafa)distributed the spices, and there Venecia and other trading nationsestablished their agents and factories. They sailed later by way ofthe Caspian Sea and Trapisonda; but the trade fell with the empire, and the Turks carried this merchandise in caravans of camelsand dromedaries to Barcito, Lepo, and Damasco, and to variousMediterranean ports. [270] The sultans of Cayro restored this tradeto the Bermejo Sea, and to Alexandria by the Nilo [_i. E. _, Nile]River. The Portuguese deprived the sultans of it, after their conquestof the Eastern Indias, and now they bring the spices by way of thecape of Buena Esperanza in their fleets; while with those that sailalong the coasts of Arabia and Persia, and to the cape of Guardafun, they prohibit drugs being taken to Cayro, sinking or capturing thevessel that tries to do so. The sultan's trade was suppressed by thisfear and the security that was introduced, and all the spices comeon the account of the royal crown to India, with innumerable delays, until they reach Lisboa. He who is master of the navigation will bemaster of this pleasing wealth. 

[Mindanao--which, as appears from an allusion by Argensola, was notalways considered a portion of the Philippines proper--is visitedby one of the early Portuguese conquerors, Captain Pinto, being sentthere by Tristan de Atayde "and to the neighboring islands, to providethemselves with the necessities of life. " There "he visited the king, by whom he was courteously received; and after his credentials wereexamined, and consultation over his requests was held with the Sangages[271] of the king's council, peace and friendship were made. Pintosold his merchandise at whatever price he wished, and traded forand bought a cargo of provisions at will. " (Book ii, pp. 49-50. ) Thedesire for cloves [272] on the part of the Portuguese is so strong inthe Malucos that the natives determine to burn their trees, although"the clove harvest forms the wealth of the Maluco kings, " in orderto cause them to leave. Although the threat is not carried out, wars prevail constantly between natives and conquerors. The contestsbecome so vindictive and troublesome that they lead to argumentsfor abandoning the Philippines after Felipe II's accession to thethrone. The passages relating to this are as follows:]

The apprehensions of this danger had made the ministers of all thoseprovinces anxious, for their fears were being confirmed by proofsof manifest rebellion. In Goa, Diego Lopez de Mezquita was alreadya prisoner in the fortress of Benastirim, and under a strong guard, and the viceroy was awaiting the decision from España to dispose ofhim and of the soldiers; for they feared lest the Ternatans would makeuse of the great help that could be sent them by the Chinese; whichcould be sent much more easily if the matters then being discussedin Castilla were made certain. It was reported that the Council ofState--having noted that the Filipinas not only did not augment theroyal incomes, but were even lessening them, and were the occasion forfruitless expense; and that they were so numerous and so difficultof conservation--had proposed to King Filipo, our sovereign, toabandon them, and withdraw the Audiencia and presidios that sustainedthem. They added to this argument the example of the Chinese kings andnations, who also had abandoned those islands--although they are sonear and can aid them so easily, that the islands may be reckoned as apart of their mainland. They said that as España was governing them, signal detriment was being received, and there were no hopes thatany betterment would be obtained in future; for the amount of silverpassing thither from Nueva España, both for regular expenses and formerchandise, was immense. For the same reason, and by the same road, that treasure was being sent by the hands of the Chinese to the centerof those kingdoms, which, intractable by the severity of their laws, are debarred by those laws, as by arms and fortifications, from alltrade with foreigners. They asserted that the monarchy, scattered anddivided by so many seas, and climes, could scarcely be reduced to onewhole; and that human foresight could not bind, by means of ability, provinces separated by nature with so distant boundaries. Thesearguments, they said, were born not of the mind, but of experience, a truth manifest to the senses. All other arguments that could beadduced against this reasoning they declared to be honorable andfull of generous sound, but difficult of execution. It would bemore advisable to increase the power of the king in Europe, wherethe forces could attend to emergencies without the casualties thatmilitate against them in outside seas and dominions. Each one of thesearguments was enforced so minutely by the ministers of the treasurythat this proposition merited consideration and examination. HadGod permitted the king to exclude the Filipinas from his monarchy, and leave them exposed to the power of whomsoever should seize themfirst, the Malucans would have so strengthened the condition of theiraffairs that it would have been impregnable. 

This same resolution has been communicated on other occasions, andin the reign of King Filipo Third, now reigning. He, conformingto his father's reply, has ever refused to accept counsel soinjurious. Consequently, that most prudent monarch answered that theFilipinas would be conserved in their present condition, and that theAudiencia would be granted sufficient authority so that justice couldbe more thoroughly administered; for in the completeness and rigorof justice the king based the duration and energy of the state. Forthe same reason, the military force there would be strengthened, and the royal incomes of Nueva España, or those of any other of hiskingdoms, would be expended for that purpose, for all the treasures, and those still to be discovered in the bosom of the mines, must beapplied to the propagation of the gospel. For what, he asked, wouldthe enemies of the gospel say, if they should see that the Filipinaswere deprived of the light, and of the ministers who preach it, because they did not produce metals and wealth as did other richislands in Assia and America? He said that the entire power of thesovereigns must minister to this superior end, as sons of the Churchand assistants of the apostolic voice, which is being continued inthe successes of the first preaching. If he had refused to yieldone jot in his severity to his northern vassals, [273] or to grantthem liberty for their consciences, why should he relent toward thepagans and Mahometans, who are the harvest that God has assigned him, in order to enrich the Church with those so remote children? By thiswise he enjoined silence on the discussion, and with this gloriousaim the decision has ever been made when zeal or human conveniencehas discussed the abandonment of those states. .. . This religiousmotive influenced Felipo; but, besides it, those who had experienceof those Asiatic sources of wealth urged others. The most abundantwealth consists of diamonds, rubies, large and seed pearls, amber, musk, civet, and camphor, from Borneo and China; vermilion, coral, quicksilver, copper, and white cloth, from Cambaya and Mengala; rugs, carpets, fine counterpanes, camlets, from Persia; brocades, ivory, rhubarb, cardamoms, cassia, [274] incense, benzoin, wax, china, lac for medicine and dyes, cloves, and mace, from Banda; with gold, silver, and pearls, medicinal woods, aroes, eagle-wood, calambuco, [275] ebony, and innumerable other rare plants, drugs, spices, andornaments. They say that Venecia lost all this when the commercepassed to Portugal [276] (Book ii, pp. 84-86). .. . 

[While the war between the Portuguese and the natives is at itsheight, a galleon passes which is later found to have been neitherSpanish nor Portuguese, as the natives fear, "but a ship of Venetians, private persons, on its way from Manila to China, with various barteredmerchandise of those states and of the east" (Book ii, p. 89). 

A native envoy visits Felipe II in Lisbon, but fails to accomplishmuch. The later wars between Portuguese and Spaniards and nativesare characterized by assistance for the latter from English and Dutchsources. King Felipe "especially to recover Témate, " turns "his eyesto the convenience afforded by all the Filipinas, to a greater extentthan India. " Later he orders by "his royal decree" that "all thegovernors of the Filipinas should be instructed to aid the Malucas, and all the Indian states of the Portuguese crown; for this may bedone more conveniently from those islands than from India itself"(Book iv, p. 140). Argensola recurring again to the proposition ofabandoning the Philippines and other islands, says:]

The reader should also consider, that although avarice is sometimesmixed up in the ministry of the preaching of the gospel, and lawlessacts are committed by our captains and soldiers, yet such excesses donot make the cause less just. He should consider also that, supposingthat his Majesty should choose, for excellent state reasons (as wesaid were proposed), to abandon those districts of Asia, as the Chinesedid, and to narrow the bounds of his monarchy, the cause of the faithwould not permit it. Our kings are ministers of the faith, and sonsof the Catholic church, and any war waged for the introduction of thegospel is most important, and of the greatest profit, even though itbe to acquire or to gain desert provinces. Besides the Filipinas haveshown how docile are their natives, and how thoroughly they benefit bythe example and company of the Spaniards--the tokens of the affectionwith which they have received the faith and aid the religious who areextending the faith and carrying it to China, Japon, Camboxa, Mindanao, the Malucas, and the other places where endures idolatry or friendshipwith the demons (which the former owners of the country left to themwhen they excluded those places from their dominion), or the fictionsof Mahomet, which those places afterward admitted. This is the chiefreason for conserving those provinces. (Book iv, pp. 161, 162. )

Conquest of the Malucas IslandsBook Fifth

After the Luzones or Manilas Islands--both these being ancientnames--had been discovered by Magallanes, Sebastian Cano returnedto España, after the former's death and the successive deaths ofhis companions, in that venerable ship which--as if significant ofits voyage, which contains more of truth than of probability--theycalled "Vitoria. " Sebastian Cano was a mountaineer, from the hamletof Guetaria in the Pyrenees Mountains, according to Mapheo, [277] inhis Latin history. In his history he devotes much space to the greatcourage of Cano, and his skill in the arts of navigation. He recountsthe universal respect and admiration bestowed upon Cano, since he wasthe first in the age of mortals to circumnavigate this globe. And intruth, what estimation can remain to the fabulous Argonauts, Tiphysand Jason, and the other navigators whom the elegance or the daringof Grecia extols, when compared to our Cano? He was the first witnessof the commerce of the seas, and nature opened to his eyes what hadbeen reserved until then for them; and he was allowed to explore itall, and to furnish a beginning in so arduous endeavors for the lawthat saves and renders eternal. After the death of Magallanes, theLusones Islands--which ought to have inherited his name, as beinghis sepulcher, as the strait did because of his passage throughit--changed that name for that of Filipinas, [278] in the year onethousand five hundred and sixty-five; although those islands of thateastern archipeago are also called by that name. Adelantado Miguel deLegaspe, who was sent from Nueva España by Viceroy Don Luys de Velascowith a Spanish fleet, made port in those islands. He conquered firstthe island of Zebu and those in its vicinity, where he remained sixyears. That region is called by another name, Pintados, still preservedby different portions of that coast, because the Indians at that timewent about naked, and with their bodies adorned and painted [_i. E. _, tattooed] in various colors. Legaspe left a guard there and went tooccupy Luzon, one hundred and fifty leguas from Zebû. He fought thebarbarians, whom, after the surprise of our ships, weapons, and faceshad worn off, the same novelty encouraged. Legaspe anchored in a bayfour leguas wide, which shows an island midway in its entrance, nowcalled Marívelez. The bay has a circuit of thirty leguas to the city ofManila, and is eight leguas wide from north to east. The inhabitantsof that city resisted him with greater courage than the Pintados, forthey had artillery and a fort. But after the Spaniards had taken that, the defenders of it surrendered. This was done quickly, and allowedno time for the inhabitants to unite. Thus did Legaspe enter Manila, a place fortified by nature. At one point of it (which is surrounded bythe water of the bay) is a river of considerable volume, whose sourceis the great Lake of Vay [Bay], five leguas distant. This point, narrowand slender at first, becomes wider immediately, for the seashoreturns toward the southwest, and the bank of the river toward the east, so that a very considerable space is left for the city. The city isentirely surrounded with water, except that part between the westand south. Legaspe founded the city then with wooden buildings, forwood is produced abundantly in those regions. The roofs of the houseswere covered with nipa leaves, which resemble our mace-reed, [279]and which form a sufficient defense against the rains. It is, however, an inflammable material, and is the occasion of the great fires thathave happened there so often. Luzon is more densely populated thanany of the many islands--which are called Filipinas in honor of KingFilipo II, and which, as is affirmed, number eleven thousand. Luzon hasa circumference of three hundred and fifty leguas. Beyond the bay itruns one hundred leguas to the north, as far as Nueva Segovia; fromthe beginning of that province (namely, Cape Bojador), it runs forthirty leguas east to the promontory of El Engaño. Thence the coastruns south for eighty leguas, and then with another changed directionfor forty leguas to what they call Embocadero ["the channel"], that is, the strait opposite the island Tandaya, which is distant eighty moreleguas from the bay. Consequently the island has the shape of a square;it has many harbors, but few capacious ports. Manila is in slightlymore than fourteen degrees of northern latitude, and in longitude(reckoning from the Canarias) one hundred and sixty. The most northernpart of Luzon lies in nineteen degrees [of latitude]. With the seabetween them, the great kingdom of China lies on that side of it, seventy leguas away; while the islands of Japon lie to the northeast, at a distance of two hundred and fifty leguas. On the east is the openocean, and on the south the greatest of the archipelagos of the ocean, which is divided into live archipelagos. These are broken up into somany islands, kingdoms, and provinces, that one would believe thatnature did not desire men to ascertain their number. Both Javas, our Malucas, Borneo, and Nueva Guinea are known; on the west, and at a distance of three hundred leguas, Malaca, Sian, Patan, Camboxa, Cochinchina, and other different provinces on the mainlandof Asia. The Chinese abandoned living in our Filipinas, but not itstrade; nor did the cultivation or the fertility of the islands forthat Reason cease. Wheat and other necessary grains are producedthere in abundance: deer, Cattle, buffaloes, goats, and wild boars;and fruits and spices. If there be anything lacking, the Chinese fromChincheo bring it, such as chinaware and silks. The wine always usedand drunk there is made from palms, by cutting off the clusters offruit that they produce, when green--that fruit is called cocos--fromwhich, after cutting the leaf stalks, they gather the liquor thatflows forth, and boil it in jars, until it becomes so strong thatit causes intoxication and has the same effects as the strongestSpanish wine. Of native fruits, there are oranges, lemons, andvery sweet citrons; while they have fig and pear-trees introducedfrom España. They rear sparrow-hawks, herons [_martinetes_], androyal eagles in great abundance. They have a great many differentkinds of parrots, and other birds, large and small. In the riversand lakes are many horrible caymans or crocodiles; these kill theIndians very easily--and especially the children, who go carelesslyto their haunts--as well as the cattle when they go to drink. Nota few times has it happened that they have seized the cattle by themuzzles and pulled them beneath the water, and drowned them withoutpower to resist, however large the animal may be. Then the carcassis dragged ashore and devoured . .. Indians are found so courageousthat, notwithstanding the fierceness of those animals, they kill themwith their hands. They cover the left hand and arm with a glove madefrom buffalo hide, and hold therein a stake or peg, somewhat longerthan a tercia, [280] and about as thick as the wrist, and sharpenedat both ends. Then they enter the river until the water reaches thewaist. The crocodile rushes upon the Indian with open mouth to devourhim. The latter presents to it his protected arm and the hand with thestake, so that the beast may seize it, and runs it into the animal'smouth in such a position that it cannot shut its mouth or make useof its strong teeth to attack its slayer. Feeling the pain of thesharp stake the crocodile becomes so docile that it neither resistsnor attacks, nor dares move, for the slightest movement causes itpain. Thereupon the barbarian, pulling strongly on the stake, woundsthe beast repeatedly with a dagger (carried in the right hand) in thethroat, until it bleeds to death. Then it is drawn ashore with linesand ropes, with the aid of other Indians who unite to drag it in; andmany are needed, because of the huge bodies of those crocodiles. Theyresemble lizards, but are furnished with scales so strong that scarcecan an arquebus-shot dent them. The only vulnerable spots are thethroat and under parts of the legs [_i. E. _, where they join thebody], where nature has given them a certain sweet odor, which theIndians use. Besides cattle, all the animals of Africa and more arefound in those islands--tigers, lions, bears, foxes, monkeys, apes, squirrels--and in some of them are many civet-cats. These last are wontto be hunted extensively, in order to take them to different nationswith the other merchandise of China--linens, silks, earthenware, iron, copper, steel, quicksilver, and innumerable other things, which aretransported annually from those provinces. Religion and governmentare the same as those of España; but in those islands that are stillunsubdued, foolish idolatry prevails. They attribute immortalityto their souls, but they believe that souls wander from one body toanother, according to that ridiculous [doctrine of] transmigrationinvented or declared by Pythagoras. Trading is much in vogue, and isadvanced by the Chinese commerce. The Filipinos are more courageousthan their other neighbors. The Spaniards and creoles do not belietheir high origin. 

By order of King Filipo an army was formed from all this people, inorder to attempt to take the forts of Maluco. Don Gonçalo Ronquillode Peñalosa was governor. Although he had received beforehand certaininformation by way of trade and the spies that had gone there, hewas not satisfied with them, and sent another soldier to Maluco. Thelatter changed his clothes, and then with that and his aspect, which was not unlike that of the natives, and their language, whichhe spoke fluently, went to Tydore. He found our men very desirous ofthe enterprise, and the king of that island ready to push it with hisforces. He went to Ternate with the merchants, and saw the fortressesand the reefs about the ports; and sounded their friendship withthe English. He found that the latter landed and traded securely--orrather, as if by right. Nor was the multitude of secret Christiansunknown to him, who would take up arms in due season; nor any of theother things, that, as an experienced spy, it was necessary for him toreport. Thereupon Ronquillo prepared about three hundred Spaniards andmore than one thousand five hundred Filipinos, with ammunition, food, and sailors. With three large vessels and a considerable number ofsmaller ones, he set sail toward Maluco at the proper season. PedroSarmiento was general, an energetic and experienced man, who stilllives in Manila. He set out courageously and energetically, in orderto destroy any of the enemies then sailing those seas. Several daysprevious his Majesty had appointed Pablo de Lima to the charge ofTernate, if it were gained; and had allowed his brother, Franciscode Lima, the concession of two voyages to Maluco, in consideration oftheir services and those of Henrique, their father. Pablo had marrieda Christian woman, and a devout one, although she was a relativeof the king of Tydore, who is not a Christian. For this reason, andbecause he possessed in Ternate the ancient inheritance to the towns ofGuita, Mofaquia, Mofaguita, Pauate, Pelueri, Sansuma, Tahane, Mayloa, and Soma; and in the island of Maquien, Sabele, Talapao, Talatoa, Mofabouaua, Tabalola, Tagono, Bobaba, and Molapa--of the majority ofwhich the Ternatan king had dispossessed him, as well as Bitua andother towns in Tydore, on the pretext of his having abandoned them--hewent to Manila, where he discussed with the governor the method offacilitating the conquest, on the very eve of its execution. Hiscounsel was favored, and he gave it as it was his own cause. For, in addition to the inheritance that the king of Ternate had usurpedfrom him, he expected to get the island of Moutil, which had belongedto his ancestors. The expedition was also authorized by the presenceof Don Juan Ronquillo, the governor's nephew, who held equal authorityby land and sea with Sarmiento. If there were anything wanting, it wasthought that it would be supplied easily by the valor of the soldiers, together with the shortness of the voyage and the carelessness of theenemy. But the divided command proved an obstacle to that hope. Theirvoyage was not stormy, but neither was it so favorable that theywere enabled to anchor exactly at Ternate, as was necessary in orderto deprive the enemy from using their own vigilance. They went toMoutil to anchor, and within sight of the inhabitants of the land, fought with some hostile _janquas_. [281] These were captured, andthe Christians found within them were set at liberty. As Pablo de Limaknew the harbors, and as the people of the island did not possess theforces necessary to defend themselves against a fleet, and as it waseasily attacked on the sides, it surrendered. The natives came withbranches of palms, citron-trees, and gariofylos [_i. E. , caryophyllus_], or clove-trees, as tokens of peace, and to beg pardon. They obtainedboth, and for master, Pablo de Lima. However the vesting him with thatdomain proved cf little utility; for a few days after, all the peopleslipped away, either considering themselves more secure in Ternate, orto meet the enemy--who must necessarily carry the war to that island, as happened. Sarmiento repaired his vessels on that island [_i. E. _, Moutil], and without the loss of a single soldier, and flushed byhis first victory, went to Talangame, passing through the hostilecaracoas, which had been fitted up hastily and without order. Thefort and the king, in possession of our artillery--especially therampart, which was enlarged and afterward called Cachil Tulo, afterthe king's uncle, who built it--were in readiness long before, andwere threatening some great disaster. Our men landed on that side, but their landing was opposed by the Ternatans. However night put anend to battle, and each side retiring to safety, our men finishedlanding and mounting their artillery, in the position and mannercounseled by Pablo de Lima, who ever since then has been general ofartillery in the fort of Tydore. The king of that island wished tojoin our troops, as was shown by certain actions, and by his promisesto Alférez Dueñas; but he doubted the fortune of the Castilians, asif he had not had many experiences of it. Now the occasion persuadedhim and fidelity bound him, but he still hesitated. The doubt of thatking is believed to have hurt the outcome of the affair. Sarmiento, after having mounted the artillery and securely fortified himself, and after having taken some captives (from whom he learned the foodsupply and arms of the besieged), commenced to hem in the enemy, andto bombard them furiously. However he did not scare them, for theyanswered boldly. It became necessary to seize the high places, fromwhich, as from commanding eminences--which were leveled later--ourmen harassed the enemy. Had they persevered in this, it would havesufficed to end the war. But to such an extent did sickness reignin our camp, that no better medicine was found than that of absence, and deferring this undertaking to another time. The assistance fromTydore was of no consequence. They proved lukewarm friends, and allthe rest was spiritless. Heaven knows the other reasons. There musthave been some stronger ones; for, in reality, the camp was raised, and after embarking returned to Manila, without having had any greatereffect than to increase the confidence of the enemy. 

Then only the English nation disturbed Spanish dominion in thatorient. Consequently King Filipo desired not only to forbid it witharms near at hand, but also to furnish an example, by their punishment, to all the northern nations, so that they should not undertake theinvasions that we see. A beginning was made in this work in the yearone thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, as is related in thefollowing discourse. 

[The beheading of Mary Stuart, the English confederation with Holland, and the building, disaster, and defeat of the "invincible armada"follow. The narrative continues:]

The Hollanders or Zealanders, confederated with Queen Isabel [_i. E. _, Elizabeth of England], being witnesses of that event [_i. E. _, thedefeat of the armada], were encouraged to aspire to greater efforts, in disobedience to their religion and to their sovereign, to usurpthe eastern riches--mines, spices, drugs, and silks--as is seen bytheir reckless voyages, in which they have been emulous of the recentexamples set by the English, and by the more ancient ones left usby Colon, Alburquerque, Magallanes, Gama, and Cortes, as we shallsee later. .. . 

After Santiago de Vera became governor of the Filipinas, he wasespecially ordered to equip a fleet to attack Ternate, where theEnglish, from that time forward, were trading with all security. Allnations had established factories there, except the Javanese and theLascars. More than two thousand five hundred Moros from Meca werepreaching their abominable doctrine. They did not fear Portugal; alltheir fear was caused by the Castilians, whom but lately they foundpledged to vengeance. The king of Ternate knew that Sarmiento andRonquillo would have taken it, had not disease prevented them. When thenew preparation was learned in Tydore, the rumor was taken to Ternateby spies. That king immediately summoned his vassals, especially theislanders of Maquien and Homero, who, inasmuch as those islands areso densely populated, responded with forty caracoas. The number wouldhave been greater, but the king would not permit that more should beequipped than he requested, as he could not conceal his dread lestthey rebel, as the lands were full of Christians, and the tributesthat he had imposed on them were so excessive. Santiago de Vera madeCaptain Juan Morones general, who was not lacking in prudence, just asvalor was not lacking to the soldiers, or ammunition and artillery tothe fleet. Pablo de Lima assisted in both forces. But whether causedby natural ambition, or want of harmony in some other way, they wereso disunited that one would have prophesied jealousies before theyleft Manila. They set sail in good weather, and escaped the greatesthardships of the sea. But when they considered themselves safe, all the elements were loosed upon the fleet. Light and reckoningfailed them. The boats were shattered and the most important onesunk, with the loss of all its crew. That was the galleon called"Santa Helena, " which was carrying the pieces to bombard the fortress, and considerable of the other ammunition and apparatus. However theypersisted, and the king of Bacham assisted them with the men that hehad raised under the pretext of sweeping the sea of certain enemies;and, as a baptized Christian, he bewailed the apostasy that he hadmade, because of persecution, from the glorious confession of ourfaith, and promised the restitution of his soul. 

[The futile operations of the Spaniards at Ternate follow. Refusingadvice, the commander tries to take the main fort instead of attackingin different places with small detachments. Finally the siege israised, when the enemy is almost starved out. Communication withtraders from Europe is again free to Ternate, "especially with theirnew friends, the English. " But internal disputes and ambitions inTernate lead to the following letter to Santiago de Vera from CachilTulo, uncle of the illegitimate king of Ternate:]

My brother, Cachil Babu, former king of Ternate, wrote to Portugal tothe king, requesting justice on a man who killed his father and mine, in return for which he promised to deliver to his Majesty the fortof Ternate, of which he had been dispossessed. And as his Majestysucceeded to the kingdoms of Portugal, he answered my brother's letterby Cachil Naique, his ambassador. But when it arrived, my brother wasalready dead, for which reason we did not then deliver the fortress, asa bastard son had succeeded him, whom the Ternatans, with the help ofthe king of Tydore, elevated as king, although he had no right to thethrone. He refused to fulfil his father's promise and pledge. Neitherwould he take my counsel or that of my brother, Cachil Mandraxa, rightful heir of the kingdom, namely, that he deliver the fortress, as his father had promised the Portuguese--not because he could notdefend himself from them or from his Majesty, but expressly becausehe had been thus ordered by his father and my brother. It must notbe understood that it was taken from us by force of arms, but thatwe of ourselves had this will to deliver the fortress to serve hisMajesty. Upon seeing us with this intention he determined to killmy brother, his uncle, the rightful heir of the kingdom, by havinghim stabbed by the hand of a slave, under his word and security andmine. Therefore, considering such action of my nephew senseless, and that he refuses to fulfil what his father and I and my brotherspromised to his Majesty, I have determined, now and henceforth, tobecome the true vassal and servant of his Majesty. By this presentI bind myself, and I swear by my religion, as I did so swear, and Ishall not annul my pledge, through the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra, to give all my help and aid for the taking of the fort, with all mykindred and friends, until his Majesty's captain takes possession ofit or he who shall hereafter come with the Portuguese and Castilians, who shall be in his company. [This I shall do] provided that thecaptain or captains in his Majesty's name shall fulfil toward me thesigned promise of Duarte Pereyra, the chief captain, inasmuch as Igave him another such message. That is to proclaim me king of Ternate, as soon as he shall take possession of the fort for his Majesty; forit belongs to me both through my father, and by the service that I amrendering, and that I hope to render later, to his Majesty. Therefore, I beseech your Lordship for favor, and request you in his Majesty'sname to aid me by sending the greatest possible number of soldiers;and that quickly, so that this my intention and will to serve hisMajesty in this may be achieved, and, as I hope, without loss oflife--although, as your Lordship will have learned, this fortressis well garrisoned. The order and arrangement that these soldierswould better observe will be written to your Lordship by the chiefcaptain. Given in Tydore, where I have come for this purpose, as thefather-vicar Antonio Ferreyra and the auditor Antonio de Matos willtestify, whom, as such persons, I begged to sign for me. May 23. 

[The letter of the Portuguese commander verifies the above letter, and asks for four hundred Spanish soldiers, under pretext of sendingthem "to drive the Javanese from those seas, whose friendshipthe Ternatans value more than ours. " They at least will keep theEnglish from Ternatan ports. Fifteen fragatas and one galleon willbe enough, and they are to be accompanied by Filipino pioneers. Hetries to persuade the governor to undertake the expedition. Verais anxious to do so, but is unable to attempt it at once. MeanwhileCachil Tulo dies, and the vigilance required in watching the Chineseand Japanese in the Philippines renders it impossible to send theexpedition to Ternate. "Each one of these expeditions made inroads onthe treasury and forces of the province, to so great an extent thatit was necessary to allow a breathing-space to each of them. " It isthought that a joint expedition from Malaca and Manila will accomplishmore, and this is made some years later, under Andres Furtado deMendoza, of whose character and some of whose deeds there follows anaccount. The island of Ceylon, its products and fauna are partiallydescribed, and some of its connection with the Portugese. Returningto Philippine matters, the narrative continues:]

At this time Santiago de Vera was already dismissed from hisgovernorship of the Filipinas. After he had communicated with AndresFurtado, and received an answer from him, in which the latter coincidedwith his desire, fortune disturbed these beginnings, and Furtado becameembroiled with those who did not love him, and Santiago de Vera waswithdrawn from his office. Gomez Perez de las Mariñas, knight of thehabit of Santiago, succeeded him. He was a man of great reputation, a native of Betanços in the kingdom of Galicia. He reached Filipinasin the year one thousand five hundred and ninety. He brought hisson Don Luis with him, a knight of the habit of Alcántara. The newgovernor found Manila open to attack, without the form of a city, and without any money with which to improve it. More than two hundredthousand pesos were needed for it. However, by his plans and schemes, he completed the work without public or private loss. He establisheda monopoly of playing cards, imposed fines for excessive play, punished illicit combinations and frauds among the provision-dealersand the shops of that class: from all of which resulted the walls ofManila, which measured twelve thousand eight hundred and forty-ninegeometric feet [_i. E. _, Spanish feet], each foot being one tercia. Tothis he added his own careful oversight, and the assistance of theinhabitants, who aided willingly because of the request and example oftheir chief. The city had but one fort, and that badly constructed. Hebuilt another at the entrance to the river, to which he gave the nameof Santiago, and enclosed the old one. He finished the cathedral, and, from the foundation, the church of Santa Potenciana, patronessof the island, as a shelter for women. Then he started the casting ofcannon, and brought good artisans, who furnished the city with largeand small artillery. He built galleys for the trade and commerce ormerchandise--the subsistence of those lands. And in fulfilment of hispromises in España, he cast his eyes on Ternate and all of Maluco, onthe late disgrace and the unfortunate results of his predecessors whohad attempted the conquest of that choice kingdom, and the punishmentsof its tyrants. He communicated these thoughts orally and by letterswith zealous persons, more particularly with Marta, [282] a priest ofthe Society of Jesus, a serious and energetic man, whose experienceand instruction had been of great use in those regions. This man gavehim information, counsels, and helpers for the preparation and forthe work. One of the latter was Brother Gaspar Gomez, a Spaniard, a lay religious of the same society. Among the many conferences thatwere held upon this matter, I find an exhortation from Father AntonioMarta, in a letter written from Tydore. As it is the original, andgood for the better understanding, I will place it here, translatedfrom the Portuguese. .. . 

