The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century, Volume XIV, 1606-1609 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIV Preface 9 Documents of 1605 Complaints against the archbishop. Pedro de Acuña, and others; Manila, July 1-4 29 Relations with the Chinese. Pedro de Acuña, and others; Manila, July 4 and 5 38 Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuña, Manila, July 1-15 53 Documents of 1606 The Dominican mission of 1606. Diego Aduarte, O. P. , and others; 1604-06 81 The Dutch factory at Tidore. Joan ----; Tidore, March 16 112 The Sangley insurrection of 1603. Miguel Rodriguez de Maldonado; Sevilla, 1606 119 Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Telles de Almaçan, and others; Manila, July 6 140 Letter from the fiscal to Felipe III. Rodrigo Diaz Guiral; Manila, July 149 The Terrenate expedition. Council of the Indias; San Lorenzo, August 5 and 15 173 Decree establishing a way-station for Philippine vessels on the California coast. Felipe III; San Lorenzo el Real, August 19 182 Chinese immigration in the Philippines. Pedro Muñoz de Herrera, and others; July-November 189 Letter to Acuña. Felipe III; Ventosilla, November 4 193 Documents of 1607 Petition for a grant to the Jesuit seminary in Leyte. Madrid, January 18 199 Artillery at Manila in 1607. Alonso de Biebengud; Manila, July 6 201 Letter from Audiencia to Felipe III, on the Confraternity of La Misericordia. Pedro Hurtado Desquivel; Manila, July 11 208 Trade of the Philippines with Mexico. Madrid, December 18 214 Passage of missionaries via the Philippines to Japan. Conde de Lemos, and others; Madrid, 1606-07 218 Documents of 1608-09 Annual receipts and expenditures of the Philippine government. Pedro de Caldierva de Mariaca; Manila, Aug. 18, 1608 243 Decrees regarding way-station for Philippine vessels. Felipe III; [Aranjuez. ], September 27, 1608, and San Lorenzo, May 13, 1609 270 Letters to Juan de Silva. Felipe III; May 26 and July 29, 1609 278 Expeditions to the province of Tuy. Juan Manuel de la Vega; Passi, July 3, 1609 281 Petition of a Filipino chief for redress. Miguel Banal; Quiapo, July 25, 1609 327 Despatch of missionaries to the Philippines. Diego Aduarte, and others; [1608-09?] 330 Bibliographical Data 339 ILLUSTRATIONS Aqvapolqve (view of harbor of Acapulco, Mexico); photographic facsimile of engraving in Levinus Hulsius's _Eigentliche uund wahrhaftige Beschreibung_ (Franckfurt am Mayne, M. DC. XX), p. 60; from copy in library of Harvard University 103 View of Japanese champan; photographic facsimile of engraving in T. De Bry's _Peregrinationes_, 1st ed. (Amsterdame, 1602), tome xvi, no. Iv--"Voyage faict entovr de l'univers par Sr. Olivier dv Nort"--p. 42; from copy in Boston Public Library 223 PREFACE The documents here presented range from 1605 to 1609. Many of themconcern the Chinese revolt of 1603 and its results, of which muchapprehension still exists; but the threatened danger passes away, andthe ordinances excluding the Sangleys from the islands are so relaxedthat soon the Parián is as large as in 1603. The usual difficultiesbetween the ecclesiastical and the secular authorities continue; andto the religious orders represented in the islands is added a new one, that of the discalced Augustinians, or Recollects. Acuña conducts anexpedition to drive out the Dutch from the Moluccas, and soon afterwarddies. Various commercial restrictions hinder the prosperity of theislands; and the new fiscal, Guiral, complains of various illegaland injurious proceedings on the part of officials. The expenses ofgovernment are nearly double the amount of the revenues. The provinceof Cagayán is explored by certain private adventurers, attracted bythe prospect of gold-mines. In July, 1605, several letters of complaint against the archbishopof Manila are sent to the king, Acuña writes that Benavides isarrogant and self-willed, and quarrels with everyone; and suggeststhat hereafter bishops for the islands be selected more carefully. Theprovincial and other high officials of the Augustinian order state thatthe archbishop's rash utterances had much to do with precipitatingthe Chinese insurrection, and that his quarrels with the governorare unnecessary and notorious--moreover, he opposes their orderin every way; and they ask the king to interpose his authority andrestrain Benavides. At the same time the Audiencia complain that heinterferes with their proceedings, treats them with little respect, and assumes precedence of them to which he is not entitled. Interesting documents of similar date touch on the relations of thecolony with the Chinese. The archbishop appeals to the Audiencia, in memorials presented June 10 and 13, to accede to the demands ofthe Chinese emperor by making restitution to the Chinese merchants forproperty of theirs left in Manila at the time of the insurrection andsold by the Spaniards; and by sending back to their own country thoseChinese survivors of the revolt who were sentenced to the galleys. Theletter sent to Acuña in March, 1605, by a Chinese official is nowanswered by the governor (apparently at the beginning of July). Heblames the Portuguese of Macao for not having delivered the lettersto Chinese officials which he wrote after the Sangley insurrectionof 1603; and claims that the Chinese slain therein were themselvesto blame for their deaths. To maintain this position, he cites thekindness with which the Chinese in the islands were treated by theSpaniards; and declares that they revolted without provocation, andkilled or abused many Spaniards and Indians, and that the survivorswere punished with great leniency. He sends a part of the money due toChinese merchants who owned property in the islands, and promises tosend the rest next year. A letter from one of the auditors at Manilainforms the king that the number of Chinese allowed to remain thereis now (1605) restricted to one thousand five hundred. Letters from Acuña (July 1-15) to the king give his usual yearlyreport of affairs. Reënforcements of troops have arrived from Mexico, very opportunely for the expedition which Acuña is preparing for therecovery of Ternate. He details these preparations, and the conditionof his troops and ships. He complains of the opposition which he hasencountered from the archbishop and the auditor Maldonado. Variousprivate persons have volunteered to go with him, carrying theirown provisions. He plans to leave Panay in February, 1606; and hasbeen informed that the Dutch are preparing a large fleet to drivethe Spaniards from the Maluco Islands, and to establish themselvesmore firmly there than before. Acuña needs more money, to pay histroops in the Maluco campaign; he asks for further supplies, urgesthe desirability of cutting off the Dutch from their treasury of theSpice Islands, and recommends a vigorous prosecution of hostilitiesagainst them. He recommends better adjustment of the soldiers'pay. In another letter Acuña reports the failure of this year'strading voyage to Mexico, one of the ships being compelled to returnto port and the other being probably lost--which causes the utmostdistress and poverty in the islands. Acuña relates the non-residencein the islands of Gabriel de Ribera, in consequence of which hisencomiendas have been taken from him and given to others. The Moropirates are apparently disposed to make peace, so Acuña is discussingthis with them; but he has little confidence in their promises, exceptas he can inspire them with fear. The difficulties arising from theslaughter of the Chinese in their revolt of 1603 have been a sourceof much anxiety to the Spaniards; but these are in a fair way to besettled. The fiscal, Salazar y Salcedo, has died; and the Audienciahas appointed temporarily to that post Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, whom Acuñahighly commends. The governor complains that the archbishop has beenmeddling with his appointments of chaplains for the galleys. He alsoasks for money to maintain galleys for the defence of the islands. Ina third letter Acuña complains of the unjust and tyrannical conductof the auditor Maldonado, and asks for redress from the king. Thisevil conduct has been especially noticeable in Maldonado's effortsto secure the hand and property of a wealthy minor heiress. A group of documents relating to the Dominican mission which reachedthe islands in 1606 depict the difficulties, besides the long andtoilsome voyages, which the missionaries encountered on their journeyto the other side of the world. Diego Aduarte, one of the most notedof the Dominican missionaries in the Far East, is in charge of areënforcement to go to the Philippines, and applies (at some timein 1604) to the officials of the treasury in Spain for the moneynecessary for their expenses in this journey; a grant for this ismade. He furnishes a list of the friars who are to go with him, withthe names of the convents that send them. In a document written byAduarte (January 20, 1605) he relates at length "the difficultiesof conducting religious to the Philippine Islands. " The hardshipsand perils of the long voyage daunt many at the start, and he whois in charge of them must use great discretion in managing them. Atthe court, he cannot get his documents without much importunity, locomotion, and red tape, and long and tedious delays. The sum ofmoney allowed for the traveling expenses of the missionaries toSevilla is far too small; and, arriving there, they encounter morered tape and delays. Besides, the amount granted for provisions onthe voyage is utterly insufficient, as is also the allowance for thefriars' support while waiting for the departure of the fleet. Theroyal council requires that the list of missionaries be submittedto it for approval which cannot well be done in the short time whichthey spend at Sevilla; besides, they are unnecessarily annoyed by theexamination to which the council subjects them. Those who finally reachthe port of departure are confronted by extortionate demands for fees, which are renewed in mid-ocean, and again on landing in Nueva España, at Mexico, and at Acapulco; and at all these places, the missionariesencounter afresh the annoyances and hindrances which had beset themin Spain. Aduarte makes vigorous complaint about these difficulties, and requests the government to make less rigorous rules and moreliberal allowances for the missionaries; this petition is partiallygranted by the authorities. While the Spanish expedition to the Moluccas is at Tidore, one of theDutch prisoners is interrogated (March 16, 1606), and his depositiongives various interesting particulars as to the plans and actionsof the Dutch in the Spice Islands. He explains the treaty made bythem with the ruler of Tidore, the goods brought by the Dutch forthis trade, and their intention of establishing a colony in thoseislands. Another account of the Chinese insurrection of 1603 ishere presented (at this point, because printed in 1606), writtenby a soldier in the Philippines, but edited by one Maldonado. Hedescribes, in a plain and simple narrative, the circumstances of thatrevolt; and many of these are not found in the official reports (see_Vol_. XII). For instance, he relates that a great many religioustook part in the defence of Manila; he gives details of each battlewith the Chinese, and tells of their attacking the city with machineswhich overtopped the walls; and describes the sack of the Parian, the slaughter of the Chinese in the villages beyond, and the executionof the ring-leaders. At the end of the narrative of the insurrectionsome additional information is given. The governor sends an envoy toChina with the news of this tragic affair. The writer relates bitsof news which have come from China to Manila--of ravages occasionedtherein by floods, earthquakes, and a war with the Japanese. In a letter dated July 6, 1606, the Audiencia informs Felipe IIIof the death of Governor Acuña. New regulations for the commerceof the islands have been received from Spain, of which complaintsare made. The amount of the Mexican trade has been limited to twohundred and fifty thousand pesos, and the returns therefor to fivehundred thousand pesos; the citizens of the islands claim that thisrestricts their profits too much, and that they should be permittedto invest a larger sum. This liberty will tend to increase not onlytheir prosperity, but the number of new settlers in the islands. Theproposal to send on each ship from the islands fifty soldiers isquite impracticable, as the ships are too small and crowded. Insteadof paying to the men and subordinate officers the salaries and wagesproposed by the government, it is better to continue the present systemof allowing each to do a little trading for himself. The auditorsrecommend that some changes be made in the duties levied on goods, which are onerous on the merchants. By the same mail goes a letter from the new fiscal, reporting to theking the condition of affairs in the islands. He complains that theSangreys are allowed to remain in Manila, and that this is done bythe Audiencia without heeding the remonstrances of the city officialsand himself. Many Chinese also come without registry, evading eventhe slight restrictions heretofore imposed. Their number is steadilyincreasing, and the Parian is now as large as it was when the revoltoccurred. He advises further and more severe restrictions on theChinese immigration. Guiral also notifies the king that the lawsregarding the succession to encomiendas are being constantly violated;and recommends that all which are wrongly held shall be declaredvacant and be reassigned. The encomenderos resent his enforcement ofthe royal decree that they should furnish to the priests who instructtheir Indians wine for celebrating mass. He recommends that the matterof granting offices to small encomenderos be further examined. Theincrease in extent and number of the cattle-farms near Manila causesmuch damage to the Indians and Guiral recommends that these farms beabandoned within a certain distance of all towns. The peaceful PampangoIndians are frequently harassed by the head-hunting Zambales; the onlyway to stop this is to allow the latter to be enslaved by anyone whowill capture them. Certain questions regarding the status of childrenof slaves should now be settled. Guiral makes various recommendationsas to the sale of offices and the use of certain funds. The seminaryof Santa Potenciana recently lost its house by fire, which has sincebeen rebuilt; the king is asked to aid it. A public-spirited citizenof Manila has established a hospital for Spanish women, and royal aidis asked for this also. The hospital for Spaniards is not properlycared for, and the king is asked to send over hospital brethren ofthe Order of St. John of God. The guardians of minors often proveunfit for such trust, and they should be called to account by theAudiencia. Disputes having arisen over the rights and prerogativesof the Audiencia in case of their succession _ad interim_ to thegovernment of the islands, Guiral asks for the royal decision ofsuch questions. The fiscal complains of the tyrannical conduct ofmany friars, especially among the Augustinians, toward the Indians;he has opposed this as much as possible, but asks further redressfrom the king. The coming of the discalced Augustinians (Recollects)has been a useful check on the other branch of that order, especiallyon its arrogant provincial, Lorenzo de León--of whose unlawful actsGuiral complains, and demands an investigation. He has obliged thestray Indians about Manila to return to their native places; and heasks that those who are retained for the service of the religiousorders shall be kept within the allotted number, and that the friarsbe compelled to pay these servants fairly. The Audiencia has allowedGabriel de Ribera to resume his encomiendas, vacated by his illegalabsence from the islands; and the fiscal asks for correction of thisprocedure. He advises the king to refuse the claims made by Figueroa'sheirs for release from the debts incurred by the conquest of Mindanao;and states that Tello and Morga are the ones responsible for partof these expenses, and for others which were paid from the royaltreasury by the Audiencia. Guiral ends by requesting permission toleave the islands as soon as a permanent appointment to his officeof fiscal can be made. Proceedings in the Council of the Indias (August 5 and 15, 1606)deal with Acuña's effort to recover the Maluco Islands, from, theDutch, summarizing his letters of July 1-7, 1605, and recommendingthe measures to be taken by the Spanish government in regard toit. Later advices emphasize Acuña's statements as to the gravityof the situation in the Spice Islands. The Council commend Acuña'saction, and advise the king to further his efforts and supply him(from Mexico) with troops and money. The Council of State act thereon, seconding these recommendations, and advising that the archbishop andthe Audiencia of Manila be warned not to meddle with affairs of war. Of special interest to American readers is a royal decree (August 19, 1606) addressed to Governor Acuña, establishing "a way station forPhilippine vessels on the Californian coast". The king recounts theresults of Vizcaino's exploration on that coast in 1602, and theadvantages of Monterey as such station. It is believed that goldabounds in that region, and that many other advantages would accruefrom a settlement there. The king appoints Monterey as a way-stationfor the Philippine vessels, and Vizcaino as the commander of theexpedition to establish it; and directs Acuña to send with him twomen from the Philippines to learn all that is necessary about thenew station, so that they may command the next galleons from Manila. The Chinese immigration to the islands continues, the officialstatement for 1606 showing that over six thousand five hundred land atManila in that year. On November 4 following, Felipe III sends warningto Acuña not to allow any more of them to remain than are necessaryfor the service of the community. The king also writes a letter of thesame date to the governor, commending his action in sending troops todefend Samar from the Moros, in reducing the expenses of government, and in various other matters; and gives directions for rebuildingthe hospital and for certain other measures. On January 18, 1607, the request of the Jesuits for confirmation of agrant in aid of their seminary for the Indians in Leyte is approved bythe royal council. A report is made (July 6) by the chief of artillery, showing the number and description of pieces which are mounted onall the fortifications at Manila--in all eighty-three pieces, ofvarious sizes and power. At the king's command, the Audiencia furnish(July 11) a statement of the aim, scope, and labors of the charitableconfraternity, La Misericordia, at Manila. It has one hundred andfifty brethren; they have established and maintained a hospital forwomen and a ward therein for slaves, besides their principal laborsfor the succor of the poor and needy of all classes. They providefood and water for the poor prisoners, aid to the inmates of SantaPotenciana, and homes for orphan boys; and assist many transientpersons. They also settle many quarrels and reclaim dissolute persons. The question of restricting trade between the Spanish colonies isdiscussed by the Council of the Indias (December 18, 1607); they thinkit necessary to restrict trade to some extent, but hesitate to taketoo vigorous measures. At various times (1606-07) the Council of theIndias deliberate on the question whether religious shall be permittedto go to Japan via the Philippines. Certain objections to this arestated (May 30, 1606); that the Japanese suspect the Spaniards ofdesiring to conquer their country; that the constant flow of Mexicansilver to China should be stopped; that the Jesuits, who are alreadyestablished in Japan, desire to exclude the other orders from thatcountry; and that the Portuguese desire to keep out all Spaniardsfrom both Japan and China. The Council answer all these objections, and recommend that religious be required to go to Japan via Manila, but to embark there in Japanese, not Castilian, vessels. Ten monthslater (March 31, 1607) the same matter is again brought forward; and, as before, the Council of Portugal object to the entrance of Castilianreligious into Japan. The Council of the Indias oppose this view, citing the profitable commerce of the Philippine Islands with Japan, recently begun; the successful work of the religious orders there, and the need of more missionaries in that broad field. They adhere totheir former opinion regarding the passage of the religious to Japan, and recommend that the Philippines be allowed at least a moderatetrade with that country. Both these reports are discussed in theCouncil of State (September 7 and December 20, 1607), where complaintis made against the methods of the Jesuit missionaries in Japan; andthe king is advised to allow religious from other orders to enterthat field, and to