[The letter above mentioned holds out to Dasmariñas the threeinducements of service to the king, service to God, and personalambition, in the proposed Molucca expedition. The war will be anarduous one, for "it will be fought not with the Ternatans alone, butwith all the Moros of this archipelago, " and the natives are brave anddetermined. "The people of Tydore already say that they do not wantSpaniards in these regions, " and Gomez Perez will find it prudent todissemble with them, "so that they will not join the Ternatans. " FatherMarta sends a map of the archipelago, promises immense booty, andassures the governor of the prayers of the religious. This letter, and conferences with one Geronymo de Azevedo and Brother GasparGomez, decided the governor to undertake the expedition. He sentGaspar Gomez with instructions to visit and inspect various parts ofthe archipelago; and the latter visited Ternate, Tydore, Mindanao, both Javas, and other regions as far as Malaca. The rest of bookfive is taken up with a relation of Pedro de Acuña's services andhis appointment to Cartagena in Nueva España. ]

Conquest of the Malucas IslandsBook Sixth

Meanwhile Gomez Perez, attentive to his preparation, concealed hispurpose, while not sparing the expenses pertaining to ships, food, and men. Among other supplies, he built four fine galleys. To manthem--as is there reported--he employed a means that was consideredsevere. He ordered that the number of Indians sufficient to equip thegalleys [283] be purchased from those who were the slaves of otherIndian chiefs, and that the Spanish encomenderos should pay for thesemen from their own money. The price assigned for each Indian was twotaes of gold--each tae being slightly more than one onza--the valueformerly general among them for slaves. He promised that the sumspent by the encomenderos for that purpose would be repaid afterwardfrom the royal exchequer. However, this did not seem any lesseningof the severity, for he improperly called those Indians slaves; but[among themselves] their masters treat them and love them as children, feed them at their tables, and marry them to their daughters. Besides, slaves were then valued higher. To the anger of those who were aboutto be sold, was joined that of the encomenderos, who were obliged tocontribute from their property for expenses--which, in their opinion, were not very necessary--and to offend their tributaries by forciblyseizing them; while they themselves would never collect the pricethey were paying in advance, which was [to them] the most certainthing. The governor gave out that those galleys were to assure thecountry and defend it from the danger that threatened; for he knewabsolutely that the emperor of Japon was going to attack it witha huge war-fleet. Without galleys it could not be defended, andconsequently he was forced to man them with those slaves, since otherrowers were lacking. These slaves were not to be chained in the galley, or treated as convicts; but would receive so great kindness that theythemselves would prefer that treatment to that of their owners, whomthey already had as fathers and fathers-in-law. These arguments, and the pressing need for defense, silenced all objections. Butthey did not silence report, for already it was known that he hadcome from España, pledged to the king, his ministers, relatives, andbackers, to the Ternate undertaking; and, although he concealed it, unknown authors divulged it. Yet some tried to persuade him not toentrust the defense of Filipinas to the Chinese or Sangleys, for nobond, natural or civil, had ever bound or attracted them to any lovefor the islands. They bade him remember the recent example of whatthose people did on an occasion on which they were employed by hispredecessor, and to be on his guard against them. He [_i. E. _, Vera], sending a reënforcement of men, ammunition, and food to the fort andsettlement of Cagayàn--which is on the shore of that island of Luzon, eighty leguas from the city of Manila--inasmuch as he then had no shipin which to send them, and being constrained by his present necessity, thought that he could supply the deficiency by using for that purposea ship of the Chinese, then anchored at that port and about to returnto China. He ordered the reënforcement to be embarked on that boatand the Chinese to convey it; and to leave it, on passing, at itsdestination, since that was directly on their way. He promised theChinese to recompense and reward them for that service. They offeredto do it with great display of willingness, howbeit that their cunningwas seen in the sequel, and what opportunity teaches to him that awaitsit. The Chinese set sail, and on the second day, while our Spaniardswere asleep, and quite sure of being among friends and faithful ones, the Chinese attacked them in the night, so suddenly that they couldnot defend themselves. They were all beheaded and thrown into thesea. The Chinese pillaged all their cargo, and after dividing thebooty, sailed for their own country. They only kept with them onewretched Spanish woman who accompanied our men. They left her alive, but after having insulted and maltreated her, left her on the firstChinese shore that they reached. She went then to the magistratesthere, and informed them of the treachery committed by those people, and of the violence that they had inflicted on her. But althoughthe judges were courteous to her, no satisfaction was given her forher injuries, and she was unable to obtain justice. On the contrarythey ordered her to be taken into the interior by certain agents, and delivered to other supreme judges. On that journey, which wasvery long and many leguas, she endured greater hardships--untilsome governors, taking compassion on her and her tears, took her tothe city of Macao, where the Portuguese reside, and they set her atliberty. Through that means, the whole deed was learned, and was inthe mouth of all in Manila; and upon the occasion of this expedition, they exaggerated it still more. 

Finally, all of the slaves demanded by Governor Gomez Perez had to besupplied, but with injuries and acts of oppression; and with the sameinjuries and oppression they were all put on the galleys. There theyremained some time before sailing, and some of them died, because theywere unused to that life. All those slaves proved insufficient to manall the galleys, and the flagship was without rowers. On that account, and in order to complete the work, more severe methods were used thanat first. The governor ordered that two hundred and fifty Chinese bedrafted from those who go to Filipinas to trade, in order to man orequip the flagship. Each of them was to be paid two pesos monthly fromthe royal treasury. The governor assured them that they would not bechained, but free, and could have their weapons and serve as soldiers, and would only have to row the galley during calms, if any shouldoccur, and in order to double certain headlands. This decision beingcommunicated to the Chinese, they ail refused it as an intolerableburden. But when our governor insisted upon this, in order to carryout his design, the Chinese governor assembled his people in orderto discuss the matter, and to plan how they might choose two hundredand fifty from among them all; and he threatened that he would takeevery tenth man by their houses. That threat disturbed them so much, that the next day, all their windows were closed, and the merchantsclosed their shops; and the community was deprived of the provisionswhich were supplied to it by them. Our governor, upon seeing this, saying that they had mutinied, had about fifty of them seized, the first whom he could find, and put them in the galleys at theoar. Thereupon the rest, being cowed, assembled, and made up fromamong their number all the two hundred and fifty. And inasmuch as noone of them wished to be of that number, they distributed among thosewho accepted that service twenty thousand pesos, which were givenas a present to those Chinese who would go on the galley, each onebeing given eighty pesos, besides the king's pay. With this good aid, Chinese were not wanting to consent to act as rowers, although thetwenty thousand pesos were spent among them--or, more correctly, amongthe officers. From those two hundred and fifty Chinese, five companieswere formed, and five Chinese Christians appointed as captains. Theymade their musters and reviews, with pikes and catans--which arebut slightly different from cutlasses--and appeared to be happyand contented. Amid these occupations Brother Gaspar Gomez cameunexpectedly to Manila, loaded with information which he referred tothe governor in a number of private conferences. He said that the kingof Ternate was not badly prepared, although his forces were somewhatweakened by his not being in very great harmony with the majority ofthe chiefs of his kingdom. Many were threatening to rebel because ofhis tyrannies and excessive levies of tribute. Now Javanese, Lascars, and Moros from Meca no longer resorted to Ternate, as they did inthe time when Captain Morones went there during the term of Santiagode Vera. Gaspar Gomez gave very detailed information about the twoforts of Talangame. He found that the king of Ternate usually hadabout three thousand soldiers, one thousand of them arquebusiers;while a considerable number came from the other kingdoms of hiscrown. They fought with missile weapons, campilans, and shields, andother armor of coats-of-mail and helmets, which Portuguese had tradedfor spice. They had considerable ammunition, all made by themselvesfrom materials taken there by the Javanese as payment for cloves. Theirchief place was the city of Ternate, where the king and all his courtresided. Consequently it was the best guarded, and from that placethe others obtained strength, courage, and all reënforcement. GasparGomez advised that our army attack before dawn, for all assaultsmade at dawn on that people had always succeeded well. If our fleetcould arrive unseen, it would without doubt conquer. But that kinghad placed spies and sentinels on almost all of his islands, andeven in Canela, Sarrangán, and Mindanao. From the fort of Amboyno andfrom the kings of Syan [_i. E. _, Siaó] and Tidore, a goodly number ofbronze culverins and much other artillery could be brought in theircaracoas. The Amboynos would send these at command, and they wouldbe sent from Syan and Tydore as soon as requested; for, besides doinghomage to the crown of España, those kings are hostile to Ternate. Thesupplies necessary to finish the war, even in case the king of Tydoreshould fail them (of whom it might be suspected that he did not wishto see his enemy totally destroyed), were the artillery and craft thatwere being prepared; and more than one thousand two hundred soldiers, well-armed and equipped with coats-of-mail and helmets, until theyshould go to the island of Banda in order to garrison that island as itneeded. There should be a number of light vessels to catch the enemywhen fleeing. Thus would the war be finished entirely and quickly, and without bloodshed. The infidel Ternatans themselves even saidand published the same. They confessed that, if a large contingent ofsoldiers should reach their land, they would universally render homagewithout fighting. Consequently he inferred that secret Christianswere living in the Malucas. The entire conquest of that island ofBanda was very useful and advantageous, and of slight risk; and itsmaintenance was of great importance to the inhabitants of Amboyno, which belongs to us. Gaspar Gomez also affirmed that the Portuguesewere facilitating the enterprise considerably, and recounted theinterest and profit that would accrue to his Majesty. Father AntonioMarta was also of that opinion, in whom Governor Gomez Perez placedso great faith. Brother Gaspar Gomez to these so full reports andinformation added such details that he quite set on fire the mind ofthe governor. 

At this time the king of Camboxa, named Landara, sent the governor anembassy through two Spanish captains, accompanied by many Cambodians, with the requisite authority for prosecuting his cause. That barbarousking took care that his ambassadors should not be natives of hiskingdoms, because of the lack of confidence with which his vassalsinspired him as to their faithfulness. He chose the ambassadors fromdifferent classes, so that a good result might come from the differenceof their characters and dispositions. One was a Portuguese, DiegoVeloso by name, and the other a Castilian, Blas Ruyz de FernanGonçalez. [284] They presented Gomez Perez with a fine gift, consisting of a considerable quantity of ivory, benzoin, chinaware, pieces of silks and cottons, and an elephant of a noble disposition, as was learned later by experience. They proposed their embassy, whichwas, in short, to beg help against the king of Syan [_i. E. _, Siam], who was about to attack the Cambodian king with a vast army. The latterin recognition of that aid offered to become a vassal of the king ofEspaña, and a Christian. That king was certain that so valorous andcourageous a knight as Gomez Perez would, under no circumstance, refusea deed in which God would receive so obvious a service, and that wouldbe so advantageous to the crown of España. The governor accepted thepresent, and responded to it by another of certain European products, and thanked the king for his confidence in applying to him. However, it was impossible for him to set about that help just then, or divertany portion of those forces that were prepared to punish the king ofTernate and recover that kingdom and the rest of Maluco, which hadrebelled with so great an insult and outrage to the Spanish nation. HisHighness should trust in God our Lord, and persevere in his attempt toserve him in the holy and true religion. When the Ternate enterprisewas over, he would take his force to the relief of Camboxa. Withthese hopes, which were fulfilled by Don Luys de las Mariñas, his son, those ambassadors left. In order to give them truthful satisfactionand a just cause for the delay, it was necessary to publish the truepurpose of that fleet, which until then had been kept secret. 

Then the governor determined upon his departure, and tried to takewith him as many men as possible. They were enlisted, willingly orby force--those who were requested and those who were compelled, alike. The encomenderos and soldiers caused a prodigal expense inships, supplies and parades--which, because of the great opportunityfurnished for all that in Filipinas, exceeded the governor's power andwishes. The governor sent Don Luys, his son, with all the regulars tothe island of Cebu, where all the fleet was to be assembled. There heremained six months, awaiting new orders. Gomez Perez was detainedin Manila, planning matters of importance. Two days before leaving, while a guest and dining at the house of Pedro de Roxas, his assistant, where he was wont to amuse himself in heavy gaming and merriment, he became so gay--beyond his custom, and contrary to the harshnessof his character--that many interpreted it as his last farewell, and an omen of what happened. He recounted in conversation, amidmuch laughter, that father Fray Vicente, of the Franciscan order, had told him that that enterprise could not succeed; for the armywas composed of conscripted men, and especially because the marriedmen were going. The governor left Manila October seventeen, with sixroyal galleys, one galleon, one fusta, one fragatin, and a number offragatas, caracoas, and vireys--different varieties of craft of thenatives of the country. All the vessels, those belonging to his Majestyand those of his vassals who offered their persons for his service, totaled one hundred. There were one thousand well-armed Spaniardsand more than four hundred arquebusiers from the vicinity of Manila;and another thousand of those called Visaias, people who use lances, shields, and bows and arrows. Besides these, there were more than fourhundred others, Chinese, of those living throughout that island; andof those who come to trade, another goodly number, with pay--the greatmajority of whom were conscripts rather than volunteers. There was inthe galleys a quantity of food for the fleet. The governor appointedhis son, Don Luys Perez, as lieutenant of the fleet, and ordered him, as above stated, to assemble it at the island of Cebú. He himselfembarked in the flagship, a vessel of twenty-eight benches, mannedby two hundred and fifty Chinese; and eighty Spaniards also embarkedin it. They reached Cabite, whence they sailed on the nineteenth, together with several vessels carrying private persons, who followedthe governor at their own expense. They coasted the island of Manila, until they reached Balajàn; then they separated, for the vessels didnot lose sight of shore, while the governor sailed in the open sea. Onthe twenty-fifth, he came alone to pass the night at the promontory ofAzufre [285] ["Sulphur Point"] on the island of Manila, opposite thatof Caça, where the current runs strong and the sea is choppy. As itwas during the blowing of the brisa, the galley could not advance. Itanchored under shelter of the point, but, through the strength ofthe current, dragged slightly. In order to return to its shelter, the Chinese were kept incessantly at the oar. In fact, they rowedwith little energy--either because they were men new to that labor, and forced to the oar by violence; or because they were fatigued, andharassed by those who commanded them. Other contrary winds assailedthem, which further impeded the voyage. In order to double certainpromontories of the land, it was necessary to ply the oars, and tourge on the rowers with the severity and punishment generally usedin galleys. They thought that harsh, and contrary to the governor'sassurance, when he promised them that they would be treated withaffection. But neither the whip nor threats, nor overcoming thecurrents by dint of the sweat of their limbs, seemed to them sointolerable and injurious as to hear from the governor's mouth harshand severe words, ordering them to row manfully; for did they not, he would put them in chains, and cut off their hair. Such an insultamong the Chinese is worthy of death, for they place all their honor intheir hair. They keep it carefully tended and gaily decked, and esteemit as highly as ladies in Europa; and, in dressing it, display theirtaste and their social standing. They determined to mutiny, in ordernot to suffer such an insult and disgrace. Having appointed for thatpurpose the following night (namely, the twenty-fifth of October), when the Spaniards had lain down tired out upon the benches, and inother places in the hull, the Chinese did the same. However, theyso cunningly divided themselves that each Chinese lay down besidea Spaniard, and pretended to sleep. Just before the hour of dawn, which they considered the most suitable time and the safest of all, upon seeing the Spaniards in their soundest slumber, the Chinese, at the sound of a shrill whistle (which was the signal agreed uponamong them), all arose at the same moment; and each one with thegreatest haste put on a white tunic or shirt, so that, in the midstof the uproar and the darkness, they might recognize one another, and distinguish those to be killed. However, for the greater securityof the deed, they also lit a considerable number of wax tapers, whichthey had concealed in the folds of the white tunics. Then they seizedtheir catans, which are sharper and more curved than our cutlasses, and each Chinese commenced, without disturbing the silence, to strikehis neighboring Spaniard; and then, with the increase of their fury, to behead all those who were sleeping. More than sixty had embarkedon the flagship, among them the servants of the governor, and others, old soldiers, who in order to oblige and accommodate him were enduringdiscomfort. They had been gambling all the night; and being tired, and because of the excessive heat, were sleeping naked, some in themidship gangway, others on the benches, while the more favored ones, to whom were given better quarters, slept aft. The governor went intohis cabin to sleep. The Chinese proceeded to slaughter those who, suspecting nothing, were sleeping; it was done so quickly that whensome of those asleep in the stern awakened, the other Spaniards werealready dead. The guard did not perceive it, and such carelessnesscould admit of no excuse, for they had been sufficiently warned, andexamples had preceded. Some waked, but finding themselves wounded andconfused, jumped overboard, where most of them were drowned. Some--avery few--jumped overboard before being wounded, but they were alsodrowned, although they were near shore, for they could not reach landbecause of the strength of the current. Twelve escaped, and many deadbodies were found on the beach. The Chinese, now grown bolder, seizedthe pikes that they had hidden under the benches, and with outcriescompleted their treachery. The governor, who was sleeping below thehatchway, with a lantern or candle, awaked. In order to awaken him, the Chinese themselves began purposely to make a greater noise; whilethey cried out to him and begged him to come out and settle a quarrelamong the "Castillas, " as they call the Spaniards. He, either for thatreason, or thinking that the galley was dragging as on other occasions, arose in his shirt, opened the hatchway, looked out, and pushed hisbody half way through it. At that same time, the Chinese fell upon himwith their cutlasses, and fatally wounded him. They cleft his head, transfixed him with their pikes, and ran him through with more thanbarbaric ferocity. Perceiving that his death was near at hand, heretired, and took the prayer-book of his order, which he always keptwith him, and an image of our Lady. Between those two refuges, whichwere later found bathed in his blood, he yielded up his life. Howeverhe did not die immediately, for they found him later in his bed, tightly holding the image, where he bled to death. About him werethe bodies of Daniel Gomez de Leon, his valet, Pantaleon de Brito, Suero Diaz, Juan de Chaves, Pedro Maseda, Juan de San Juan, CarrionPonce, and Francisco Castillo--all servants of his--besides the bodiesof four very valiant slaves, who merited the same end. The outcomewas not learned until dawn, for not one of the Chinese dared enterthe governor's room that night, fearing lest a portion of the eightySpaniards of the galley had taken refuge there, so cowardly did theirguilt make them. The only survivors in the galley were Fray FranciscoMontilla, a discalced religious of St. Francis, and Juan de Cuellar, the governor's secretary, who were sleeping below decks--where theChinese, since they are so cowardly, did not dare descend for threedays, until after the fury of the first attack had ceased. Then theyput them ashore on the Ylocos coast, on the same island of Luzon, so that the natives would let them take water, and because the friarand the secretary had made a certain compact with them, to surrender, if no harm was done them. The Chinese, assured that no other longtimeChristians were alive, commenced to cry out and rejoice loudly athaving committed that deed, saying now they had no one to fear. 

The Spaniards, who were in other boats, near the land, although theysaw the lights, and indistinctly heard the noise from the flagship, supposed that it was some unexpected work connected with the galley, or something of that sort. When they learned what was happening, after a long interval, from those who escaped by swimming, they couldnot remedy it and consequently remained quiet. They were but few, and of inadequate force, and their enterprise was ruined. They waiteduntil the morning, and when it dawned they saw that the galley hadalready set its bastard, [286] and was sailing toward China with thewind astern, and they could not follow it. It made its voyage, as thewind served it, along all the coast of the island, until they clearedLuzon, the Sangleys continuing to celebrate their victory. [287]. .. . 

[The secretary and friar, after suffering great tortures of mind fromthe Chinese, who threatened often to kill them, are saved at last, through the superstition of the Chinese, and left ashore on theIlocos coast. The Chinese show their cowardice in a conflict withthe natives on that coast, whither they return later "to sacrificeto the demon" one of their Christian Filipino prisoners. Being unableto reach China, they land at Cochinchina, "where the king of Tunquinseizes their cargo, and two large pieces of artillery embarked forthe expedition to Maluco, the royal standard, and all the jewels, ornaments, and money. He let the galley drift ashore. " The newscauses great lamentation in Manila. "Some of those who hated thegovernor rejoiced, but their wrath immediately vanished and they weptgenerally. " Subsequent events follow:]

. .. The news having been learned in Manila, and no papers of thegovernor being found, appointing his successor (although it was knownthat he had a royal decree for this), and believing it had been lostin the galley along with much of his own property, and that of theking and private persons: the city appointed Licentiate Rojas asgovernor, and he filled the post for forty days. But the secretary, Juan de Cuellar, together with Fray Francisco de Montilla, returningin a wretched plight to Manila, reported that Gomez Perez, beforeleaving, had left the appointment drawn in favor of his son, Don Luis;and that they would find it in a box in the convent of St. Augustinewith other papers, in care of Fray Diego Muñoz. Rojas had alreadysent an order to Cebu for all the men of the expedition to return, which was obeyed. Thereupon Don Luis, having come, by virtue of theauthority delegated by his father, although with certain protests, succeeded to that government, until the arrival of Don Francisco Tello. 

Such was the end of that cavalier, whose achievements, judgedby themselves, have worth, and receive worth also by his zeal inperforming them. He did not lack political and military virtues, or prudence in both. But he shut his eyes to examples, and, contraryto their teaching, dared promise himself results, so that he becamerash and even confident. But Christian charity excuses all this. 

Don Luis, his kindred, and friends, wished to continue the expeditionto Maluco, and Father Antonio Fernandez came for that purpose fromTydore; but it was not carried out. The fleet was broken up, which wasa signal providence for the Filipinas Islands. For at the beginningof the following year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, a considerable number of Chinese vessels, laden with men and arms, but no merchandise as was their wont, came to the islands. The vesselsbrought seven mandarins, some of the greatest viceroys or governors oftheir provinces. It was rumored and was proved that when they learnedthat, as Gomez Perez had undertaken that expedition (on which he hadbeen accompanied by all the Spaniards), they would find the countryunarmed, they were of a mind to conquer it or sack it--which wouldhave been very easy for them, had they found it as they expected. Themandarins left their ships twice to visit Don Luis, attended bya great pomp and retinue. He received them kindly, and gave eachmandarin a gold necklace. They told him that they had come by orderof their king to get the Chinese who were wandering unsettled amongthose islands without his leave. But this was considered a pretextfor the truth, for so many mandarins were unnecessary for it, or somany armed ships and supplies. Those Chinese were the same as thosewho killed Gomez Perez, men from Chincheo. Accordingly Don Luis, as against a known offender, sent his own cousin, Don Fernando deCastro, in a vessel to recount their treachery to the Chinese king;but the voyage turned out badly, and this effort wholly failed. 

At this time Langara, king of Camboxa, requested help earnestly, andasked Don Luis to keep the promise that his father had made him sometime before. Consequently, in fulfilment of it, and so that thoseforces, or some portion of them, should continue in the service ofthe Church, for which they were prepared as a benefit for Ternate, he determined to aid that king with them. 

[A description of Camboxa follows, with observations on its religion, wealth, products, industries, and fauna. The account of the firstexpedition to that country is as follows:]

Don Luis, with zeal to reduce those nations to the bosom of theChurch, and their wealth and kings to the vassalage of the Spanishcrown, equipped three vessels. In them he sent Captain Juan XuarezGallinato--a native of Tenerife, one of the Canarias Islands--with onehundred and twenty Spaniards, besides some Filipinos. They left Cebù, but a terrible storm immediately overtook them, and separated theboats. Gallinato, borne by the fury of the winds, put in at Maláca, and the other two vessels at Camboxa. They ascended the river, where they learned that the king of Sian had routed him of Camboxa, his neighbor. The latter, with the wretched remnants of his army, fled to the kingdom of the Laos, also a neighboring people, butinhuman. While he was begging charity from those most hard-heartedpeople, the king of Sian had introduced as king of Camboxa onePrauncar, nicknamed "Boca tuerta el Traydor" [_i. E. _, "Wry-mouth, the Traitor"], brother of the conquered king. This event did nothinder the aid that the Spaniards were bringing, under the name of anembassy. They reached the city of Chordumulo, eighty leguas' distancefrom the bar. Leaving forty Spaniards in the ships, forty others wentto visit the place where the king was residing. They immediately madeefforts to visit him, but he refused to be seen that day. However, he ordered a good lodging to be given them and had them told that hewould grant them audience in three days. But Diego Veloso and BlasRuyz--either by their former knowledge of the country, or actuatedby later craftiness, proceeding from their interpretation of thatsuspicious delay--visiting a beautiful Indian woman of the king'shouse, were secretly told by her that, since she was admitted toand even desired in the affairs of that usurper, she knew that hewas intending to have them all killed. In the three days that he hadassigned them, as a rest from their journey, he was preparing men, and the manner of executing his purpose. The Spaniards thanked her forthe warning, not without promises of reward. They were not dismayed atthe news of their peril. On the contrary, thanking the Indian womananew for it, they took an heroic although rash decision. They agreedto invest the king's palace that night, and if necessary, to resista whole army. They set about the accomplishment of that enterprise, disproportionate to human strength. They set fire to the powdermagazine. The townspeople ran up to its aid, or to see the damage. Amidthe confusion, the Spaniards entered the palace, and since they knewthe royal apartments, they penetrated them, until they encounteredthe king in person. Having cut to pieces the soldiers of his guard, they killed him also with their daggers. He defended himself andcried out, but when his men arrived with help they found that he hadbled to death. The rumor of this deed aroused the guard, and then thecity, which has more than thirty thousand inhabitants. These seizingtheir arms, more than fifteen thousand men pursued the Spaniardswith the arms that fury placed in their hands, and with many armedelephants, which were not unskilled in warfare. Our two captainsformed their squadron, and continued to retire in excellent order, always fighting, and killing not a few enemies. The battle lasted allnight, and until the second day, when they reached the ships withincredible effort. They embarked and left that kingdom full of newdissensions. The second day after, Gallinato arrived in his ship. Helanded, upon hearing of the event, as he thought that he would not befulfilling his duty if, when he heard the drums and bells, and saw thestreets and port, before filled with traders, but now with squadrons, he did not take help to the Spaniards. He gave express orders to hisfollowers to act with all decorum, so that they might relieve theanxiety of the Cambodians and reassure them, both by their bearing andin the calmness of their arguments. The chief men of Camboxa visitedthem peacefully, and Gallinato treated them very courteously. Hemight have performed some great exploit, but seeing that he hadso few troops for the undertaking, and that affairs had now takenanother form and different condition, he determined to withdraw. Heopposed the majority of those influential men, who promised him thecrown of the kingdom, since they were well inclined to the Spaniardsand to foreign domination. From this came that flippant report thatGallinato was king of Camboxa, which was believed by many in España;and it was represented in the theaters of that country with acclaimand applause. Some men well versed in affairs of those provinces wereof opinion that if Gallinato had embraced the opportunity, he mighthave seized Camboxa and added it to the Spanish crown. I have seenletters from Velloso and Blas Ruiz to the Audiencia of Manila afterthe event, in which they say the same, and complain of Gallinato forreprimanding what they did. But Gallinato--whose prudence and valor, which had been proved on the most perilous occasions in that Easternland, and many years before in the wars of Flandes, would not allowhim to be easily affected by popular applause--showing an honorableaversion to this temptation, sailed away, to return to Manila. Hetook in provisions at Cauchinchina. Blas Ruyz and Diego Veloso hadalso landed there before, and went alone overland to the kingdom ofthe Laos, which lies west of Cauchinchina, to find the deposed kingLangara, to restore him to his throne. They found that he was alreadydead, but that his son was living. Upon them telling him that theyhad killed the usurper, his uncle and enemy, he went immediately tohis kingdom with Veloso and Ruyz, accompanied by ten thousand men, whom the king of the Laos gave him, contrary to all expectations. Heattacked Camboxa, where Ruyz and Veloso always faithfully accompaniedhim, both during the war, and afterward in the government. Afterthat the king sent another embassy to Filipinas, asking for mento quiet the rebellions in the kingdom; and he and his vassalspromised to receive the faith of Jesus Christ. He also promised agreat portion of Camboxa to the Spaniards, so that they might liveoff its tributes. This embassy reached Manila, just when Don Luishad left the government and handed it over to Don Francisco Tello, which gave occasion to Ternate to establish its tyrannies more firmly. 

[A short account of Pedro de Acuña's fortification of Cartagena, in the West Indies, is given, and the consequent withdrawal, withoutattack, of the Hawkins and Drake fleet despatched in 1595 by QueenElizabeth. Acuña shows in every way the ability of a good commander. ]

But let us return to Assia. The Cambodians still hoped to receiveaid from the Filipinas by their usual promise of conversion andvassalage. Don Luis de las Mariñas accepted the expedition, to makeit in person and at his own cost. He left Manila with Don Diego Jordan(an Italian), Don Pedro de Figueroa, Pedro Villeatil, and Hernando delos Rios Coronel, Spanish captains--the last named at present a priest, and who had also been in the first war of Camboxa. A furious tempeststruck them in the open sea, which lasted three days, with the usualhorrors. The shipwreck was pitiful. Two vessels were knocked to pieces, and the sea swallowed up all the men, provisions, and war materials. Ofall the soldiers and sailors who shipped aboard the almiranta, onlyfive escaped, by swimming to the Chinese shore. Some soldiers alsoescaped from the flagship, which was broken by the waves, among whomwas Captain Hernando de los Rios. The other vessel reached Camboxaalmost destroyed, after heavy storms. It found in the Camboxa Rivereight Malay junks. The Spaniards, seeing that the junks were carryingcertain slaves stolen from the king of Camboxa, whom they were comingto help, inconsiderately grappled with the Malays. The latter, whowere carrying many and unusual fire devices, having recourse to theserather than to force and arms, burnt our ship, and then in the fire andsmoke killed the majority of the Spaniards. Blas Ruiz and Diego Velosowere not there at that time; but soon afterward they were besiegedin their quarters by the popular fury, and barbarously murdered inthe country where they were negotiating with the king. Those fewSpaniards who could escape went to the kingdom of Sian, and thenceto Manila. Heaven permitted that this should be the end of all thatpreparation made to recover Ternate and the other Malucas. The tyrantthere exulted over the news, and attributed the events to his goodfortune, interpreting them as an approbation of his cause. Then heconfederated anew with our enemies. 

Don Francisco Tello, an Andalusian knight, succeeded Gomez Perezin the government of Filipinas. He reached Manila in the year onethousand five hundred and ninety-six. He immediately set himself tolearn the condition in which his predecessors had left matters, andto provide aid for the garrisons. For, since the emperor of Japon hadcaused those glorious martyrdoms among the religious of the Order ofSt. Francis, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, of which news had so lately been received, it was feared that he wasgoing to menace Filipinas. 

The inhabitants of the islands [_sic_] of Mindanao hate our nation asdeeply as do the Ternatans, and take arms against us in each and everydisturbance, as they did in that last one of Ternate. ConsequentlyEstevan Rodriguez de Figueroa made certain agreements with DonFrancisco Tello, by virtue of which he made war on the Mindanaos andTernatans at his own expense. [288] Estevan Rodriguez was so rich thathe could undertake that exploit with safety. He lived in Arevalo, a town of the island of Panàz [_sic_], one of the Filipinas. He setout with some galleys, fragatas, and champans, and one ship, withSpanish soldiers; and more than one thousand five hundred natives fromPintados, as pioneers. He reached the river of Mindanao April twenty, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six, whereupon the natives ofthe place (who are especially called Mindanaos) on seeing so brave apeople, fled along up the river, and abandoned their settlement tothe fury of war. The majority of them arrived at the town Buyahen, where Raxamura, king of the Mindanaos, was then living. The latter, because of his youthful age, did not have the government in charge, andeverything depended on Silonga, an esteemed soldier and captain. Ourmen, proceeding up the river, reached Tampacan, five leguas from theabove village. Prince Dinguilibót, uncle of Monao, its legitimatelord (also a youth), was governing it. These rulers were, of theirown accord, friends to the Spaniards and consequently, on seeingtheir arms, went out peacefully to meet them, and offered them theirhelp. They told the Spaniards that the enemy--and they were alsohostile to the men of Buyahèn--had taken refuge in their fort at thatplace. Estevan Rodriguez, having heard the news and having complimentedthose princes, ordered the fleet to weigh anchor and to continue thepursuit for four leguas, always up stream, to Buyahèn. Having arrived, he landed his men on St. Mark's day. Master-of-camp Juan de la Xaraled the men, although they landed with but little order, for they hadnot fought with the Mindanaos, and thought that it would be easy torout them--as if for that reason, or for any other consideration, oneshould permit a lack of military discipline. Estevan Rodriguez triedto correct the confusion by his presence, by landing in person. He wentclad in armor so strong, that a charge from an esmeril [289] would notpass through it. Only his head was unarmed, but covered with a cap andplumes, while a negro carried his helmet. He was accompanied by fivewell-armed soldiers. He had not taken more than fifty steps, when anIndian named Ubal suddenly ran out of some dense tufted thickets, and, attacking him with his campilan, cleft open his head. Ubal was thebrother of Silonga, and owner of the only cow in all that country. Hekilled it three days previous to this misfortune, and, inviting hisfriends to the feast, promised to kill the most distinguished personof the Spaniards in that war. He fulfilled his word, for EstevanRodriguez fell, from his wound, and died three days afterward, without having answered a single word to the questions asked him, although he declared his answers by signs. The five Spaniards, onseeing their captain wounded--so suddenly that the murderer appearedand the blow was heard at the same moment--fell upon Ubal and cut himto pieces. They informed Master-of-camp Xara of the general's death, who, stifling his resentment, withdrew his men, and built a fort inthe most suitable place, near the river. He founded there his colony, with suitable arrangements, so that our people could settle it. Heappointed regidors and ministers of justice, and called it NuevaMurcia in honor of the Murcia of España, his native region. Thenhe left affairs incomplete, intending to marry the widow of EstevanRodriguez, Doña Ana de Oseguera; and reached Filipinas in the firstpart of June. Governor Don Francisco Tello, hearing of the eventat El Embocadero, [290] one hundred leguas from Manila, and havingbeen warned of Xara's design in coming, arrested him at his arrival, and sent Captain Toribio de Miranda to take charge of the war inMindanao. The latter found the troops withdrawn to the port of LaCaldera, which is on the same island, but distant thirty-six leguasfrom the mouth of the river. There they remained until August, whenDon Francisco Tello appointed Don Juan Ronquillo in Manila as captain;he was also captain of the galleys. He also appointed as captains, toaccompany him, Pedro Arceo, Covarrubias and others; as master-of-camp, Diego Chaves Cañizares; as sargento-mayor, Garcia Guerrero; and ascaptains of infantry, Christoval Villagra and Cervan Gutierrez. DonJuan arrived with this reënforcement to attack the enemy, and fellupon them so suddenly that, seeing themselves exhausted, they beggedhelp from the king of Ternate--whom the Mindanaos recognize by certainpayments which are the same, or almost the same, as tributes. Buizàn, a brother of Silonga, went on that embassy to Ternate, and negotiatedso efficaciously that the Ternate king sent seven caracoas with him, six pieces of artillery, two medium-sized pieces, and some falcons, together with six hundred men. These, sailing to the river of Mindanao, tried to ascend as far as Buyahèn by it. But they found at its mouthsgreat obstructions to pass, because in one branch the largest Spanishfort threatened them, and the galleys and other boats; and in theother was a narrow pass, which ran to a point, on which was built arampart guarded by forty men. From that place to the other side ofthe river, our men had themselves built a very strong wooden bridge, close to which a galliot plied. The Ternatans, seeing so strong adefense on both sides, resolved to fortify themselves on the chiefmouth of the river. They built a small fort, and, together with anequal number of Mindanao soldiers, shut themselves up in it. Thisnews aroused General Ronquillo to dislodge them. He went down toaccomplish it with the galleys and other vessels, and one hundredand forty well-armed men. He landed with one hundred and sixteenmen, together with Captains Ruy Gomez Arellano, Garcia Guerrero, Christoval Villagra, and Alonso de Palma. He met the enemy at adistance of eighty paces on the bank of the river. The Ternatansand Mindanaos had carefully cleared the front of their fort, buthad designedly left a thicket at one side of it, where three hundredTernatans were ambushed, while the rest were inside the fortress. Asboth parties saw how few of our men were attacking them, they grewashamed of their fortress and ambush. Threatening our men insolently, they showed themselves and advanced upon the Spaniards. They foundso great opposition from our men that without using any stratagem, or for no other reason beyond natural strength, at the first shock ofbattle nearly all the Ternatans were killed, and the rest fled. Ourmen pursued them until they killed them all. The men of Tampaca, who had been neutral until then, in consideration of the dealings ofFortune, and seeing that she had declared in our favor, took up armsfor us. Only seventy-seven Ternatans, badly wounded, escaped; andfifty of these were drowned in the river, into which they had thrownthemselves in desperation. Only three of the twenty-seven survived, and they informed their king of it. The Spaniards seized the boats, artillery and spoils of she conquered, and became encouraged tocontinue the war against infidels. 

Don Francisco Tello was not neglectful of other similar occurrences. Helearned by his spies, and rumor had it, that the emperor of Japonwas collecting a large army and preparing many boats for it, andlarge supplies of arms and food. It was also learned that he wassecuring himself, by treaty, from the Chinese, of whom the Japanese, because of their natural enmity, live in fear. Hence they inferredthat he was equipping himself to make war outside his kingdoms. Hehad negotiated and concluded alliances with the king of Ternate, and with other neighbors who were hostile to the Spanish crown. Fromall of those actions there resulted eager conjectures that all thattempest was threatening the Filipinas, and particularly their capital, Manila. The governor prepared his forces, and under pretext of salutingthat barbaric emperor with a present, sent Captain Alderete to findout the truth. The ambassador left for Japon in July. At the same time, Don Francisco sent the galleon "San Felipe" to Nueva España with adviceof those rumors. Those two vessels, that of Alderete and the "SanFelipe, " met in Japon, and the natives did not conceive well-disposedintents concerning them. Alderete learned thoroughly the forces anddesigns of the Japanese, and his efforts were of use in clearing upthe apprehensions prevalent in Manila, and preventing unreasonablefears. He brought another splendid present to the governor, and bothsides made provision for any possible outcome. 

The Audiencia was again established in Manila in the year one thousandfive hundred and ninety-eight, for King Filipo was prudently conferringauthority on that province. The auditors--Licentiates Zambrano, Mezcoa, [291] and Tellez de Almaçan--and Fiscal Geronymo Salazar y Salcedo, formed it. 

[The same year when the Audiencia was reëstablished, Felipe II dies atthe Escorial (September 13, 1598) and is succeeded by his son FelipeIII. Neglect falls upon Molucca affairs:]

. .. Now at this time Heaven was hastening the reduction of the Malucas, and the punishment of the persecution of the faithful, although thetyrants acted more insolently. But since the enterprise had to beprepared and executed in the Filipinas Islands, and determined andencouraged in the supreme Council of the Indias, it was advisable forthe president and counselors to display some warmth in the cause--whichby unhappy circumstances, as one despaired of, no one enlivened; andthe papers of discussion and notices belonging to it were forgottenand heaped together. .. . 

[Meanwhile the alliance of Ternate with the English continues. Bookvi ends with a tale of occurrences in the household of the kingof Ternate. ]

[The greater part of the seventh book is taken up with the translationor condensation from the Dutch relation of the first voyage of vanNek to the East Indies. A critical resume of Erasmus's descriptionof Holland and its people is given, which allows Argensola, as achurchman and good Catholic, to inveigh against the heresies and manyreligions of the Dutch. As a consequence of the Dutch expedition, the Ternatans gain new life in their opposition to the Portuguese andSpaniards. Frequent embassies are sent to Manila from the Portugueseand natives at Tidore, requesting aid for the Moluccas--which FranciscoTello was neglecting, as other matters appeared more important. Oneembassy, in charge of the brother of the king of Tidore, is followedby another in charge of a Portuguese, Marcos Diaz de Febra, whopresents a letter from the Tidore ruler to Dr. Morga. The embassy issuccessful, and in 1602 Diaz returns to Tidore with reënforcements anda promise of an expedition from Manila. In the Philippines themselves, the Chinese are continually congregating in greater numbers, and arerapidly becoming a menace, although the governor is blind to that fact, and claims that they are necessary to the well-being of the community. ]

Conquest of the Malucas IslandsBook Eighth

[Molucca affairs are given considerable attention in the administrationof Governor Pedro de Acuña. The petitions for aid, sent to thePhilippines from those islands, continue. Tello is removed fromthe governorship, and Acuña sent to take his place. The latter isreceived in Manila (May, 1602) with great rejoicing, as his meritsand reputation are well known. Tello's death occurs in Manila whilewaiting to give his residencia. Acuña enters into affairs with greatenergy. The narrative continues (p. 270):]

. .. The new governor was pained at beholding the poverty of the royalchest and treasury, and himself under the obligation of preservingthe king's and his own credit. The Malucas formed part of thisconsideration, for their reduction was a considerable part of hisduty. But he reassured himself, believing that he might supply thelack of money by energy. He attended to matters personally, as washis custom, both those in Manila and those in its vicinity. He builtgalleys and other boats, which were greatly needed for the defenseof the sea, which was then infested by pirates and near-by enemies, especially the Mindanaos. He visited then the provinces of Pintados, and attended to the needs of those regions. In one of these visits, besides the storms suffered by his little vessel (which carried onlythree soldiers), another signal danger overtook him. Twenty-two Englishvessels, enriched with the booty that they had seized from the islandsof that government, tried to attack and capture him. But for lack ofa tide they remained stranded, and could not row. Don Pedro saw thatthey threw overboard more than two thousand of their many Spanishand islander captives in order to lighten themselves. They alsothrew overboard a beautiful Spanish girl seventeen years old. Later, the Manila fleet went in pursuit of them, and it was able to capturesome of the pirates, and they were punished. But that punishment wasmuch less than their cruelty. [292] Don Pedro tried to remove thehindrances to the enterprise that he was meditating; but had to delayfor some months what he most wished to hasten, in order to despatchJoloan and Japanese matters. 

Chiquiro, the Japanese ambassador, had recently arrived in Manila, bearing a present of the products and industries of those kingdoms, and letters; he also had orders to negotiate for friendship with thegovernor, and commerce between the Japanese emperor (by name Daifusama)and the Filipinas and Nueva España. The proximity of those provinces, the power of the Japanese kings, their natural dispositions, andother circumstances which experience showed to be worthy of seriousconsideration, demanded that that commerce be not refused--although, for the same reasons, the opinion was expressed that it was notadvisable. But since that barbarian had once espoused that desire, it was not easy to find a means to settle the matter without causingjealousy or anger. Dayfusama requested then that the Spaniards tradein Quanto, a port of one of his own provinces; that they establishfriendship, so that the Japanese could go to Nueva España; thatthe governor send him masters and workmen to build ships for him inJapon, in order to continue that navigation. Dayfusama insisted uponthis, having been persuaded by one of our religious of the Orderof St. Francis, one Fray Geronymo de Jesus, whom the Japanese kingesteemed greatly. This was a serious matter, and in many ways mostdamaging to the Filipinas. In those islands, the greatest securityagainst those provinces has consisted for many years in the lack ofships and pilots among the Japanese, together with their ignoranceof the art of navigation. It has been observed by experts that, whenever that insolent barbarian has shown any intention to arm againstManila, he has been prevented by this obstacle. Consequently to sendhim workmen and masters to build Spanish vessels for him, would beequivalent to providing him weapons against the Spaniards themselves;and the navigation of the Japanese would be the prelude to thedestruction of Filipinas and Nueva España, while long voyages by theJapanese were inadvisable, and moreover contrary to safety. Consideringall these reasons, Governor Don Pedro de Acuña ordered the ambassadorChiquiro to be entertained splendidly. He gave him some presentsfor his king and for himself, and despatched a vessel with anotherpresent--a moderate one, so that it might not argue fear, as it wouldif he took too much. It sailed together with the ship of Dayfusama andhis ambassador, both being filled with articles of barter. The lettersof Don Pedro contained long compliments at his pleasure in procuringthe establishment of greater friendship. But he said that, although hehad received full power from King Filipe for things pertaining to thegovernment of Filipinas, that part of the king's embassy touching hisrequest for sailors and the building of Spanish ships he was unable todecide, until he should inform the viceroy of Nueva España; nor couldthe viceroy decide it without special orders from his Majesty. Hepromised the Japanese king to write about it for him, and to aid theaccomplishment of so just a desire. But he warned him that it wouldbe necessary to wait more than three years for the furtherance andresolution of the matter, because of the distance and accidents ofso long voyages. It was ordered that the same Fray Geronymo himselfshould deliver all this message to Dayfusama. Geronymo de Jesus waswritten to in secret, instructing and reproving him. He was orderedto tell the Japanese monarch that the governor esteemed his good willexhibited toward the commerce and friendship of the Spaniards, and hisown great desire for them. He was to encourage him to keep the peace, which the governor himself would keep without any infringement. Buthe was ordered subtly to divert the king's mind from similar desiresand propositions, and not to facilitate any of them; for althoughperhaps there were no hidden deceit in the then reigning monarch, or any interest greater than that of friendship, it might cause greatharm in times of a less well-intentioned successor, who might abusethe navigation, and turn it against those who taught it to them. Thegovernor promised to send another ship soon to trade. Fray Geronymowas to give the king hopes that some Spanish masters of Spanish boatswould sail in it. Dayfusama was to be patient, and should considerhow offended he would be, if his servants were to open up any newcommerce without consulting him, or without his order. 

With this despatch Chiquiro returned to Japon in his ship. .. . 

[A storm however overtakes him near Formosa, and his ship is wreckedand he and his men drowned, the event being learned only longafter. "Daifusama, being persuaded by Fray Geronymo, had grantedleave for our religion to be preached in his kingdoms, to buildour churches, and for all who wished to profess our religion withpublic authority. " Accordingly the orders send various missionariesto different districts of Japan. "Many persuaded Don Pedro not tosend away these religious, but, although those persuasions were wellfounded, and obstacles put in the way of their departure, it wasdetermined to allow them to go. .. . These religious did not find inthe provinces proof of the desires that had been told them. Very fewJapanese were converted, and fewer were disposed toward it, for theking and tonos [chiefs] . .. Did not love our religion. " Don Pedrosends the promised ship to Japan laden with "dye-wood, deerskins, raw silk, and various other articles. " Thus Japanese demands are met, and the emperor is satisfied with the diplomatic answer returnedto him. Meanwhile "Don Pedro's thought bore on the recovery of theMalucas. " Letters pass between him and the Portuguese commander AndreaFurtado de Mendoza in regard to the expedition, and aid from thePhilippines, and the hostilities of the Dutch. (The Jesuit brotherGaspar Gomez had been sent by Acuña from Mexico to Spain, to showthe necessity and advantages of the expedition; after various delaysit was set on foot, and Furtado obtained many successes in Amboina, where he had some encounters with the Dutch. The king of Ternateasked help from Java and Mindanao. )]

The season and necessity compelled General Furtado to requesturgently the help that was being prepared in Filipinas. Amboinois eighty leguas from those islands. Accordingly he sent FatherAndres Pereyra, a Jesuit, and Captain Antonio Brito Fogaço, in Mayof the year one thousand six hundred and two. They reached Cebù Julytwenty-five. They sailed thence for Manila, August six, and enteredthat city September five. Don Pedro de Acuña rejoiced greatly overtheir arrival. He asked them--so great was his desire and interest, or rather, his noble rivalry--minutely concerning the expeditions ofGeneral Furtado. Since the latter had referred to them in his letters, they gave an extended relation of them, and executed his embassy, each one fulfilling the office that he professed. Don Pedro did notdelay the sending [of reënforcements. ] He assembled the council ofwar, where it was resolved to send Furtado the help that he requested, without delay, although they felt obliged to accommodate themselves tothe necessities of the country. Following this decision the governorsent a message to the provinces of Pintados ordering captain JuanXuarez Gallinato, chief of them, to provide all necessaries for theexpedition, and himself to sail with his best disciplined infantryfrom Cebù to the city of Arevalo, the place assigned for assemblingthe fleet. Gallinato did this, and also sent a vessel to Otón tolade as much as possible of the supplies. It reached Otón Octobertwenty-eight, and the same day Don Pedro left Manila for Pintados, in order, by his presence, to inspire greater haste in the despatchof the fleet, which was already almost ready in Otón. He arrivedthere November thirteen. So fiery was his spirit that he assembledthe reënforcement and entrusted it to Juan Xuarez Gallinato--withoutallowing the expeditions from Xolo and Mindanao to embarrass him, eventhough he saw the natives of those islands, divided into differentbodies among the Pintados, pillaging and murdering his Majesty'svassals--and appointed him general and commander of that expedition. 

[Furtado, after asking the reënforcement from Acuña, goes to theMoluccas. Some of his men are defeated in a naval engagement withthe natives, whereupon Furtado builds a fort at the friendly islandof Machian. ]

After the fleet, military stores and food had been collected, they were delivered to Gallinato by the auditors and fiscal of theAudiencia. The supplies consisted of one thousand fanegas of cleanedrice, three hundred head of cattle, two hundred jars of wine, eightyquintals of nails and bolts, forty quintals of powder, three hundredYlocos blankets, seven hundred varas of Castilian wool, one hundredsail-needles, and thirty jugs of oil. The men amounted to two hundredsoldiers--one hundred and sixty-five arquebusiers and thirty-fivemusketeers--twenty-two sailors, several pilots, one master, threeartillerymen in the "Santa Potenciana, " and twenty common seamen. Themonthly expense of all that equipment amounted to twenty-two thousandtwo hundred and sixty pesos. This having been done on the part ofthe governor and Audiencia, they required Father Andres Pereyraand Captain Brito to go with the reënforcement--which Gallinato hadready, with its colors, and with Captains Christoval Villagrà andJuan Fernandez de Torres. The company of Captain Don Tomas Bravo, thegovernor's nephew, son of Don Garcia his brother, was left behind; butthe captain went, and served bravely on the expedition. The infantrywas taken on the ship "Sancta Potenciana, " and on the fragatas "SantoAnton, " "San Sebastian, " "San Buenaventura, " and "San Francisco. " Thefleet left the port of Yloilo January twenty, one thousand six hundredand three, and reached La Caldera in Mindanao the twenty-fifth. Theyremained there until the twenty-eighth, as they had some informationconcerning those enemies. Then they sailed toward Maluco, and sightedthe island of Siao February seven, and at dawn of the next day thatof Taolân, four leguas from Siao. There the fragata "Sant Anton" waswrecked on a shoal of the island, which gave greater anxiety to thefleet. Gallinato made efforts so that the men should not perish. Hesent Captain Villagrà, who saved them, as well as the weapons andthe pieces of artillery; the rest was left in the sea. They continuedtheir voyage and sighted the island of Ternate February thirteen. Onthe fourteenth they entered that of Tydore, where they heard ofAndres Furtado's arrival. There they rested but little, in orderto join him sooner. Sailing thence with a good breeze they reachedTernate, and made harbor at Talangame, one legua from the fortress, on the sixteenth of the same month. The fleets saluted one anotherwith tokens of friendly regard, and the generals did the same. .. . 

[The active campaign soon begins, and notwithstanding somefew successes in the siege of Ternate by Furtado and Gallinato, sickness, and want of ammunition and provisions, compel the Portuguesecommander to withdraw before the superior forces and equipment of theTernatans. Thereupon Gallinato and his men return to the Philippinesvia Tidore, while Furtado intends going to Amboina and perhaps toMalaca. About April of this same year the Jesuit brother, GasparGomez, reaches Spain, to argue before the Council of the Indias thenecessity of an effective expedition from the Philippines. There it isagreed that Acuña shall undertake one in person. The following year aletter received from Acuña by the council describes the ill-success ofFurtado's expedition and the necessity for an effective expedition fromthe Philippines, a synopsis of the letter being given by our author. ]

Conquest of the Malucas IslandsBook Ninth

[The action of the council finally secured the king's assent to theMolucca expedition, and the following decree was sent to Acuña:]

. .. Don Pedro de Acuña, my governor and captain-general of theFilipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein. OnSeptember twenty of the past year, six hundred and three, I wrote youby an advice-boat on which Gaspar Gomez, of the Society of Jesus, tookpassage for Nueva España, my resolution in regard to what you wroteme from Nueva España, when you went to take charge of that office, about the Ternate expedition. In accordance with that resolution, I have ordered a contingent of five hundred men to be collected inthese kingdoms, which are to be conveyed in the trading fleet thatsails to Nueva España this year. I wrote to the viceroy to haveanother five hundred men enlisted so that, at the very least, eighthundred men could be sent you for this enterprise. I have appointedfour captains for the contingent from these kingdoms. One of them, namely, Admiral Juan de Esquivel, is to be commander and governor ofthe said soldiers. I have also appointed six substitutes, practiced andexperienced soldiers, so that, in case any of the said captains die, these may take command of the men, and that they may be in chargeof the companies to be raised in Nueva España, as I am writing tothe viceroy. I have assigned forty ducados per month as pay to thesaid captains; to Admiral Juan de Esquivel the sum of sixty; and tothe substitutes, twenty-five escudos apiece until ahey reach NuevaEspaña. Thenceforward the said Juan de Esquivel, in case I orderhim to be given the title of master-of-camp, shall enjoy the sum ofone hundred and twenty ducados per month; but if he serves with thetitle of commander and governor of the said soldiers, he shall havesixty. The substitutes shall receive forty; and the soldiers--boththose levied in España and those to be raised in Nueva España--shallhave the sum of eight ducados per month. I have ordered the viceroy, in accordance with the above, to send to those islands the necessarymoney to meet the pay of the soldiers for one year. If they aredetained longer in other affairs of my service, he shall also furnishwhat may be necessary after advice from you. I have thought it bestto advise you of the above, in order to charge and order you that, if the pay of the soldiers can be moderated, in respect to what isthere paid men of that rank, you may reform the schedule justifiably, advising me thereof, and the viceroy of Nueva España. However, youshall make no alteration in the pay of Admiral Juan de Esquivel, or of the captains, alférezes, or substitutes. I have also orderedthe viceroy to provide you with whatever may be necessary, up tothe amount of the one hundred and twenty thousand ducados that youhave asked for this undertaking; also six pieces of artillery forbombardment, and five hundred quintals of arquebus powder. The mensent from here are armed with muskets and arquebuses. You shall becareful in the distribution of this money, and in all the rest youshall exercise the advisable care, system, and caution. You shallendeavor to attain the end sought, as I confidently expect from you, with the men sent from España, and those from Nueva España, togetherwith those whom you shall have collected in those islands for theexpedition to Ternate. If possible, you shall make the expeditionin person, as you have offered to do, and shall leave those islandsprovided as it fitting. In case conditions are such that you cannotgo in person, on this expedition, then you shall appoint another manof the experience and qualities requisite for it, who may take entirecharge of it; and for this I grant you authority. It is my will that, in case of your death while on the expedition, or through any othercause, or the death of the person whom you may appoint for it, AdmiralJuan de Esquivel succeed in it and continue it. All the sea and landforces who shall take part in the said expedition, shall obey him asthey would yourself. I declare that, in this event, and in case ofyour death, and the succession of the said Juan de Esquivel to thecharge of the expedition, he shall be subject and subordinate to myroyal Audiencia in those islands. The captains in whose charge is theinfantry raised in these kingdoms, I have selected as worthy men whohave served. Accordingly I charge and order you chat you honor andfavor them as far as possible, for in that I shall consider myselfserved. You shall not dismiss them or deprive them of their companiesto give these to others, without just cause, unless it be to appointthem to better offices. However, if they should commit crimes youmay punish them, as their superior. It is supposed that by the timeof the arrival of these soldiers at those islands--and they shallleave Nueva España in the first vessels, after the arrival of thetrading fleet there--you will have matters so well in hand that youmay begin the expedition immediately. I charge you straitly to dowith circumspectness, consideration, and caution what I expect from sogallant a soldier. These men are to be well disciplined and drilled, and everything so ordered that the desired and so important effectmay be gained, for you see the risk in this and its expense. You shallendeavor, as I charge you, to have the advisable care and order takenin the efficient distribution and collection of my revenues, and theavoidance of superfluous expense. Of the course of events you shallkeep me advised on all occasions. After recovering the fort of Ternate, you shall place there and on the island the garrison necessary forits safety. I have ordered the viceroy of Nueva España, if he hasany opportunity for it, to advise you as soon as the men raised herearrive there [_i. E. _, in Nueva España], and that he report clearly toyou the contingent enlisted in that country, and that will be raisedin any other way, as well as the time that they will leave there, sothat you may take the necessary precautions concerning them from thoseislands. If you consider it advisable for these men to stop anywhereand not to go to Manila, you shall so order it, or give any otherorders that you deem most advisable, in anything. Valladolid. Junetwenty, one thousand six hundred and four. 

After the above decree was sent, its dispositions began to be carriedout in España. Before this, in the preceding year one thousand sixhundred and three, while governor Don Pedro was occupied in thepreparations necessary for this purpose [_i. E. _, of the expedition], an accident occurred in Filipinas which threatened their loss andother greater misfortunes. In the month of April a fire broke outin Manila and burnt the richest part and more than half of the city, and it was impossible to keep the goods from burning which had beendischarged from the ships recently arrived from Nueva España whichwere being kept in the most secure of the houses. Two hundred andseventy houses, wood and stone, were burned, and even the monasteryof St. Dominic (both house and church), the royal Spanish hospital, and the magazines; and not a single edifice was left standing inthe burned area. Fourteen Spaniards were burned, among whom wasLicentiate Sanz, canon of the cathedral, together with some Indiansand negroes. The loss was estimated at one million. .. . 