prohibit trade from the Philippines to Japan, The king thereupon requests from Rome the revocation of the briefsobliging friars to go to Japan via India, and a new one placing thismatter in Felipe's hands. An itemized statement of the "annual receipts and expenditures ofthe Philippine government" (August 18, 1608) enumerates these. Thereceipts comprise the tributes, by encomiendas; the royal tenthsof gold, and the ecclesiastical tithes; customs duties; and finesfrom the courts. All these sources of income amount to over onehundred and twenty thousand pesos. Then are mentioned, in order, theexpenses: for salaries of government officials, alcaldes and otherlocal magistrates; wages of government workmen, pilots, sailors, andothers; supplies in the ship-yards, etc. , and purchases for variouspurposes; salaries of ecclesiastics, and other expenses for churchesand missions. To these are added "extraordinary expenses:" the costof embassies to neighboring rulers; salaries paid to collectors oftribute, and others; expenses of the soldiers and their officers;and salaries to the wardens of forts. All these expenses amount toover two hundred and fifty-five thousand pesos a year, more thantwice as much as the income. Felipe III writes to Velasco, the viceroy of Nueva España (September 271608), regarding the proposed way-station for Philippine vessels. Aftersummarizing a letter on this subject from Velasco's predecessor, Montesclaros, the king approves the latter's advice to choose, assuch way-station, the islands called Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata(afterward found to be fabulous) instead of Monterey; and ordersVelasco to see that a port and settlement be established there, theenterprise to be conducted by Sebastian Vizcaino. Another decree (May3, 1609) states that, as Velasco has not carried out this order, andadvices have been received that the said exploration and settlementshould be made from the Philippines, the king decides upon thislatter measure, and the enterprise is to be placed in the hands ofthe governor of the islands. Letters from the king (May 26 and July29) to Juan de Silva, the new governor of the islands, direct himnot to allow the Indians to pay their tributes in personal services, and to inform the king regarding the proposal of the Dominicans tofound a college in the islands. Explorations have been made at different times along the Rio Grandede Cagayán, in the northern part of Luzon. An account of these, with later information, is compiled by Juan Manuel de la Vega(July 3, 1609). He gives a brief summary of the efforts made byLavezaris, Vera, and Dasmariñas to bring this province under Spanishcontrol. The third of these (July, 1591), under the command of LuisDasmariñas, is the first effective expedition to the valley of theRio Grande. He secures the submission of various native villages, andtreats the natives with great leniency. A few weeks later, Franciscode Mendoca follows on the route, and finds the Indians hostile, refusing even to sell him food. Not finding Dasmariñas (the mainobject of his expedition), he follows the Rio Grande to the city ofNueva Segovia, thus ending his journey. In November of the same year, Pedro Sid goes with some soldiers to Tuy, and now finds the nativesfriendly. He finds gold among them, which they tell him is broughtfrom the country of Igorrotes. He makes some further explorations, and receives submission from all the chiefs whom he encounters. Threeyears later, Luis Dasmariñas sends Toribio de Miranda (October, 1594), with soldiers and friars, to explore further and to pacify the provinceof Tuy. The natives are apparently peaceable, but several instancesof treachery occur, and the Spaniards are obliged to be on their guardcontinually. As in the other accounts, mention is made of each villagevisited, in succession, and various interesting details are related. AtAnit the houses are decorated with the heads of men and of animals;"such was their custom". At Bantal Miranda builds a fort, and requireshostages from some hostile or treacherous chiefs. At Agulan the littlechildren are wearing golden necklaces of good quality, "good enoughto be worn in Madrid". At Tuguey and some other villages the nativesresist the entrance of the Spaniards, but are terrified at the soundof firearms, and quickly yield submission. Retracing their route, theSpaniards find that the villages which they had left in peace are nowrevolting; they seize the chief who has most disturbed the people, andsend him to Manila. The governor feasts him there, and sends him backto his own village, apparently well pleased with the Spaniards. Mirandasearches for gold-mines, but cannot find them; and finally, sick anddiscouraged, as also are his friars, returns to Manila. Captain Clavijois sent to search for the mines, but is compelled to retreat, beingassaulted by more than a thousand Indians. In 1607 many chiefs fromTuy come to Manila and offer their submission to the Spaniards; butthe Audiencia take no interest in the matter, and pass it by. Later, those chiefs send requests to Manila for protection and religiousinstruction. The richness and fertility of their country is described;and an interesting account is given of the gold-mines in the adjacentmountains, and the primitive mining operations conducted by thenatives. These are Igorrotes, of whose appearance and customs somemention is made. As they are pagans, and lukewarm even in idolatry, it will be easy to make Christians of them. There is great reason tobelieve that the Igorrote country abounds in gold. To this accountare appended several others bearing on this subject. One of theserelates the circumstances which induced Dasmariñas to explore Tuy;another is a copy of the warrant and instructions given to him byhis father the governor. These are followed by a curious document, apparently written by Vega on behalf of himself and others interestedin the conquest of Tuy and the Igorrote gold country, and addressed tosome high official in Spain--perhaps Lerma, the favorite of Felipe III. It contains further stipulations, in matters affecting theinterests of these parties. A suitable reward shall be given, in theform of small shares in the galleon's cargo, to the officers and menwho serve in the expedition to Tuy; and these must be used only incertain specified ways. These promoters ask for authority to appointthe officers and soldiers necessary as garrisons in the conqueredcountry, and to fix the pay of these men, which shall be provided fromthe royal treasury. If they have important despatches to send to Spain, they wish to send them directly from the Pacific coast of Luzon, ratherthan via Manila. If they shall succeed in pacifying those barbaroustribes, they expect permission to allot those natives in encomiendas, at their own pleasure. They also ask for commutation of the royal fifthof gold to one tenth. Still another list of stipulations is given, also over Vega's signature. The promoters of the Tuy scheme demand thatanswer be made to it by return mail; otherwise, they will be releasedfrom all obligations. The cost of this conquest should be borne bythe royal treasury. Vega commends himself and his associate--some manof affairs--as heads for this enterprise, and urges that the royalsanction be speedily given to it. The boundaries of the province ofTuy are declared; and certain stipulations are made regarding theencomiendas to be allotted therein, also the authority to be grantedto Vega, and the privileges to be accorded to the soldiers. On July 25, 1609, a petition is sent to the king by Miguel Banal(a descendant of the Moro ruler dispossessed by Legaspi at Manila), praying for redress against the Jesuits for depriving him and otherIndians at Quiapo of their lands; he asks the king to investigate thismatter anew, and to protect him from further spoliation. The Dominicanmissionary Aduarte makes a declaration (in a document undated, butof 1608) of the reasons why some of his religious belonging to themission of 1606 had remained in Nueva España, instead of completing thevoyage to the Philippines. Some died on the way, some failed to reachthe port of embarcation, and the ship assigned to the missionarieswas too small to carry all of them. Aduarte remonstrates against theembarrassments and restrictions with which he and other missionarieshave had to contend; and complains, as before, of the scanty allowancemade for their traveling expenses--illustrating this from his own andothers' experiences. This is followed by a request from the discalcedAugustinians (1609?) for extension of previous permission to sendmore of their friars to the Philippines. _The Editors_April, 1904. DOCUMENTS OF 1605 Complaints against the archbishop. Pedro de Acuña, and others; July 1-4. Relations with the Chinese. Pedro de Acuña, and others; July 4 and 5. Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuña; July 1-15. _Source_: All these documents are obtained from the Archivo generalde Indias, Sevilla. _Translations_: The first letter in the second document, and the firsttwo in the third, are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the Universityof Wisconsin; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight and Emma Helen Blair. Complaints Against the Archbishop Sire: Ever since I began to have dealings with the archbishop DonFray Miguel de Benavides, and have recognized his temper, I haveperceived the difficulties that he would cause me; accordingly, Ihave always acted with great moderation and care. But the occasionswhich he gives for such caution are so many that great patience isnecessary to bear them; for he persuades himself that everything, both spiritual and temporal, pertains to him, and that there is not aking, or patronage, or Audiencia that can change his will as to whathe will do. It therefore results that he very often has quarrels withthe Audiencia, with me, with the orders, and with all those of hischurch; and nothing occurs in connection with the patronage which hedoes not desire to adjudicate, so it is on that subject that he hashad controversies with me. His scruples are insufferable, and they arecontinually increasing; accordingly, we dread the lengths to which theymay carry him. Notwithstanding that he is a religious who is greatlyrespected, and one of learning and exemplary life, and has always hadthis reputation, I believe that he would be better in his cell than inthe archbishopric or bishopric; and that it would be much better forhis conscience and peace of mind, and that this commonwealth would gainmuch thereby. It is noticeable that his order, knowing him as they do, and regarding him as of good character and reputation, as I have said, have never employed him in any way in their government, as they do notfind him qualified for it. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to orderthat he shall not meddle in those affairs which do not concern him, and that he shall be quiet and treat me and the auditors with respect;and that he avoid disputes and quarrels, since from them can resultnothing but evil to the service of God and your Majesty, and scandalto the public. Your Majesty may believe that what I write here isstated with the utmost moderation, considering the outrages whichhe has committed. I therefore doubt not that many complaints of hisproceedings will be sent. The Audiencia have grievances, and sometimeshave been so provoked that they have been at the point of sharplycorrecting him; but some of them are afraid of him for private reasons, and dare not do so. In order not to stumble against such obstacles, Itake it to be an efficacious remedy, for the future, that your Majestyshould not appoint to the archbishopric or bishoprics of these islandsfriars who have been trained in these islands without first obtaininga report from the Audiencia of their qualifications and experience ingovernment. May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty, according to the needs of Christendom. Manila, the first of July, 1605. _Don Pedro de Acuña_ [_In the margin_: "Have all the letters which treat of this, and thosewhich concern the archbishop placed together, and have them taken tothe Council. "] [_Endorsed_: "Manila, to his Majesty; 1605, Don Pedro de Acuña, the first of July; writes about the archbishop. " "July 21, 1606, examined, and decreed within. "] Sire: In countries so remote as are these Philipinas Islands, and which lieso far from the royal presence of your Majesty, we are bound, not onlyby our obligation, but in conscience as well, by our feelings in regardto the sights that every day meet our eyes, and by the commands laidupon us by special instruction from your Majesty and your presidentsand auditors, always to give information [of affairs here]. We do so, likewise, in order to secure the aid of the relief which faithfulvassals ought to look and hope for in their hardships and calamitiesfrom their natural king and lord--whose light, like that of the sun, ought to be equally communicated to all; and whose fatherly protectionit is just that we should recognize on all occasions which arise, since we cannot appear personally before the feet of your Majesty. Yetdoing what we can in this, we present ourselves with due submission, giving information that is reliable, and derived from experience, of the injuries both to the public and to individuals which thiscommonwealth, and we the religious of the Order of our fatherSt. Augustine, are suffering from the presence of Don Fray Miguel deVenavides, archbishop of this archiepiscopal see--who, we believe, should be occupying a cell in some convent of his order in exemplaryand peaceful life, as he did before he rose to the position of bishopand to the dignity which today he holds. In that position, [1] eitherbecause he wishes to assume more authority in the [ecclesiastical]government than is his due, or on account of some grave scruples which, continually increasing, so harass and disquiet him that were not thevalor and prudence of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of these islands, so great, and the royal Audiencia which your Majesty has here composedof councillors so wise, Christian, and moderate, fear would often havearisen (and with good cause) of various scandals for which the saidprelate has given occasion. For with his revelations and prophecies, of which your Majesty has been informed, he publicly stated that theChinese were about to rebel, from which it resulted that poor soldiers, and other persons who belong to peoples that resort here, were eagerfor such an opportunity; and it is believed that the cowardly Chinesewere thus led to mutiny and rebellion, putting this whole land indanger. All this arose from the fears of the archbishop, which werenot communicated to the person who could, without exciting comment, have taken precautions and prevented the trouble--namely, the governor, with whom he has usually had collisions. These were principally inmatters concerning the royal patronage, which loses footing out here;[such conduct is therefore] the less to be tolerated. Your Majesty willhave heard long ago of some ill result, for the governor has tried tomanage the archbishop with due gentleness, treating him with respect, giving him a wide range in affairs, and temporizing with him in orderto avoid contention. During his sicknesses, which are frequent, thegovernor has entertained him as a guest in his own house, keeping himthere a long time. This has been of so little use that he takes everyopportunity to disturb, and sometimes without opportunity disturbs, the general peace--at which all of us, not only ecclesiastics butlaymen, are so distressed that there is no way of expressing it toyour Majesty. We believe that if it were possible for you in Españato see how we suffer here, your Majesty would immediately remedy it;for we are led to think that you do not realize the trouble which thismatter is causing, or else that it is one which is not to be discussedas it should be, on account of the archbishop's many scruples. Asa result, the condition of affairs is intolerable, which is a mostunfortunate thing and one of great importance. Accordingly, as heis a prelate and we are religious, we are writing to your Majesty'sGrandeur; and we make these statements with great circumspection, that it may not seem as if passion were carrying us away. Coming, then, to what concerns us, not even the least importantincident has occurred in which he has not shown himself opposed to anorder such as ours, causing us infinite annoyance--as if it were notwe who discovered these regions for your Majesty, and founded withinfinite toil this new church, and by whose industry your Majesty hasinnumerable vassals. Every day, too, we are expecting to open up agreater conversion [of the heathen]; and we continue what was begunby those first fathers who trained us here. We desire not only thatthe number of the faithful be multiplied, but that the royal crown ofyour Majesty be increased. To this end, there has been no expedition inwhich we did not send religious for the consolation and encouragementof the troops. And on the so sudden and dangerous occurrence of therising of the Chinese, we doubt not that the governor has given yourMajesty an account of our proceedings; for in public and aloud hethanked us in your Majesty's name for our humble services, thoughour desire was great for the service of our king and lord. Not afortification has been made upon land, nor a ship or galley built, where we have not rendered service; and in ministries to the Indiansand Spaniards, we believe that no religious order has surpassed us. Inspite of all this, the opposition which the said archbishop displaystoward us in everything is well known. Thus we find ourselves withoutprotection and in a very wretched state, whence we hope to extricateourselves with the aid and powerful protection of your Majesty, who will consider himself pleased with these his household, andwill command that we be treated in all matters as is right. If itwere not for the president and royal Audiencia, who restrain theseacts of violence, this poor commonwealth would be separated by fivethousand leguas from its real deliverance and father, who is yourMajesty--whom may our Lord prosper, and increase his realm, accordingto the desire of us his faithful vassals. Dated in this your city ofManila; [undated]. _Fray Lorenzo de Leon_, provincial of the Augustinians. _Fray Jhoan Baptista de Montoya__Fray Estevan Carrillo_, definitor. _Fray Pedro de Aguirre_, definitor. _Fray Roque de Varrio_, new definitor. [_Endorsed_: "No. 6. Manila; to his Majesty. No date; the religiousof the Order of St. Augustine. "] Sire: Considering its importance to the service of your Majesty, it hasseemed best to this Audiencia to give an account of the manner inwhich the archbishop of these islands proceeds; for he is harsh oftemper and resents the acts of the Audiencia which declare that hehas committed fuerza. [2] He has often said, for this reason, thatthey treat him very ill, and put him in such a position that he mustretire to his cell and give up his office altogether; for they do notesteem him nor allow him to administer justice. The Audiencia havingdeclared him guilty of fuerza in having imposed excommunication onthose who without his permission entered the house of retirement ofSanta Potenciana--which was established by your Majesty's order andat the expense of your royal exchequer, that orphan girls and poormaidens might be sheltered there, and instructed and taught, and remainthere until they should be married--he would not obey the act of theAudiencia, thus imposing on them the responsibility of employingthe correction and severe measures which your Majesty commands byhis royal laws; but if these were executed in a land so new as thisit would cause a scandal, which would result in much harm that couldnot be remedied. To avoid this, it was agreed to send the record oftheir proceedings and to make a report to your Majesty, so that youmight command what should be most expedient for your royal service. [_In the margin_: "Let this clause, with the proceedings referred to, be taken to the official reporter; provision and decree have beenmade elsewhere. "] He treats the Audiencia with less respect than he ought to, anddesires to be preferred in matters of authority; for he will have itthat those who preach, when the Audiencia and archbishop are present, should bow first to him and not to the Audiencia. When the holy wateris given on Sundays, he has ordered it to be taken to the choir, orwherever he may be; and, after he has received it, he who is givingit shall go back and give it to the Audiencia. As this seemed to bederogatory to the authority which the Audiencia represents, a proposalwas made to him that two vessels of holy water should be carried--oneto the choir for him, and the other to be left for the Audiencia;but he would not agree to this. He has ordered that the pax which isgiven to the Audiencia and the archbishop should be given to him bythe deacon, and to the Audiencia by the subdeacon; and he says thatthey should be thankful that he has consented to give them the pax, for there is no reason why it should be given to them. In public he places his seat before those of the Audiencia; and, as they felt that consent to this ought not to be given, a messagewas sent to him by the court clerk on St. Potenciana's day--since, as she is patron saint of this city, the Audiencia and cabildo go tocelebrate mass in her church on that feast-day--to notify him that itwas not proper to put his seat in front of the Audiencia. He answeredthat he must place it there, as his Holiness and your Majesty orderedand permitted it. When this determination of his was known, it wasagreed that the Audiencia would not go [to mass] on that feast-day, in order to avoid another encounter of this sort; and to maintain afirm attitude in regard to what your Majesty commands to be done inhis service. He is quite at variance with the ecclesiastical cabildo, and theprebendaries in particular make many complaints of him; and it wouldbe well worth your consideration that this should be checked. Boththey and others demand this from your Majesty, and you will be pleasedto grant such relief as is most expedient. May our Lord protect yourCatholic person for many years. Manila, July 4, 1605. [_In the margin_: "Have the decree for Santo Domingo and Nuebo Rreyno[3] brought, so that it may be examined and the proper decree issued. "] _Don Pedro de Acuña_The licentiate _Tellez Almacan_The licentiate _Manuel de Madrid y Luna_ [_Endorsed_: "Manila; to his Majesty, 1605. 