[The incident of the coming of the three Chinese mandarins and theirpretense of looking for an island of gold is described. This withcertain rumors, readily believed, leads to the outbreak of feelingagainst the Chinese or Sangleys resident in Manila and other parts ofthe island. That same year (1603), the insurrection by them takesactive shape. Argensola's account is substantially the same asthat of other writers. He traces the insurrection during its rise, and progress, and the retreat of the Sangicys, with the consequentslaughters of those people. The following extracts and synopses aremade from his account:]

At the time when Covernor Don Pedro was attending most closely tothe war with Maluco, there occurred in Manila a circumstance suchthat it might not only have suspended the war, but extinguished theentire province. A man was residing in Manila who had remained therewhen the great pirate Limaon (of whose history popular accounts arecurrent) came against the city. He was formerly an idolater, and, aswas reported, served the pirate for a lewd purpose. His name was Encàn, and he was a native of Semygua in the province of Chincheo. He wasbaptized during Santiago de Vera's term, and took the latter's surname, being called Baptista de Vera. He proved sagacious, industrious, andof efficacious energy, by means of which, exercising his trading, hecame to possess great wealth and to have influence with the governorsof Filipinas. Through his arrangements the Sangleys negotiated withDon Pedro, asking his consent to finish a parapet of the wall thathe was completing, at their own cost; for they, as a portion of thecommonwealth, wished to do this service for his Majesty. Each of themoffered four reals for the work. This service and the thanks of thecitizens, whom Encàn or Baptista had bought by benefits, destroyedor decreased the suspicions conceived against their conspiracy. Hewas respected by the Spaniards and loved by the Sangleys. He had twicebeen their governor, and had many adopted sons and dependents. .. . Nearthe Parián was another district inhabited by Japanese, a race hostileto the Sangleys, with whom they are at constant war in their owncountry. The governor summoned their headmen, and sounded them by kindmethods, as he wished to know how to depend on them on any occasion, and if they would help against the Chinese if war came. The Japanese, puffed up by the confidence that he placed in them, and elated thattime would give them an opportunity to fight against their enemy, answered that they were ready to die with the Spaniards. Some troublearose from this wise effort, and as the Japanese kept the secretbadly, or referred to it with exaggeration, it became public thatDon Pedro was going to kill the Sangleys with their help. Some ofthe Japanese told them that, so that the Sangleys could flee and paythem for the warning. Many Sangleys tried to take to the mountains, while all were in fear. Those who wished to revolt were able topersuade the others to do the same, and to quiet the anxious bypromises. In fact, the greater portion of them determined to rebel, and assigned St. Francis' day for the beginning of the insurrection, at the hour when the Christians would be busied in their churches, in the holy feast. Some said that the time assigned for it was duringthe night, when twenty-five thousand of them would enter the city andbehead our men. Some indications of it escaped, notwithstanding theirsecrecy. Juan de Talavera, parish priest of the hamlet of Quiapo, informed the archbishop that an Indian woman, with whom a Sangley wasin love, had revealed to him the plot for St. Francis's day. .. . Allthese advices and some others were learned immediately by the governorand the royal Audiencia. It would be sufficient to see the haste withwhich the Chinese sold everything, even to their shoes, and adjustedtheir debts--although this was interpreted rather as a design to goaway than one of treason. In order to relieve them from fear of theSpaniards and Japanese, the governor talked to them himself, andhad the pledge of safety and the royal faith published anew in alldistricts. But no effort could quiet them. Three days before thatof St. Francis, more than four hundred Anhay merchants remained inthe city, because they had been unable to sell their goods. These, upon seeing the others in confusion because of the report that theSpaniards and Japanese were about to kill them, sent their embassyto Don Pedro by one Chicàn, also an Anhay or Chincheo. .. . He came atnight, being in fear of the other Chinese. He communicated their fearsto the governor and their present uncertainty; and stated that theydid not know what resolution to take, and consequently came to himfor advice and protection. The governor, after hearing him and havingcompletely assured him with his answer, went next day personally totalk to Chicàn's companions, and satisfied them with affectionatewords, saying that the Spanish nation is not accustomed to executeor to consent to such deceits. After this talk they were quieted, but those who had evil intentions were not satisfied. .. . 

[At the first outbreak of the insurrection, Encàn is sent to reassureand quiet the Sangleys. He returns very late "telling Don Pedro thathe had been in danger of being elected their chief, and that theywished to force him to accept it. " In the slaughter of Don LuisDasmariñas and his men which soon follows, over thirty Spaniardsmanage to escape. The Japanese aid the Spaniards, while the Sangleystry to induce all their countrymen of the Parian to join them. ]

The few Sangleys in the Parián caused the Spaniards no less anxietythan the many in the fort, both because they had them for so nearneighbors and as they supposed that if these saw our cause declining, they would join their countrymen. Besides, it was known that theinsurgents had sent to ask those in the Parián to join them, and hadadvised them of the Spaniards whom they had killed. This was declaredby a Sangley, who was caught while crossing the river by swimming, by the sentinel of the river-boats. He, confessing, when put to thetorture, that he was a spy, and that he gave and carried messages, was beheaded. On the other side, it was considered that although itwould lessen the anxiety to kill all the Sangleys or to attempt it, it did not appear a just punishment toward people of whose crimethey were uncertain--much more so, since they had come to Filipinasto conduct their trading in good faith, and the governor had giventhem his word for their safety if they were quiet and did not mix inthe rebellion. .. . 

[It is finally resolved to induce the peaceful Sangleys to take refugein the Augustinian convent. However, they refuse to take advantageof the offer, although some put their goods in safety. Meanwhilethe hostile Sangleys attempt to incite them to join their ranks, and on their refusal, turn upon them "and kill more than twohundred. " Encàn is found concealed in a house for fear of capture, whereupon he confesses his part in the rebellion. The religioustake up arms against the insurgents, notable among them being FrayAntonio Flores, an Augustinian lay-brother, and formerly a soldier:he is credited with having slain six hundred Sangleys in the finalslaughter. The Chinese, after driving in an attacking party of fivehundred men under Gallinato, assault the walls of the city, but arefinally driven back with great slaughter. Their Parián is burned, and they begin their retreat, going to San Pablo and other districts, pursued by the Spaniards and natives, who kill immense crowds of themand disperse the rest. Spaniards, Japanese, and Pampangos are sentout under Sargento-mayor Azcueta, and the insurrection is crushed withterrible slaughter; "for the Japanese and natives are so ferocious thatnothing can restrain them. " The final result of the last campaign showsthat only "slightly more than one hundred [of the Sangleys] survived, who were kept alive for the galleys. Eight natives and six Japanesedied on our side in these two battles [_i. E. _, the slaughters of thepursuit]. No Spaniard was killed, although many were wounded. " Encànis "hanged and quartered, his head exposed on the site of the Parián, and his goods confiscated; and in the days following, justice gave thesame punishment to other guilty Chinese. " The insurrection costs thelives of more than twenty-three thousand Chinese and only five hundredare left for the galleys. "Some say that the number of Sangleys killedwas greater, but in order that the illegality in admitting so manyinto the country contrary to royal prohibitions might not be seen, theofficials concealed or diminished the numbers of those that perished. "]

Don Pedro had had some advices of how well affected his Majesty wasto the enterprise of Maluco. Awaiting the effects of that decision, he wrote by all the ways possible; and by India, to solicit those whohad charge of the matter. Relieved from the hindrance caused by theSangleys, he turned his mind to the preparation and equipment of thefleet, for the time when he should be ordered to set out. But the endof this war was the beginning of other needs for Manila. Mechanicaltrades were stopped, and there was no work or provisions. Pricesof food increased with their lack. All supplies had been formerlyin great abundance, and were obtained through the Sangleys, for theIndian natives lack the willingness and the energy for such work. Thecultivation of the land, the care of raising fowls, the weavingof cloth, all of which industries they had exercised in their olddays of infidelity, they had forgotten. Especially was the Pariàn orAlcayceria wasted by fire and sword. It was once so full of gain andabundance that Don Pedro wrote to one of his relatives in España, ashort time after his arrival at Manila, these following words of it:"This city is remarkable for the size of its buildings, which havesurprised me. I shall mention only one, which is the chief one. It hasan Alcayceria that contains all kinds of silks and gold, and mechanicaltrades; and for these things there are more than four hundred shops, and generally more than eight thousand men who trade therein. Whenthe trading fleets come from China with their merchandise, which isthe present time of the year, there are always more than thirteenor fourteen thousand men. They bring wonderful things, that are notfound in Europa. " Besides this, Don Pedro feared that the chastisementinflicted in the slaughter would discourage the intercourse of theSangleys with us, and that the vessels that were wont to come fromChina with food would not come. Greater and universal was the fearthat in place of trading ships, armed vessels would come to avenge theSangleys. Don Pedro sent the prior of Manila, Fray Diego de Guevara, toEspaña by way of India, with advices of the deed and of his fears. Theincidents that befell him on his voyage in India itself, and in Persia, Turquia, and Italia, forced him to delay three years before he couldreach the court, where he found other despatches already arrived. 

At the same time Don Pedro sent Captain Marcos de la Cueva, togetherwith Fray Luis Gandullo, a Dominican, to Macao--a city of China, wherePortuguese reside--with letters for the commandant and council ofthat city, advising them of the rebellion of the Sangleys, and of itsresult, so that they might advise him by all ways, at any rumor of anarmed fleet in China. They took letters also for the tutons, haytaos, and inspectors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo, giving accountof the transgression of the Chinese, and how it obliged the Spaniardsto inflict so severe a punishment. The ambassadors found the countryquiet upon their arrival, although some fugitive Sangleys, fleeingfrom Manila in champans, had related the disturbances among them. Thearrival of those Spanish at Macao was learned in Chincheo. Immediatelysome of the most wealthy captains who ordinarily go to Manila, whosenames were Guansàn, Sinú, and Guachuan, went to see them. Havingunderstood the truth of the matter, they took upon themselves [thedelivery of] the message sent to the mandarins by Don Pedro, and themandarins received it by their means. The Chincheo merchants determinedto return to their trade at Filipinas, and left Macao in their vesselswith our ambassadors, taking a quantity of powder, saltpeter and lead, with which the public magazines were supplied. In the following May, thirteen Chinese ships made port at Manila, and afterward many othersreturned thither to continue that commerce. Don Pedro sent to NuevaEspaña the vessels that had brought the relief for the islands. Theflagship foundered and not a person or a plank escaped. He did notcease at this time to store the city with provisions and ammunition, in order to find himself free for the expedition to Maluco. At thisjuncture, Master-of-camp Juan de Esquivel came from Mexico with sixhundred soldiers, with the report that more men, money, and otherpreparations of arms, food, and ammunition were being collected inNueva España, at the order of his Majesty; these all arrived at Manilain due season. At that time died its great archbishop, Don Miguel deBenavides, to the universal sorrow of the country. 

The Chinese ships that returned for the trade bore letters to thegovernor in reply to his despatch. Three letters of one tenor camefrom the tuton or viceroy, the haytao, and the inspector-general ofthe province of Chincheo. Translated by the interpreters into Spanish, they read as follows:

[See this letter in _Vol_. XIII, pp. 287-291 of this series. ]

The governor answered these letters by the same messengers, making useof terms of courtesy and authority. [293] He related the rebellionof the Sangleys from its inception. He justified the defense of theSpaniards, and the punishment inflicted upon the delinquents. He saysthat no community can govern without punishing those who are evil, any more than by not rewarding the blameless. Consequently he doesnot repent of what was done, as it was to check him who was tryingto destroy us. The inspector should consider what he should do, ifany similar case happened in China. What he was sorry for was in nothaving been able to save any of the Anhays among the Sangley merchants, who perished among the guilty. But it was impossible to prevent that, for the violence of war does not allow some to be killed and othersexempted, especially since they were unknown to the soldiers inthe heat of war. Employing clemency toward those captured alive, he condemned them to row in the galleys, which is the punishmentsubstituted by the Castilians for those who merit death. However, ifthey in China thought that the punishment should be lessened, he wouldgive them liberty. "But it should be noted, " says Don Pedro, "thatthis might be the cause that, if so serious a crime were unpunished, they would fall into it a second time, a thing that would close all thegates to kindness. The goods of the Chinese killed are in deposit. Andin order that it may be seen that I am not moved by any other zealthan that of justice, I shall have these immediately delivered to theirheirs, or to those to whom they rightfully pertain. I am not moved toany of these things by any consideration other than that of right. Totell me that if I do not free the prisoners, permission will be given, to the relatives in China of those who were killed in the rebellion, to come with a fleet to Manila, causes no disturbance in my mind;for I consider the Chinese as so sensible a race, that they willnot be incited to such things with little foundation and especiallysince we have; on our side, given them no occasion for it. In caseany other resolution is followed, we Spaniards are people who knowhow to defend our rights, religion, and country very well. And do notlet the Chinese consider themselves lords of all the world, as theygive out; for we Castilians, who have measured it with palmos, knowwith exactness the lands of China, where it will be well to know thatthe king of España has continual wars with kings as powerful as theirown [_i. E. , _ the Chinese king], and subdues them and inflicts greattroubles upon them. It is no new case, when our enemies imagine thatwe are defeated, to find us desolating and destroying the confinesof their lands, and not ceasing until we have hurled them from theirthrones and taken away their scepters. I would be very sorry for achange in trade, but I also believe that the Chinese do not wish tolose it, since so great gain accrues from it, and the Chinese taketo their kingdom so much of our silver, which is never diminishedin amount, in exchange for their merchandise, which is composed ofpoor articles that are soon worn out. " The English ships that reachedthe coast of China, he was determined not to receive, for they arenot Spaniards, but their enemies, and are pirates. Consequentlyif they came to Manila they would be punished. "Finally, becausewe Spaniards always justify our causes, and we pride ourselves onthe fact that no one in the world can say that we usurp other men'spossessions or make war on our friends, all that is herein promisedwill be fulfilled. And hereafter let those in China understand thatwe never do anything through fear, or because of the threats of ourenemies. " Don Pedro concludes by offering to continue the friendshipwith the kingdoms of China by new bonds of peace, saying that he wouldrelease the prisoners in his galleys in due time, although he firstintended to make use of them, as he did, in the expedition of Maluco, which would soon be despatched. All this he strictly observed. 

Don Pedro received other letters during those same days from theemperor of Japon, in which, after thanking him for a present ofgrape wine--besides other rich presents--that Don Pedro had sent him, he earnestly requested commerce. .. . 

[This letter, of which Argensola presents a mere synopsis, is givencomplete by Morga, _q. V. Ante_. ]

In this same year, one thousand six hundred and four, the islands ofHolanda and Zelanda, in pursuance of their custom, assembled a fleetof twelve vessels, large and well equipped, and some smaller ones;and, as if masters of sea and wind, steered their course toward Indiaby the known routes. In a short time they reached the cape of BuenaEsperança. All the captains had gone at other times on that voyage, andthe pilots esteemed themselves of no less experience. Their general wasEstevan Drage, [294] faithless alike to his church and to his king. .. . 

[Thence this fleet continues its course along Mosambique, India, andneighboring shores, Java, Sumatra, etc. , taking prizes and trading. InFebruary, 1605, they capture Amboina, where they receive the submissionof the Portuguese and allow religious freedom. Finally part of thevessels go to the Moluccas, where, with the aid of the king of Ternate, the fort of Tidore is captured--although the Portuguese are warnedbeforehand of their coming by English vessels (for the Spanish andEnglish kings were then friends), and the English leave powder andshot for its defense. Some Portuguese leave the island, "many goingto the Filipinas, where Governor Don Pedro interviewed them in orderto learn the condition of affairs at Maluco. " The narrative continues:]

One of those who escaped from the fort of Tydore, and reached the townof Arevalo in Filipinas, was Antonio de Silva, a Portuguese. Besidesbeing a soldier he was a _naguatato_ or interpreter. This mangave a judicial account of the matter and added that the English[_i. E. _. Dutch] general, while taking him a prisoner from Amboino, took a sea-chart, and began to look for Mindoro, Manila, andCabite. Being asked by Silva, for what purpose he was looking forthem, he learned that the general intended, in case hit undertakingat Maluco did not succeed well, to try to capture one of the vesselsplying between Filipinas and Nueva España. Silva replied to himthat it was not time for those vessels to sail, either way; for thefirst [_i. E. _, those from Nueva España], arrive about May ten, and the others [_i. E. _, those going to Nueva España], sail Juneten. Notwithstanding, this was the end or desire of the Dutchman'snavigation; for he determined to get information in Mindoro, to departthence to Macàn, to send an ambassador to China, and to avenge theinsult offered by Don Pablos of Portugal in those provinces. Thence hewould lade pepper in Patane, then see if he could defeat the Chineseships at the strait of Sincapura [_i. E. _, Singapore] on their way toMalaca; and at all events, continue along that same route his return toHolanda, laden with wealth. All this did the Dutch general communicateto Antonio de Silva, as to one who would go to Holanda with him; for hewas a soldier and a skilled interpreter of both languages, and EstevanDrage made much of him for that reason. Certain others who had foughtand escaped the slaughter of Tydore confirmed this news. Don Pedrolearned it, and grieved over it, as he was so zealous in the service ofthe Church and of his king. He considered sorrowfully when he saw thatnot even one turret of a fortress was left in Maluco to the crown ofEspaña, and how securely a rebel to God and to his legitimate sovereignheld them. And because the prosperity of Dutch affairs made the Dutchpowerful and determined, the governor assembled his council of war, and appointed Captains Antonio Freyle, chief of the fleet of Pintados, Pedro Sevil, Estevan de Alcaçar, and Bernardino Alfonso to go to thegarrisons of the Pintados and those of other islands that were indanger, with their infantry companies. He strengthened the ships, andprepared his artillery, as if he were near a victorious enemy who wasexecuting his threats with so great success. Antonio de Silva showedan original letter from another Dutch general, written in the islandof Borneo to the king of Ternate, sent by Philipo Bissegóp, a shipcaptain. In it the general expressed his compliments and sent him apresent of a number of varas of different fine cloths from Holanda, six bales containing vessels of musk, twelve flasks of rose water, six _arrates_ [295] of _Amfión_ [296]--a Dutch compound used, as abovestated, for fighting, which takes away or disturbs the reason--andsix barrels of powder. He gave the king an account of the unfortunatevoyage, and the obstacles, storms, and dangers that Andres Furtado haduntil his arrival at Malaca after leaving Ternate. He called the king"most serene prince and powerful king of Maluco, Bandas, Amboino, "and an infinite number of other islands. He congratulated him on thesuccess attained upon his arrival at Maluco. He promised him to go toTernate with the greater forces that he was awaiting from Holanda, and garrison the forts, in order to extirpate entirely their commonenemy, the king of España. He encouraged him by this hope to hold outuntil then. He assured him that he would overrun all those seas fromMaluco, and would extend his empire to China, without any oppositionfrom the Filipinos or Japanese. For this purpose he requested the king[of Borneo] to renew friendship with Mindanao, and to give the kingof those islands to understand that he was a friend to the Dutch, andconsequently to facilitate the ports, commerce, and friendships thatwere necessary for their voyages. That was what was advisable aboveall considerations of the state. He said that he should be warnedand assured that nothing was attended to with more lukewarmness inEspaña, than to strive or attempt to preserve the greater part of theirprovinces, or at least, any form of union. Therefore, all the farthestcolonies that recognized their crown, ought to esteem highly the delaywith which they help and deliberate from España. For while they arebelieving, or examining in order to believe, the news of events, affairs are assuming another condition; and hence neither Spanishcounsels nor arms arrive in time. The greater part of these things hadbeen taught to his Highness by experience, and the writer's desireto serve him obliged him to write those things to the king. Antoniode Sylva added that he knew with certainty that the king of Ternatehad not neglected to take any of the precautions that the Dutchmanasked him to take; and that he had even proposed to his men to go tofight far from their islands. Although it was never feared that theywould be bold enough to do so, on that occasion Don Pedro was made moreanxious by this information, because the city had been left so weakenedby the Sangley affair. He was trying, moreover, to supply their lack, so that the late evils might not again happen; for it was so necessaryto further by another road the trade of Filipinas, and to providefor its domestic security, in order to be able to take the field. 

But time, which is wont both to take away and to give hopes, consoledDon Pedro in those afflictions, and brought him in a few months fromNueva España some ships of private persons, and afterward, in goodseason, the ships of the regular trading fleet. They reached Manilaon St. Matthew's eve. In them were the Spaniards who left Españafor that undertaking, together with more than two hundred otherswhom the viceroy of Nueva España, the Marques de Montesclaros, sentto Don Pedro, together with the other military stores and money, in accordance with the royal decree. Some of this came in chargeof Brother Gaspar Gomez, who was received with incredible joy. Hepresented to the governor all his despatches. Care was immediatelytaken to lodge the captains and soldiers, and assign them quicklyto their stations, so that all might believe that the only thingintended with them was the safety of the Filipinas, which werethreatened by the emperor of Japon and by the conspiracies of theSangleys. Corroboration of this report was sent in various directionsthat it might increase and be disseminated outside the kingdom, inorder not to give information to those whom the Spaniards had reasonto fear. Besides, although the report of that great preparationwas useful to the Spaniards in opinion and in conjectures, yet theactual strength of the forces with which the country was supplied, besides the reputation of our affairs, acted for defense and securityin them all. In Japon the knowledge alone that Manila was full ofinfantry and of armed vessels tempered or dispelled the irritationfelt by their king because Don Pedro denied him shipbuilders. TheChincheos also refrained from attempting vengeance on an enemy whosevictories were followed by so great succor. Don Pedro considered thewhole question, and inferred from every one of these advices thathe could absent himself from Manila. However the king of Ternate, as one overjoyed at having escaped from the Spanish yoke, paidlittle heed to all that was told him from his neighboring kingdoms, for he thought that the Spaniards were never to return to theirformer possessions. The captains of Holanda, who rebuilt the burnedfortress in Tydore, sent him some large bronze cannon, culverins, and a considerable number of muskets; and sent him some engineersfrom those who came on those ships, so that they might inspect hisfortifications and reside in them or in his city. Some accepted thatabode, and the loose and irreligious liberty of life permitted in thatcountry. There, by reason of the many trading-posts and fleets fromthe north, they lived as if they were not outside their own countries, since they had intercourse with their kinsmen and friends, or at leastwith men of their nation. Exiled Castilians and Portuguese reachedthe port of Oton in Filipinas daily. Among them was Pablo de Lima, a man of long experience, and now general of artillery in Tydore. Headded to the news of the recent destruction, the joy with which theDutch disinterred the pieces that he had tried to hide, and how theyhad sent ashore more arms and forces from their ships. This man wasreceived with great honor because of his worth, and because he was oneof those dispossessed, by the king of Ternate, of vassals and otherproperty in Tydore. For later events, they profited by his warningsand advice. All, by various employments, although with equal desire, took part in the furtherance of the war--in building ships, andcollecting provisions, arms, and ammunition. So great was Don Pedro'svigilance that he was not wanting in the least duty with example andencouragement. Consequently, it may be asserted that he carried onthe whole enterprise; for he lent a hand in the labors of all. 

Conquest of the Malucas islandsBook Tenth

In human actions the moral doctrine is hidden; and judicious writersare wont to deduce this from the relation of events, as the fruitof their history. But in writing of the conquest and conservationof barbarous lands (which is founded on navigations and garrisons), what civil precepts of those who establish and compose the politicallife--however sagacious statecraft may have made them--can we bringto the reader's view? And what can be offered in this matter that thereader could not infer as a necessary consequence, contained in thepreceding propositions? Since, then, the subject forbids us this role, let us finish it, and redeem the promise by which we bound ourselvesat the beginning. Don Pedro de Acuña, now general of the fleet whichwas assembled in Filipinas, attended at the same time to its despatchand to the safety of the province, which he was about to abandon togo personally upon so stubborn an undertaking. Some attribute the lossof all the Malucas to Don Pedro's good fortune, so that, time offeringhim greater material, the victory might be more glorious. He providedvery diligently what was needed for the war and for almost all thecasualties thereof. The point or promontory of Yloilo extends intothe sea not far from Arevalo in the island of Panay. It is spaciousenough to serve as a camping-place and suitable for those arms thenprepared. There the fleet was assembled. It consisted of five largeships, and six galleys; three galliots, like galizabras, belongingto the crown of Portugal--in one of which Pedro Alvarez de Abreo, commandant of the fort of Tydore, embarked, while the other two werein charge of Juan Rodriguez Camelo, a commandant sent from Malaca byGeneral Andres Furtado de Mendoça, to aid with his prudence and hisstrength, and to carry to him information of the outcome; one flatgalliot for unloading artillery, which carried three hundred basketsof rice; four vessels [297] built for transporting the provisions;two ten-ton champans, carrying one thousand six hundred baskets ofclean rice; two English lanchas, in which the Portuguese went [toManila] after the loss of the Tydore fort; seven fragatas belongingto his Majesty, and seven belonging to individuals; and as many otherchampans--in all thirty-six sail. Master-of-camp Juan de Esquiveltook twelve companies of Spanish infantry, of which four were leviedin Andaluzia--namely, his own, that of Captain Pablo Garrucho, that ofPedro Sevil, that of Lucas de Vergara Gaviria; and six in Nueva España, namely, that of Don Rodrigo de Mendoça (this gentleman is the son ofDon Juan de Baeça y Castilla and of Doña Maria de Mendoça, and on thelatter side grandson to the marques de Montesclaros; and left Italiato serve his Majesty in Filipinas, at the request of the viceroy ofNueva España, his kinsman), the company of Captain Pascual de AlarconPacheco, that of Martin de Esquivel, that of Bernardino Alfonso, that of Pedro Delgado, and that of Estevan de Alcaçar. The other two, under Captains Juan Guerra de Cervantes and Christoval de Villagrâ, were from the camp of Manila and the province of Pintados. All ofthese with their officers amounted to one thousand four hundredand twenty-three Spaniards. Under Master-of-camp Don Guillermoand Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don Juan Lit, Don Luys, and DonAgustin Lont were three hundred and forty-four Pampanga and TagálIndians; while there were also six hundred and twenty men from thesame tribes for the naval and military service, and six hundred andforty-nine rowers. The entire fleet, exclusive of the household andfollowing of the general, amounted to three thousand and ninety-fivemen; they had seventy-five pieces of various kinds of artillery, and all the materials for navigating, disembarking, and fighting, and for bombarding walls. 

Don Pedro left the port of Yloilo with this armament January five, onethousand six hundred and six, in doubtful weather, but as courageousas ever. He reached the island of Mindanao, hostile to the Spanishname and allied with the Ternatans, and anchored in the port of LaCaldera to take in water. There the flagship, called "Jesus Maria, " inwhich Master-of-camp Esquivel was sailing, began to drag the anchorswith which it was moored--an action which the sailors name by thepeculiar word _garrar_ [298]--and, in order to save itself, had toset sail. But finding that it could not double a point in this way, it fired two shots as a call for help, just when the rudder struck. Thegalleys hastened to give it a tow, but some cables were snapped atwain;and their efforts were in vain, for the sea and winds prevented thework. Captain Villagrà was given charge of the rescue of the men andprovisions aboard the flagship. Although many possessions of the kingand of private persons were lost, by incredible effort he saved thebulk of the provisions and of the clothing, and all the men, artillery, powder, cables, rigging, and sails. In order that the Mindanaos mightnot enjoy the spoils of the shipwreck, he set fire to the hull, aftertaking out the nails and bolts. They felt this first misfortune becauseof its very importance, and because the soldiers, a class often givento foolish superstitions, interpreted it in a sinister manner. Thegeneral's prudence calmed everything. He ordered the master-of-campto proceed with the fleet from La Caldera to the port of Talangame, which, as we have said, is situated in the island of Ternate. DonPedro accompanied him with his galleys until they got outside thestrait of Sambuanga, a place dangerous because of its currents andreefs. For that reason they towed the ships, until this danger waspast, and because of a calm that overtook them. The fleet took theopen sea. The galleys, in order to take in water enough to last untilreaching Ternate, coasted along gradually; for the men rescued from thesubmerged flagship were distributed in them and in the other boats, andtheir weight and peril was greater. The most skilful pilots of thoseseas managed the galleys, but notwithstanding their care and that ofthe captains and experienced sailors, they fell off their course andreached the islands of the Celebes or of Mateo, more than sixty leguasto the leeward of Ternate. Contrary winds were blowing, and they hadto correct their mistake by dint of rowing. In that manner, and withgreat difficulty, they reached Ternate March twenty-six, on Easterday. With their observance of that day, so propitious to all creation, they forgot their past dangers, and changed them into joy and hope. 