58. Governor andAudiencia. " "January 15, 1607, examined, and decreed within. "] Relations with the Chinese _Restitution of Chinese Property_ _Official statement of the memorials presented in the royal Audienciaof Manila on the part of the most reverend archbishop of the Filipinas, concerning the demands of the king of China_. Most potent lord: The archbishop of these Filipinas declares that, assuch archbishop, he is under obligation to look after the conditionof these islands and of the Christian religion in them; and, as amember of the Council of his Majesty, to protect the interests of hisroyal crown, and of this his dominion--all of which, according to thecounsels of prudence, is at the present moment in great danger. Thisdanger is one of the greatest that could be, for the powerful kingof China has threatened us with an enormous fleet of ships, sayingthat there will be a thousand of them if we do not grant what hedemands in regard to two things. One of these is clearly just; for itconcerns a great quantity of property which was brought into this cityby the Chinese merchants last year, six hundred and three, when theSangleys rebelled against this city. Your governor commanded that thesaid property, as belonging to enemies (as those who brought it herewere), should be kept, and taken into custody, and should be givenback to them. A great part of this property was afterward sold amongthe Spaniards and more than thirty thousand pesos of the proceedsof the said goods came into the possession of Diego de Marquina, general depositary of this city, by whom it was all (or nearly all)turned over to your royal treasury. The rest of the Chinese propertycame into the possession of Captain Sebastian de Aguilar, and anyother person who may have received into his keeping and custody othergoods belonging to the said property. The other thing which the saidking of China demands is, that certain Chinese (of whom there are notmany) who remained alive after the war and were at that time takenprisoners, and are in the galleys, should be given their libertythat they may go back to their own country. This is a matter foryour Highness to examine carefully, to ascertain whether this be ajust demand, and whether it can be justly exacted. Even if it wereclearly and evidently just that the said Chinese should remain asconvicts in the said galleys, this demand requires much consideration, on account of the condition of the faith and of the realm, whetherthis commonwealth must be forced to break with so powerful an enemyand enemies as he would be. He brings forward his arguments with muchreason and consideration; by one of his demands--which of itself isnot very important, although more so when, arriving at the question ofjustice--he brings up another doubt as to whether it is just for thesaid Chinese to be condemned to the galleys. This is questionable, in the first place, because they are not vassals of his Majesty, and therefore were not traitors; and likewise whether they should, onaccount of the hostilities which the Chinese were generally committing, immediately be condemned, without recourse, to the galleys, withoutbeing heard individually or their exceptions being received--especiallyas no one doubts that the said uprising and rebellion was not voluntaryon the part of all the Chinese, but was contrary to the will of many;and it may be that some, and even a considerable number, of those whoare on the galleys were not captured in war, but while hidden in thecountry districts and on the mountains. To say that the said Chineseare necessary to work the galleys which your governor must take ona certain expedition, which it is said he must make, does not affectthe proposition; for the said expedition is not made by the will ofhis Majesty, but in his very exact instructions he neither requiresnor permits the said expedition to Huaca [_sic; sc. _ Maluco] with thesaid Chinese. Moreover, they are so cunning and shrewd that perhapsthey will again do what they did to Gomez Perez, and even worse; andthey may be the cause not only of the disastrous ending of the saidexpedition, but even of our complete ruin. There can be no doubt fromthe relation sent, as to the attitude of the king of China; for thethree greatest magistrates whom he has in the province and dominionof Oquen (to which belongs the province of Chiencho)--that is, theviceroy, the inspector-general and the eunuch--write this, each oneof them, in two letters, one of which is for the said archbishop andthe other for the said governor of these islands. In view of these considerations, I entreat and beseech your Highnessto command that the said property [of the merchants] be immediatelysent to the said kingdom of China, either by suitable messengers, or by the Chinese captains who are at present about to go there. Themost certain and the first which should be sent would be that whichcomes into the royal treasury of his Majesty from the proceeds ofthe said goods of the said Chinese, even if it be necessary to askfor this a loan from the citizens of this country, or to economize, or to go without other things. As for giving their liberty to thesaid Chinese who are in the galleys I beseech your Highness to orderthat this be decided and examined into in great detail, especiallyas concerns justice; it should also be examined to ascertain therights of the state. For this purpose, both in this affair and inother things which are presented before his Majesty's Council, someone who has great experience in Chinese affairs should be associatedwith them, and say what he thinks. The archbishop demands justice, and an attestation of this petition, and of what may be decreed inthis matter, and of the entire proceedings; and that the decisionmay be made at once, so that these Chinese ships may convey theappropriate answer. As for our reputation, nothing will be lost bysending back the said Chinese, especially those who are not foundto be very guilty; for no one loses reputation by doing justice, andthe king of China and his ministers know very well that the decisionof justice, and the separation of the innocent from the guilty, inso grave a case has demanded all the time which has elapsed up tothe present. Finally his Majesty the king, our sovereign, [must beconsidered]; what he requires is that this colony, as the chief ofall [his possessions here], where he has established so much good, should not be placed in danger by other matters which might be ofuncertain success--especially for this consideration, which is of solittle importance. Rather it is fitting to set free these Chinese, as far as possible, as experience has always proved to us, with somuch cost of our blood, and so great danger of the ruin of this land. _Fray Miguel_, archbishop of Manila. At Manila, on the tenth of June, 1605, the lords president andauditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of the FilipinasIslands, being in session, this petition was read, and examined bythe said lords. They commanded this petition to be joined with theones presented by the Chinese in this matter, and brought to thesession on Monday. Before me: _Pedro Nuñez de Herrera_, notary royal. Most potent lord: The archbishop of the Filipinas declares that hehas presented a petition, discussing therein what is demanded on thepart of the king of China in a letter from certain of his ministers, as is explained more at length in his said petition to which he refersyou. He now says that, of the two things which are demanded, althoughthe money is a matter of importance to the Chinese, yet what mostgrieves them is the men who, as they see, are here in the galleys, with such hardships and in a climate so hot and oppressive as thisis--especially as they have parents, children, wives, and relatives inthat country who are continually beseeching the Chinese magistrates andpeople. And he seeks the liberty of those who are here in our power, captive and condemned, and begs and entreats from your Highness whathe has sought in the other petition. And more particularly he asksin this other if your Highness will order that especial attention begiven to this; that even if it be true that the king of China will notmake war upon us, as he threatens, yet I am warned by those Chinesewho are our best friends that they know, from their own histories, that it is quite probable that the king of China will at least cutoff the trade with these countries, under the heaviest penalties, which would be the total ruin of this commonwealth. The king of Chinadid this to the Japanese, who formerly had trade and commerce withthe Chinese between the two countries, the Chinese going to Japonand the Japanese going to China. The king of China, seeing that theJapanese did not maintain their trade with the care and honesty thatthey should, did not make war upon them, but took away their tradeand commerce under a singularly vigorous penalty--which is, that ifany Chinaman trades with the Japanese not only he but his father, mother, and relatives shall be put to death. This has remained the lawup to the present, inviolably; and no Chinaman has transgressed it, unless it be some villainous and desperate man. This is one of themost important considerations to be judged in the present case. Hebegs and entreats your Highness to command that this be considered, and commands me to give an attestation of this petition and procedure. _Fray Miguel_, archbishop of Manila. In the city of Manila, on the thirteenth day of June of the year1605, the lords president and auditors of the royal Audiencia andChancillería of these Filipinas Islands being in session, thispetition was read; and, having considered it, they decreed that thedepositaries should be commanded to render an account as soon aspossible, of the property which they have held on deposit, so that itmay be surrendered; and that, when the ships shall have arrived fromCastilla, what is owing shall be paid into the royal treasury. Asconcerns the Chinese who are in the galleys, the matter is beingexamined, so that suitable measures may be taken in the matter, and that a decision shall be reached and a decree issued before theChinese leave. The attestations which he asks will be given to thearchbishop, in the manner that he desires. Before me, _Pedro Hurtado Desquivel_ In fulfilment of which I, Pedro Hurtado Desquivel, notary of courtfor the king our lord in his royal Audiencia and Chancillería ofthese Filipinas Islands, have given this copy of the said petitionand command, which is certified to be a true copy, corrected andcompared with the originals which remain in my possession. Witnessesto the examination, copying, correction, and comparison: Pedro Nuñezde Herrera, Geronimo de Peralta. Manila, the seventh of July, of theyear one thousand six hundred and five. In witness thereof, I haveset my seal in attestation of truth. _Pedro Hurtado Desquivel_, court notary. Letter from Acuña to the Viceroy of Ucheo Don Pedro de Acuña, etc. By the hands of Captain Juan San I receivedthe letter of the lord viceroy in which he informs me that news hasbeen carried to China that the Sangleys who came to trade with thisrealm of Luzon have been put to death by the Spaniards. He states thatafter having investigated the cause of their death, and having askedthe king to execute justice upon the author of so great a wrong, helearned that on account of the lies uttered by Tioguen we had suspectedthat the Sangleys were going to make war against us. On this account, as he was informed, we had put to death more than thirty thousandChinese. The king had punished Tiogueng by commanding his head to becut off and hung up in a cage, and had ordered Anglion, his companion, to be executed. He declared that the Chinese who had been slain inLuzon were not in fault. I reply to this that that which happenedin this case is as stated in the accompanying letter--which I sentas soon as the event occurred, with a ship and a proper messenger, by way of Macan to the Portuguese who live there, who are vassals ofour king. It was my intention that they should give it to the viceroy;and I sent similar letters to the eunuch and to the mandarins whowere there. But the Portuguese were not well disposed to us, solelyon account of their belief that the Chinese were in close friendshipwith us because of the trade and the large amount of commerce whichwe had with them; and that this is the cause why they are not ableto buy merchandise at very low prices, as they would certainly doif the trade from here were to come to an end. Hence they broughtit about that these letters were not delivered; and thus the truthof this matter could not be known in China, nor the fact that theSangleys were greatly to blame for the losses which they incurred. Ifthese things had been known the Chinese, well disposed as they are tothe execution of justice according to law, and desirous that crimesshould be punished, would certainly have regarded the fault of thosepeople as greater than the punishment which was inflicted on them. The penalty imposed on the Sangleys who piloted the two Dutch shipsthat were on the coast of Chincheo was very just. These Dutch are notfriends of the Castilians, but bitter enemies; for, although they arevassals of the king of the Hespañas, my sovereign, they and theircountry have revolted, and they have become pirates like Liamon inChina. They have no employment, except to plunder as much as theycan. Hence they did not come to Luzon; and, if they should come, I would try to capture and punish them. As for the statement that the letter is sent to let me know thegreatness of the king of China and of his realms, and that they are sogreat that he governs all upon which the moon and the sun shed theirlight; and the other statement that he desires me to be acquainted withthe great wisdom with which that kingdom is governed, vast as it is, and that no one should dare offend it, and referring to the war inCorea--to this I answer that the Spaniards have measured by palmos, and that very exactly, all the countries belonging to all the kings andlordships in the world. Since the Chinese have no commerce with foreignnations, it seems to them that there is no other country but their own, and that there is no higher greatness than theirs; but if he knew thepower of some of the kings with whom my sovereign, the king of theHespañas, carries on continual war, the whole of China would seem tohim very small. The king of China would do well to notice that fromhere to the court of Hespaña the distance is five thousand leguas; andthat on the voyage thither are two kingdoms, Nueva Hespaña and Peru, whose teiritory is so great that it is almost equal to that of China, without mentioning very large islands in those seas. At the sametime I know that the kingdom of China is governed with much wisdom, and all the people here know, and I know, of the war in Corea. The Sangleys who were killed here when they revolted were not thirtythousand, or even half as many. As for the statement that after the death of the Sangleys was knownin China, many mandarins joined in a concerted petition to the kingthat they might be allowed to avenge those deaths--accusing theSpaniards of being cruel and ungrateful, and charging us that afterthe Chinese had aided us to erect our walls and other buildings, and in our gardens (all to our profit), we ought not to have donethis--to this I reply that the Spaniards are not cruel of heart, andnever make war upon anyone without just reasons. We regard ourselvesas a just people and as having a standing in the world; and we wouldbe greatly grieved if it could be said of us with truth that we havedone wrongs or injuries to anyone--especially to our friends, andto those who are sincerely friends to us. Thus in the case of theSangleys who were here, we treated them as brothers and sons; and, without any precaution, we permitted them to enter our houses at allseasons and at all hours, as if they had been Spaniards. So true wasthis that, if God had not delivered us by revealing their treachery, they might for that very cause have been able to succeed in it. I have noted the answer given by the king of China to letters writtenby the viceroy and others with regard to this matter. I think that heought to be fair in all matters, and that he should not be influencedto make war on Luzón without first knowing whether we are in fault ornot; for if he should do otherwise we could not say, as we have said, that China is prudently governed. The viceroy also writes to me that, since the Spaniards are a sensibleand prudent people, we must therefore be grieved for having slainso many people, and repent thereof. He also informs me that if wedeal justly with the Chinese return the Sangleys who have survivedthe war, and pay the money due on the goods taken from the Sangleys, he will maintain amity with us and will send merchant vessels everyyear. If not, the king will not permit ships to come, but will commanda thousand war-vessels to be built, manned with soldiers--both therelatives of those who are dead, and men from the other nations andkingdoms who pay tribute to China; and, without mercy on anyone, they will make war upon us, and afterward the kingdom of Luzón willbe given to that people which pays tribute. To this I answer that, although in truth we are grieved for the losswhich the Chinese suffered, we have nothing to repent of therein;since what we did was to put to death those who would have done thesame to us (although we had given them no reason for it), and who wouldhave done so if we had not anticipated them. When we were living ingreat peace they rose in revolt against us, simply because they werewicked; left their Parián for a fort which they had built without myknowing anything of it, and sallied out thence against the farms tokill Spaniards and Indians. This they succeeded in doing by catchingthem unawares, and they inflicted very great cruelties even upon theSpanish women and upon their slaves, both male and female. Sincethis is true, as the very Chinese who have survived will declare, let the viceroy judge what could have been done, and what he wouldhave done if such a thing had happened in China. The crime is such that all of them justly deserve to die for it;but, moved with pity, I permitted some few to serve in the galleysof the king, which is a punishment inflicted by us upon criminalsto avoid putting them to death. After they had been placed in thegalleys, I get free some of them who, as it afterward appeared, had not been so much in fault; and others furnished some slaves, who received the same treatment. It is well known that kingdoms andprovinces where crimes are not punished cannot maintain themselves;and if this crime were not punished, and the Chinese were to see thatthey received their liberty even when they had committed so greata crime, another day they would do the same thing. Hence I have notyet set at liberty those Sangleys who are condemned to the galleys, that they may go to China and even convey to the viceroy knowledgeof what has happened. I am certain that when he knows the facts hewill regard their punishment as very slight in view of their crimes;but, if he should deem otherwise, let him inform me of his will. The property which was in existence during the past year, for whomowners or consignees appeared, was surrendered to them; there was agreat quantity of it, and now they take [_blank space in MS_. ]. Thisis the amount which I have been able to send from the royal treasury, where some of the property of the Sangleys was deposited for whichan owner was not to be found; next year I will endeavor to send therest. During the past year one ship arrived; and the other, whichwas on its way to Castilla, was lost with a very great quantity ofChinese stuffs and other goods. For this reason it has been impossibleto discharge this obligation in full at the present time. Let theviceroy notice that this is and will be done because it is just, andnot because he has written that unless the people and the goods aresent he will make war on Luzón; for I am sure that the king of Chinaand his ministers, being prudent, politic, and discreet persons, will not wage war for causes so light. Still, if they desire to doso, the Castilians are well able to defend their lands from all whomay attempt to take them away; and they even know how to attack theirenemies and to seek them out in their own dwelling-places, when theiropponents suppose that they have them conquered. As regards the licenses for ships coming from China to trade withLuzón, it is not so dangerous to grant such permissions that the king[of China] or other persons there will consent to lose the greatadvantage which they possess in the large quantity of silver which iscarried hence every year; for this remains in China, without a singlereal leaving there, while the goods which they give us in exchangeare consumed and used up in a very short time. Hence we may say thatin this trade the Chinese have as great an interest as the Castilianshave, or even more. Chinese Immigration Restricted Sire: By commission from the royal Audiencia, I have this year attendedto the investigation of the Chinese ships, and the Sangleys who havecome to this city. I myself went to examine them, in order to avertthe injuries which might be inflicted on them. Eighteen ships havingarrived, with merchandise and five thousand five hundred Chinese onboard, besides five hundred more who remained in this city from lastyear, I ordered the cabildo and regimiento of the city, if Chinesewere necessary for the public service, to enter petition thereforwithin four days, giving a memorandum of the number necessary and theduties that they were to perform. As they did not do as I had ordered, for a number of days, and as the ships wished to return to China, and Ito despatch in them all the infidel Chinese who were here, I reportedthe case to the royal Audiencia here. Considering what great lack ofservice there is in this city, and how necessary workmen are for itsrestoration, as it has been ravaged by two fires--more than a hundredof the houses formerly standing having been destroyed during this yearof six hundred and five, and more by the other fire that occurred inthe year six hundred and three--they determined to have one thousandfive hundred infidel Chinese stay here for the rebuilding of the burnedpart, and the service of the city. They commanded me by an act to givepermission to the said number of infidel Chinese, choosing them fromthe crafts which should appear to me most necessary. This I did withexactness and fairness, being personally present, and not entrustingthis task to any other person. In this way, the said number will notbe in any way exceeded; it has appeared necessary and sufficient, and it will be important for the service of God and of your Majestythat this number be not exceeded in years to come. May God protectthe Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila, July 5, 1605. The licentiate _Manuel de Madrid y Luna_ [_Endorsed_: "To his Majesty; Manila, 1605: The licentiate Manuel deMadrid y Luna. July 5. " "That, by commission of the Audiencia, theinspection of the ships of the Chinese Sangleys has been attended to;and by order of the said Audiencia, considering the great necessity oflabor and repairs, permission was given for a thousand and five hundredof them to remain in that city, as they are very necessary. And incompliance with this they will be allowed to stay for this purpose, without the said number being exceeded. March 22, 1607. This measureis in the letters of the governor. "] Letters from Pedro de Acuña to Felipe III Sire: On the twenty-fifth of February of the current year, 1605, therearrived in the port of Cabite a ship from Nueva Hespaña, and init Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus, with news of thedecision which had been reached regarding the matter of Maluco;the order for this military service also came. There were, besides, in the said vessel about two hundred infantry, in two companies, of those who are to go on the expedition. Their arrival was veryseasonable and caused much rejoicing in these islands, because itoccurred at a time when we had received news by way of Macan that anarmy was being prepared in China to come here. [4] The diligence shown by the viceroy of Nueva Hespaña in despatchingthese advices, and informing me of the condition of the embarcationsthere, was of great value in assisting me to prepare some necessarysupplies; for nearly everything has to be obtained from differentprovinces, while some supplies must be imported from distant kingdoms, as China and Japon. Hence time is requisite for this purpose--and, indeed, even more than we have; but all will be made ready althoughwith some difficulty. The master-of-camp, Juan de Esquivel, arrived at the opening of thestrait of Capul June 11, and came to Cabite June 17, after havingdisembarked the forces in the port of Ybalon--where he received myorder to do this, and found ships in which to send them on to theisland of Panay, where provisions for them are provided. The number oftroops who have come with the master-of-camp are six hundred and fiftymen, including thirty who came afterwards in a small vessel which hadbeen left behind. These men had gone from Acapulco to Tehuantepequefor four pieces of artillery which were cast in Nueba Hespaña forthis expedition. The forces for which I asked from Nueva Hespaña for this undertakingwere one thousand five hundred men, including sailors and soldiers. Asfor the five hundred who have served in old companies and are notaltogether new recruits, I was told by the master-of-camp, that thosefrom his regiment are for the most part good soldiers. What I canassert is, that the troops in the two companies who arrived first, andthe troops of the master-of-camp who are here, have satisfied me verywell. From this garrison and from the paid soldiers as large a forcewill be formed as can be spared, in order to leave matters here witha safe guard; since on account of the importance of this enterpriseI must, if God gives me health, go on this expedition in person. Iintend to take with me some Panpango Indians and some Indians from thisregion, among whom there are many good arquebusiers and musketeers. Incompany with Spaniards, they prove to be very good soldiers. I asked for five hundred quintals of powder; and your Majesty informedme that the viceroy would send them. Although he did not send thewhole amount, two hundred and thirty-five quintals of powder and ahundred quintals of saltpetre arrived. We shall be obliged to usewhat there is in the royal magazines here, that we may not lack sonecessary a thing; yet the whole is but little. The said viceroy wrote me that the troops came paid for a year, andthat from the wages of the troops he had retained sixty-five pesos inthe case of each soldier. The total amount is forty thousand pesos, which sum was sent under registry on the account and at the risk ofthe said forces. This is a piece of excellent foresight; for if thetotal amount of wages had been paid, as is customary, they would havegambled and spent the whole in two days, and would be in need thewhole year, from which great evils would follow. For the expeditionthe viceroy sent sixty thousand pesos, without considering that thetreasury here is in such a state that, even if the whole amount shouldbe paid into it on account of these islands, there would not be enoughto pay unavoidable debts and the loans which have been taken throughouta whole year from private persons, some of which were granted on mycredit. I was expecting some good quantity of money on a separateaccount; and I also hoped for the ordinary soldiers who are sent everyyear to supply the places of those who are drowned and those who die ofdisease and in battle. We are continually waging war in one provinceor another, and sometimes at home. But I have been disappointed inall this, and must expend my efforts to get on as best I can, usingsome methods to prevent the service of your Majesty from failure. As soon as I was informed that your Majesty would be pleased tocommand this expedition to be undertaken, I began on the veryday when I arrived here to busy myself with the preparation of thematerials and other things necessary to build the galleys and also tokeep them in proper condition. I regard them as the most effectivemeans of defense for this kingdom, on account of the causes whichI have previously written to your Majesty. Accordingly, I have fiveequipped. The flagship has twenty-two benches, the second in command[_patrona_] and another have nineteen each, and two others seventeeneach. One of these two which have seventeen will be launched within afortnight, and has the necessary supply of rowers. These vessels arenot made larger, being thus more suitable for these regions, becausethere are many shoals here; and when they are of this size they aresufficient for the contests which they have to carry on with theoared vessels employed by the enemy Another reason is the advantageof keeping down the number of rowers and reducing the expenses, as Ihave written your Majesty. These galleys have turned out very well, because I found here a good foreman; and although he died a few daysago, I have had the good fortune to find a second, a Genovese, a goodworkman. He is well known in Cartagena, where he built a galley. I havemet with much opposition from the archbishop and from the licentiateDon Antonio de Rivera Maldonado, auditor of this royal Audiencia. IfI had had to follow the opinion of either of them so that they couldrestrain my hand, the first stick of wood would still have to beworked. God knows what I have had to undergo in this, and what I amstill undergoing; and He knows the evil results which follow from sucha state of things in a region so distant from your Majesty, when thosepersons undertake to correct matters of war, and to meddle with them, who do not understand them and have nothing to do with them. I expect to take with me on the expedition four of these galleys, and a vessel which has arrived here just now from Acapulco, whichwas made here and has capacity to carry a large amount of troopsand provisions; it is of seven hundred toneladas. This vessel I willhave fitted and put in good order. I expect also to take another ofmoderate size, of two hundred and fifty toneladas, which I have hadbuilt in the province of Camarines. I shall have three Moro shipsfrom Perú. These will be very light, the largest being of a hundredand fifty toneladas, and the other two of a hundred and thirty each, more or less. Thus in all there will be five, in addition to sevenbrigantines and five lorchas, vessels built after the fashion ofChina and Japon. These are very good with both oar and sail, and havegreater capacity and accommodation for carrying provisions than anyother kind of vessels with which oars are used. I expect that this expedition will include the foregoing vessels andgalleys on account of your Majesty; and that in addition there will goseven or eight other ships belonging to private encomenderos and otherpersons. These will be ships of moderate size, with a high freeboard, in which their owners will take a quantity of biscuit, rice, wine, meat, and other supplies; these will be of great assistance, since anumber of volunteers will go. This provision made by private personsis of considerable usefulness, and on that account I have had itmade. To induce them to go it is absolutely necessary to encouragethem to it, and to urge upon them the service which they will renderto your Majesty. This I have had to undertake, since in view of thelosses and misfortunes which they have suffered, they are poor anddiscouraged. They finally volunteered to go with a good will, and theirgoing will be an assistance of no little consequence; as a result ofit, I am certain that we shall have provisions for more than a year. I have commanded the whole of this body of vessels to assemble in theisland of Panay, at the town and port of Oton, where the infantryis on shore. When they have assembled there they will proceed, and I will leave this city after the day of St. Francis, takingadvantage of the north winds. I shall attend to whatever shall benecessary there, and get it all in order by the end of January orthe beginning of February. That is the season best suited for thevoyage to Maluco. It will then be most likely that we shall havethe benefit of the monsoon which is likely to blow with gentle andfavorable brisas. In this way I shall not be forced off my courseby vessels with a high freeboard; this accident happens very often, because of the great number of currents among these islands. I have nodoubt that we shall encounter some vessels from Olanda and Gelanda, and more this year than others, since this is the year of the clovemonsoon more than the two previous years; for in the third year theclove-trees bear much more heavily. The fruit is like olives, andthe trees resemble olive-trees in their leaves and in their size, as I am told. [5] I had further information from Enrique de Castro, a Fleming, a native of Amberes [_i. E. _, Anvers?], a man of goodreputation, able to speak several languages, and very sensible; hetold me that he came as a soldier in one of the companies brought bythe despatch-boat which reached here February 25. He said that hehad left Olanda fifteen months before, from the city of Nostradama[_i. E. _, Amsterdam]; and that there, and in another city in thesame country of Olanda, they were preparing twelve or thirteen largevessels with the purpose of coming to the Yndias. He was told thatthey were to seize Ambueno and the Maluca Islands, and that they werecarrying a large number of men, besides lime and cut stone in ballast, to make a fortress. I am much afraid that this is true, because ofwhat I have previously written to your Majesty with reference tothe advices which I have received from the king of Tidore. He statesthat the king of Terrenate had sent to invite the Dutch, offering topermit them to build a fort and a factory in his country, in orderto make them willing to assist him against the said king of Tidore, against the Portuguese, and against us. Accordingly the forts thereand in Ambueno are in danger. The one at Tidore is a matter for jest;and the commandants, as well as the commanders of galleons, think ofnothing but merchandise and of making their fortunes. The same thingis true throughout the whole of Yndia. If this news should prove true, there would be much difficulty in this enterprise. May God turn allthings well for His cause. The forces of the regiment of the master-of-camp, Esquibel, havereceived their pay for a year in advance, as the viceroy informsme by his letter. At the present time more than half the year haspassed, and by the time they leave Oton the whole year will havebeen completed. Inasmuch as in the order for this expedition whichyour Majesty commanded to be given, I noticed that the Marques deMontes Claros was directed, in case the forces should be retainedin the service of your Majesty for a longer period than the saidyear, to send me money to pay them in case I advised him thereof, it seemed well to me to advise him of this matter immediately, andto tell him that during the coming year he should send me what isneeded for a thousand men in addition to the sea force. It is plainthat this will be necessary for by the time that the fleet leavesthese islands the [soldiers'] year will be at an end. I thereforebeseech your Majesty to be pleased to give him imperative commands tofulfil this requirement; since soldiers in a country of enemies, andso far from their own country, serve badly if they are in need. Thusmany important opportunities might be lost, and even considerabledisadvantages might be experienced without there being any possibilityof remedying them. If the enterprise turns out prosperously--as bythe grace of God I hope it will--I expect that it will provide themeans for maintaining the conquest, for paying all the expenses whichhave been and shall be incurred, and for affording a large quantityof cash surplus in addition to the expenses, besides repairing thelosses incident to this affair. In particular, I think that to drivethe enemy from the Maluca Islands and from the inlands of Banda willbe of great advantage for our affairs in Flandes, since the rebelsof Olanda and Gelanda harvest the product of these islands and drawfrom them great wealth, by means of which they carry on war and becomerich. I, therefore, again beseech you to be pleased to give commandsthat this expedition may be adequately provided with supplies. Ialso beg that what is necessary for the expenses of the fleet and forother requisite objects may likewise be sent. I further request thatfor the regular expenses of the government a liberal supply may beplaced in the treasury of the islands on a separate account, sincethe treasury is so needy and so heavily burdened with obligations. Weapons and gunpowder are always opportune, and generally the lack ofthese causes a great deal of trouble. I accordingly beg your Majestyto be pleased to command that as large an amount thereof as possiblemay be sent, and that the forces at Manila may also be supplied. Isuggest that although what is now of most importance, and what mustprimarily be considered, is merely the regaining of the fort and islandof Terrenate, still the care and attention which will be necessary toprotect and sustain the conquest, at least for the first few years, will not be small. During that time it will be necessary for us to keepit under control with arms in our hands. We shall have contests everyday with the natives of the country, and likewise with the Dutch, who will not at once be willing to abandon it without testing thedefense which it can offer, for the reasons which they publish thereand in the other Maluca Islands, and in the islands of Banda. Withregard to this matter I have written to your Majesty. We must be onthe watch everywhere, making Terrenate our center. By the first section of the orders which your Majesty was pleased tocommand to have sent to me for this expedition, it appears that thecaptains who come on the expedition receive sixty ducados a monthand the privates eight, whether they were recruited in Hespaña or inNueva Hespaña. I was commanded that if this rate of payment for thesoldiers might be moderated in view of what is paid the soldiers herewho are of the same rank, I should reduce it, but with fairness. Ihave to state that the pay of a private in this garrison is six pesosa month. This is little, in view of the fact that the country isincomparably more expensive than when their rate of pay was fixed, as I have previously written your Majesty. The eight ducados whichthe soldiers of the expedition receive is high pay; and accordingly, in my judgment, it would be well to pay the infantry in both forcesat the rate of eight pesos (of eight reals) a month, in additionto the thirty ducados of extra pay which are allowed every companyin Hespaña and other regions. I should advise that the captains ofboth forces should be paid at the rate of fifty pesos, the ensignsat twenty pesos, and the sergeants at the rate of ten, as they arenow paid here. The captains here receive only thirty-five pesos, while those of the expedition are paid sixty ducados, which amount toeighty-two pesos and six reals. Your Majesty will give such commandsas you shall be pleased to issue. Until we receive the decision ofyour royal will in this matter, the accounts of the members of theexpedition will not be closed. May our Lord keep the Catholic and royalperson of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, July 1, 1605. _Don Pedro de Acuña_ [_Endorsed:_ "The requests in this letter were honored, in virtue ofadvice given to his Majesty by the council, August 5, 1606. "] Sire: In two ships which left here for Nueba Hespaña last year, 1604, General, Don Diego de Mendoca, of my order, [6] wrote to your Majestyin duplicate, giving information of all the events which had happenedhere. It pleased God that the flagship should return to port, afterhaving suffered from a tempest during which it was obliged to cut offthe mainmast. It returned to this port today, four months after it hadleft it, although without any loss of the property