[Don Pedro finds the rest of his fleet at Tidore instead of at Ternate, as he has expected; but sees at the latter place a Dutch ship, which shows fight. However, leaving the ship for the present, Acuñasets about the reduction of Ternate with his own forces and thoseof the king of Tidore. Landing at Ternate April first, that fort isapproached in two divisions, meeting with no opposition until theyarrive near the walls. Gallinato's advice as to placing the soldiersis followed, and the Ternatan scouts in trees are replaced by thoseof the besiegers. Active operations begin, and after various minorsuccesses the wall is carried by assault, and the old fortress builtby the Portuguese is captured. On entering the city the soldiers fallto looting. ]

When the men entered the city, every one gave himself to his fury andto plundering. Don Pedro had issued a proclamation, conceding that allthe enemy captured within those four days should become slaves. Thecaptains halted near the old church of San Pablo, which had beenfortified by the enemy for this war. There were various opinions as towhat course was to be followed. Some thought that they should attendto preserving what was gained; others that they should go ahead togain the chief fortress. Captains Vergara and Villagrà were of thelatter opinion; and so great was the exuberance of the soldiers andtheir desire for danger that one of them, a native of Estremadura, of the company of Captain Sevil--who was an Arragonese, and a gallantfighter, who also approved the advice to pass on--seized CaptainVillagrà in his arms, and carried him thus for more than ten paces, exclaiming, "O good captain, attack the enemy, attack him!" and thenset him down. Thereupon the captain struck him with the flat of hissword, because he had at such a time seized him so impudently. Thesoldier bowed, and said gracefully and smilingly, "Give me another, by God! [_cuerpo de Dios_] and attack them!" In fact Vergara andVillagrà attacked the principal fortress with few men and gained it, and were the first to enter its gates. However they were not thefirst to go up, for while they were ascending very quickly by thestairs, at the entrance of the hall an old soldier, named Barela, a corporal to Captain Cervantes, hurried past them. He, on entering, took a gilded water-jar, shaped like an urn and very skilfully chased, from a rich side board and salver placed in the hall, saying to thecaptains, "Gentlemen, I take this in token that I entered here withyour Graces. " Accordingly he took it, with the consent of all. Thenthe entire palace was given over to the pillage of the soldiers, and exposed to their greed. Don Pedro tried to restrain them, butwas obeyed only near the end of the sack. 

[The king of Ternate and a few of his kinsmen, together with the Dutch, escape, the former going to the island of Gilolo. The reductionof the lesser forts continues, and some of the king's relativeswho are well affected to the Spanish, offer to induce the king tosurrender. This he does after a formal safe-conduct has been givenby Acuña. Don Pedro receives him in a manner befitting his rank, and houses him sumptuously, but at the same time keeps him carefullyguarded. Several days later a treaty is made with the king. ]

Two days after, the governor ordered Master-of-camp Gallinato andCaptain Villagrà, together with Pablo de Lima, to confer with thecaptive king concerning what agreement it was advisable to makewith him in his Majesty's name for the security and solidity ofmatters. They were to persuade him that that was the way to attainmerit and oblige our king to make better conditions in his favor. Thethree came, accompanied by other influential persons, among whomwere some Augustinian, Dominican, and Jesuit religious, all of whomserved in their ministry praiseworthily. The king did not refuse tocapitulate. After some discussion as to what form it should take, through the medium of Pablo de Lima, and after conceding to theking some things that he requested from the king, our sovereign, they wrote and signed the following agreements:

The first thing demanded from King Cachil Sultan Zayde, of Ternate, and from the rest imprisoned with his Highness who may have anypart in it, is that he is to deliver to his Majesty King Filipo, oursovereign, the forts that he now possesses--namely, those of Xilolo, Sabubù, Gamocanora, Tacome, those of Maquien, those of Sula, and theothers. He answers to this that he will deliver to his Majesty theforts above declared, and that he will send the prince his son, andCachil Amuxa, his cousin, with the person or persons who shall go totake possession of them; and that they shall be delivered up with allthe artillery, ammunition, muskets, and arquebuses contained in them. 

The second. That he shall make restitution of all the captives thathe holds, who may be our subjects, whether Christians or infidels, from the provinces of Pintados and from the other provinces subject tothe Spaniards in the Filipinas Islands. He answered that all that arefound at present shall be delivered up immediately, and that those whodo not appear now shall be delivered up as they shall be found later. 

The third. That he shall deliver up the Dutch in his power. He repliedthat when he left this fort of Ternate, thirteen or fourteen Dutchmenwith him took to flight, and he thought that they went to the Dutchvessel, for he has not seen them. However, if they appear, he willdeliver them up immediately. 

The fourth. He shall deliver up the Spanish renegades who were inthis fort of Ternate. He answered that there was only one there, andthat he fled like the others the day the fort was taken, and he doesnot know where he is, but that he shall be sought and delivered up. 

The fifth. That he shall also deliver up all the villages in theisland of Batochina or El Moro, which were formerly Christian; as wellas the islands of Marotay, and Herrao, which were also Christian, with all the artillery and ammunition in them. He answered that heis ready to deliver up everything, as he did with his person. 

Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and captain-general of the FilipinasIslands, president of the royal Audiencia resident therein, andgeneral of this Maluco fleet, entrusted these capitulations to GeneralJuan Xuarez Gallinato and captain Christoval de Villagra. They madethem in the form above declared, with the help of Pablo de Lima, aPortuguese native of these islands, who was the interpreter of the[Moro] language. The said king affixed his signature, according tohis custom. It was done in the fort of Ternate April ten, one thousandsix hundred and six. The said general and captain, and the said Pablode Lima, also signed it. 

The king signed it in Persian characters with graceful curves, andthe Spaniards simply. This original agreement was brought to Españawith the other authentic documents. 

[Possession is formally taken of the newly-subdued and of thereconquered territory in the name of the king of Spain; and afterconsultation it is determined to take the king of Ternate to Manila, leaving governors appointed to carry on his government. All swearhomage to the Spanish monarch, and promise not to admit the Dutchor other foreigners to their clove trade, and not to preventmissionary work. Acuña orders a new fort to be built at Tidore, remits a third part of the tribute to be paid by the Ternatans, and, after strengthening the fort at Terate, leaves Juan de Esquivelthere with six hundred men, boats, ammunition, and supplies, to actas governor of all the Moluccas, while he returns to Manila with hisprisoners. Trouble begins immediately, and Esquival is kept busy withexpeditions to the various islands and forts, while the Dutch againbegin their machinations; and sickness fights powerfully againstthe Spaniards. At Mindanao, a conspiracy to escape is discoveredamong the prisoners, for Mindanao is friendly to the Ternatans. Thenarrative continues:]

In all the time that we have described, no news of our victoryreached Filipinas. From this silence and suspense they argued inthose regions, and especially in Manila, that Don Pedro and his fleethad perished, or that he had succeeded so poorly that general sorrowwould be caused. Never was virtue free from envious ones who pursueit, and such were not wanting to Don Pedro in Manila. But althoughthese were well known [_some words misprinted in text_]--so thatpopular suspicion makes them the authors of the poison from whichit was believed that that great knight died, twenty-two days afterhis arrival--we ahall suppress their names; since it is unworthyof the author, who has to maintain neutrality (and indifference, in fact) to give strength to a rumor which even yet is based onlyupon a suspicion. All are now dead, and judged before the tribunalwhere not one thought passes without examination. These men, then, spread the rumor that Don Pedro, having assaulted Ternate, entered iteasily; but that his men became so embarrassed in the midst of theirgreat plundering that the barbarians, having reflected, attackedthe Spaniards and made them retreat, after killing the majority ofthem. They said that the general, ashamed of his lack of discipline, did not dare return to Manila. When that report reached the Indians'ears, it did so great harm that they began to rebel, especially inthe provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who were alreadyattending to their instruction could do nothing with them, for theyasked, since the Malucans were victorious, why they should remainsubject to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. Theysaid that the latter would, with Ternate's protection, plunder themdaily, and worse thenceforward. They did not stop at mere murmurs, for they began to confer concerning them, and to talk of executingtheir plans. But all vanished before the truth and the news of it, which preceded the arrival of the conquerors. .. .. 

[The conquerors are given a triumphant reception, and the captivesare cheered with hopes of an early release by a decree from Spain, and lodged comfortably. The king of Ternate has a letter written tothe Spanish monarch, in which he entreats his clemency. Argensolaends with the reflection that "the Malucos being, then, reduced, ourministers and preachers went thither, and the voice of the evangelistbegan to be heard in the remotest confines of the land. "]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

_Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, by Antonio de Morga. --SeeBibliographical Data in _Vol_. XV. 

_Conqvista de las Islas Malvcas_, by Bartolomé Leonardo deArgensola. --This is partly translated in full, partly synopsized, from the original printed work, from the copies owned by HarvardUniversity, and Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago. 

APPENDIX: CUSTOMS OF THE PAMPANGAS IN THEIR LAWSUITS

[The following extract forms the second part of a treatise foundin the body of _Ordinances enacted by the Audiencia of Manila_, given in _Vols_. X and XI. The first part is entitled "Relation ofthe customs which the Indians were accustomed to observe in theseislands; written by Fray Joan de Plaçençia, and sent to Doctor Stiagode Vera, former president of the royal Audiencia which resided inthese islands. " This is signed with Plasencia's name. The secondpart, headed as below, bears no signature, but is doubtless byPlasencia. From their appearance in the body of the above document, it is probable that the Audiencia considered them in assembly. Boththese reports were written by Plasencia at the command of the governoror of the Audiencia, in order that the local Spanish magistratesmight be guided by the customs of the natives in deciding mattersof law or justice among the Indians. The first part, omitted here, is the same, with a few verbal changes, as the relation published in_Vol_. VII. Pp. 173-185; but it is dated, "Narcan, October twenty-four, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine" (but this may have beenan error of the clerk of the Audiencia). The second part (_Vol_. VII, pp. 185-196) is not found in the above Audiencia document. ]

Instructions regarding the customs which the natives of Pampangaformerly observed in their lawsuits

They never had anyone whom they all generally obeyed, except thatonly in each barangay they obeyed their chief, whose people arecalled timaguas. Among the chiefs, lords of barangay, he who was mostpowerful tyrannized over the others, even though they were brothers, because they were all intent upon their own interests. 

2. In what concerns regulation in regard to supplies for the country, they had none, and everyone bought and sold as he could; beyond thateach chief who ruled a barangay ordered his people to sow at theproper time, and made them assist him at seed-time and harvest. 

3. The timaguas, or common people, came before their chief with theirsuits, and he settled them in this way. Whatever petition was madebefore them, the chief summoned the party on whom the demand was made, and asked him if he would come to an agreement with the other andopposite party. If the two parties made such agreement, there was nosuit. If they would not agree, he exacted an oath from them that theywould submit to his judgment. Then he immediately asked for a _vivavoce_ examination of both, because among these people there were nowritings any suits. If both parties gave like testimony, with thesame number of witnesses, they split the difference of the amount ofthe suit. If the number of witnesses was not equal on either side, such and such a one was condemned to the whole amount, or releasedfrom the claim. If the defeated party would not pay according to thesentence, the other party and the judge proceeded against him withthe armed hand, and forced him to comply with it. The witnesses werepaid according to their rank, and the judge also. The payment ofthe judge and witnesses was so excessive, that they shared equallywith him who won in the suit. The witnesses of the condemned partywere paid nothing; and if anything had been given to them before thedecision of the suit, it was taken back from them. 

4. _Item_: In regard to any murders that occurred, they ruled in thiswise. If one chief killed another chief, the relatives and friendsof the murdered man went to war immediately with the murderer and hiskindred; and if they killed the murderer, the quarrel and differencebetween them was ended. If not, they killed as many as possible of hisfollowers. After these parties had grown weary of their strife, anda certain time had elapsed after the murder, the other chiefs of thevillage or district endeavored to reconcile them. The reconciliationwas as follows. The murderer was to give and pay to the relativesof the murdered man seventy or eighty taes of gold; and if he were aprominent chief, one hundred or more. Then they all remained friends, and one half was divided among the children of the murdered man, if he had any, or his parents, brothers, or kindred; and the otherhalf among those chiefs who reconciled them, and the timaguas of themurdered man's barangay, although the chiefs took the greater part. Ifthe children or relatives of the deceased refused to be reconciled, all the chiefs proceeded against them, and assisted the party of themurderer until the said agreement was completed. 

5. In case any timagua killed any chief or his child, the relativesof the deceased put the murderer to death, together with his wifeand children, if they succeeded in catching him. They seized all hisproperty, which they divided among the children of the murdered man, if he had any, and if not, among his parents, relatives, or brothers;and if he had no kindred, among those who executed the vengeance forthe murder, this usually being his successor in the barangay. 

6. If the murdered man was a timagua, and the murderer a chief, thelatter gave to the children or heirs of the murdered man the sum often to twenty taes of gold; but if the murdered man had no heirs, it was divided between the judge passing sentence--who was one of thechiefs, appointed by the others of the village for the purpose--andamong the said chiefs, the judge taking one half and the others theother half. Of this they gave no part to the murderer, even thoughhe was a chief. 

7. _Item_: If one timagua killed another timagua, and had nothingwith which to pay the penalty--ten to twenty taes of gold--all thechiefs of the village killed him for it, if his own chief did not dothis, by hanging him to a tree or _arigue_ [_i. E. _, prop of a house]or piercing him with many lance-thrusts. 

8. If any woman killed any man, or another woman, by poison or steelor any other way, the judgment was in conformity with the one above, with consideration for the said conditions. 

9. If a brother killed a brother or an uncle, or a nephew his uncle, he did not die for it; but they took all his property away from himfor the heirs of the murdered man, of which they gave no share to themurderer, even though he should be an heir. This was determined by thechief of the barangay to which the murderer and the murdered belonged, if each party were of his barangay. The chiefs of the barangay werejudges, and shared with the heirs of the deceased. 

10. Concerning the murder of a child by a father, or a father bya child, no precise information could be secured regarding thepunishment, because all asserted that they never remembered such amurder to have happened. 

11. In case of the burning of any village or crops, if the incendiarywas a chief, he paid for all the damage caused by the fire--which thechiefs of such town and those nearest it determined--according tothe amount of the damage, even though they did not leave the chiefwho set the fire one mais of gold. If the damage did not exceed hisproperty, and he had some property left over, he retained it. Ifthe incendiary were a timagua, he was executed, and his goods wereseized to repair the damage. If these did not suffice to pay for it, they sold his wife and children as slaves, to pay for the said damage. 

12. Concerning thieves: If the thief were a chief, he returned theplunder, and was fined in proportion to the theft, according to theopinion of one of the chiefs of the village, whom the other chiefsselected as judge for that purpose. They say that they ordinarilyappointed the oldest and the most intelligent. The latter couldmoderate the penalty, which was divided between the judge and theother chiefs, the judge taking one half. 

13. If a timagua or slave committed a theft: If the thief werea timagua, they compelled him to return his booty, and fined himaccording to the regulations of the preceding section. If he hadnothing with which to pay, they sold him in another village, in orderto pay what he owed, as a penalty for the theft. If the thief were aslave, his master paid for him, or delivered the said slave to theparty, and he was soundly lashed. If the owner of the said stolengoods caught the thief in the act of such robbery, he could kill orbeat him without any penalty. 

14. As for the old men, old women, and witches who committed murdersby any of their practices, when it was ascertained that they hadkilled any person with their witchcraft or tricks, the chief of theirbarangay, or of the barangay of the murdered man, could kill them withdaggers if he pleased; and if these chiefs did not do this, any of theother chiefs could kill the criminals. Their property was seized, andone half was given to the relatives of the murdered man, and the otherhalf to him who executed the sentence upon such sorcerers and witches. 

15. Insulting words caused great anger among these natives, and itwas considered a very grave offense, especially among the chiefs. Theyfined the culprits in heavy sums therefor, inflicting this penalty inorder not to cause murders, and in the following manner. The insultedperson and he who insulted him named a chief, who must be greaterthan those in the whole province, to hear this suit, who acceptedand decided it. If either of the two parties refused to conform tothe agreement which the judge prescribed, there was a custom amongthem that each one lavished expense, on his own account, on feastsand assemblies, and he who spent the greater sum they considered themore powerful and honorable. From these debaucheries and gatheringssometimes resulted wars between them. If either one of the two wasthe most considerable chief of the province, three or four, chosen bythe rest, judged the case. In case the injurious words were said by atimagua to a chief, if the said timagua had nothing wherewith to paythe penalty imposed--which was very excessive--he was made a slave;and if the insulted party were a great chief, the timagua's wife andchildren were made slaves. If the chief applied insulting words toany timagua, the penalty was very light, and many times nothing. 

16. Their marriage custom was to have one wife--from whom they wouldseparate and marry another, on any occasion or change of feeling--andto have three or four other women. They always considered that one thelegitimate wife with whom they naturally cohabited. The man alwaysgave the dowry, and this, together with certain gatherings in whichthey drank, was considered marriage. If the man separated from hiswife, he lost the dowry which he had given her. If she separatedfrom the man, she returned double the dowry which she had received, even though she had children. The property acquired during marriage, they always divided equally. They never disinherited the childrenin life or death, even though they were born of many women, if theyhad been married to these. The other children, born of other women, whom we call bastards, they called _asiao yndepat_. These did notinherit, but they always gave them something. Even if any one had nolegitimate child at his death, the bastard could not inherit at all, but the property went to the nearest relatives of the deceased. 

17. They were not accustomed to will more to any child, except in smallsums, as three or four taes, or small pieces of land of the like value. 

18. When anyone became a widower and no children had been born to thehusband and wife, the whole dowry was returned. But if any sons ordaughters had been born to them, even though these were dead at thetime of bereavement, not more than half the dowry was returned. 

19. If any child were living at the time of the death of the fatheror mother, all the property of the deceased was inherited by thechild or children. If they were not old enough to administer it, the parents of the deceased kept and used it, and not the survivingfather or mother of the minors. If the minor died afterward, neitherthe father nor the mother inherited it, but the minor's grandparents, or the nearest relatives of the deceased from whom the minor hadinherited the property. 

20. Among the slaves, the father and mother shared equally. If bothwere slaves of one master, the children were so also. If one slavebelonged to one master and the other to another, the children weredivided in this way. The master of the father took the eldest, themaster of the mother, the second; and so on in this order with therest. If there were an odd one, the two masters of the parents dividedhim; that is, the slave served both masters equally. If either thefather or mother were free, the children were divided in the same way, so that if the father was free, the eldest son or daughter was free. Onthe contrary, if the father was a slave, the eldest son or daughter wasa slave. This arrangement was kept and observed among them, namely, to give an equal share to both the father and mother. If one of themwas free or half-free, they gave his part to him and to his childrenin proportion to the amount which fell to his lot. 

21. If any chiefs wrangled over their cultivated lands, they camebefore the other chiefs of the village; and these tried them, andreceived testimony orally from both sides, under oath, according totheir usage--which was sweating by the crocodile, the sun, the moon, and many other things by which they swore. In conformity with theevidence of each one, the suit between the said chiefs was decided;and if either one of them refused to comply with the sentence, all thechiefs together compelled him to observe it. This order was adheredto in this matter. 

22. All the aforesaid information I have endeavored to procure fromthe oldest inhabitants of this province, and from all the priors ofthe province. If it be not set forth in a style as good as I oughtto use, I beg your Lordship to pardon its defects, for the sake ofmy good will, etc. 

NOTES

[1] Following in a translation of the title-page of the otheredition of Morga's work, which shows that a second edition of the_Sucesos_ was published in the same year as was the first. A reducedfacsimile of this title-page--from the facsimile reproduction inthe Zaragoza edition (Madrid, 1887)--forms the frontispiece to thepresent volume. It reads thus: "Events in the Philipinas Islands:addressed to Don Christoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas, duke de Cea, by Doctor Antonio de Morga, alcalde of criminal causes in the royalAudiencia of Nueva España, and consultor for the Holy Office of theInquisition. At Mexico in the Indias, in the year 1609. " In the lowerleft-hand corner of the engraved title appears the engraver's name:"Samuel Estradanus, of Antwerp, made this. "

[2] The month is omitted in the text. --_Stanley_. 

[3] Fray Diego Bermeo, a native of Toledo, became a Franciscanfriar; and in 1580 went to Mexico, and three years later to thePhilippines. After spending many years as a missionary in Luzón andMindoro, he was elected provincial of his order in the islands (in1599, and again in 1608). Going to Japan as commissary provincial--in1603, according to Morga, but 1604 as given by Huerta (_Estado_, p. 446)--he was obliged by severe illness to return to Manila; hedied there on December 12, 1609. 

[4] Luis Sotelo, belonging to an illustrious family of Sevilla, made his profession as a Franciscan in 1594. Joining the Philippinemission, he reached the islands in 1600; and he spent the next twoyears in ministering to the Japanese near Manila, and in the study oftheir language. In 1600 he went to Japan, where he zealously engagedin missionary labors. Ten years later, he was sentenced to death forpreaching the Christian religion; but was freed from this danger byMazamune, king of Boxu, who sent the Franciscan as his ambassador toRome and Madrid. Returning from this mission, Sotelo arrived in thePhilippines in 1618, and four years later resumed his missionarylabors in Japan. In 1622 he was again imprisoned for preaching, and was confined at Omura for two years, during which time he wroteseveral works, in both the Spanish and Japanese languages. Sotelo wasfinally burned at the stake in Omura, August 25, 1624. See Huerta's_Estado_, pp. 392-394. 

[5] The present towns of San Nicolás, San Fernando, etc. , lyingbetween Binondo and the sea. --_Rizal_. 

[6] This remark of Morga can be applied to many other insurrectionsthat occurred later--not only of Chinese, but also of natives--andprobably even to many others which, in the course of time, will becontrived. --_Rizal_. 

[7] These devices, of which certain persons always avail themselvesto cause a country to rebel, are the most efficacious to bring suchmovements to a head. "If thou wishest thy neighbor's dog to become mad, publish that it is mad, " says an old refrain. --_Rizal_. 

[8] This is the famous Eng-Kang of the histories ofFilipinas. --_Rizal_. 

[9] The Rizal edition of Morga omits the last part of this sentence, the original of which is _"entre vnos esteros y cienagas, lugarescondido. "_

[10] "The Chinese killed father Fray Bernardo de Santo Catalina, agentof the holy office, of the order of St. Dominic . .. They attackedQuiapo, and after killing about twenty people, set fire to it. Amongthese they burned alive a woman of rank, and a boy. "--_Rizal_. Thiscitation is made from Leonardo de Argensola's _Conquistas de lasMolucas_ (Madrid, 1609), a synopsis of which will follow Morga's work. 

[11] We are unaware of the exact location of this settlement ofLaguio. It is probably the present village of Kiapo, which agreeswith the text and is mentioned by Argensola. Nevertheless, from thedescription of this settlement given by Morga (_post_, chapter viii)and Chirino, it can be inferred that Laguio was located on the presentsite of the suburb of La Concepción. In fact, there is even a streetcalled Laguio between Malate and La Ermita. --_Rizal_. 

[12] "Fine helmets were found broken in with clubs. .. About thirtyalso escaped (among whom was Father Farfan), who were enabled to do sobecause of being in the rear, and lightly armed" (Argensola). --_Rizal_. 

[13] Argensola says that the Chinese killed many peaceful merchants inthe parián, while others hanged themselves of their own accord. Amongthese Argensola mentions General Hontay and the rich Chican--accordingto the relation of Fray Juan Pobre, because the latter had refusedto place the famous Eng-Kang at the head of the movement. --_Rizal_. 

[14] "And they tried to persuade the natives to unite with them;but the latter refused, and on the contrary killed as many of theSangleys as they caught" (Argensola). --_Rizal_. 

[15] Argensola says that "four thousand Pampangos, armed in thecustom of their country, with bows and arrows, half-pikes, shields, and long broad daggers, " were sent by the alcalde of Pampanga to therelief of Manila, which now needed soldiers. --_Rizal_. 

[16] In this struggle many cruelties were committed and many quietand friendly Chinese killed. Don Pedro de Acuña, who could notprevent or stifle this terrible insurrection in its beginnings, alsocontributed to the horrible butcheries that ensued. "Accordinglymany Spaniards and natives went to hunt the disbanded Sangleys, at Don Pedro's order. " Hernando de Avalos, alcalde of La Pampanga, seized more than 400 pacific Sangleys, "and leading them to an estuary, manacled two and two, delivered them to certain Japanese, who killedthem. Father Fray Diego de Guevara of the order of St. Augustine, priorof Manila, who made this relation, preached to the Sangleys first, but only five abandoned their idolatry. " . .. Would he not have donebetter to preach to Alcalde Avalos, and to remind him that he was aman? The Spanish historians say that the Japanese and Filipinos showedthemselves cruel in the killing of the Chinese. It is quite probable, considering the rancor and hate with which they were regarded. Buttheir commanders contributed to it also by their example. It is saidthat more than 23, 000 Chinese were killed. "Some assert that the numberof Sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegalitycommitted in allowing so many to enter the country contrary to theroyal prohibitions might not be known, the officials covered up ordiminished the number of those who perished" (Argensola). --_Rizal_. 

[17] The coming of the Spaniards to the Filipinas, and theirgovernment, together with the immigration of the Chinese, killed theindustry and agriculture of the country. The terrible competitionof the Chinese with any individual of another race is well known, for which reason the United States and Australia refuse to admitthem. The indolence, then, of the inhabitants of the Filipinas, isderived from the lack of foresight of the government. Argensola saysthe same thing, and could not have copied Morga, since their workswere published in the same year, in countries very distant from oneanother, and the two contain wide differences. --_Rizal_. 

The Chinese question has always been of great importance in thePhilippines. The dislike of the Filipino for the Chinese seemedinstinctive and was deep-rooted. The subject of the Chinese immigrationto the islands has served for special legislation on many occasionsin Spain, but they have nevertheless persisted in their trading andoccupations therein. See Stanley's edition of Morga, appendix II, pp. 363-368; and _Los Chinos en Filipinos_ (Manila, 1886). 

[18] This should be six hundred and four. --_Rizal_. 

[19] Nueva España. --_Rizal_. 

[20] This archbishop seems to have been a principal cause of thedisturbance and massacre of the Chinese, by taking a leading part inexciting suspicion against them. --_Stanley_. 

[21] The Arab travelers of the ninth century mention that eunuchswere employed in China, especially for the collection of the revenue, and that they were called _thoucam_. --_Stanley_. 

[22] "In earlier times a barrier, which ran from Osaka to theborder of Yamato and Omi, separated the thirty-three western fromthe thirty-three eastern provinces. The former were collectivelyentitled Kuwansei (pronounce Kánsé), _i. E. _, westward of the Gate; thelatter Kuwantô (pronounce Kántô), _i. E. _, eastward of the Gate. Later, however, when under the Tokugawa régime the passes leading to the plainin which Yedo, the new capital of Shôgune, grew up were carefullyguarded; by the Gate (Kuwan) was understood the great guard on theHakone Pass, and Kuwantô or Kuwantô-Hashiu, the eight provinces east ofit: Sagami, Musashi, Kôtsuke, Shimotsuke, Hitachi, Shimosa, Katsusa, and Awa. " Thus defined by Rein, in his _Japan_, p. II, Cf. Griffis, _Mikado's Empire_, p. 68, note. 

[23] A flat-bottomed boat, capable of carrying heavy loads. 

[24] Pedro Alvares de Abreu. --_Rizal_. 

[25] According to Argensola, who gives a succinct relation of thisexpedition, the number engaged in it were as follows: Spaniards andtheir officers, 1, 423; Pampangos and Tagáls (without their chiefs), 344; _idem_, for maritime and military service, 620; rowers, 649; Indian chiefs, 5; total 3, 041. But he adds that all thoseof the fleet, exclusive of the general's household and followers, numbered 3, 095. Probably the 54 lacking in the above number were thePortuguese under command of Abreu and Camelo, although Argensoladoes not mention Portuguese soldiers. .. . The names of the Indianchiefs attending the expedition at their own cost were: Don Guillermo(Palaot), master-of-camp; and Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don JuanLit, Don Luis Lont, and Don Agustin Lont. These must have behavedexceedingly well, for after the assault on Ternate, Argensola says:"Not a person of consideration among the Spaniards or the Indiansremained unwounded. "--_Rizal_. 

[26] Said Dini Baraka ja. --_Rizal_. 

[27] Combés (_Mindanao_, Retana's ed. , cols. 73, 74) describes thebagacay as a small, slender reed, hardened in fire and sharp-pointed;it is hurled by a Moro at an enemy with unerring skill, and sometimesfive are discharged in one volley. He narrates surprising instances ofthe efficacy of this weapon, and says that "there is none more cruel, at close range. "

[28] Stanley translates this "flat-boats. " Retana and Pastells(Combés's _Mindanao_, col. 787) derive this word from Chinese _chun_, "a boat, " and regard the _joanga_ (_juanga_) as a small junk. 

[29] "The soldiers, having entered the city, gave themselvesuniversally to violence and pillage. Don Pedro had issued aproclamation conceding that all of the enemy captured within thosefour days, should be slaves" (Argensola). During the sack, whichDon Pedro was unable to restrain, neither children nor young girlswere spared. One girl was killed because two soldiers disputed forher. --_Rizal_. 

[30] "The prince's name was Sulamp Gariolano. This step was contraryto the advice of Queen Celicaya" (Argensola). --_Rizal_. 

[31] Sangajy, a Malay title (Marsden). --_Stanley_. 

[32] The Jesuit Father Luis Fernández, Gallinato, and Esquivel madenegotiations with the king for this exile, and Father Colin attributesits good outcome to the cleverness of the former. What was thenbelieved to be prudent resulted afterward as an impolitic measure, and bore very fatal consequences; for it aroused the hostility of allthe Molucas, even that of their allies, and made the Spanish nameas odious as was the Portuguese. The priest Hernando de los Rios, Bokemeyer, and other historians, moreover, accuse Don Pedro de Acuñaof bad faith in this; but, strictly judged, we believe that they doso without foundation. Don Pedro in his passport assured the lives ofthe king and prince, but not their liberty. Doubtless a trifle moregenerosity would have made the conqueror greater, and the odium ofthe Spanish name less, while it would have assured Spanish dominationof that archipelago. The unfortunate king never returned to his owncountry. Hernando de los Rios says that during Don Pedro de Acuña'slife he was well treated, but that during the administration of DonJuan de Silva "I have seen him in a poor lodging where all the rainfell on him, and they were starving him to death. " He is described byArgensola as of "robust proportions, and his limbs are well formed. Hisneck and much of his breast are bare. His flesh is of a cloudy color, rather black than gray. The features of his face are like those of anEuropean. His eyes are large and full, and he seems to dart sparksfrom them. His large eyelashes, his thick bristling beard, and hismustaches add to his fierceness. He always wears his campilan, dagger, and kris, both with hilts in the form of gilded serpents' heads. " Thisdescription was taken from a picture sent to Spain. --_Rizal_. 

[33] Other disturbances occurred also, because of Don Pedro's enemieshaving spread the news that the expedition had been destroyed, andmost of those making it killed. "This report, having come to the earsof the Indians, was so harmful that they began to mutiny, especiallyin the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who instructedthem could already do, nothing with them, for they asked why, sincethe inhabitants of the Malucos were victorious, should they be subjectto the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They saidthat the Moros would plunder them daily with the help of Ternate, and that it would be worse henceforth" (Argensola). --_Rizal_. 

La Concepción states (_Hist. De Philipinas_, iv, p. 103) that theseJapanese were settled in Dilao; and that the immediate cause of theirmutiny was the killing of a Japanese by a Spaniard, in a quarrel. 

[34] The authors of this poisoning were then known in Manila, andaccording to Argensola were those envious of the governor. "Butalthough they were known as such, so that the suspicion of the crowdmakes them the authors of the poisoning we shall repress their names. .. For all are now dead" (Argensola). --_Rizal_. 

Cf. La Concepción (_Hist. De Philipinas_, iv, pp. 105, 106); heascribes the report of Acuña's poisoning to the physicians, who soughtthus to shield their own ignorance of his disease. 

[35] These were the results of having taken the king and his chiefs, who had entrusted themselves to Don Pedro de Acuña, prisoners toManila, the king of Tidore, the ally of España, had already foundmeans to break the alliance. The governors appointed by the captiveking refused to have anything to do with the Spaniards. Fear wasrampant in all parts, and the spirit of vengeance was aroused. "Whenhis vassals saw the ill-treatment that the Spaniards inflicted ontheir king, they hated us so much that they acquired an equal likingfor our enemies. (Her. De los Rios). " Don Pedro lacked the chiefcharacteristic of Legazpi. --_Rizal_. 

[36] This relation forms an appendix to Theodore de Bry's _Ninthpart of America_ (Frankfort, 1601), and was printed by Matthew Becker(Frankfort, 1602). The copper plates are different from those of theDutch edition of the relation. --_Stanley_. 

The plates representing Oliver van Noordt's fleet, presented inthe preceding volume, are taken from tome xvi of Theodore de Bry's_Peregrinationes_ (first ed. ), by courtesy of the Boston PublicLibrary. The title-page of the relation reads in part: "Descriptiondv penible voyage faict entovr de l'univers ou globe terrestre, parSr. Olivier dv Nort d'Avtrecht, . .. Le tout translaté du Flamand enFranchois, . .. Imprimé a Amsterdame. Ches Cornille Claessz fur l'Eauau Livre a Escrire, l'An 1602. " This relation was reprinted in 1610, and numerous editions have appeared since. 

[37] One of the Canary Islands. 

[38] This anchor was given him by a Japanese captain, in Manila Bay, on December 3, 1600. --_Stanley_. 

[39] What we now call Java used to be called Java major, and theisland of Bali was Java minor. --_Stanley_. 

[Note: Inasmuch as Morga enters somewhat largely into the ancientcustoms of the Tagáls and other Filipino peoples in the presentchapter, and as some of Rizal's notes indicative of the ancient cultureof those peoples are incorporated in notes that follow, we deem itadvisable to invite attention to Lord Stanley's remarks in the prefaceto his translation of Morga (p. Vii), and Pardo de Tavera's commentin his _Biblioteca Filipina_ (Washington, 1903), p. 276. Stanley says:"The inhabitants of the Philippines previous to the Spanish settlementwere not like the inhabitants of the great Indian Peninsula, peoplewith a civilization as that of their conquerors. Excepting that theypossessed the art of writing, and an alphabet of their own, they donot appear to have differed in any way from the Dayaks of Borneo asdescribed by Mr. Boyle in his recent book of adventures amongst thatpeople. Indeed there is almost a coincidence of verbal expressions inthe descriptions he and De Morga give of the social customs, habits, and superstitions of the two peoples they are describing; though manyof these coincidences are such as are incidental to life in similarcircumstances, there are enough to lead one to suppose a community oforigin of the inhabitants of Borneo and Luzon. " Pardo de Tavera saysafter quoting the first part of the above: "Lord Stanley's opinion isdispassionate and not at all at variance with historical truth. " Thesame author says also that Blumentritt's prologue and Rizal's notesin the latter's edition of Morga have so aroused the indignation ofthe Spaniards that several have even attacked Morga. ]

[40] More exactly from 25° 40' north latitude to 12° south latitude, if we are to include Formosa in the group, which is inhabited likewiseby the same race. --_Rizal_. 

[41] We confess our ignorance with respect to the origin of thisbelief of Morga, which, as one can observe, was not his belief inthe beginning of the first chapter. Already from the time of DiodorusSiculus (first century B. C. ), Europe received information of theseislands by one Iamboule, a Greek, who went to them (to Sumatra atleast), and who wrote afterward the relation of his voyage. He gavetherein detailed information of the number of the islands, of theirinhabitants, of their writing, navigation, etc. Ptolemy mentionsthree islands in his geography, which are called Sindæ in the Latintext. They are inhabited by the aginnatai. Mercator interprets thoseislands as Celebes, Gilolo, and Amboina. Ptolemy also mentions theisland agajou daimonoc (Borneo), five baroussai (Mindanao, Leite, Sebu, etc. ), three sabade'ibai (the Java group--iabadiou) and tenmasniolai where a large loadstone was found. Colin surmises thatthese are the Manilas. --_Rizal_. 

Colin (_Labor Evangelica_, Madrid, 1663) discusses the discovery andnaming of the Philippines. He quotes Ptolemy's passage that speaksof islands called the Maniolas, whence many suppose came the nameManilas, sometimes given to the islands. But as pointed out in aletter dated March 14, 1904, by James A. LeRoy, Spanish writers havewasted more time on the question than it merits. Mr. LeRoy probablyconjectures rightly that many old Chinese and Japanese documents willbe found to contain matter relating to the Philippines prior to theSpanish conquest. 

[42] It is very difficult now to determine exactly which is this islandof Tendaya, called Isla Filipina for some years. According to FatherUrdaneta's relations, this island was far to the east of the group, past the meridian of Maluco. Mercator locates it in Panay, and Colinin Leyte, between Abuyog and Cabalían--contrary to the opinion ofothers, who locate it in Ibabao, or south of Samar. But according toother documents of that period, there is no island by that name, buta chief called Tendaya, lord of a village situated in that district;and, as the Spaniards did not understand the Indians well at that time, many contradictions thus arose in the relations of that period. Wesee that, in Legazpi's expedition, while the Spaniards talked ofislands, the Indians talked of a man, etc. After looking for Tandayafor ten days they had to continue without finding it "and we passedon without seeing Tandaya or Abuyo. " It appears, nevertheless, thatthe Spaniards continued to give this name to the southwestern partof Samar, calling the southeastern part Ibabao or Zibabao and thenorthern part of the same island Samar. --_Rizal_. 

[43] Sugbú, in the dialect of the country. --_Rizal_. 

[44] Morga considers the rainy season as winter, and the rest ofthe year as summer. However this is not very exact, for at Manila, in December, January, and February, the thermometer is lower thanin the months of August and September. Consequently, in its seasonsit is like those of España and those of all the rest of the northernhemisphere. --_Rizal_. 

[45] The ancient traditions made Sumatra the original home of theFilipino Indians. These traditions, as well as the mythology andgenealogies mentioned by the ancient historians, were entirely lost, thanks to the zeal of the religious in rooting out every national paganor idolatrous record. With respect to the ethnology of the Filipinas, see Professor Blumentritt's very interesting work, _Versuch einerEtnographie der Philippinen_ (Gotha, Justus Perthes, 1882). --_Rizal_. 

[46] This passage contradicts the opinion referred to in Boyle's_Adventures among the Dyaks of Borneo_, respecting the ignorance ofthe Dyaks in the use of the bow, which seems to imply that other SouthSea islanders are supposed to share this ignorance. These aboriginalsavages of Manila resemble the Pakatans of Borneo in their mode oflife. --_Stanley_. 

[47] We do not know the origin of this word, which does not seem tobe derived from _China_. If we may make a conjecture, we will saythat perhaps a poor phonetic transcription has made _chinina_ fromthe word _tininã_ (from _tinã_) which in Tagál signifies _teñido_["dyed stuff"], the name of this article of clothing, generally of butone color throughout. The chiefs wore these garments of a red color, which made, according to Colin, "of fine gauze from India. "--_Rizal_. 

[48] Bahag "a richly dyed cloth, generally edged with gold" amongthe chiefs. --_Rizal_. 

[49] "They wrapped it in different ways, now in the Moro style, like a turban without the top part, now twisted and turned in themanner of the crown of a hat. Those who esteemed themselves valiantlet the ends of the cloth, elaborately embroidered, fall down theback to the buttocks. In the color of the cloth, they showed theirchieftaincy, and the device of their undertakings and prowess. Noone was allowed to use the red potong until he had killed at leastone man. And in order to wear them edged with certain edgings, which were regarded as a crown, they must have killed seven men"(Colin). Even now any Indian is seen to wear the _balindang_ in themanner of the _putong_. _Putong_ signifies in Tagál, "to crown" or"to wrap anything around the head. "--_Rizal_. 

[50] This is the reading of the original (_cera hilada_). It seemsmore probable that this should read "spun silk, " and that Morga'samanuensis misunderstood _seda_ ("silk") as _cera_ ("wax"), or elseit is a misprint. 

[51] "They also have strings of bits of ivory" (Colin). --_Rizal_. 

[52] "The last complement of the gala dress was, in the manner of oursashes, a richly dyed shawl crossed at the shoulder and fastened underthe arm" (even today the men wear the _lambong_ or mourning garmentin this manner) "which was very usual with them. The Bisayans, inplace of this, wore robes or loose garments, well made and collarless, reaching to the instep, and embroidered in colors. All their costume, in fact, was in the Moorish manner, and was truly elegant and rich;and even today they consider it so" (Colin). --_Rizal_. 

[53] This manner of headdress, and the long robe of the Visayans, have an analogy with the Japanese coiffure and kimono. --_Rizal_. 

[54] Barõ. --_Rizal_. 

[55] A tree (_Entada purseta_) which grows in most of the provincesof the Philippines. It contains a sort of filament, from which isextracted a soapy foam, which is much used for washing clothes. Thisfoam is also used to precipitate the gold in the sand of rivers. Rizalsays the most common use is that described above. 

[56] This custon still exists. --_Rizal_. 

[57] This custom exists also among the married women of Japan, as asign of their chastity. It is now falling into disuse. --_Rizal_. 

[58] The Filipinos were careful not to bathe at the hour of the siesta, after eating, during the first two days of a cold, when they havethe herpes, and some women during the period of menstruation. --_Rizal_. 

[59] This work, although not laborious, is generally performednow by the men, while the women do only the actual cleaning of therice. --_Rizal_. 

[60] This custom is still to be seen in some parts. --_Rizal_. 

[61] A name given it by the Spaniards. Its Tagál name is_kanin_. --_Rizal_. 

[62] The fish mentioned by Morga is not tainted, but is the_bagoong_. --_Rizal_. 

[63] A term applied to certain plants (_Atmaranthus_, _Celosia_, etc. ) of which the leaves are boiled and eaten. 

[64] From the Tagál _tubã_, meaning sap or juice. --_Rizal_. 

[65] The Filipinos have reformed in this respect, due perhaps to thewine-monopoly. Colin says that those intoxicated by this wine wereseldom disagreeable or dangerous, but rather more witty and sprightly;nor did they show any ill effects from drinking it. --_Rizal_. 

[66] This weapon has been lost, and even its name is gone. A proofof the decline into which the present Filipinos have fallen is thecomparison of the weapons that they manufacture now, with thosedescribed to us by the historians. The hilts of the _talibones_ noware not of gold or ivory, nor are their scabbards of horn, nor arethey admirably wrought. --_Rizal_. 

_Balarao_, dagger, is a Vissayan word. --_Stanley_. 

[67] The only other people who now practice head-hunting are theMentenegrins. --_Stanley_. 

[68] A Tagál word meaning oar. --_Stanley_. 

[69] A common device among barbarous or semi-civilized peoples, and even among boatmen in general. These songs often contain manyinteresting and important bits of history, as well as of legendarylore. 

[70] _Karang_, signifying awnings. --_Rizal_ and _Stanley_. 

[71] The Filipinos, like the inhabitants of the Marianas--who are noless skilful and dexterous in navigation--far from progressing, haveretrograded; since, although boats are now built in the islands, we might assert that they are all after European models. Theboats that held one hundred rowers to a side and thirty soldiershave disappeared. The country that once, with primitive methods, built ships of about 2, 000 toneladas, today [1890] has to go toforeign ports, as Hong-Kong, to give the gold wrenched from the poor, in exchange for unserviceable cruisers. The rivers are blocked up, and navigation in the interior of the islands is perishing, thanks tothe obstacles created by a timid and mistrusting system of government;and there scarcely remains in the memory anything but the name of allthat naval architecture. It has vanished, without modern improvementshaving come to replace it in such proportion as, during the pastcenturies, has occurred in adjacent countries. .. . --_Rizal_. 

[72] It seems that some species of trees disappeared or becamevery scarce because of the excessive ship-building that took placelater. One of them is the _betis_. --_Rizal_. 

Blanco states (_Flora_, ed. 1845, p. 281) that the betis (_Azaolabetis_) was common in Pampanga and other regions. 

Delgado describes the various species of trees in the Philippinesin the first six treatises of the first part of the fourth bookof _Historia general de Filipinas_ (Manila, 1892). He mentions byname more than seventy trees grown on the level plains and near theshores; more than forty fruit-trees; more than twenty-five speciesgrown in the mountains; sixteen that actually grow in the water; andmany kinds of palms. See also _Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands_(Washington, 1902), pp. 85-95, and Buzeta and Bravo's _Diccionario_(Madrid, 1850), i, pp. 29-36. 

[73] _Sanctor_ is called _santol_ (_Sandoricum indicum_--Cavanilles), in Delgado (_ut supra_, note 71). The tree resembles a walnut-tree. Itsleaves are rounded and as large as the palm of the hand, and aredark green in color. Excellent preserves are made from the fruit, which was also eaten raw by the Indians. The leaves of the treehave medicinal properties and were used as poultices. _Mabolo_(_Diospyros discolor_--Willd. ) signifies in Tagál a thing orfruit enclosed in a soft covering. The tree is not very high. Theleaves are large, and incline to a red color when old. The fruitis red and as large as a medium-sized quince, and has several largestones. The inside of the fruit is white, and is sweet and firm, andfragrant, but not very digestible. The wood resembles ebony, is verylustrous, and is esteemed for its solidity and hardness. The _nanca_[_nangka_, _nangca_; translated by Stanley, jack-fruit] (_Artocarpusintegrifolia_--Willd. ), was taken to the Philippines from India, where it was called _yaca_. The tree is large and wide-spreading, and has long narrow leaves. It bears fruit not only on the branches, but on the trunk and roots. The fruit is gathered when ripe, atwhich time it exhales an aromatic odor. On opening it a yellowishor whitish meat is found, which is not edible. But in this are foundcertain yellow stones, with a little kernel inside resembling a largebean; this is sweet, like the date, but has a much stronger odor. Itis indigestible, and when eaten should be well masticated. The shellsare used in cooking and resemble chestnuts. The wood is yellow, solid, and especially useful in making certain musical instruments. Buzetaand Bravo (_Diccionario_, i, p. 35) say that there are more thanfifty-seven species of bananas in the Philippines. 

[74] Pilê (_Canarium commune_--Linn. ). Delgado (_ut supra_) says thatthis was one of the most notable and useful fruits of the islands. Itwas generally confined to mountainous regions and grew wild. Thenatives used the fruit and extracted a white pitch from the tree. Thefruit has a strong, hard shell. The fruit itself resembles an almond, both in shape and taste, although it is larger. The tree is very high, straight, and wide-spreading. Its leaves are larger than those ofthe almond-tree. 

[75] Delgado (_ut supra_) describes the tree (_Cedrelatoona_--Roxb. ) called _calanta_ in Tagál, and _lanipga_ inVisayan. The tree is fragrant and has wood of a reddish color. Itwas used for making the hulls of vessels, because of its strength andlightness. The same author describes also the _asana_ (_Pterocarpusindicus_--Willd. ) or as it is called in the Visayas, _naga_ or_narra_--as an aromatic tree, of which there are two varieties, maleand female. The wood of the male tree is pinkish, while that of thefemale tree is inclined to white. They both grow to a great size andare used for work requiring large timber. The wood has good durablequalities and is very impervious to water, for which reason it waslargely used as supports for the houses. Water in which pieces of thewood were placed, or the water that stood in vessels made of this wood, had a medicinal value in dropsy and other diseases. In the provincesof Albay and Camarines the natives made curiously-shaped drinkingvessels from this wood. 

[76] So many cattle were raised that Father Gaspar de San Agustin, whenspeaking of Dumangas, says: "In this convent we have a large ranch forthe larger cattle, of so many cows that they have at times numberedmore than thirty, thousand . .. And likewise this ranch contains manyfine horses. "--_Rizal_. 

[77] To the flesh of this fowl, called in Tagál _ulikbâ_, areattributed medicinal virtues. --_Rizal_. 

[78] These animals now [1890] exist in the islands, but are held insmall esteem. --_Rizal_. 

[79] See chapter on the mammals of the islands, in _Report_ ofU. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 307-312. At its end is thestatement that but one species of monkey is known, and one other isreported, to exist in the Philippines; and that "the various otherspecies of monkey which have been assigned to the Philippines bydifferent authors are myths pure and simple. "

[80] _Camalote_, for _gamalote_, a plant like maize, with a leaf ayard long and an inch wide. This plant grows to a height of two yardsand a half, and when green serves for food for horses (Caballero's_Dictionary_, Madrid, 1856). --_Stanley_. 

At that time the name for _zacate_ (hay). --_Rizal_. 

[81] In Japanese _fimbari_, larks (Medhurst's _JapaneseVocabulary_). --_Stanley_. 

[82] _Pogos_, from the Tagál pugô. --_Rizal_. 

Delgado (_ut supra_) describes the pogos as certain small gray birds, very similar to the sparrows in Spain. They are very greedy, and ifundisturbed would totally destroy the rice-fields. Their scientificname is _Excalfactoria chinensis_ (Linn. ). 

[83] Stanley conjectures that this word is a misprint for _maynelas_, a diminutive of _maina_, a talking bird. Delgado (_ut supra_) describesa bird called _maya_ (_Munia jagori_--Cab. ; _Ploceus baya_--Blyth. ;and _Ploceus hypoxantha_--Tand. ), which resembles the pogo, beingsmaller and of a cinnamon color, which pipes and has an agreeable song. 

[84] Stanley translates this as "wild ducks. " Delgado (_ut supra_)describes a bird called _lapay_ (_Dendrocygna vagans_--Eyton. ), as similar to the duck in body, but with larger feet, which alwayslives in the water, and whose flesh is edible. 

[85] For descriptions of the birds in the Philippines, see Delgado(_ut supra_) book v, part i, 1st treatise, pp. 813-853; _Report_ ofU. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 312-316; and _Gazetteer ofthe Philippine Islands_ (Washington, 1902), pp. 170, 171. There aremore than five hundred and ninety species of birds in the islands, ofwhich three hundred and twenty-five are peculiar to the archipelago, and largely land birds. There are thirty-five varieties of doves andpigeons, all edible. 

[86] There are now domestic rabbits, and plenty of peacocks. --_Rizal_. 

[87] Doubtless the python, which is often domesticated in thePhilippines. See _Vol_. XII, p. 259, note 73. 

[88] La Gironiére (_Twenty Years in the Philippines_--trans. FromFrench, London, 1853) describes an interesting fight with a hugecrocodile near his settlement of Jala-Jala. The natives begged forthe flesh in order to dry it and use it as a specific against asthma, as they believed that any asthmatic person who lived on the flesh fora certain time would be infallibly cured. Another native wished thefat as an antidote for rheumatic pain. The head of this huge reptilewas presented to an American, who in turn presented it to the BostonMuseum. Unfortunately La Gironiére's picturesque descriptions mustoften be taken with a grain of salt. For some information regardingthe reptiles of the islands see _Report_ of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 317-319. 

[89] Unless we are mistaken, there is a fish in the Filipinas called_Pámpano_. --_Rizal_. 

[90] For catalogue and scientific description of the mollusks ofthe Philippines, see the work of Joaquín González Hidalgo--now(1904) in course of publication by the Real Academia de Ciencias ofMadrid--_Estudios preliminares sobre la fauna malacológica de lasIslas Filipinas. _

[91] The Río Grande. --_Rizal_. 

[92] No fish is known answering to this description. --_Stanley_. 

[93] The island of Talim. --_Rizal_. 

[94] Retana thinks (Zúñiga, ii, p. 545*) that this device wasintroduced among the Filipinos by the Borneans. 

[95] A species of fishing-net. Stanley's conjecture is wrong. 

[96] _Esparavel_ is a round fishing-net, which is jerked along bythe fisher through rivers and shallow places. _Barredera_ is a netof which the meshes are closer and tighter than those of common nets, so that the smallest fish may not escape it. 

[97] Cf. Methods of fishing of North American Indians, _JesuitRelations_, vi, pp. 309-311, liv, pp. 131, 306-307. 

[98] A species of fish in the Mediterranean, about three pulgadas[inches] long. Its color is silver, lightly specked with black. 

[99] The fish now called _lawlaw_ is the dry, salted sardine. Theauthor evidently alludes to the _tawilis_ of Batangas, or to the_dilis_, which is still smaller, and is used as a staple by thenatives. --_Rizal_. 

For information regarding the fishes of the Philippines, see Delgado(_ut supra_), book v, part iv, pp. 909-943; _Gazetteer of thePhilippine Islands_ (_ut supra_), pp. 171-172; and (with descriptionof methods of fishing) _Report_ of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 319-324. 

[100] Pahõ. A species of very small mango from one and one-halfto five centimeters in its longer diameter. It has a soft pit, andexhales a strong pitchy odor. --_Rizal_. 

[101] A Spanish word signifying a cryptogamous plant; perhaps referringto some species of mushroom. 

[102] In Tagál this is kasubhã. It comes from the Sanskrit _kasumbha_, or Malay _kasumba_ (Pardo de Tavera's _El Sanscrito en la lenguatagalog_). --_Rizal_. 

This plant is the safflower or bastard saffron (_Certhamustinctorius_); its flowers are used in making a red dye. 

[103] Not a tree, but a climber. The plants are cultivated bytraining them about some canes planted in the middle of certainlittle channels which serve to convey irrigation to the plant twiceeach day. A plantation of betel--or ikmó, as the Tagáls call it--muchresembles a German hop-garden. --_Rizal_. 

[104] This fruit is not that of the betel or _buyo_, but of the _bonga_(Tagál _buñga_), or areca palm. --_Rizal_. 

[105] Not quicklime, but well slaked lime. --_Rizal_. 

Rizal misprints _un poco de cal viva_ for _vn poluc de cal viua_. 

[106] The original word is _marcada_. Rizal is probably correct inregarding it as a misprint for _mascada_, chewed. 

[107] It is not clear who call these caskets by that name. I imagineit to be the Spanish name, properly spelt _buxeta_. The king ofCalicut's betel box is called _buxen_ in the Barcelona MS. Of theMalabar coasts. --_Stanley_. 

[108] See _Vol_. IV, p. 222, note 31; also Delgado (_ut supra_), pp. 667-669. Delgado says that _bonga_ signifies fruit. 

[109] Tagál, _tukõ_. --_Rizal_. 

[110] This word in the original is _visitandolas_; Rizal makesit _irritandolas_ (shaking or irritating them), but there are notsufficient grounds for the change. 

[111] The Indians, upon seeing that wealth excited the rapacity ofthe encomenderos and soldiers, abandoned the working of the mines, and the religious historians assert that they counseled them to asimilar action in order to free them from annoyances. Nevertheless, according to Colin (who was "informed by well-disposed natives")more than 100, 000 pesos of gold annually, conservatively stated, was taken from the mines during his time, after eighty years ofabandonment. According to "a manuscript of a grave person who hadlived long in these islands" the first tribute of the two provincesof Ilocos and Pangasinan alone amounted to 109, 500 pesos. A singleencomendero, in 1587, sent 3, 000 taheles of gold in the "Santa Ana, "which was captured by Cavendish. --_Rizal_. 

[112] This was prohibited later. --_Rizal_. 

[113] See _Vol_. XIV, pp. 301-304. 

According to Hernando de los Rios the province of Pangasinan was saidto contain a quantity of gold, and that Guido de Labazaris sent somesoldiers to search for it; but they returned in a sickly state andsuppressed all knowledge of the mines in order not to be sent backthere. The Dominican monks also suppressed all knowledge of the mineson account of the tyranny of which gold had been the cause in theWest Indies. --_Stanley_. 

[114] Pearl-fishing is still carried on along the coasts of Mindanaoand Palawan, and in the Sulu archipelago. In the latter region pearlsare very abundant and often valuable; the fisheries there are underthe control of the sultan of Sulu, who rents them, appropriating forhimself the largest pearls. 

[115] Probably the cowry (_Cypræa moneta_). Crawfurd states(_Dict. Ind. Islands_, p. 117) that in the Asiatic archipelago thisshell is found only on the shores of the Sulu group, and that it"seems never to have been used for money among the Indian Islandersas it has immemorially been by the Hindus. "

[116] Jagor, _Travels in the Philippines_ (Eng. Trans. , London, 1875), devotes a portion of his chapter xv to these jars. He mentions thegreat prices paid by the Japanese for these vessels. On p. 164, occursa translation of the above paragraph, but it has been mistranslatedin two places. Stanley cites the similar jars found among the Dyaksof Borneo--the best called _gusih_--which were valued at from $1, 500to $3, 000, while the second grade were sold for $400. That they arevery ancient is proved by one found among other remains of probably thecopper age. From the fact that they have been found in Cambodia, Siam, Cochinchina, and the Philippines, Rizal conjectures that the peoplesof these countries may have had a common center of civilization atone time. 

[117] "Not many years ago, " says Colin (1663), "a large piece [ofambergris] was found in the island of Joló, that weighed more thaneight arrobas, of the best kind, namely, the gray. "--_Rizal_. 

[118] This industry must now be forgotten, for it is never heardof. --_Rizal_. 

[119] Perhaps Morga alludes to the _sinamay_, which was woven fromabaká, or filament of the plant _Musa textilis_. The abaká is takenfrom the trunk and not the leaf. --_Rizal_. 

[120] This name seems to be Malay, _Babu-utan_, wild swine. --_Stanley_. 

[121] The men of these islands were excellent carpenters andship-builders. "They make many very light vessels, which they takethrough the vicinity for sale in a very curious manner. They builda large vessel, undecked, without iron nail or any fastening. Then, according to the measure of its hull, they make another vessel thatfits into it. Within that they put a second and a third. Thus alarge biroco contains ten or twelve vessels, called biroco, virey, barangay, and binitan. " These natives were "tattooed, and wereexcellent rowers and sailors; and although they are upset often, they never drown. " The women are very masculine. "They do notdrink from the rivers, although the water is very clear, because itgives them nausea. .. . The women's costumes are chaste and pretty, for they wear petticoats in the Bisayan manner, of fine medriñaque, and _lamboncillos_, which resemble close-fitting sayuelos [_i. E. _, woolen shifts worn by certain classes of religious]. They wear longrobes of the same fine medriñaque. They gather the hair, which isneatly combed, into a knot, on top of the head, and place a rose init. On their forehead they wear a band of very fine wrought gold, two fingers wide. It is very neatly worked and on the side encirclingthe head it is covered with colored taffeta. In each ear they wearthree gold earrings, one in the place where Spanish women wear them, and two higher up. On their feet they wear certain coverings of thinbrass, which sound when they walk. " (The citations herein are fromColin. ) These islands have also retrograded. --_Rizal_. 

[122] Cavite derives its name from the Tagál word _cavit_, a creek, or bend, or hook, for such is its form. --_Stanley_. 

[123] This province had decreased so greatly in population andagriculture, a half century later, that Gaspar de San Agustin said:"Now it no longer has the population of the past, because of theinsurrection of that province, when Don Sabiniano Manrique de Larawas governor of these islands, and because of the incessant cuttingof the timber for the building of his Majesty's ships, which preventsthem from cultivating their extremely fertile plain. " Later, whenspeaking of Guagua or Wawà, he says: "This town was formerly verywealthy because of its many chiefs, and because of the abundantharvests gathered in its spacious plains, which are now submerged bythe water of the sea. "--_Rizal_. 

[124] Now the port of Sorsogón. --_Rizal_. 