which it carried, [_Marginal note_: "Let him be informed that this letter has beenreceived and that the council has been advised of what he reports. "] The ship "San Antonio, " the almiranta, which left port first, has not been heard from up to the present time. It is regarded ascertain that it was lost, by having struck upon some desolate islandor some shoals as it was driven by the tempest. A few days beforethe arrival of the flagship, there were seen on the coast of thisisland opposite Manila, and on the Babuyanes, which are some islandsin the province of Cagayan, a quantity of bales of cloth from thelading of the almiranta. It is accordingly inferred that the ship waslost on its way to port here, during some very severe storms whichtook place during that season and in that region. Still, some hopeswere entertained that it might have made its way to Nueva España, although with a very small amount of cloth; but these hopes were lostwith the coming of the two ships on which arrived the master-of-camp, Juan Desquivel, and the officers of the expedition for Maluco. Thesevessels, having left Acapulco on the twenty-second of March, reachedCavite on the seventeenth of the present month, and reported that theyhad no news of the said almiranta. This has been a very great loss andone which has thrown this kingdom into almost incredible misery. Thereturn of the flagship has added to its wretchedness, because thecitizens have nothing from which to obtain money from Nueva España, since their goods have not arrived there. The documents which weresent in the flagship last year go in it again; and in this ship I sendduplicates, which your Majesty may give commands to be shown to you. The matter of the payment of the Indian tributes was settled by theAudiencia, by me, and by the archbishop and the religious orders, in conformity with the directions given me by your Majesty. Theassessment which was made accompanies this letter; and therewithwill cease many wrongs which have been inflicted upon the natives, and the encomenderos and collectors can satisfy their consciences, if they desire. [_Marginal note_: "Let this section be filed with thepapers which gave occasion to it, and with the report which has beensent, and let the whole be delivered to the fiscal. "] By a royal decree of your Majesty, dated October twenty-fifth of lastyear, 1603, I was advised that your Majesty had given commands forpermission to be granted to the mariscal Graviel de Rivera that, inspite of the fact that he has Indians in encomienda on these islands, he may be permitted to live in the City of Mexico, where he is atpresent, for two years, on condition that during that period he shallmaintain eight musketeers in this garrison at his own expense. I wasenjoined to fulfil this command and to see to it that the musketeersshould be serviceable men. On the part of the said mariscal, thefulfilment of this decree was demanded, the aforesaid permission beingpresented; and, although I answered the demand of the mariscal bystating to him the condition of affairs in the island, I have thoughtbest to refer the matter to your Majesty. As soon as I arrived in theseislands to undertake my office, I was handed the instructions givento the governor and captain-general who had previously filled them, Don Francisco Tello de Guzman. By section 47 of these directions, it was ordained and commanded that if, when the said Don FranciscoTello should have arrived at Nueva España, the said mariscal shouldnot have returned to the said islands, his encomiendas should beconfiscated and should be assigned to others, without permittingreply or excuse; and if any other procedure was followed it wasdirected that it should be held as null and void. I made inquiriesto find out if the said Don Francisco Tello had complied herewith. Idiscovered that, although he found the said mariscal in Mexico, hehad not complied with the commands given by the said section, butthat he had brought him with him to this city, and in a short timehad given him permission to return to Nueva Hespaña for three years, under color of having business to do for this city. I also found thatthe said mariscal had appealed to the Audiencia, affirming that thetime was too short, and I learned that he received license to remainfor an additional year, making four in all. In truth, however, thepower of attorney held by the said mariscal had been revoked by thecity before he left it in the year 1600. Upon this, I wrote to thesaid mariscal in Mexico that, since he was aware of the decree ofhis Majesty with regard to his absence, he should return to fulfilthe duty of residence to which he was obliged in these islands, assoon as the time of his license had expired. If he should go beyondthe period allowed, I informed him that his encomiendas would bevacated and would be assigned to others. Since he has not fulfilledthe requirement of residence, and since the said term is at an end, therefore, in virtue of the said section of the instructions and infulfilment of what is decreed by another and separate royal decree, I have commanded that the encomiendas should be vacated, and thatone of them, the encomienda of Bonbon, should be granted to GeneralDon Juan Rronquillo del Castillo, a man whose merits, services, andabilities are known to all. This encomienda is at the present time inhis possession. The income from the other encomiendas I have commandedto be placed in the royal treasury, which is being done. As for thereport of the said mariscal, made to me in Mexico, that he was therewith the permission of the Audiencia and governor on business for thecity, I wrote your Majesty, in a letter on the second of November ofthe year 1601, that it seemed to me proper for permission to reside inNueva España to be given him, in view of his services and age, sincehe was serving with eight musketeers in defense of this country. AfterI arrived here and saw how this matter had been arranged, in viewof the aforesaid facts, and of the great inconvenience which resultsfrom the non-residence of encomenderos in this country, I vacated thesaid encomiendas, as it seemed to me that your Majesty would not beserved by giving a dispensation to the said mariscal in this matter;and I would not have made the report which I made in Mexico if I hadpreviously seen the documents. [_Marginal note_: "Let this be filedwith the papers which deal with this matter. "] Although, as I have said, I assigned the said encomienda to thesaid Don Juan Ronquillo, appeal was taken on the part of the saidmariscal and his son (who was successor to the encomienda) to thisroyal Audiencia. In this case, after command had been given that acopy of the documents should be furnished to the parties and to thefiscal of your Majesty, and after testimony had been taken as regardsthe claims of all parties, it was declared that I had authority tovacate the encomiendas of the said mariscal; and it was decreed thatthe parties should exercise their rights of justice, in conformitywith the law of Maliñas. [7] It was further decreed that the saidGeneral Don Juan Rronquillo should give bonds that, if at any time itshould be decreed that I did not have this authority to assign the saidencomiendas, he should return the income which he should have collectedtherefrom. This decree was, on review, confirmed in all points, andthe case is being prosecuted. I may say to your Majesty that GeneralDon Juan Rronquillo is one of the most deserving men of the islands, and one of the highest rank and services here; and further that heis one of those who received the least rewards. He deserves thatsome favor should be shown to him, as I have previously written. Imay add that on account of the aforesaid grant I have discharged himfrom the office of commander of the galleys, which had been grantedto him with eight hundred pesos of yearly salary. If this sum is notpaid to him, it is certainly necessary that some compensation shouldbe made to him; and if in this matter that is not carried out which isordained by the royal decrees--which were formerly so closely followed, especially in this country--much harm will result. The affairs of Christianity in Japon are in excellent condition, as your Majesty will see from the letters of two religious which areenclosed; but the dissensions between the bishop and the religiousorders with regard to those who go by way of these islands toengage in that ministry cause me great anxiety. They have reacheda very high point, as your Majesty will learn from the statementswhich all of them are certain to write to you. In so new a country, governed by heathen kings, to have wrangling and lack of harmonyamong the religious who instruct them cannot fail to cause scandalsand difficulties. Your Majesty will command the proper remedy to beapplied. Inasmuch as I see the necessity of ministers of the gospelin that kingdom, and the great results which they have obtained, I have not hindered the passage of religious from these islands tothat country, especially as I have seen no decree of your Majestyand no brief of his Holiness to the contrary. [_Marginal note_: "Letthis be filed with the other papers dealing with this matter, and letDon Pedro de Acuña be informed that his report has been considered, and that attention is being given to it. "] The chiefs of Mindanao have treated for peace; and, although I haddetermined to attack them this year and to put an end to them, withthe aid of the ordinary reënforcements in men and money, which I wasexpecting from Nueva Hespaña, still I have thought it best on accountof the expedition to Maluco to listen favorably to them; and I shalltry to pacify and reduce them by gentle means, since they themselveshave offered such means and have sent a representative to treat forpeace. I have accordingly agreed to what they desire; yet, since theyare Indians, who when they take a whim cannot be restrained fromtrying to gratify it, I have little confidence that they will keeptheir promises, since there is no holding them to account exceptso far as fear will oblige them to it. Still, it seems that thisyear they have not made any piratical expeditions to these islands, although I am informed that they have attacked some of the otherislands in various provinces with a great fleet of caracoas. Beingin some doubt, I have kept the provinces of Pintados in a state ofdefense with two galleys, which I have sent there, with other vessels;for, as I say, there is little confidence to be placed in the treatiesof these tribes. [_Marginal note_: "The council has been informed ofthis matter. "] When the Sangleys left here last year they brought but little cloth, as I wrote at the time to your Majesty. This they sold, at the sametime offering to come again this year with some vessels, and veryearly. For this cause the country remained entirely without anysort of merchandise, although the citizens had considerable money, as they had no opportunity to invest the returns which had come [fromMexico]. Since the Chinese are very avaricious, it was regarded ascertain that some vessels would come without fail, and the swift oneswould arrive here much earlier than they ordinarily do in other years:but this did not happen, for it was the end of May before we had anynews from China. For this reason and on account of the news whichwe received from Macan (as I wrote previously) that the Sangleyswere coming to these islands to avenge those who died at the time ofthe revolt, the city was in great anxiety and fear. Yet it pleasedGod that eighteen vessels should come with a large amount of cloth, which relieved us of our fear; and it now seems that this arrangementhad been agreed upon. However, demands had been made upon me on thepart of the Chinese for the Sangleys who survived the uprising, whomI had placed in the galleys. The viceroy of Ucheo and an inspector andeunuch, who are two other mandarins who keep constant watch over him, sent me a letter, which will go with this; to this letter I refer, as also to a copy of the answer which I have made, with the approvalof the Audiencia. The style is not very polished, because those whotranslate it are not very skilful in both languages; and, in orderthat they may understand it, it is better that the letter should bewritten in these terms, as experience has showed. We are striving tomaintain our friendship with that king, since he is very powerful;and we sustain our position here only by the reputation that wehave. [_Marginal note_: "This statement of his has been noted. "] The licentiate Geronimo de Salaçar y Salcedo, fiscal of this royalAudiencia, died two or three months ago. No great loss will resulthereby to the affairs to the royal treasury, since he paid littleattention to them in his office. For the interim before your Majestyshall appoint a person to fulfil the duties of this position, theAudiencia has appointed the bachelor Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, a manof learning, integrity, and responsibility--such a man as might bedesired for this office. My acquaintance with all these qualificationsin him has constrained me to call your Majesty's attention to them, so that you might be pleased to favor him; for surely, in my opinion, it would not be possible to find another man more suitable for thisoffice. He has property of his own, and claims and suits give him noanxiety. Accordingly, I have made special efforts to induce him toaccept the position; for it is necessary to seek persons like him forsuch offices. Since he has had so much experience with the businessof this office, I have no doubt that he will give a good account ofhimself. [_Marginal note_: "Referred to the Council. "] The commanders of the galleys which your Majesty has in Hespaña, Italia, Yndias, and other regions appoint for the said galleysa chief chaplain and chaplains. After these are approved and haveobtained a license from the ordinary to carry on their ministries, thearchbishops and their vicars and the bishops do not trouble themselvesabout the chaplains. This is a settled and recognized custom, sothat no one pays any attention to it except the archbishop of thiscity, because there is nothing with which he does not meddle. Hehas handed in a document, maintaining that this is not a concernof your Majesty's but belongs to him, and that he has the right tonominate and approve the chaplains to these positions if he desires, or to decline to approve them. Accordingly, after I had nominatedan approved religious, a preacher of the Order of St. Augustine, as chaplain of these galleys, the bishop directed him, under pain ofexcommunication, not to fulfil this ministry, declaring that I hadno authority to make the nomination. Certain other religious who hadbeen chaplains of galleys in Spain, and General Don Diego de Mendoça, and others who had sailed in galleys there, and who were acquaintedwith the system followed in them, all gave testimony; but this wasnot sufficient to restrain him from carrying out his purpose. I begthat your Majesty will be pleased to give command that since thismatter does not concern him he shall not meddle with it, nor with theother things which are outside his jurisdiction. [_Marginal note_:"Referred to the Council of War. "] In other letters I have reported to your Majesty the great importance, for the security and defense of this country, of maintaining a supplyof galleys, and I have also reported the number which I have suppliedwith arms. Since they cannot be kept up without an allowance of moneysufficient for them, I beg your Majesty to be pleased to command thatthere shall be set aside twenty thousand ducados from the treasury ofMexico, or else from the ten per cent duty levied at Acapulco uponthe merchandise exported hence. The purpose of this fund shall beto maintain four or five galleys, which are necessary here. This isthe same amount that is spent in Cartagena for a single galley, andyour Majesty may trust me, as one who has looked carefully into thematter, that this is necessary; and that expenditures without this onlywaste funds and consume lives in gaining nothing. [_Marginal note_:"Referred to the Council of War. "] I shall examine some despatches which have been received here thisyear, which as yet I have not been able to do because of the necessityof concluding this despatch, and I shall answer them at the firstopportunity. May God keep the Catholic person of your Majesty, asChristendom has need. From the port of Cavite, July 8, 1605. _Don Pedro de Acuña_ [_Endorsed_: "August 2, 1606. Examination and decree within"] Sire: Many are the labors of this charge, both bodily and spiritual, and almost without surcease must be the cares of him who holds, onhis own account and for your Majesty, the protection, defense, andpreservation of a kingdom and provinces so far from your royal person, and amid so many nations, so great in numbers and so powerful, who haveso extraordinary tendencies, laws, and customs. From these we promiseourselves, in time, with the help of God, excellent results for Hisgreater glory and the increase of His church. No one of these thingshas given me so much anxiety as the conduct of the licentiate DonAntonio de Rivera Maldonado, auditor of this royal Audiencia. This man, with his temper, his haughtiness, and lack of understanding, has givenand is giving so many occasions for annoyance to the people, to me, andto his companions--and particularly to the soldiers, and the militaryand royal officials--that I have had more ado to moderate, adjust, and set right his affairs than all others in my charge. His arroganceis terrible. The citizens, even the most powerful of them, fear him, for they realize that in his position as senior auditor he has theboldness to attempt any design to their harm that comes into his mind, or suits his desires, and that he carries out his plans. Consequently, all cry out to God for redress for his unjust acts. For there isno redress here, and it comes but tardily from your Majesty, owingto the time necessary for it to reach this country. I do all that Ican, but he gives me so many provocations that it is a wonder somegreat quarrel has not occurred. To obviate the difficulty in regardto the troops, I have ordered that the companies of the guard shallnot enter in angular order, but in troops, as has been done now formore than five months; for it appears that he was carefully awaitingan opportunity to rout them, horse and foot, with all his blacks. Irefer to the two informations, sent herewith, which concern this, and the rest. Although I did not choose to make investigations, forthe sake of greater secrecy, and to avoid the annoyances that thewitnesses of lower rank might suffer if the said Don Antonio knewthat they swore against him therein, measures will be taken to findout what there is in the affair. The said Don Antonio has persistently striven to bring about hismarriage with Doña Margarita de Figueroa, daughter of Captain EstebanRodriguez de Figueroa, and has employed many instruments to accomplishthis. Several suits have been brought before the royal Audiencia onthe part of the said Doña Margarita and her sister, both of whomwere minors, against the royal treasury, some of these involvinglarge sums of money, as did that which concerned the conquest ofMindanao. These girls had many suitors, and there were differencesof opinion as to where they could reside with the most securityand privacy, so that there should be no negotiations concerningtheir marriages; for they were very rich, and had near relatives toclaim guardianship over them--as their grandmother, the wife of theaccountant of the royal exchequer; and Captain Francisco de Mercado, whom the father of the minors left as their guardian, and in whosehands was the said property. The said Don Antonio, with this object, began to favor the causes of the above-named persons, and communicatedhis intention to Andres Duarte de Figueroa, their uncle, the brother oftheir father--whom he considered a safe person, as he was his intimatefriend, and a claimant for the guardianship of the girls. He proceededso artfully that the guardianship of the minors was denied to all theothers by the Audiencia, who commanded that they be given over to thesaid Andres Duarte, who was an unmarried man. Owing to the pretensionswhich the said Don Antonio entertained in regard to this marriage, he decided the said cases in favor of the said minors, which greatlypleased their uncle, and caused much complaint on the part of thosewho were present. He used to go at night to visit the said minors, causing a great deal of talk by his intentions. Although his purposewas well understood by the public, it became more apparent when DonJuan de Tello was negotiating a marriage with the said Doña Margarita, who is now his wife. On this account the said Don Juan, fearing thatDon Antonio will be as much opposed to him in the said suits now, as he was formerly favorable to the said minors, has accused him, and is furnishing information against him. My proceedings in thiscase, and in one of those which I mention in a paragraph before this, are sent by this mail, by which your Majesty will see the results ofthe investigation. It is held as certain that the said Don Antoniohas brought great pressure to bear on the said Andres Duarte thathe may not betray him in the matter of the said marriage, but shallsay that he was asking it for his brother, and not for himself; andthat the said Andres, on account of his friendship, and, knowing DonAntonio's temper, fearing that the latter will do him some harm, wouldnot declare against him. I believe that he is going to España, whereperhaps he will make this matter known, as he will be free from thejurisdiction of the auditor; but here what he swears under oath onlyhinders the matter. The troubles arising from the pretensions of thesaid Don Antonio are not confined to this matter; for, furthermore, when the uprising of the Sangleys occurred, and the auditors wereobliged to lay aside their robes and put on short cloaks, as theydid, the said Don Antonio went about with a gilded sword. Then, when occasion for this was past, the other auditors put on theirrobes; but the said Don Antonio seemed to think that he representeda different person from an auditor, and was not obliged to do as theother auditors did. He kept on his short cloak and sword, and appearedthus in the halls of justice, possibly because he thought it suitedhis affair of the marriage, as it was at this time that he pressed itmost. And as I thought that it was not right that he should try todistinguish himself in so unfitting a manner, and that it ought notto be permitted, and as remarks about it had been made in public, Itold him of it, and asked him to put on the robe. The answer he gavewas what your Majesty may learn in the document which accompaniesthis, to which I refer you--adding only that your Majesty may judgeby this matter how other things must go, and his manner of behavior, in which he goes so far as to say, and let it be understood, that healone can do these things, and must command everything. Your Majestywill decree the remedy which is expedient and so necessary. May ourLord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty with the happinessneedful for Christendom. Manila, July 15, 1605. _Don Pedro de Acuña_ DOCUMENTS OF 1606 The Dominican mission of 1606. Diego Aduarte, O. P. , and others; 1604-06. The Dutch factory at Tidore. Joan ----; March 16. The Sangley insurrection of 1603. Miguel Rodriguez de Maldonado. Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Telles de Almaçan, and others; July 6. Letter from the fiscal to Felipe III. Rodrigo Diaz Guiral; July. The Terrenate expedition. Council of the Indias; August 5 and 15. Decree establishing a way-station for Philippine vessels on the California coast. Felipe III; August 19. Chinese immigration in the Philippines. Pedro Muñoz de Herrera, and others; July-November. Letter to Acuña. Felipe III; November 4. _Sources_: All these documents are obtained from foreign archives:the third (a printed pamphlet) from the Real Academia de Historia, Madrid; the sixth, from the Archivo general at Simancas; the seventh, from the British Museum; the last, from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; all the rest, from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. _Translations_. The first, second, fourth, fifth, and eighth of thesedocuments are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University ofWisconsin; the third and seventh, by James A. Robertson; the sixthand ninth, by Norman F. Hall, of Harvard University. The Dominican Mission of 1606 I, Fray Diego Duarte, [8] of the Order of St. Dominic, affirm thathis Majesty by his royal decree, which I present herewith, commandedthat in addition to the thirty religious and four servants whom inaccordance with his said royal decree I received permission to conveyto the Feliphinas Islands, I should conduct ten other religious, making forty in all; and that for the despatch of all of them yourLordship should give me what was necessary at the expense of hisroyal treasury. This allowance is to be in conformity with the reportmentioned in the said decree (which your Lordship has sent to theroyal Council of the Yndias), which states the cost of the passageto the Yndias of each religious. Since the time is now far advanced, it is necessary for me to receive the payment for the said religiousin order that they may make their voyage in the fleet which is aboutto be despatched to the province of Nueva Spaña, and that his Majesty'scommands may be fulfilled. This cannot take effect unless your Lordshipprovide me with the money necessary to buy clothing and ship supplies, and what else is needed. Therefore I beg and pray your Lordship to give commands that, inaddition to the seven hundred and seventy thousand seven hundred andfifty-two maravedis which the treasurer Don Melchor Maldonado has beencommanded to deliver to me, in conformity with the said royal decreeissued from the royal council of the treasury, for the despatch ofthe said religious, there may be delivered and paid to me the amountwhich, in conformity with the said report sent by your Lordship tothe said royal council, shall be necessary and sufficient for thedespatch and maintenance of the said ten religious whom, as I havesaid, his Majesty by his said royal decree commands me to conduct tothe said islands in addition to the said thirty religious--for whomonly your Lordship has given commands that allowance shall be made tome. Thus your Lordship will do service to our Lord, and will fulfilhis Majesty's directions. For this, etc. _Fray Diego Duarte_ The aforesaid members of the Council, having considered this petition, give as their decision that a warrant has been delivered for theamount for which he possesses the necessary papers; and that as forthe rest for which the said Fray Diego Duarte offers his prayer, heshall receive the papers needed; and they, accordingly direct thata warrant shall issue in conformity with the ordinance of the treasury. Before me. _Adriano de Siguença_, notary. Your Lordship: Fray Diego Duarte of the Order of St. Dominic declaresthat in accordance with the commands received from your Highnessdirecting him to seek religious of his order in order to conductthem to his province in the Philippinas Islands, he has exertedhimself to do so, and will take the number of forty. He offers hispetition to your Highness that you will be pleased to command that heshall accordingly be given what is necessary in order that they maygo aboard and also what they need to convey them to Sevilla, since[his Majesty] by Don Francisco de Tejada, of his council, gave hisroyal word to provide him with it. [Without date or signature. ] [_Endorsed_: "Let him receive the two hundred ducados which weredecreed to be given. January 11, 1605. " "Let father Fray Diego Duartereceive what is needed for himself and thirty religious; and, ifhe conducts more, for as many as forty, in accordance with the newestimate and report; and let him receive in addition two hundredducados beside the two hundred which were given him for the livingand conveyance of the said religious on their way to Sevilla. Decreedin full council; Valladolid, January 19, 1605. "] _List of the Religious who go to the Province of the Holy Rosary inthe Philippinas with father Fray Diego Aduarte during the presentyear, 1605_ _From San Esteban at Salamanca_ Father Fray Diego del Aguila, son of the same convent and at thepresent time preacher in it, a native of Escalona; aged forty-eightyears, thirty-two years in the order. Father Fray Marcos de los Huertos, son of the same convent, a nativeof Astudillo; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; hisstudies completed. Father Fray Pedro de Armeiun, son of the same convent, a native ofCalahorra; aged twenty-eight years, nine years in the order; hisstudies completed. Father Joan de Vera, a son of the same convent, a native of Berlanga;aged twenty-six years, seven years in the order; his studies completed. Father Fray Martin de la Anunciación, a son of the same convent, a native of Aldea Nueva de la Vera; aged twenty-nine years, sevenyears in the order; in the third year of theology. Father Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, a son of the same convent, a native of Fuente de Cantos; aged twenty-eight years, seven yearsin the order; in the third year of theology. Father Fray Matheo de la Villa, a son of the same convent, a nativeof Asturias; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order; hisstudies completed. Father Fray Diego Gomez, a son of the same convent, a native of thedistrict of Avila; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order;in the second year of theology. Father Fray Lorenzo de Ponis, a son of the same convent, a native ofthe district of Burgos; aged twenty-seven years, three years in theorder; his studies completed, since before he assumed the habit hewas far advanced in them. Brother Fray Gaspar de Casa-Blanca, deacon, a son of the convent ofNuestra Señora at Peña de Francia, a native of the town of Fresneda;aged twenty-three years, six years in the order; in the first yearof theology. Brother Fray Antonio de Salazar, sub-deacon, a native of Salamancaand a son of the convent there; aged twenty-two years, six years inthe order; in the first year of theology. Brother Fray Roque Benito, a son of the convent of San Pedro Martirat Calataiud; aged twenty-one years, seven years in the order; inthe second year of theology; a native of Ateca in Aragón. Brother Fray Antonio Vazquez, lay brother of the same convent, anative of Vittoria; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the order. Brother Fray Joan Zilarte, lay brother of the same convent, a nativeof Aldea Nueva de la Vera; aged thirty-two years, eight years inthe order. _From San Yldefonso at Toro_ Father Fray Lorenzo Campo, a son of the convent of Santo Domingo atOcaña, a native of Corral de Almaguer; aged twenty-six years, sevenin the order; in the second year of theology. Brother Fray Diego Lopez, deacon, native and son of Plasencia;aged twenty-two years, six years in the order; in the second yearof theology. _From Santo Thomás el Real at Avila_ Father Fray Francisco del Barrio, native and son of Victoria; agedtwenty-six years, eight years in the order; in the third year oftheology. Father Fray Gabriel Perez, native and son of Ocaña; aged twenty-sixyears, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology. _From Sancta Cruz at Segovia_ Father Fray Ambrosio de Huerta, a son of the convent of Santo Domingoat Ocaña; aged twenty years, three years in the order; his studiescompleted. Brother Fray Manuel de Ledesma, a son of the same convent, a nativeof Segobia; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the order; in thesecond year of theology. Brother Fray Gabriel de Zuniga, sub-deacon, a son of the convent ofYepes, a native of Ocaña; aged twenty-two years, seven years in theorder; in the first year of theology. Brother Fray Francisco Rodriguez, a son of the same convent, a nativeof Guadalaxara; aged thirty years, ten years in the order. He is alay brother. _From Sancta Cruz at Carboneras_ Father Fray Jacinto Lopez de San Gerónimo, a son of the same convent, a native of Torrejoncillo de Huete; aged twenty-eight years, elevenyears in the order; his studies completed. Father Fray Joan de Cuebas, a son of the same convent and lectureron the arts therein, a native of Cardenete; aged twenty-five years, nine years in the order. _From San Pedro Martyr at Toledo_ Father Fray Joseph de San Jacinto, a son of the convent of Ocaña, anative of Salvanes; aged twenty-five years, eight years in the order;in the second year of theology. Brother Fray Pedro Gomez, deacon, a son of the convent San Ginésat Talavera, a native of the same place; aged twenty-three years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology. _From San Pablo at Valladolid_ Father Fray Jacinto Orfanel, a son of the convent of Santa Catalinaat Barcelona, a native of the district of Valencia; aged twenty-eightyears, eight years in the order; his studies completed. _From the college of San Gregorio at Valladolid_ Father Fray Pedro Balberde, a native of the district of Córdova, ason of the convent of San Pablo at Cordoba; aged twenty-five years, seven years in the order; his studies completed. _From the college of Santo Thomás at Alcala_ Father Fray Melchor Mançano, a native of Villaseusa de Aro, a sonof the convent of Santo Domingo at Ocaña; aged twenty-six years, nine years in the order; his studies completed. Father Fray Joan de Leiba, a native of La Rioja, a son of the conventof Nuestra Señora at Atocha; aged thirty years, ten years in the order;his studies completed. Father Fray Andres de Velasco, a native of La Rioja, a son of theconvent of San Pablo at Burgos; aged twenty-eight years, ten yearsin the order, his studies completed. Brother Fray Joan Ordima, deacon, son of the convent of San PedroMartyr at Toledo, a native of the same place; aged twenty-four years, eight years in the order; his studies completed. Brother Fray Juan Rodriguez Morcillo, deacon, son of the convent ofLa Madre de Dios at Alcalá, a native of Madridejos; aged twenty-threeyears, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology. _From Santa Maria at Nieva_ Father Fray Domingo del Arco, a native of the district of Guadalaxara, a son of the convent of La Madre de Dios at Alcalá; aged twenty-sixyears, six years in the order. He is not far advanced in his studies, but is very well fitted for this expedition. _From Santiago in Galicia_ Father Fray Garcia Oroz, a native of the district of Pamplona, ason of the convent of Nuestra Señora at Atocha; aged fifty years, thirty years in the order. This father has been in Nueva España. Iask for a dispensation that he may have permission to accompany me, for he will be of great use in this expedition and to that province. _From the convent of La Magdalenaat Alfararin, in the kingdom ofAragón_ Father Fray Domingo Vicente, a son of the convent of Preachers inZaragoza; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; a nativeof the district of Calatayud; his studies completed. _From the convent of San Pedro Martyr at Calatayud_ Brother Fray Jacinto Francin, deacon, a native of Caspe and a son ofthe convent there; aged twenty-three years, five years in the order:in the first year of theology. _From the convent of Corpus Christi at Luchente_ Father Fray Dionisio de Rueda, a son of the same convent; agedthirty-two years, sixteen years in the order; his studies completed. Heis a native of Valencia. In addition, I expect from the kingdoms of Cataluña and Valencia asmany as twelve other religious who, as I certainly know, are verysuitable persons for this mission, but I do not know their names. Ishall not be able to learn these names until the religious reach here, which will be very late. I beg your Highness to be pleased to send mea license, so that I may have authority to take all of them; for, inthe confidence that I should receive that permission, I have searchedthem out and disturbed them in their convents. I swear, on the faithof a religious and a priest, that those whom I have assigned so farare the aforesaid. _Fray Diego Aduarte_ With regard to nearly all of those whose names appear in the list Iam certain that they are religious of approved life and holy zeal, andthat they will be able to do good service to our Lord in the conversionof the kingdoms and countries of the Indians. Many of them I saw onthe road to Sebilla going on foot, to the edification of others, and inthe order of sanctity. In the case of two or three I have found no onewho knew them; but I trust in God and in the excellent zeal and choiceof father Fray Diego Duarte that they will be like the rest. This iswhat I know; and in testimony of its truthfulness I have signed itwith my name. In the convent of San Pablo at Valladolid June 4, 1605. _Fray Garcia Guerra_, Master [9] and Procurator. [_Endorsed_: "Let the documents necessary for the expenses of thesereligious be issued. Valladolid, on the sixth of June, one thousandsix hundred and five. ]" To Diego de Vergara Gaviria, receiver of oaths in this Council:From the sums in your charge received for court fines give and payto Fray Diego de Duarte of the Order of St. Dominic, two hundredducados, amounting to seventy-five thousand maravedis, which it hasbeen commanded to give him in addition to two hundred ducados whichby warrant of this Council, dated August 31 last, in the year 604, we commanded you to pay him. This is on account of the expenseswhich he is obliged to incur in the conveyance and support of thereligious. Take his receipt, with which and with this warrant theaccountants of his Majesty who aid this Council shall receive andcredit you on account the sum which you shall thus pay him. AtValladolid, on the thirty-first of August in the year one thousandsix hundred and four. [10] Signed by the Council. _A true report of the difficulties of conducting religious to thePhilipinas, because of the severe restrictions imposed by the decreesof his Majesty in regard to the matter_. Although taking religious to any part of the Indias is a veryarduous undertaking, it is incomparably more so to convey them tothe Philippinas, since the journey is much longer, and there are moreplaces on the way at which it is necessary to have dealings with royalofficials. Accordingly, this voyage offers difficulties twice as greatas the others. Not only is it necessary to cross two great seas--thoseof the North [Atlantic] and, of the South [Pacific]--besides thedifficult journey across the country of Nueva España from one oceanto the other, but in addition his Majesty obliges us who make thisjourney to pass through so many hands and through so many registriesas are certainly intolerable. If affairs be always conducted thus, it will be truly impossible to make the voyage according to the verysevere regulations laid down by his Majesty, and with the very slightassistance given by his officials to the religious. I do not expatiateupon the great difficulties in obtaining religious, on their own side, as they are the sons of many mothers; and as soon as they begin thejourney they hear a thousand things in regard to the evils of thecountry where they are going. Even if nothing more is said of it thanthat there is neither bread nor wine therein, that is enough to daunta giant. Then those who by their strength of character overcome thesedifficulties at the edge of the water are frightened at the sea, andat the dismal prophecies that are usually current, that the fleetwill be lost on account of sailing very late (as it almost alwaysdoes) from España. Thus many of the religious have not courage toembark; while those who overcome this difficulty and do go aboard, being new to the sea and seeing themselves in so narrow a space asis that of one ship, and being very seasick--indeed, there are manywho during the whole voyage cannot raise their heads--are delightedto find themselves on shore alive. Then having set foot on the landof Nueva España, from which they understand that they are obligedto pass anew through all that they have already suffered, and over amuch larger ocean, they are put to the test by the climate; some die, and others find themselves attacked by a thousand sicknesses. Theyget there no better report about the country to which they aregoing than they had in España--indeed a much worse one, as it isreceived from eye-witnesses, both laymen and friars; and they darenot go on farther. All these difficulties have to be conquered bythe commissary who conducts them, by means of his prudence, of whichhe needs a goodly supply. He is obliged to conduct them with love, for the religious are not of a character to be treated with rigorand violence, especially in a matter contrary to flesh and blood, when they exile themselves to those distant countries, so hot andso sterile, leaving their own land, which perhaps they can neverforget. Hence, if they were to be treated with violence the resultwhich your Majesty desires would not follow, that is, the service ofGod and of your Majesty's self in the conversion of souls. Not onlywould they, if thus treated, destroy more than they would build up, but they would serve only to disquiet those who were there occupied inthe building up of that great church. These difficulties themselves arenot so small; but it is reasonable to add the other and greater ones, such as are those of sending the religious away, and those which arestated in the following paragraphs. _What occurs at Valladolid in despatching this business. _ The firstof the difficulties is in the first steps taken to bring the journeybefore the Council at the court. These steps are many; and anyone whogoes thither without money--and those who come from the Philippinas totreat for this matter generally have no money--will find it necessaryto