[125] Now the port of Mariveles (?). --_Rizal_. 

[126] Subik (?). --_Rizal_. 

[127] Mindoro is at present [1890] so depopulated that the minister ofthe Colonies, in order to remedy this result of Spanish colonization, wishes to send there the worst desperadoes of the peninsula, to seeif great criminals will make good colonists and farmers. All thingsconsidered, given the condition of those who go, it is indubitablethat the race that succeeds must know how to defend itself and live, so that the island may not be depopulated again. --_Rizal_. 

[128] Samar. This proves contrary to the opinion of Colin, who placesTendaya in Leite. --_Rizal_. 

[129] Southeastern part of Samar. --_Rizal_. 

[130] Colin says, however, that they did tattoo the chins andabout the eyes [_barbas y cejas_]. The same author states also thatthe tattooing was done little by little and not all at once. "Thechildren were not tattooed, but the women tattooed one hand andpart of the other. In this island of Manila the Ilocos also tattooedthemselves, although not so much as did the Visayans. " The Negritos, Igorrotes, and other independent tribes of the Filipinas still tattoothemselves. The Christians have forgotten the practice. The Filipinasused only the black color, thus differing from the Japanese, whoemploy different colors, as red and blue, and carry the art to arare perfection. In other islands of the Pacific, the women tattoothemselves almost as much as the men. Dr. Wilhelm Joest's _TätowirenNarbenzeichnen und Körperbemahlen_ (Berlin, 1887) treats the mattervery succinctly. --_Rizal_. 

[131] This is a confused statement, after what just precedes it andaccording to the evidence of Father Chirino (see _Vol_. XII, chaptervii). Morga must mean that they wore no cloak or covering when theywent outside the house, as did the Tagáls (both men and women), whoused a kind of cape. --_Rizal_. [This is the sense in which Stanleyunderstood and translated this passage. ]

[132] _Gûbat_, grove, field, in Tagál. _Mangubat_ [so printed inthe text of Rizal's edition] signifies in Tagál "to go hunting, or to the wood, " or even "to fight. "--_Rizal_. 

[133] "At the arrival of the Spaniards at this island (Panay)" saysSan Agustín, "it was said to have more than 50, 000 families. Butthey decreased greatly . .. And at present it has about 14, 000tributarios--6, 000 apportioned to the crown, and 8, 000 to individualencomenderos. " They had many gold-mines, and obtained gold bywashing the sand in the Panay River; "but instigated by the outragesreceived from the alcaldes-mayor, " says the same historian, "theyhave ceased to dig it, preferring to live in poverty than to enduresuch troubles. "--_Rizal_. 

[134] This entire paragraph is omitted in the Rizal edition. In theoriginal it is as follows:

_La Lengua de todos, los Pintados y Bicayas, es vna mesma, por do seentienden, hablando y escriuiendo, en letras y caratores que tienenparticulares, que semejan á los Arabigos, y su comun escribir entrelos naturales, es en hojas de arboles, y en cañas, sobre la corteza;que en todas las islas ay muchas, de disforme grueso los cañutos, y el pie es vn arbol muy grueso y maciço_. 

[135] This difference is no greater than that between the Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian. --_Rizal_. 

[136] See Chirino (_Relacion de las islas Filipinas_) _Vol_. XII, chapters xv-xvii. His remarks, those of Morga, and those of otherhistorians argue a considerable amount of culture among the Filipinopeoples prior to the Spanish conquest. A variety of opinions have beenexpressed as to the direction of the writing. Chirino, San Antonio, Zúñiga, and Le Gentil, say that it was vertical, beginning at thetop. Colin, Ezguerra, and Marche assert that it was vertical but inthe opposite direction. Colin says that the horizontal form was adoptedafter the arrival of the Spaniards. Mas declares that it was horizontaland from left to right, basing his arguments upon certain documentsin the Augustinian archives in Manila. The eminent Filipino scholar, Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera has treated the subject in a work entitled"_Contribucion para el estudio de los antiguos alfabetos filipinos_"(Losana, 1884). See Rizal's notes on p. 291 of his edition of Morga. 

[137] This portion of this sentence is omitted in Stanley. 

[138] Báhay is "house" in Tagál; _pamamáhay_ is that which is in theinterior and the house. _Bahandin_ may be a misprint for _bahayín_, an obsolete derivative. --_Rizal_. 

[139] Cf. This and following sections with Loarca's relation, _Vol_. V, of this series; and with Plasencia's account, _Vol_. VII, pp. 173-196. 

[140] Timawá. --_Rizal_. 

[141] The condition of these slaves was not always a melancholyone. Argensola says that they ate at the same table with their masters, and married into their families. The histories fail to record theassassination for motives of vengeance of any master or chief bythe natives, as they do of encomenderos. After the conquest the evildeepened. The Spaniards made slaves without these pretexts, and withoutthose enslaved being Indians of their jurisdiction--going moreover, to take them away from their own villages and islands. Fernando de losRios Coronel, in his memorial to the king (Madrid, 1621) pp. 24-25, speaks in scathing terms of the cruelties inflicted on the nativesin the construction of ships during the governorship of Juan deSilva. A letter from Felipe II to Bishop Domingo de Salazar showsthe awful tyranny exercised by the encomenderos upon the natives, whose condition was worse than that of slaves. --_Rizal_. 

[142] For remarks on the customs formerly observed by the natives ofPampanga in their suits, see appendix to this volume. 

[143] This fundamental agreement of laws, and this general uniformity, prove that the mutual relations of the islands were widespread, and thebonds of friendship more frequent than were wars and quarrels. Theremay have existed a confederation, since we know from the firstSpaniards that the chief of Manila was commander-in-chief of thesultan of Borneo. In addition, documents of the twelfth century thatexist testify the same thing. --_Rizal_. 

[144] This word must be _sagigilid_ in its Tagál form. The root _gílid_signifies in Tagál, "margin, " "strand, " or "shore. " The reduplicationof the first syllable, if tonic, signifies active future action. Ifnot tonic and the suffix _an_ be added, it denotes the place wherethe action of the verb is frequently executed. The preposition _sa_indicates place, time, reference. The atonic reduplication may alsosignify plurality, in which case the singular noun would be _sagílid_, _i. E. _, "at the margin, " or "the last"--that is, the slave. Timawásignifies now in Tagál, "in peace, in quietness, tranquil, free, "etc. _Maginoo_, from the root _ginoo_, "dignity, " is now the title ofthe chiefs; and the chief's reunion is styled _kaginoóhan_. Colin says, nevertheless, that the Chiefs used the title _gat_ or _lakan_, and thewomen _dayang_. The title of _mama_ applied now to men, correspondsto "uncle, " "Señor, " "Monsieur, " "Mr. , " etc. ; and the title _al_of women to the feminine titles corresponding to these. --_Rizal_. 

[145] _Namamahay_ (from _bahay_, "house"), "he who lives in his ownhouse. " This class of slaves, if they may be so called, exists evenyet. They are called _kasamá_ (because of being now the laborers of acapitalist or farmer), _bataan_ ("servant, " or "domestic"), _kampon, tao_, etc. 

[146] This class of slavery still exists [1890] in many districts, especially in the province of Batangas; but it must be admitted thattheir condition is quite different from that of the slave in Greece orRome, or that of the negro, and even of those made slaves formerly bythe Spaniards. Thanks to their social condition and to their number inthat time, the Spanish domination met very little resistance, whilethe Filipino chiefs easily lost their independence and liberty. Thepeople, accustomed to the yoke, did not defend the chiefs fromthe invader, nor attempt to struggle for liberties that they neverenjoyed. For the people, it was only a change of masters. The nobles, accustomed to tyrannize by force, had to accept the foreign tyranny, when it showed itself stronger than their own. Not encountering loveor elevated feelings in the enslaved mass, they found themselveswithout force or power. --_Rizal_. 

[147] _Inasawa_, or more correctly _asawa_ (consort). --_Rizal_. 

[148] This dowry, if one may call it so, represented to the parentsan indemnity for the care and vigilance that they had exercised intheir daughter's education. The Filipina woman, never being a burdento any one (either to her parents or to her husband), but quite thecontrary, represents a value, whose loss to the possessor must besubstituted. .. . The Tagál wife is free, and treated with consideration;she trades and contracts, almost always with the approbation of herhusband, who consults her in all his acts. She takes care of the money, and educates the children, half of whom belong to her. .. --_Rizal_. 

[149] _Bigay-káya_, "to give what one can, " "a voluntary offering, a present of good will" . .. This _bigay-káya_ devolved entireto the married couple, according to Colin, if the son-in-law wasobedient to his parents-in-law; if not, it was divided among all theheirs. "Besides the dowry, the chiefs used to give certain gifts tothe parents and relatives, and even to the slaves, which were greator less according to the rank of the one married. " (Colin). --_Rizal_. 

[150] This good custom still exists, . .. Although it is graduallypassing away. --_Rizal_. 

[151] Such is the law throughout most parts of Asia; in Siam thewoman becomes free without having children. It is only in America thatfathers could and did sell their own children into slavery. --_Stanley_. 

[152] This condition of affairs and the collection of usury is truestill [1890]. Morga's words prove true not only of the Indian, but alsoof the mestizos, the Spaniards, and even of various religious. So farhas it gone that the government itself not only permits it, but alsoexacts the capital and even the person to pay the debts of others, ashappens with the _cabeza de barangay_ [head of a barangay]. --_Rizal_. 

[153] The _tam-tam_ and the _pum-piang_ are still used. --_Rizal_. 

[154] The early Filipinos had a great horror of theft, and even themost anti-Filipino historian could not accuse them of being a thievishrace. Today, however, they have lost their horror of that crime. Oneof the old Filipino methods of investigating theft was as follows:"If the crime was proved, but not the criminal, if more than one wassuspected . .. Each suspect was first obliged to place a bundle ofcloth, leaves, or whatever he wished on a pile, in which the thingstolen might be hidden. Upon the completion of this investigationif the stolen property was found in the pile, the suit ceased. " TheFilipinos also practiced customs very similar to the "judgments ofGod" of the middle ages, such as putting suspected persons, by pairs, under the water and adjudging guilty him who first emerged. --_Rizal_. 

[155] The Filipino today prefers a beating to scoldings orinsults. --_Rizal_. 

[156] From _bago_, new, and _tao_, man: he who has become aman. --_Rizal_. 

[157] In speaking of a similar custom in Australia, Eyre (_CentralAustralia_, i, p. 213), says: "This extraordinary and inexplicablecustom must have a great tendency to prevent the rapid increase of thepopulation. "--_Stanley_. [Stanley does not translate this paragraphof the text. ]

[158] It appears that the natives called _anito_ a tutelary genius, either of the family, or extraneous to it. Now, with their newreligious ideas, the Tagáls apply the term _anito_ to any superstition, false worship, idol, etc. --_Rizal_. 

[159] Others besides Morga mention oratories in caves, where the idolswere kept, and where aromatics were burned in small brasiers. Chirinofound small temples in Taitay adjoining the principal houses. [See_Vol_. XII. Of this series, chapter xxi. ] It appears that temples werenever dedicated to _bathala maykapal_, nor was sacrifice ever offeredhim. The temples dedicated to the _anito_ were called ulañgo. --_Rizal_. 

[160] San Agustín says that hell was called _solad_, and paradise, _kalualhatian_ (a name still in existence), and in poetical language, _ulugan_. The blest abodes of the inhabitants of Panay were in themountain of Madias. --_Rizal_. 

[161] Cf. The "wake" of the Celtic and Gaelic peasants. Cf. Also theNorth-American Indian burial ceremonies, and reverence paid to thedead, in _Jesuit Relations_, i, p. 215; ii, pp. 21, 149; viii, p. 21;x, pp. 169, 247, 283-285, 293; xiii, 259; xxi, 199; xxiii, 31; lxv, 141; etc. 

In the Filipino burials, there were mourners who composed panegyricsin honor of the dead, like those made today. "To the sound of thissad music the corpse was washed, and perfumed with storax, gum-resin, or other perfumes made from tree gums, which are found in all thesewoods. Then the corpse was shrouded, being wrapped in more or lesscloth according to the rank of the deceased. The bodies of the morewealthy were anointed and embalmed in the manner of the Hebrews, with aromatic liquors, which preserved them from decay. .. . Theburial-place of the poor was in pits dug in the ground under theirown houses. After the bodies of the rich and powerful were kept andbewailed for three days, they were placed in a chest or coffin ofincorruptible wood, adorned with rich jewels, and with small sheetsof gold in the mouth and over the eyes. The coffin was all in onepiece, and the lid was so adjusted that no air could enter. Becauseof these precautions the bodies have been found after many years, still uncorrupted. These coffins were deposited in one of threeplaces, according to the inclination and arrangement of the deceased, either on top of the house among the treasures . .. Or underneath it, but raised from the ground; or in the ground itself, in an open holesurrounded with a small railing . .. Nearby they were wont to placeanother box filled with the best clothes of the deceased; and atmeal-time they set various articles of food there in dishes. Besidethe men were laid their weapons, and beside the women their looms orother implements of work" (Colin). --_Rizal_. 

[162] _Kasis. _ This is another instance of the misapplication of thisArabic term, which means exclusively a Christian priest. --_Stanley_. 

[163] This custom has not fallen into disuse among the Filipinos, even among the Catholics. --_Rizal_. 

Lieutenant Charles Norton Barney, of the medical department of theU. S. Army, has an article in _Journal_ of the Association of MilitarySurgeons for September, 1903, on "Circumcision and Flagellationamong the Filipinos. " In regard to circumcision he states that it"is a very ancient custom among the Philippine _indios_, and sogeneralized that at least seventy or eighty per cent of males in theTagál country have undergone the operation. " Those uncircumcised atthe age of puberty are taunted by their fellows, and such are called"_suput_, " a word formerly meaning "constricted" or "tight, " but nowbeing extended to mean "one who cannot easily gain entrance in sexualintercourse. " The "operation has no religious significance, " nor isit done for cleanliness, "but from custom and disinclination to beridiculed, " probably [as Morga proves] having been learned from theMoros. The friars were unable to check the custom. Among the Tagálsthe operation is called "_tuli_, " and the method of circumcisingis described at length. The author derives his information from amestizo and a full-blooded native. The custom is mentioned by Foreman. 

[164] Appellation given to their ecclesiastical sages by Mahometans. 

[165] See the king's decree granting this coat-of-arms, in _Vol_. IX, pp. 211-215, with two representations of the coat-of-arms. 

[166] Convents occupy almost one-third part of the walledcity. --_Rizal_. 

[167] The walls did not even have any moats then; these were dug afterthe English invasion of 1762. The walls were also rearranged at thattime, and perfected with the lapse of time and the needs that arosein the city. --_Rizal_. 

[168] Rizal misprints _al cabo del lienço_ as _al campo del lienzo_. 

[169] Now [1890] the gates of the city are open all night, and incertain periods, passage along the streets and through the walls isallowed at all hours. --_Rizal_. 

[170] This powder-mill has several times changed its site. It wasafterward near Maalat on the seashore, and then was moved to Nagtahá, on the bank of the Pasig. --_Rizal_. 

[171] Probably on the same site where the great Tagál cannon-foundryhad formerly stood, which was burned and destroyed by the Spaniardsat their first arrival in Manila. San Agustin declares the Tagálfoundry to have been as large as that at Málaga. --_Rizal_. 

[172] The Rizal edition omits the words, _muy grande y autorizada, capilla aparte, camara del sello real_. 

[173] The treasury building. The governor's palace was destroyedin 1863. --_Rizal_. 

[174] The Audiencia and cabildo buildings were also destroyed, butthe latter has been rebuilt. --_Rizal_. 

[175] The Rizal edition misprints _sacristan_ as _sacristías_. 

[176] This is the largest convent in Manila. --_Rizal_. 

[177] Among the Jesuits, that part of a college where the pensionersor boarders live and receive their instruction. 

[178] This college of San José was founded in 1601, although the royaldecree for it had been conceded in 1585. The number of collegiates toenter was thirteen, among whom was a nephew of Francisco Tello anda son of Dr. Morga. From its inception Latin was taught there. Ina suit with the College of Santo Tomás, the Jesuits obtained afavorable decision; and it was recognized as the older institution, and given the preference in public acts. The historians say that atits inauguration the students wore bonnets covered with diamonds andpearls. At present [1890] this college, after having moved from houseto house, has become a school of pharmacy attached to Santo Tomás, and directed by the Dominican rector. --_Rizal_. 

[179] After many varying fortunes, this institution has whollydisappeared. --_Rizal_. 

[180] The Confraternity of Mercy [_Hermandad de la Misericordia_]was founded in 1594, by an ecclesiastic named Juan Fernández deLeón. --_Rizal_. 

[181] San Juan de Dios [St. John of God]. --_Rizal_. 

[182] Better, Maalat. The Spaniards pronounced this laterMalate. There lived the chief Tagáls after they were deprived oftheir houses in Manila, among whom were the families of Raja Matandaand Raja Soliman. San Augustín says that even in his day many of theancient nobility dwelt there, and that they where very urbane andcultured. "The Men hold various positions in Manila, and certainoccupations in some of the local public functions. The women makeexcellent lace, in which they are so skilfull that the Dutch womencannot surpass them. " This is still true of the women. --_Rizal_. 

[183] Now the town of Paco. --_Rizal_. 

[184] _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Ii, tit. Xv, ley xi, definesthe district of the Audiencia and states certain perogatives of thegovernor and auditors as follows: "In the city of Manila, in theisland of Luzon, capital of the Felipinas, shall reside our royalAudiencia and Chancillería, with a president who shall be governor andcaptain-general, four auditors, who shall also be alcaldes of criminalcases, one fiscal, one alguacil-mayor, one lieutenant of the grandchancillor, and the other ministers and officials necessary. It shallhave as its district the said island of Luzon, and all the rest of theFilipinas, the archipelago of China and its mainland as yet discoveredand to be discovered. We order the governor and captain-general ofthe said islands and provinces and president of the royal Audienciain them, to hold personal charge in peace and war of the superiorgovernment of all the district of the said Audiencia, and to make theprovisions and concessions in our royal name, which in accordance withthe laws of this _Recopilación_ and of these kingdoms of Castilla, and with the instructions and powers that he shall get from us, heshould and can make. In things and matters of importance that arise inthe government, the said president governor shall discuss them withthe auditors of the said Audiencia, so that they, after consulting, may give him their opinion. He, after hearing them, shall take whatcourse is most advisable to the service of God and to ours, and thepeace and quiet of that province and community. " Felipe II, Aranjuez, May 5, 1583; Toledo, May 25, 1596, in ordinance of the Audiencia;Felipe IV in this _Recopilación. _

[185] The original is _canongias, raciones, y medias raciones_, which literally refers to the office or prebend instead of theindividual. We retain the above terms as expressing the persons whoheld these prebends. 

[186] Literaly, the original translates "in the islands of Sebu, Cagayan, and Camerines. "

[187] This is so changed now [1890] and the employees so increased innumber, that the annual expenses amount to more than 2, 000, 000 pesos, while the intendant's salary is 12, 000 pesos. --_Rizal_. 

[188] This city has disapeared from the map and from the earth. Aninconsiderable town named Lal-ló occupies its site. It is still[1890], however, named as the appointment of the bishopric of Bigan, the actual residence of the bishop. --_Rizal_. 

[189] An attempt was made to supply the lack of prebends in thecathedral cities of the Philippines by the following law: "Inasmuch asthe bishops of the churches of Nueva Cáceres, Nueva Segovia, and of theName of Jesus of the Filipinas Islands should have men to assist themin the pontifical acts, and the bishops should have all the proprietypossible in their churches, and divine worship more reverence; andinasmuch as there are no tithes with which a few prebendaries can besustained in the churches: therefore our governor of those islandsshall appoint to each of the said churches two ecclesiastics of goodlife and example, who shall aid and assist the bishop in the pontificalacts, and in all else relating to divine worship. He shall assignthem a certain modest sum for their support from our royal treasury, so that with that they may for the present serve the churches, untilthere be more opportunity for endowing them with prebendaries andproviding other necessary things. " Felipe III, San Lorenzo, October 5, 1606. _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. I, tit. Vi, ley xviii. 

[190] The Rizal edition omits a considerable portion of thisparagraph. The omission is as follows: _para guarda del puerto, ydefensa de la ciudad, con bastante guarnicion de soldados de paga, aorden del alcalde mayor, capitan a guerra de la prouincia que resideen la ciudad. Sera la poblazon, de dozientos vezinos Españoles, con casas de madera, tiene Cabildo, de dos alcaldes ordinarios, ocho rejidores, alguazil mayor y sus oficiales_. 

[191] Now [1890] of slight importance. Of its former grandeur thereremain only 1, 000 inhabitants, with a parochial house, a justice'shouse, a prison, and a primary school. --_Rizal_. 

[192] Vigan or Bigan. --_Rizal_. 

[193] Legazpi also had two secular priests, Juan de Vivero and Juande Villanueva, who had part in the first conversions. --_Rizal_. 

[194] The Jesuits preceded the Dominicans seven years as missionariesto the Filipinas. The first Jesuits came over with Domingo de Salazar, the first bishop, and his Dominican associate. --_Rizal_. 

[195] _Visita_: here meaning a district which has no residentmissionary, but is visited by religious from some mission station, on which the visita is therefore dependent. 

[196] Cf. With the musical ability of the Filipinos that displayed bythe North American Indians, as described in _The Jesuit Relations_, vols. Vi, p. 183; xviii, p. 161; xxiii, p. 213; xxvii, p. 117; xxxi, p. 219; xxxviii, pp. 259, 263; etc. 

[197] Chirino (chapter vii) mentions the apportionment, by the king, ofdistinct districts to the different orders. The Augustinian authoritiesin Mexico granted permission to those of their order going to thePhilippines to establish themselves wherever they wished in the islands(see _Vol_. II, pp. 161-168), and the latter exercised the omnimodo[i. E. , entire] ecclesiastical authority, as conceded by the popes, until the arrival of the Franciscans in 1577. Papal concessionsprobably marked out the districts as apportioned by the king. 

[198] Morga refers, with his characteristic prudence, to the greatquestion of diocesan visits, which commenced with Fray Domingode Salazar, and which could not be ended until 1775, in the timeof Anda--thanks to the energy of the latter and the courage ofArchbishop Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, when aftergreat disturbances they succeeded in subjecting the regular curas tothe inspection of the bishops. Morga, however, shows that he did notapprove the claims of the religious to independence, but does notdare to state so distinctly. --_Rizal_. 

[199] The Augustinians received also one-fourth part of the tributefrom the villages while they were building churches; and 200 pesosfuertes [_i. E. _, ten-real pieces] and 200 cavans [the cavan equals25 gantas, or 137 Spanish libras] of cleaned rice for four religiouswho heard confessions during Lent. Fifty cavans of cleaned rice perperson seems to us too much. It results that each friar consumes 121/2 libras of rice or 27 chupas [the chupa is 1/8 ganta or 3 litros]daily, thirteen times as much as any Indian. --_Rizal_. 

[200] _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Vi, tit. Vii, ley xvi, contains thefollowing in regard to the native chiefs: "It is not right that theIndian chiefs of Filipinas be in a worse condition after conversion;rather should they have such treatment that would gain their affectionand keep them loyal, so that with the spiritual blessings that Godhas communicated to them by calling them to His true knowledge, the temporal blessings may be joined, and they may live contentedlyand comfortably. Therefore, we order the governors of those islandsto show them good treatment and entrust them, in our name, with thegovernment of the Indians, of whom they were formerly the lords. Inall else the governors shall see that the chiefs are benefited justly, and the Indians shall pay them something as a recognition, as they didduring the period of their paganism, provided it be without prejudiceto the tributes that are to be paid us, or prejudicial to that whichpertains to their encomenderos. " Felipe II, Madrid, June 11, 1594. 

[201] The _gobernadorcillo_ ["little or petty governor"]. 

[202] _Bilangõ_ signifies today in Tagál "the act of imprisoning, "and _bilanguan_ "the prison. "--_Rizal_. 

[203] For good expositions of local government in modern times, seeBowring, _Visit to the Philippine Isles_ (London, 1859), pp. 87-93; andMontero y Vidal, _Archipiélago Filipino_ (Madrid, 1886), pp. 162-168. 

[204] These are now [1890] made in Spanish. --_Rizal_. 

[205] Names of petty officers: the former the name of anofficer in oriental countries; the second signifying one whocommands. Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera (_Costumbres de los Tagalos_, Madrid, 1892, p. 10, note 1) says the word dato is now unused bythe Tagáls. _Datu_ or _datuls_ primitively signified "grandfather, "or "head of the family, " which was equivalent to the head of thebarangay. This name is used in Mindanao and Joló to designate certainchiefs. 

[206] A later law in _Recopilación de leyes_ (lib. Vi, tit. Viii, leyxi) regulates the encomienda--giving power as follows: "The governorand captain-general of Filipinas shall apportion the encomiendas, in accordance with the regulations to worthy persons, without havingother respect than to the service of God our Lord, and our service, the welfare of the public cause, and the remuneration of the mostdeserving. Within sixty days, reckoned from the time that he shallhave heard of the vacancy, he shall be obliged to apportion them. Ifhe does not do so, the right to apportion them shall devolve uponand pertain to our royal Audiencia of those islands, and we orderthe Audiencia to apportion them, paying heed to the laws, within sixdays, and to avail itself of the edicts and diligences issued by thegovernor without other new ones. In case the governor shall not haveissued edicts and diligences, the Audiencia shall issue them and makethe provision within twenty days. " Felipe III, Madrid, June 4, 1620. 

[207] The rapidity with which many of these encomenderos amassedgreat wealth in a few years is known, and that they left colossalfortunes at their death. Some were not satisfied with the tributesand with what they demanded, but made false measures, and balancesthat weighed twice as much as was indicated. They often exacted thetributes in certain products only, and appraised the same at whatvalue they wished. --_Rizal_. 

[208] A law in _Recopilación de leyes_ (lib. Vi, tit. V, ley lxv)cites the above provision and confirms it anew: "In order to provideinstruction for certain villages of the Filipinas Islands, which didnot enjoy it, or if they had it, it was not sufficient, it was resolvedto increase the tribute, which was formerly eight reals, or its value, per peso, to the proportion of ten Castilian reals apiece. It wasordered that the increased amount be placed in our royal treasury, and one-half real of it be applied to paying the obligations which hadto be met in regard to the tithes, while the one and one-half realswould remain to pay those soldiers there and for other purposes;in consideration of the fact that the funds necessary to send outreligious, who are employed in the preaching of the holy gospel, are supplied from our royal treasury, and that the encomenderos wereobliged to pay for the ordinary instruction from the eight reals, and the part of the building of churches that fell to their share, while the Indians had the choice of paying all the tribute in moneyor in products, or in both. Thus was it enacted and voted. We orderno innovation to be made in this regard, in consideration of thewelfare and conservation of those provinces and their natives, andso that the choice of paying in money shall not occasion any lack ofproducts and cause sterility. " Felipe II, San Lorenzo, August 1589;Felipe III, Zamora, February 16, 1602. 

[209] The following law regulates supervision of the accounts of thisfund: "Inasmuch as, when any encomienda of the Filipinas Islandshappens to be without instruction, the fourth part of the tributecollected by the encomendero is deposited in a box with three keys, in order that it may be converted into benefices for the Indians;and as it is advisable that that ordinance be executed sensibly andproperly, and that we should know the amount of it and how it isapportioned: therefore, we order our presidents, the governors of theFilipinas Islands, that whenever they deem it advisable to examinethe account, they shall appoint for that purpose one of the officialsof our royal treasury of those islands--the one most suitable forit--who shall examine them. The fiscal of our royal Audiencia shallinvestigate them before they are finished; and shall ask and see thatthey are executed with the care that the matter requires in regardto their items, charges, articles, and balances, and whatever elseis advisable. He shall advise our president and governor of it all, so that he may assist him in what may be necessary, and advise us ofthe result. " Felipe III, Madrid, June 4, 1620, in _Recopilación deleyes_, lib. I, tit. Xiii, ley xiv. 

[210] The bull here referred to was issued by Gregory XIV, and datedApril 18, 1591. The seventh section reads as follows: "Finally, since, as we have learned, our very dear son in Christ, Philip, Catholic King of the Spains, on account of the many deceits wont tobe practised therein, has forbidden any Spaniard in the aforesaidPhilippine Islands to dare to take, or have, or hold any slaves, or servants, even by right of just and unjust war, or of purchase, or by whatsoever other title, or pretext; although some, despite theedict, or mandate, of King Philip himself, still keep the same slavesin their power: therefore in order that, as is befitting to reasonand equity, the Indians themselves may freely and safely withoutany fear of bondage come and go to their Christian doctrinas, and totheir own homes and possessions, we order and command all and singularthe persons living in the same islands, of whatsoever state, degree, condition, order, and rank they may be, in virtue of holy obedience andunder pain of excommunication, on the publication of these presents, in accordance with the edict, or mandate of the said King Philip, to release wholly free, without deceit and guile, whatsoever Indianslaves and servants they may have, or hold; nor ever for the futurein any manner to take or keep captives, or servants. "--[Translatedfrom the original by _Rev. T. C. Middleton_, O. S. A. ]

[211] This [1890] has disappeared from legislation, although thepersonal services for España are still continued, and are fifteendays. --_Rizal_. 

[212] _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Vi, tit. Xii, ley xii, treating ofpersonal services, reads as follows: "The religious and the ministersof the instruction, and the alcaldes-mayor of the Filipinas Islandshave a weekly repartimiento of Indians which they call _tanores_, sothat the Indians may serve them without pay; and besides the villagescontribute to them the fish necessary to them on Fridays, which isagainst reason and justice. We order the governor and captain-general, the Audiencia, and any other of our justices, to stop and not allowthis personal service and contribution, so that the villages shallin no manner perform it, and we declare the villages free from anyobligation that they have or may have. " This law is dated Madrid, March 17, 1608. 

[213] Taal was one of the villages where the most rigging was madefor the royal ships. --_Rizal_. 

[214] This word _reales_ is omitted in the Rizal edition. 

[215] A comparatively early law (_Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Vi, tit. I, ley xv), prohibits the forcible removal of the natives forexpeditions of conquest from one island to another. It is as follows:"We order that the Indians in the Filipinas Islands be not takenfrom one island to another forcibly in order to make incursions, andagainst their will, unless it be under very necessary circumstances, and paying them for their work and trouble. They shall be well treatedand receive no injury. " Felipe II, Madrid, November 7, 1574. 

[216] In Java also the Dutch restrict Europeans from roaming aboutthe country; this is a good regulation for the protection of theinhabitants. --_Stanley_. 

[217] Stanley praises these regulations; Rizal deplores them, askeeping the men in authority out of touch with the people. 

[218] _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Iv, tit. X, ley vii, has thefollowing law, dated Madrid, March 17, 1608: "The governor andcaptain-general of Filipinas shall for the present appoint themagistracy [_regimiento_] of the city of Manila, choosing personswho shall prove to be suitable for the office and zealous for theservice of God our Lord, and for ours; and he shall not remove themwithout our special order. "

[219] Many royal decrees related to playing cards. The monopolyceased to exist perhaps before the government monopoly on betel wasinitiated. --_Rizal_ (in part). 

[220] In 1890 he received 12, 000 pesos. --_Rizal_. 

[221] The prebend, in Spanish cathedrals, superior to a canonry. 

The following laws (xvi and xvii, respectively) as to the appointmentsof vacant prebends, are found in _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. I, tit. Vi. 

"Because of the great distance from these kingdoms to the FilipinasIslands and the inconvenience that might result from the prebendsfalling vacant without any provision being made until we present thosewho shall take them, we order the governor and captain-general of thesaid islands that, when dignidades, canonries, and other prebends inthe metropolitan church become vacant, he shall present other personsof the sufficiency and characteristics required, so that they mayserve in place of their predecessors, until we provide persons forthem. They shall receive the stipend that their predecessors shall havereceived. The governor shall observe the rules made by the laws of thistitulo in his presentations. " Felipe II, Guadalupe, March 26, 1580. 

"We order our governors of the Filipinas Islands, and charge thearchbishops of Manila, that when any prebends of that church becomevacant, they send us three nominations for each one, instead of oneonly, with very minute advice of their sufficiency, learning, degrees, and all other qualities that are found in those proposed, so thatafter examination, we may appoint the one most suitable. " Felipe III, Lerma, June 28, 1608. 

[222] In 1890 the Filipinas were paying 36, 670 pesos annually forone dean, four dignitarios, five canons, four racioneros, fourmedio-racioneros, and other inferior helpers, including the choir, a total of twenty-six individuals; 3, 330 pesos annually is to beadded for sacristans, singers, and orchestra. --_Rizal_. 

[223] Their salary amounted to from 750 to 1, 000 pesos. Now [1890]the salary of each bishop is 6, 000 pesos, with two father assistantsat 100 to 150 pesos per month. --_Rizal_. 

[224] Thus in original, but it is carelessly worded; for the Societyof Jesus is not one of the mendicant orders. 

[225] All of the orders held property and had regular means of revenue, later; while the Dominicans held enormous property in both the islandsand at Hong Kong. --_Rizal_. 

[226] The following law is from _Recopilación de leyes_ (lib. Iii, tit. X, ley xiv): "The governor and captain-general of the FilipinasIslands shall be careful to reward the soldiers who shall haveserved us there, and their sons, with the posts and emoluments athis disposal, in accordance with the ordinances, and [he shall do it]with all fairness, so that they may have some remuneration. He shallkeep in toto the laws relating to this. " Felipe III, Lerma, July 23, 1605; Madrid, December 19, 1618. 

[227] _Consejeles_: men sent to service by order of a municipalcouncil. 

[228] The pay of various of the above officers and men in 1890 was asfollows: Filipino infantrymen, 4 pesos per month; Spanish artillerymen, 13-15 pesos, plus some céntimos, per month; Filipino artillerymen, 4 pesos, plus some céntimos, per month; captains, 1, 500-1, 800 pesosper year; alféreces, 975-1, 050 pesos per year; first sergeants, European, 318-360 pesos per year--native, 180 pesos per year;second sergeants, European, 248. 06-307. 50 pesos per year--native, 156 pesos per year; first corporals, European, 189. 56-202 pesos peryear--native, 84 pesos per year; second corporals, European, 174-192pesos per year--native corporals, 72 pesos per year; the _segundo cabo_[lieutenant-commander], 12, 000 pesos per year; sargento-mayor _deplaza_ (now lieutenant-colonel), 225 pesos per month; vice-admiral[_contra-almirante, general de galeras_], 16, 392 pesos per year;frigate and ship captains, 2, 700-5, 760 pesos per year, according totheir duties and grades. --_Rizal_. 

The following laws from _Recopilación de leyes_ regulate thepay of the soldiers and some of the officers, and impose certainrestrictions on the soldiers, and provide for certain appointments:"Each soldier established in the Filipinas Islands shall be paideight pesos per month, each captain, fifty, each alférez, twenty, and each sergeant, ten. The governor and captain-general of the saidislands shall give all the men of the companies thirty ducados to eachcompany of additional pay, as is done in other districts, providingthe additional pay of each one does not exceed ten pesos per year. Weorder that all be well paid. When the governor shall provide any ofthe captains, officers, or soldiers with an encomienda, or other post, he shall not allow him to draw pay. While they draw pay they shallnot be allowed to trade or traffic, so that that occupation may notdivert or distract them from their proper exercise and employmentof war. For the same reason, no pay shall be granted to any soldierwho serves any other person, whomsoever he be. " Felipe II, Añover, August 9, 1589, clause 34 of his instructions; Felipe III, Ventosilla, November 4, 1606; lib. Iii, tit. X, ley xiii. 

"We order that when the post of general of artillery of the FilipinasIslands becomes vacant, either by the death or promotion of itsoccupant, or for any other cause, the governor and captain-generalshall not fill it without first notifying us and without our specialorder for it. We permit him to appoint a captain of artillery and asargento-mayor, and he may assign each of them thirty pesos' pay. Weapprove the increase of two pesos in the pay of the musketeers. Itis our will that the pay of the governor's captain of the guard beincreased five pesos, in addition to his fifteen pesos, and thata like sum be granted to the commandants of forts when they have acaptain of infantry. " Felipe II, clause of letter, Madrid, June 11, 1594; Felipe IV, Madrid, January 30, 1631; lib. Iii, tit. V, ley iii. 

[229] A definite law, as is shown in _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Iii. Tit. Iv, ley xiii, charged the viceroys of Nueva Españato send help to the Philippines. The law is as follows: "We chargeand order the viceroys of Nueva España to aid the governor andcaptain-general of Filipinas on all occasions that arise, with veryspecial care, promptness, and diligence, with whatever the lattershall request; and with the men, arms, ammunition, and money, that hedeems necessary for the conservation of those islands, salaries [theoriginal is _sueldos_, perhaps a misprint for _suelos_, signifying'provinces' or 'districts'], presidios, and whatever else is underhis charge. " Felipe III, Aranjuez, May 25, 1607. 

The two following laws impose certain restrictions on thereënforcements sent to the Philippines from Nueva España:

"One of the captains who shall raise men in Nueva España asreënforcements for the Filipinas Islands, shall act as their agentto the port of Acapulco. There he shall deliver them to the general, or commander of the ships about to sail; but no captain shall takepassage or go to the islands with the men of his company. " Felipe III, Zamora, February 16, 1602; lib. Iii, tit. Iv, ley xvi. 

"Among the men sent by the viceroy, who shall go as a reënforcementfrom Nueva España to Filipinas, he shall not allow, under anycircumstances, or admit, any mestizos or mulattoes, because ofthe annoyances that have been experienced from them. " Felipe III, Valladolid, August 30, 1608; lib. Iii, tit. Iv, ley xv. 

[230] See _ante_, note 227, the citation of the law from _Recopilaciónde leyes_, lib. Iii, tit. X, ley xiii. 

[231] See _Vol_. XII ("Various documents relating to commerce"), pp. 57-75. 

Bañuelos y Carrillo, in his relation to the king, says: "That theinhabitants of the Manilas should be allowed to export as manyboat-loads as possible of the country's produce--such as wax, gold, perfumes, ivory, and cotton cloth [_lampotes_]--which they must buyfrom the natives of the country, who would thus be hindered fromselling them to the Dutch. In this way we would make those peoplesfriendly, and supply Nueva España with their merchandise; and themoney taken to Manila would not leave that city. .. . Your Majestyshould consider that one and one-half millions in gold go to Chinaannually. " This commerce was advantageous to the Celestial empirealone and to certain individuals of Manila. It was fatal to España, and harmful to the islands, whose industry was gradually perishinglike that of the metropolis. --_Rizal_. 

[232] See in _Vol_. VIII, pp. 316-318, a royal decree enforcing theseprohibitions under severe penalties. 

[233] Coarse stuff made of goat's hair, or a glossy silk stuff;probably the latter is intended in the text. _Gorvoran_ or _gorgoran_is a sort of silk grogram. 

[234] This fabric is now called Piña. It is made from threadsstripped from fibers of the leaf of that plant or fruit, and whichare never longer than half a yard. It cannot be woven at all times, as extreme heat or humidity affects the fiber. The machinery employedis of wood, unmixed with any metal, and of rude construction. Thisfabric is stronger than any other of equal fineness, and its color isunaffected by time or washing. The pieces are generally only 1 1/2 feetwide: the price varies from 1. S. 4d. To 2s. 6d. Per yard. Piña of ayard wide is from six reals to a dollar (of eight reals) a yard. Allthe joinings of the threads are of knots made by the fingers. It isfabricated solely by native Indians in many parts of the Philippines, but especially in Ilo-Ilo. The use of this stuff is extensive, andthe value is estimated at 500, 000 dollars or £120, 000; the value ofthe annual export of it to Europe for dresses, handkerchiefs, collars, scarfs, and wristbands, which are beautifully embroidered at Manila, is estimated at 20, 000 dollars annually. (Mr. Consul Farren, January21, 1851). --_Stanley_. 

In order to obtain the fiber of this plant, the fruit is first cut, so that the leaf may become as long and broad as possible. Whenthe leaves are well developed they are torn off, and scraped with asharp instrument to separate the fleshy part and leave the fiber;this is washed, dried in the sun, combed out, and classed in fourgrades according to its fineness. The cloth has a peculiar softnessand delicacy; and it is said that that made formerly (one or twocenturies ago) was much finer than that made now. 

[235] _Scorzonera_ is a genus of composite plants, of numerousspecies; the leaves or roots of many are used as vegetables orsalads. _S. Tuberosa_ and other Eastern species have edible roots. 

[236] Delgado (_ut supra_) says that this fruit (_Diospyros kaki_, Linn. ) was brought by the Chinese traders, and called _Xi-cu_in their language, whence is derived the word _chiquey_. It is abeautiful scarlet fruit, although there is another species of ayellow color. Both are sweet and pleasant to the taste. Some of theyellow variety were grown in the Visayas, but Delgado says the treeis not indigenous to the islands. The fruit is shaped like an acornbut is about as large as a lemon. The peel is soft and the interiorlike honey, and it contains several seeds. The tree is wide-spreadingbut not very tall. The leaves are small and almost round. _D. Kaki_is the Chinese or Japanese persimmon; _D. Virginiana_ is the Americanpersimmon. From other species is obtained the valuable wood calledebony. 

[237] This must be the cloth and not the porcelain of Kaga, whicheven today is so highly esteemed. --_Rizal_. 

[238] With very slight differences, this custom and ceremony iscontinued to the present [1890]. --_Rizal_. 

[239] "A three per cent duty was imposed in the Filipinas onmerchandise, for the payment of the troops. We order that part of thelaw to be observed, but that pertaining to the other things paid fromthose duties to be repealed. " Añover, August 9, 1589. (Ley xxii. )

"We ordain that the Chinese, Japanese, Siamese, Borneans, and all otherforeigners, who go to the ports of the Filipinas Islands, pay no dutyon food, supplies, and materials that they take to those islands, and that this law be kept in the form in w, hich it may have beenintroduced, and not otherwise. " Añover, August 9, 1589. (Ley xxiv. )

"On the Chinese merchandise and that from other countries, shipped toNueva España by way of Filipinas, an impost ad valorem tax of ten percent shall be collected, based on their value in the ports and regionswhere the goods shall be discharged. This tax shall be imposed mildlyaccording to the rule, and shall be a tax additional to that usuallypaid on departure both from the said Filipinas Islands and from theprovinces of Nueva España, to any other places where they may andshall be taken. " El Pardo, November 1, 1591. (Ley xxi. )

"We order that the duty of three per cent collected in the FilipinasIslands on the merchandise taken thither by the Chinese be increased byanother three per cent. " El Pardo, November 20, 1606. (Ley xxiii. ) Theabove laws are from _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Viii, tit. Xv. 

[240] The agave (_Agave americana_; the _maguey_ of Mexico) is found inthe Philippines, and is called _pita_, but Delgado and Blanco thinkthat it was not indigenous there. Its fibers were used in formertimes for making the native textile called _nipis_, manufacturedin the Visayas. As used in the text, _pita_ means, apparently, somebraid or other ornament of agave fibers. 

[241] The ducado of Castilla was worth slightly more than twopesos. --_Rizal_. 

[242] These imposts and fetters, which the products of the countrydid not escape, are still [1890] in force, so that foreign marketsmust be sought, since the markets of the mother-country offer nogreater advantages. According to a document of 1640, this commercenetted the government 350, 000 pesos annually. --_Rizal_. 

[243] The salary is now [1890] 40, 000 pesos. --_Rizal_. 

[244] _Recopilación de leyes_ (lib. Iv, tit. I, ley v) outlines thegovernor's and Audiencia's power in regard to conquests by privateindividuals, as follows: "We grant permission to the governor andpresident of the Filipinas Islands and its Audiencia to make contractsfor new explorations and conquests [_pacificaciones_] with persons, who are willing to covenant to do it at their own expense and not atthat of our royal treasury; and to give them the titles of captainsand masters-of-camp, but not those of adelantados [_i. E. _, governors]and marshals. Those contracts and agreements such men may execute, withthe concurrence of the Audiencia, until we approve them, provided thatthey observe the laws enacted for war, conquest, and exploration, sostraitly, that for any negligence, the terms of their contract will beobserved, and those who exceed the contract shall incur the penaltiesimposed; also provided the parties shall receive our confirmationwithin a brief period assigned by the governor. " Felipe II, Guadalupe, April 1, 1580; Toledo, May 25, 1596, a clause of instructions. 

[245] There are eight auditors now [1890], and their salaryhas increased to 4, 700 pesos, while that of the fiscal is 5, 500pesos. --_Rizal_. 

[246] _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. V, tit. Xv, ley xxviii, containsthe following on suits arising from residencias, dated Lerma, June23, 1608: "Suits brought during the residencia against governors, captains-general, presidents, auditors, and fiscals of our Audienciaof Manila, and against any other officials, both civil and criminal, shall pass in appeal and be concluded in that Audiencia, if they donot exceed one thousand pesos of the current money. "

[247] The tributes of the Indians in the Filipinas amount to morethan 4, 000, 000 pesos now [1890]; and from the Chinese are derived225, 000 pesos. --_Rizal_. 

[248] Now since there is no exploitation of gold mines, and sincethe Indians have no jewels that would justify this tenth or fifth, the Spaniards substitute for this the imposts upon property, whichamount to 105, 400 pesos, and that upon industry, which amounts to1, 433, 200 pesos. In 1640, the revenue from the above source [fifths ortenths] had decreased so greatly, that only 750 pesos were collectedannually. --_Rizal_. 

[249] Import duties now [1890] amount to 1, 700, 000 pesos. --_Rizal_. 

[250] Export duties now [1890] amount to 285, 000 pesos. --_Rizal_. 

[251] According to Hernando de los Rios, the Filipinas Islands couldhave been self-sustaining from the beginning from their own products, had it not been for the expeditions and adventurous conquests in theMoluccas, Camboja, etc. .. . In the governorship of Don Juan de Silva, the treasury owed, for the war in the Moluccas, more than 2, 000, 000pesos to the Indians, besides what it must have owed to the inhabitantsof Manila. --_Rizal_. 

[252] This excellent custom has entirely perished. --_Rizal_. 

"The president of our royal Audiencia of Filipinas and one auditorof that body, shall, at the beginning of each year, examine theaccounts of our royal officials, and shall finish their examinationwithin the two months of January and February. On finishing theirexamination they shall send a copy of them to our council for thereason contained in the following law. Should the examination not befinished in the said time, our officials shall receive no salary. Theauditor who shall assist in examining the accounts shall receive asa compensation the twenty-five thousand maravedis that are ordained;but he shall receive that amount only in that year that he shall sendthe said accounts concluded to our council. " Ordinance 97, Toledo, May 15, 1596. (Ley ix. )

"For the accounts of our royal treasury, which must be furnished inthe usual form by our officials of the Filipinas Islands annually, during the administration of their duties, the officials shalldeliver for inventory all the books and orders pertaining to thoseaccounts, and all that shall be requested from them and that shallbe necessary. They shall continue the course of their administration[of their duties] with new and similar books. These accounts shall beconcluded before the governor of those islands, and the auditor whomthe Audiencia and the fiscal of that body may appoint. In case of thefinding of any doubts and remarks it is our will that the auditor andgovernor resolve and determine them, so that they may be concluded andfinished. And inasmuch as the factor and overseer must give account ofcertain things in kind and products of great weight and tediousness, we order that that account be examined every three years, and thatthe concluding and settling of the doubts and remarks shall be madein the form declared. And we order that when the said accounts ofthe said islands are completed and the net balances struck, theyshall be sent to our Council of the Indias, so that the accountantsof its accounts may revise and make additions to them according tothe manner of the accountancy. " Valladolid, January 25, 1605. (Ley x. )

The above two laws are taken from _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Viii, tit. Xxix. 

[253] The Chinese engaged in agriculture and fishing now [1890]are very few. --_Rizal_. 

[254] The Rizal edition misprints _fuerça è premio_ as _fuerzaá premio. _

[255] The custom of shaving the head, now prevalent among the Chinese, was imposed upon them by their Tartar conquerors. 

[256] A kind of stocking called _tabi_. --_Rizal_. 

[257] The following law was issued at Segovia July 4, 1609, andappears in _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Iii, tit. Iv, ley xviii:"The governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands shallever strive to maintain friendly relations, peace, and quiet, withthe emperor of Japon. He shall avail himself, for that purpose, ofthe most prudent and advisable means, as long as conditions permit;and he shall not risk the reputation of our arms and state in thoseseas and among oriental nations. "

[258] This port (established before 1540) was in Colima, Mexico, near the present Manzanillo. It was plundered and burned by theEnglish adventurer Thomas Candish, on August 24-25, 1587. 

[259] Thus named because seamen and voyagers noticed especiallythe lateen sails of the light vessels used by the natives of theMarianas. --_Rizal_. 

[260] A marine fish (_Sparus auratus_), thus named because it hasspots of golden-yellow color. 

[261] A chart of the Indian Ocean, by L. S. De la Rochette(pub. London, 1803, by W. Faden, geographer to the king) shows threevolcanoes in about 25° north latitude, and but a few degrees northof the Ladrones. One of them is called "La Desconocida, or ThirdVolcano, " and the following is added: "The Manilla ships always tryto make this Volcano. "

[262] A group of islands called Shidsi To, lying in 34° 20'. --_Rizal_. 

[263] "Thirty-eight degrees" is probably an error for "twenty-eightdegrees, " and these islands [the first ones mentioned in the abovesentence] would be the Mounin-Sima Islands, lying between 26° 35'and 27° 45'; and Lot's Wife in 29° 51', and Crespo, in 32° 46', which [latter] are supposed by the _Univers Pittoresque_ to be theRoca de Oro [rock of gold] and the Roca de Plata of the ancientmaps. --_Stanley_. 

For these latter islands, see _Vol_. XIV, p. 272, note 45. 

[264] A fungous substance that grows in the sea, and contains signsof life. 

[265] Probably the dogfish, a species of shark. 

[266] Most of these places can be identified on the old maps ofthe seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and most of the namesare retained today. The island of Cedros is shown on a map of 1556(Ramusio: _Vniversale della parte del mondo nvovamente ritrovata_). Theisland of Cenizas is shown, on the old maps, in about 32°, and Cedrosin about 29°. The Marias or Tres Marias Islands are Maria Madre, Maria Magdalena, and Maria Cleofas. Cape Corrientes is south ofLa Valle de Banderas and Chametla. Socatul is called Socatula andZocatula. An English map of 1626, engraved by Abraham Goos, showsthe town of Ciguatlan, north of Aquapulco, which may be the same asMorga's Ciguatanejo. Los Motines cannot be identified. 

[267] Acosta in his _History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt Soc. Edition, London, 1880) says of the courses between the Philippines and NewSpain: "The like discourse is of the Navigation made into the Southsea, going from New Spaine or Peru to the Philippines or China, andreturning from the Philippines or China to New Spaine, the which iseasie, for that they saile alwaies from East to West neere the line, where they finde the Easterly windes to blow in their poope. In theyeere 1584, there went a shippe from Callao in Lima to the Philippines, which sailed 2000 and 700 leagues without sight of land, and thefirst it discovered was the Iland of Lusson, where they tooke port, having performed their voiage in two moneths, without want of winde orany torment, and their course was almost continually vnder the line;. .. The returne is like vnto the voiage from the Indies vnto Spaine, for those which returne from the Philippines or China to Mexico, to the end they may recover the Westerne windes, they mount a greatheight, vntill they come right against the Ilands of Iappon, and, discovering the Caliphornes, they returne by the coast of New Spaineto the port of Acapulco. "

[268] Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola was born in 1566 of a familyof Italian origin, being the second son. Taking orders, he becamerector of Villahermosa in 1588, and chaplain to Maria of Austria, the queen, in 1598. After the latter's death he was commissioned bythe Conde de Lemos, president of the Council of the Indias, to writea history of the conquest of the Moluccas. He later spent some time inthe kingdom of Naples, and about 1618 was made historian of Aragón. Hedied at Zaragoza in 1631. In addition to the present history, whichis noted for its excellent literary style, he wrote _Primera partede los anales de Aragón_ (Zaragoza, 1630) the continuation of the_Anales of Zurita_. He was also a poet, whose poems are remarkable fortheir purity of style and loftiness of sentiment; they are published, with those of his elder brother, under the title _Rimas de Lupercioi del doctor Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola_ (Zaragoza, 1634). Oneof the chief poems is an ode in honor of the church after the battleof Lepanto. 

[269] The original book contains numerous side notes indicative ofthe subject matter of the text. We omit such notes in our translatedextracts. 

[270] The above places are identified as follows: Cafa is themodern Kaffa or Theodosia, a Russian seaport on the Black Sea;Trapisonda is either the city or district of Trebizond or Tarabozan(called by the Turks Tarabesoon, and formerly Traplezus); Barcito(misprint for Bareito?), Lepo, and Damasco, are Beirut, Aleppo, and Damascus respectively. 

[271] Argensola defines this title, which he also spells _sangaje_, as equivalent to "count" or "duke, " and says that it may be derivedfrom _senchaq, _ a Turkish word meaning "captain. "

[272] Argensola gives a description of the clove in book ii, pp. 52-54of his work. 

[273] The Dutch. 

[274] _Cañafístulo_: referring to the drug known as senna, which isobtained from the leaves of several species of _Cassia_. Accordingto Retana (Zúñiga's _Estadismo_, ii, p. 454*) the Bisayan name forthis plant is _ibabao_ (the ancient name of Samar Island). 

[275] "Eagle" (Latin, _aguila_) is here a corruption of the Malayname _agila_, referring to the fragrant, resinous wood of a tree(_Aguilaria agallocha_) used for many centuries by Asiatic peoples, especially the Chinese, for incense; it is also called "Kalambak"and "aloes-wood. " Calambuco is another species of this genus, itswood little fragrant, but used in cabinet work (_Century Dictionary_). 

[276] True wealth and prosperity of the republic of Venice werelargely due to its preëminence in the Oriental trade, carried on bythe overland route through Asia, in caravans. By the discovery ofthe Cape of Good Hope the Portuguese opened the sea-route to India, by which the products of the East were carried to Europe more cheaplyand in greater abundance; and the decline of Venetian prestige andwealth rapidly followed (in the sixteenth century). 

[277] This probably refers to Giovanni Pietro Maffei, a notedJesuit scholar and writer, and the book mentioned is his _HistoriarumIndicarum Libri xvi_ (Fiorenze, 1588). Maffei was born at Bergame about1536, according to Moreri, but in 1533 according to Sommervogel. In1563 he accepted the chair of rhetoric at Genoa, where he also actedas secretary of the republic of Genoa. August 26, 1565 (Sommervogel)he entered the Jesuit novitiate. He occupied a high place in theorder until his death at Tivoli, October 20, 1603. Besides the bookmentioned above, he wrote also a life of St. Ignatius Loyola, and ahistory of the pontificate of Gregory XIII, the latter of which wasnever published. His temper was irascible and his personality notvery pleasing. He strove always to maintain a pure Latin style inhis Latin writings. 

[278] Argensola, like Morga, confuses the naming of the Philippinearchipelago. 

[279] The aquatic plant commonly known as "cat-tail flag" or reed(_Typha latifolía_). 

[280] A measure, one-third vara in length. 

[281] Small armed vessels like rafts. 

[282] This was Father Antonio Marta, a Neapolitan, and superior ofthe Jesuit missions in the Malucas; with him was associated AntonioPereira, so prominent in the expedition of Hurtado de Mendoza. SeeLa Concepcion's account of Marta's services at this time (_Hist. DePhilipinas_, ii, pp. 197-204). Marta is not mentioned by Sommervogel. 

[283] See Dasmariñas's version of this proceeding, in _Vol_. VIII, pp. 239, 294; he there states that the Indians thus taken were to befreed at the end of three years' service. Cf. _Vol_. X, p. 214. 

[284] See letters sent by Dasmariñas and his son Luis to the king ofCamboja, as a result of this embassy, in Vol. IX, pp. 76-78 and 86, 87; and accounts of the Spanish expeditions to that country under LuisDasmariñas, in Vol. IX, pp. 161-180, and X, pp. 216, 217, 226-240--alsoin Morga's _Sucesos_, chaps. V, VI (in Vol. XV of this series). 

[285] Punta Azufre is on the southern coast of Batangas, Luzón; ata little distance is Punta Cazador--at the extreme southern point ofCalúmpan peninsula--probably the Caça of the text. 

[286] _Bastardo_: the large sail which is hoisted on> a galley whenthere is little wind. 

[287] Cf. La Concepcion's account of Dasmariñas's expedition, in_Hist. De Philipinas_, ii, pp. 194-212. 

[288] See accounts of this and later expeditions to conquer Mindanao, in _Vol_. IX, pp. 181-188, 281-298; and X, pp. 53-75, 214, 215, 219-226. 

[289] A small piece of ordnance. 

[290] One of the early appellations of the strait between the northwestpoint of Samar and the southeast point of Luzón, now known as SanBernardino Strait. As it was the regular outlet for the vessels plyingbetween the Philippines and Nueva España, this strait was also calledPaso de Acapulco ("the Acapulco passage"). By some authorities themeridian of San Bernardino was used as the standard, or "meridianof departure. " See San Antonio's _Chronicas_, part i, 55 (cited byRetana in Zúñiga's _Estadismo_, ii, p. 156*; see also p. 409*). 

[291] This is an error or misprint for "Morga. "

[292] See Morga's account of this, where it appears that these werenot English, but native Moro boats. 

[293] The governor's letter is given by Argensola partly in synopsis, and partly in direct quotation. The latter we enclose in quotationmarks. Sec in _Vol_. XIV (pp. 44-50) this letter, translated fromthe MS. Preserved in the Sevilla archives; that is apparently atleast a duplicate of the original letter to the Chinese official, and one of the despatches sent to Spain by Acuña. 

[294] This Dutch commander, was Steven van der Hagen, and this hissecond voyage to East Indian waters. See _Vol_. XV, appendix B. 

[295] A Portuguese pound, containing sixteen ounces. 

[296] _Anfión_: a name given to opium in the East Indies. 

[297] In the text, _funcas_; apparently a misprint for _fustas_or for _juncos_. 

[298] A word derived from _garra_ (of Old High German origin), signifying "the foot of a bird" or "the paw of a beast;" _i. E. _, theanchor metaphorically "claws" the bottom of the water where it rests, struggling to retain its hold against the force of the wind. SeeEchegaray's _Diccionario general etimológico_ (Madrid, 1887-89).