take a great many more steps, since the officials regard thattime as lost which they spend upon despatching the business of aman who offers them no advantages. Accordingly, it is not possibleto obtain documents from them except by dint of importunate prayers, and these necessarily require much going about; this in the streets ofValladolid in winter is a very arduous task, especially for religious, who cannot leave their convent whenever they please. Still, to avoidthis going from place to place is impossible if the business is to becarried on. After obtaining an order from the Council of the Indias, which one cannot generally get at the first request, it is necessaryto obtain a second order from the Council of the Exchequer with regardto the allowance for the journey, and both of these must be recordedby the accountants of both councils. Although this may be necessaryto give further security to the decrees of his Majesty and to relievethem from any suspicion of forgery, still, as those which are givento religious persons, and for so pious a purpose as this, are freefrom such suspicion, they may well be privileged in some respects andneed not be obliged to pass through so many registries. On accountof the great number of matters which are attended to in Valladolid, documents cannot pass through all the registries without taking muchtime. Accordingly, much trouble is necessarily caused in the hospices[_i. E. _, guest-houses] of the convents where they lodge, and thecommissioner who takes charge of this business is also obliged tosuffer even more inconvenience--finding that for business so much tothe advantage of our lord the king, and requiring so great labor andresponsibility on his own part, and in which there is not a trace ofprofit to himself, it should be necessary to make such exertions atthe very beginning. I confess, for my part, that I would have givenup at this first station on the route if I had not supposed that allthe hindrances to this voyage that I could encounter in the directionof his Majesty would have ended at this point; but later it will beseen how completely deceived I was in this notion. However, it is aswell that all those who concern themselves with this business shouldbe so deceived at the beginning, for if they were not they would giveup this work, pious as it is. _The smallness of the allowance for conducting the religious toSevilla. _ Further, the amount which your Majesty commands to begranted in Valladolid for conveying the religious from their conventsto Sevilla, is insufficient by far for the expense thus incurred. Iconducted the religious who accompanied me to Sevilla in the greatestpoverty, for many of them went on foot, and he who was best equippedrode an ass. Yet I arrived in Sevilla burdened by a debt of more thantwo hundred ducados, merely from the expenditure which I was obligedto make on their account. _In Sevilla. _ In Sevilla, which is the second stopping-place, anothertroop of difficulties are encountered. In general, it is customaryat the House of Trade to make some additions to the decrees of hisMajesty; in order that these be accepted a great number of requirementsmust be fulfilled, the lack of any one of which is sufficient toinvalidate the documents. Usually some one of these is lacking, fromwhich it is easy to understand the embarrassment in which he must bewho has charge of this matter, when he finds himself and his companionsalready in Sevilla without sufficient means for their support. Thishappened to me, and I am certain that I was not the first, and thathe who follows me will not be the last, thus situated. I found myselfin such embarrassment as the result of this that I was almost on thepoint of abandoning the enterprise at that time. _The small allowance for provisions on the voyage. _ Moreover, theamount granted in Sevilla for the entire support of the religiousis far from sufficient for this purpose. If the amount commandedto be granted to them is divided into vestments, bedding, carriageof books, and freight-charges from Sevilla to Sanlucar, the amountallowed for the ship supplies for each person comes to only twenty-twoducados, which is all that they actually had. It is easy to see thatit is impossible to obtain with this, or even approach, all that isnecessary. It is certainly true that for bread and wine alone, I spentalmost all of what the king granted me for supplies on the voyage;and that I had to encroach upon what was granted me for vestments andwhat clothes the friars themselves used for apparel. In addition, I was unable to pay all that we owed in Sevilla to the convent forthe days during which we had remained there; accordingly, when I leftit I was out of favor with the prior and the other brethren of theconvent and yet I reduced to a very limited amount the supplies for thevoyage. This is the statement of facts _in verbo sacerdotis_; for itmay be evident in what straits we were, to anyone who has received asallowance for this purpose no more than that which the king gives, asordinarily those who come from the Philippinas have only that amount. _The requirement that the Council shall approve the religious whoare to go is severe and useless. _ After all this, the requirementof making the voyage under the very severe rule that the Councilshall approve the friars who are to go to the Indias brings the wholeundertaking within obvious risk of failure. If the list of names ofthe religious who are going must be certain and accurate, it cannotbe sent to the Council before they are all assembled in Sevilla;for up to that point it is very uncertain who are to go. Even then itstill remains uncertain, for many come back from Sevilla. The ordinarystate of affairs is that all are gathered there a few days only beforethe departure of the fleet, for, if they go much sooner, there is nomeans for their support; for his Majesty gives commands to providea real and a half daily for every religious, while the contributiondemanded from the convent is three reals a day for each one. Now, if the list of names of the religious cannot be sent to Valladolidearlier, even if it should be approved there at the very moment--andusually business there is despatched quite otherwise--it is necessarythat the approval shall come back from Valladolid immediately, orelse the fleet will have departed, or be on the point of going. In themeantime the religious are in suspense, without knowing whether theyare to make the voyage or no; for in the House of Trade at Sevilla theyeither refuse to give them the grant necessary for their support untilthe approval of the Council arrives, or, if they grant it in advance, they require a bond which the poor commissary does not know where tofind--and which even if he could find it would be unwise for him togive, since he has no means by which to satisfy it in case the Councildecree some other thing than what he expects. If, on the other hand, the House of Trade allows the grant after the appropriation arrives, the time is so short that it is impossible to provide the supplies forthe voyage, except very poorly and in great haste, and at a very highprice, since one must purchase without time for examination. Besidesthis, the religious are greatly hurt to find themselves subjected toan examination at the hands of the Council with regard to their life, their habits, and their family, just as if to permit them to go to theIndias were as much as to appoint them to bishoprics; this has greatlycooled their ardor. If the commissary who conducts them is not a manof great prudence, so that he can gild and smooth over this annoyance, it is certain that not one of them will go farther. Much more is ittrue that, if the rule should become known in the provinces of Castillaand Aragon, whence the religious for these missions usually go, no onewould enter them; for if a man is required to leave his own countryand his relatives and friends, and exile himself to the end of theworld, at the risk of being excluded from the missions by the Councilof the Indias, that would be the same as to put on him an eternal_sanbenito_ [11] in his order. Indeed, who would voluntarily subjecthimself to an interrogation of this sort? May it please God that, even if the bridge be made of silver, they shall be willing to go, all the more for so long and hard a voyage as that to the Philippinas, which in itself involves so many difficulties that only the arm ofGod can overcome them. It would be well to entrust to the commissarywho conveys them this examination into their life and habits, for, if he is a conscientious man, he knows well that he lays a burdenupon his conscience if he conducts ministers who will not unburdenthe conscience of the king; and, if he is not conscientious, theseordinances are ineffective, for, as they are so rigorous, he willevade them with very little trouble and at no expense to himself, for the whole matter must rest upon the honesty with which he iswilling to act. _Registry fees in Sanlucar. _ In Sanlucar is the thirdstopping-place. Here, however well a man may have managed his businessin getting out of Sevilla, there are never lacking hindrances;for whenever religious are registered there for passage they alwaysmeet with some obstacle, if it be nothing more than being asked forfees. These fees are demanded by the clerk of the registry and bythe inspector of the ships, who is usually an official of the Houseof Trade at Sevilla. This demand for a fee for every religious whogoes through is a very base thing. As for me, I was asked for threereals apiece by the clerk. As I thought that the act was an injustice, I went to the accountant and reported the case to him; it seemed evenworse to him, and he told me that he would correct it. He did so bytelling me on the following day that I should give the clerk what heasked for, and a real and a half more for every one; and that, if Idid not do so he would not permit me to go aboard. This is the truth, _in verbo sacerdotis_. It seems to me that since the king does notrequire us to pay fees for our books and clothes, still less oughtwe to be asked to pay fees for our persons. I sent a complaint tothe duke of Medina, who was greatly offended, and condemned the act, so finally they gave me my despatch for almost nothing. _Fees on the Northern Sea. _ At sea there is another registry at thetime of the inspection of the ships, which generally takes place inmid-ocean at some time when the wind is fair, at the pleasure of thecommander of the fleet. In truth, it seems as if it were inventedsolely for the gain which the officials obtain from it. They exacttwelve reals from every passenger; and since the poor are usuallyby that time drained so dry that most of them go on board without asingle real--having spent everything on expenses in port, the king'sfees, and the ingenious exactions of the custom-house officers andexcise-men--they suffer more from this than from everything elsethat they have previously spent. In my case they did me the honor toexcuse me from the fees for the religious, but refused to do so forthe servants whom we brought with us. Finally, however, we broughtthem to the point of agreeing to this because it was plain that weall had come by the order of his Majesty. This affair was the causeof no small embarrassment and resentment for all. _From San Joan de Lua to Mexico. _ In the port of San Joan de Lua [12]in Nueva España is the fourth station on the route. It is not the mostcomfortable one, although it ought to be so, since all arrive theremuch exhausted and worn out by the voyage. There one begins anew todeal with royal officials, to whom money must be given. Thus after wehave passed the ocean the torments begin, which have no mercy uponthose whom the ocean has many times spared. At that port it is verynecessary to have something left over from one's sea-stores, forthe expenses are very great in this country. The vicar must not beniggardly in distributing them, if he has to transact any business;or he must arm himself with patience, which is very necessary. HisMajesty commands that the religious be provided there with what theyneed from his royal treasury for the journey which they must make toMéxico. They allow them only ten days for the journey, and providefood only for that period. The road is eighty leguas in lengthand is very rough, so that it takes a well-mounted horseman with alight load all of ten days to make it. How much more must it takefor people going in company, and with a string of pack animals (asthe religious ordinarily travel), who do not expect to go more thanfive or six leguas a day. Moreover, they are traveling in countries ofvarying climates; one of these being hot and the next cold, they oftenfall ill on the road, and some cannot travel farther. It is no smallachievement for those in health to reach México in twenty days. Thatwhich is allowed them for ten days' journey is not enough, as is verycertain, in this country; how, then, will it suffice for twenty? _In México_. In the City of México, which is the court of NuevaEspaña, is the fifth stopping-place, where all of the difficultieswhich have been experienced at the court of our lord the king and inthe city of Sevilla are renewed; because here one has to deal withroyal officials in order to obtain money, and with the officials ofhis lordship the viceroy regarding the formalities necessary for thesecond embarcation. And both classes of officials make themselvesso much the owners of the poor religious who has need of them that, when they again commence their demands here, he would, even if he hadthe patience of a Job, need all of it because of the many occasionswhich are here offered for his losing it. Although I arrived at Méxicoburdened with the expenses of the journey, and had no food and noplace from which to get it, the royal officials are not obliged topay a single maravedi until all the party have passed through theirregisters. This will be done when they please. They inquire from thereligious where their homes are, and who are their parents--a veryunpleasant thing. One requires great assistance from Heaven in ordernot to resent it bitterly. They put so little confidence in his wordand oath that what they do not see with their own eyes it is not worthwhile to swear to them. It happened, on the day when they registeredme, that I did not have with me three religious, who were lying sickin the city of Los Angeles, which is on the route hither. Although Itold the royal officials of this and swore it _in verbo sacerdotis_, that did not avail to make them give me the subsistence which I wasobliged to send to those sick men. After this, since the stay inMexico is long, lasting for almost a half a year, they asked moneywhenever they paid the tri-yearly allowance, and for every warrantthey charged ten pesos, which comes to eighty [13] pesos. The paymentis made in silver, to exchange which for current money causes a greatdeal of loss. Thus all of these pilferings consume the little whichis given to the religious. I pass over the fact that it is impossibleto collect money due without taking many steps and hearing many rudeanswers and sometimes insulting language. At one time when I wasmaking such claims, one of the Mexican accountants uttered to me, before respectable witnesses, an insult which cut me to the heart, because I felt it as a man; and if he had uttered those words to oneof his slaves, it might have wounded him. _In Acapulco_. At the port of Acapulco is the last stopping-place. Ido not even know what happens there, for at the time of writing thisreport we have not arrived there; but I have sufficient evidencethat it must be the most burdensome of all. It is about three monthssince I have had three religious there, being obliged to send themin advance that they might prepare there what is needed for thevoyage. One of them with my power of attorney requested the royalofficials there to grant them a house, as is usual and customary, that they might collect there the ship-stores which are on the wayfrom Mexico, and might lodge the friars there when about to make thejourney. They presented for this purpose your Majesty's decree whichI possess, and the officials replied that they would not grant themthe house without a command from the viceroy. I sent this to them, and they made I know not what additions, and so have sent it backto me. During the two months and more that have been occupied withthese demands and answers, the poor friars have slept on the ground, without having anyone to take them into his house--except that, beingtaken ill, they were received in the hospital. It is with all thesehardships and difficulties that this voyage, so much to the serviceof God and of his Majesty, is taken, besides those experienced inthe voyage itself, which are enough to make the beard of the bravesttremble. His Majesty requires, in spite of all this, that all of thereligious who go from España to Philippinas must proceed thither, without permission being granted for any to remain in Nueva Spaña;but there is no means less suitable to gain that end than obligingthem to pass through so many difficulties. They come out of themso much grieved and humiliated that their courage and good will inserving his Majesty has come to an end. To transport them by forcemost certainly is no profit to his royal service, much less to theservice of God. It does no good to the cause of religion, as I saidin the beginning. Besides this, if your Majesty is pleased that wereligious shall pass through so many registries without having ourword or oath believed in them, because of the fraud that might existin the amounts allowed to us from his royal treasury--if we are notto be trusted in this matter, much less shall be so in regard to therelief of his conscience, for which he sends us to those regions. Henceit seems that sending us might be dispensed with; the more since hisMajesty entrusts this matter to his royal officials to whose directionand command he subjects us religious. They, perhaps supposing that byshowing themselves rigorous in a matter of such piety they are likelyto be regarded as zealous for the protection of the royal treasury inall other matters, draw the string until it breaks. But it is evidentthat there are royal officials in the Indias who maintain princelyhouses, perhaps without having inherited means for this from theirparents. With regard to them it is plainly known that they serve theking solely for their own advantage; yet his Majesty trusts more tothem than to disinterested religious who ask for nothing but theirfood and lodging on the road. If this costs much, it is because thejourney is so tedious. Although at this point it might be said thatthe accounts of the royal officials have to be audited in due time, and that therefore they are more to be trusted, I, who have seenmuch of the world and know what happens in it, know also what is thefact in this matter. It is, that he who goes out of office richestat the time of the residencia goes out the best justified; hence, for fear of that, he never fails to make his profit. I do not meanto say that there should be no order or system in regard to thegrant allowed by his Majesty to the religious for these missions;but I mean that his Majesty should command his officials to believethem at least on their oath, and that when they are obliged to givetheir oath they should not be annoyed as they have been hitherto. The only objection to this is the irregularities of the fatherscommissaries who have taken religious to the Indias. These, it issaid, have obliged his Majesty to impose such restrictions in thismatter, and as a safeguard against irregularities which may occur infuture--because there have been commissaries who have taken fewerreligious than the king provided for, thus defrauding his royaltreasury by spending on a few that which was allowed for many. Tothis I reply, first, that there is no fraud upon the royal treasury, inasmuch as the allowance made by it for four is insufficient forthe support of three, as appears from the previous statements of whathappened to me in Sevilla. Hence there is not in this the evil designwhich seems to exist. The second point is that, as a result of theseoppressive orders, the condition of things is sure to be much worse, since many mare friars are certain to remain in Sevilla and NuevaSpaña, even after they have received money from the royal treasuryfor their ship-stores. After this has once been paid none of it canever be restored to the treasury, even if a great excess were left;since whatever would be restored to the treasury, of all this which hasbeen obtained from it with so many documents and precautions, would notgo to it but to its officials. This would be the more true inasmuch asthey, however justified they might be, would be unwilling to accept thethings in kind, for fear of being obliged to give an account of themafterwards. This might subject them to great danger of loss. Aboveall, if the commissary were to reveal this matter to the officials, they would put an embargo on the whole affair, and he would undergo therisk of being unable to undertake the voyage. This happened to me once, for, being very fond of following truth and honesty, I told the royalofficials of this City of Mexico that two religious of my company hadreceived my permission to remain here, as that was expedient for theservice of God and of his Majesty, and declared that I did not requireliving expenses and ship-stores for them. The officials, in place oftrusting me at seeing that I proceeded without fraud or falsehood, cut off the provisions for all of my company, refusing for more thantwenty days to give me what his Majesty commanded to be allowed forthe support of the religious. Thus I was almost on the point of beingunable to make the journey; for I used up on their living in Méxicoall of the ship-stores which I had provided for the sea. Accordingly, in their desire to prevent two from remaining here, they incurred therisk that all of us might be compelled to remain. I stated this to theroyal officials and the viceroy in a petition, and gained nothing byit. This is the kind of inconveniences which follow from practicinghonesty with regard to the decrees of his Majesty. As for the aforesaid, I, Fray Diego Aduarte, vicar of the religiousof Saint Dominic who are going to the Philippinas, swear _in verbosacerdotis_ that it is true, and I sign it with my name. At Mexico, January 20, 1605. _Fray Diego Aduarte_ [_Endorsed_: "February 12, 1607, referred to Señor Don Francisco deTejada to examine the papers and report thereon to the council. " "February 16, 1607, examined; the decrees, within. "] [_Endorsed_: "Let the House of Trade state why dues are collectedfrom every religious who goes on his Majesty's account to the Indias, and let it give an account of the amount charged for registration;and in the meantime, and until further orders, let it take no fees, and issue a decree that the officers shall not levy these dues. "Let the approval of the religious conducted by father Fray Gravielde San Antonio to the Filipinas be entrusted to Señor Don Franciscode Vaste; and on the credit of this alone let the House of Trade, for this one time, furnish him with provision for the friars' supportduring the voyage. "Write to the viceroy of Nueva España to direct the royal officialsand all other officers to despatch with promptitude and treat withkindness the religious who go to the Filipinas by command of hisMajesty and at his Majesty's expense; and let them take no fees forthe despatch of their persons and their books, or for the warrantsfor collection of the expenses which they incur on the journey. "In regard to everything else contained in this petition and reportfrom father Fray Diego Aduarte, let that be decreed which is fittingto the service of God and his Majesty. "] (Most Powerful Sire: I, Fray Gabriel de San Antonio [14], vicar of thereligious who by order of your Highness are to go this year to thePhilippinas, declare that father Fray Diego Aduarte, who conductedthe religious who last went to the said islands, found, in spiteof the liberal grant made by your Majesty to him, some difficultieswhich greatly hindered his voyage, as appears from his report herewithenclosed. Of all these difficulties the gravest are three. The firstis, that the officials of the House of Trade at Sevilla are unwillingto pay to the commissioner or vicar who conducts the religious themoney which your Highness commands to be given for their voyage, unlesshe first gives good and sufficient bonds that he will return the moneyin case the religious do not embark; the second is, that the conventof San Pablo at Sevilla and that of Santo Domingo at Sanlucar, wherethe religious are entertained, demand from them three reals a day, although your Highness grants only a real and a half; the third is, that the registry clerks are unwilling to record the grants to thereligious unless they receive three reals for each person. As a result, since that which your Highness grants for the voyage is but little, they put so much difficulty in the way that the religious are unableto go on, and the commissary or vicar who conducts them is prevented, to that extent, from fulfilling his obligations and the service ofyour Highness. He prays your Highness, in view of the service which he has done foryour Highness in the Philippinas, in Eastern Indias, and in sendingout the religious whom he, father Fray Diego Aduarte, conducted, and in that which he is now about to undertake in his own person, and considering how small is the allowance granted to the religiousfor their voyage, that your Majesty will be pleased to make anallowance for additional expense for himself and for the religiouswhom he conducts with him; and he prays your Majesty that, in orderto relieve the difficulties referred to, you will decree that whichis most suitable to your royal service and to the prompt despatch ofthe religious. _Fray Gabriel de San Antonio_) The Dutch Factory at Tidore _Testimony of a Dutchman named Juan who was taken in the factoryat Tidore_ In the port of Tidore, on the sixteenth day of the month of March, in the year one thousand six hundred and six, the captain andsargento-mayor Christoval Asqueta Minchaca of the regiment of themaster-of-camp Joan de Esquibel, the royal commander of this fleet, declares that the said master-of-camp, Joan de Esquibel, sent to himin his ship a foreigner, whom he found with others in the factory[15] at Tidore, that he might undergo examination. The following interrogatory was put to this man: "What are the names ofthis declarant and his companions? In what vessels did they come? Howmany are there in Maluco and in these Eastern Yndias? In what regionshave they been, each of them, and how long in each region, and in whatvessels did they come? To whom do these vessels belong? who equippedthem? on whose account did they make their voyage? and for whom is thisfactory conducted? Are this factory and that of Terrenate all one, belonging to the same owners? With what permission did they come tothese regions?" He said that he was named Joan and was a native of Amberes, aChristian, and had been baptized in the said city. Of his companions, the factor, named Jacome Joan, is a Dutchman, a native of the cityof Absterdaem; the second is named Pitri, a native of Yncussa inthe islands of Olanda; a third is named Costre, by his last name, and this declarant does not know his first name. He is a nativeof Campem, of the states of Olanda. This declarant came to theseregions in the ship of the [Dutch] vice-commander, which voyaged incompany with the other four; and they seized Ambueno and this fortof Tidore. It is eight months since they left him on this island, and two months before they had anchored in the said port, the saidfive ships had halted for supplies in Java, where they remainedfifteen days. Jacome Joan, who is at present factor of this islandof Tidore, has spent five years in Terrenate. The declarant does notknow from what place he came. The merchants of Jelanda of the city ofMillburg--named Joan Comne, another Burriel, and another Muniq, nativesof Amberes--are known to this declarant, and have other associatesin Olanda in the city of Ambstradama, in Cuyssem and in Horrem. [16]All of these together have a common purse, and it is all one amount;it is they who have equipped these vessels for this expedition. Thenames of the citizens of these cities of Olanda and Gelanda are knownto one of the associates of this declarant, the one named Costre. Thefactories of Tidore and of Terrenate are all one, owned by the samepersons. In Ambueno, in Java, in Banda, in Sunda, in Pajani, in Achi, on the coast of Vengala, [17] and in some regions the names of whichare not known to this declarant the said merchants have factories, under such an arrangement that the whole affair is all one thing, owned by the same proprietors. Of these fleets none set sail exceptby permission of the prince of Oranje, to whom is given the partwhich pertains to him as lord. And this is his answer. He was asked, "What ship is the one which was met by this fleet? whencecomes it? what arms and artillery, powder and provisions does itcarry? whence are they obtained and provided? and where have theytheir factory?" He answered that the ship about which the inquiryis made is one of the five which came with this witness when theyseized the said forts of Ambueno and Tidore. The captain was a certainGertiolfos, a native of Olanda. He set sail from Yncussen with moneyand provisions for only two years. He has been cruising about theseislands for ten months, and in the opinion of this declarant the saidship carries at present forty seamen, more or less; while the exactnumber of the forces in the said ship will be stated by Costre andPitri, since they came as seamen in her. This declarant does not knowthat they carry more arms than are needed to arm all the men on boardher. Their weapons are muskets, arquebuses, and half-pikes. When thisdeclarant went aboard the ship, it seemed to him she had twenty-nineor thirty pieces of artillery. As for her provisions they get them inplaces where they have factories. He does not know how much gunpowderthey carry, except that they came out from Olanda and Jelanda providedwith it. He was asked what treaties they had with the king of Tidore and theking of Terrenate, and what oaths the king of Tidore had made to them;he replied that the treaty which they had made is of the followingnature: The king of Tidore at the time when they took this forttold the commander of the fleet, who was called Cornieles Bastian, that they should leave here forces and that he would build a fortwhere these might be kept, so that if Portuguese or Castilians camethey might be able to defend the country; while he would assure themthat the country should be for the Dutch. The commander answered thathe had not a sufficient force to be able to leave any to defend thecountry; and the said king asked him to leave three or four Dutchmen, that they might carry on their trade and barter. When the commanderasked with what security he could leave them, and what the other woulddo, the said king then caused the books of his Mahometan religion tobe brought; and, laying his hands upon them, made an oath after hiscustom that he would protect, favor, and defend the Dutch as if theywere his own sons. In the same manner he swore that he would sellcloves to no people except to the Dutch, unless extreme need of foodshould force him to sell them to some other people, in which case hewould not sell them except to Java. In this manner was carried out thatwhich is contained in this interrogatory. Being asked if the kings ofTidore and Terrenate were at peace, and how and under what conditions, for how long a time, and who intervened in forming the peace--heanswered that it is a matter of public knowledge in this region thatthey have not made peace or amity, but that both kings are at war. When asked what goods they have in the factory on this island ofTidore, what amount of cloves is due to them, who they are who owe theDutch, and how many the king owes--he answered that the goods whichthey have in the factory are bales of cloth--such as fine muslinsand linens, gauzes [_word illegible_] and iron. This declarant knowsthat the king of Tidore owes the factory a great amount of cloves, and that some of the people of Tidore likewise owe some. He refers tothe accounts of the factor. Being asked who or which of them keepsthe book of accounts and reckoning of the factory, that he mightexhibit it, he answered that the factor, named Jacone Joan, had it, and he referred to him. Being asked with what intention they remained in these islands, whenthey expected to leave them, and whether they intended to maintaina permanent trade there--he responded that this declarant and hiscompanions remained in order that commerce with the people of Tidoreand Terrenate might be opened, and that they were waiting for shipsfrom Olanda in which a commanding officer and troops would come toremain as colonists and inhabitants, like the Portuguese, and tocarry on commerce with the islands from Olanda and Jelanda. And thisis his answer. Being asked what offer they had made to the kings of Terrenate andTidore as to aiding and assisting them against the Spaniards: heanswered that the king of Tidore had agreed with the commander that ifthe Spaniards came with such a fleet that he would be unable to resistthem he would be obliged to yield the country; and by consequence, if the Dutch had a force sufficient to take it from the Spaniards orPortuguese, he was not sufficiently powerful to defend the countryagainst them. He knew that the commander had written to Java thatsix vessels which he had been informed were to go to Java should comehere; after this had been done, the said commander went back to Patan, but the ships had not come. This declarant does not know that morevessels have arrived or set out than the five of which he has spoken. Being asked if they expect any ships, how many there are, when theyare to come, how many came out in a fleet from Olanda, and at whattime they set sail--this declarant replied that he was certain, now that the commerce here had been begun and this fort established, that vessels would come. He does not know the number, but the saidfactor will have an account thereof. When this man who is making hisconfession set sail, there set out from Olanda and Jelanda twelveships. They were divided after the following manner: Two of themseparated from the others at the Cape of Buena Esperanza [_i. E. _, GoodHope], at the island of Sant Lorenço, and two others at Masanvique[_i. E. _, Mozambique]; three remained in Ambueno, to go to Banda tobe laden with pepper; and the five others came to these islands. Itmay be two years since they left Olanda and Jelanda. This declarantdoes not know what course they followed, more than as a common sailorwho went on board to get his livelihood. Being asked of what he knows of affairs in Terrenate, and of thestate in which they are, and of the fort and defenses there--heanswered that the artillery was not inside the fort, but in a houseintended for the sole purpose of protecting the artillery againstthe water. The height of the wall is four estados, as he thinks. Thisdeclarant thinks that the city where the fort is contains as many astwo thousand men of war, armed with arquebuses, muskets, campilans, cuirasses, and helmets. This is his answer and it is the truth, underthe penalty imposed upon him who testifies falsely; and he has signedthis with his name. [Signature is lacking] The Sangley Insurrection of 1603 _True relation of the Sangley insurrection in the Filipinas, andthe miraculous punishment of their rebellion; and other events ofthe islands: written to these kingdoms by a soldier who is in thoseislands, and abridged by Miguel Rodriguez Maldonado. _ [18] [_Marginal note at beginning of MS. _: "Chinese Sangleys who remained inthis island to enjoy the liberty of the gospel, many of whom afterwardfailed in their duty. "] On September 26 of the former year 603, it was reported in this cityof Manila that a negress had declared that on St. Francis's day therewould be a great fire and much bloodshed. Investigations were made inregard to her statement, and the time passed until Friday, October3, of the said year, the eve of St. Francis. In the afternoon, DonLuys de las Marinas sent to Governor Don Pedro de Acuña to ask forthirty soldiers, as he perceived that the Sangleys living in Tondoand Minondo, where he usually lived, were in rebellion. He had learnedthat a band numbering three hundred had assembled, mostly gardeners;and, although he wished to reconnoiter them, he did not dare to, because of the few men that he had. The messenger reached Don Pedro deAcuña, and a little later came a Christian Sangley, one Baristilla, then governor of the Sangleys, both Christian and pagan. He craftilyinformed Don Pedro de Acuña of the news, and was heartily thanked, as the matter was not understood. The Spaniards immediately called acouncil of war, where it was resolved to send the help asked by DonLuys de las Marinas. That same day the reënforcement left, and all thecompanies were assembled with the utmost silence, in the guard-room, and were given their orders. Some of the inhabitants were orderedto be on their guard, and to sound the alarm if they perceived anyextraordinary excitement. Accordingly, it happened that the alarmwas sounded very suddenly, between one and two o'clock that night;they had been obliged to give it because of a fire that they sawnear the city. There was a great commotion, as there were so fewinhabitants in the country. Every man hastened to his banner, andall went to the guard-room, where they were ordered to take theirstations. Having manned the walls, and keeping on the alert, it wasdiscovered that the fire was in certain summer-houses, where CaptainEstevan de Marquina was living with his children and wife. A troopof four thousand Sangleys went to this house, and killed him and hiswife, four children, and twenty slaves, with great cruelty, althoughhe defended himself as a good soldier and Spaniard. He had confessedthat afternoon, for it was the jubilee of St. Francis. Only one littlegirl, his daughter, escaped from his house, whom a slave carriedout in his arms, although she was badly wounded and burned. Havinginflicted this damage, the Sangleys invested another house near by, where the archdean, Francisco Gomez de Arellano, was living, as wellas the father-commissary of the Holy Office, and Father Fernandode los Reyes. The Sangleys were very determined to kill those men, but they, hearing the noise, fired two loaded arquebuses. Whenthe enemy perceived that they were firing arquebuses, imaginingthat they had many of them, they passed by, and at one-half leguareached a village called Quiapo. There they set a large fire, andthen immediately extinguished it. Half an hour later they built alarger fire, which lasted a longer time. This was a signal for theSangleys in the Parian to assault the city, and take it. Althoughthe Sangleys of the Parian saw the fire, they did not then dare toattack the city; for they were divided into factions, as the wealthymerchants did not wish to risk their property. But as those who hadlittle to lose were in the great majority, they forced them to attack, and calling to the mob, they assailed the city. [19] It is said thatthey saw over the gate opposite the Parian (which they were aboutto attack) a crucified Christ dripping blood, and at His feet theseraphic father, St. Francis, with face uplifted toward Him. On thisaccount they became so faint-hearted that they were forced to retire, without being observed from the city, as it was night. Those inQuiapo set fire to it and burned it. They killed some natives, whosemoans and cries were heard on the city walls. At this juncture daydawned, and it was seen that the enemy were marching to their camp, in order to fortify themselves in a chapel called San Francisco delMonte, two leguas from the city. There they established themselves, and fortified a stronghold built of stakes filled in well with earth, to a man's height, and furnished with two ditches of fresh water. Itseemed suitable for twenty thousand men, and had very skilfullylaid-out streets. This means that more than two hundred Sangleyswere building it for more than a month, but with so great quietnessthat it was never known; for it was a district little frequented bySpaniards, as it was swampy. The men began to gather there again, sothat at noon on Saturday, the fourth of October, the enemy had morethan ten thousand men in camp. On that day the Christian Sangleysof Tondo and Minondo rose. When Don Luys de las Marinas saw this, and the help that he was awaiting having arrived, he attacked themwith great spirit and killed many of them. But as he perceived thathis men were about to be attacked by a great number of people, herequested the governor to send him a second reënforcement quickly. Thegovernor hesitating as to whom to send, Captain Don Tomas Bravo deAcuña, his nephew, begged to be assigned to this task, and to take hiscompany, numbering seventy good soldiers--musketeers and arquebusiers, a picked body of men. Besides this almost all the soldiers of thecountry offered to go with him, as it was an expedition of so greatjustice and honor. The governor was urgent in ordering that no othersthan Don Tomas and his company should go. But he could not help it, and accordingly the following persons went on the expedition. [Here follows a list of the principal officers who accompanied thegovernor's nephew. They contained such names as Captain Juan de laIsla, Captain Villafaña, Captain Cebrian de Madrid, and Pedro deBenavides, besides a number of citizens who are unnamed. ] They came in sight of the enemy on this day, Saturday, and havingjoined Don Luys de las Marinas in Tondo and General Juan de Alcega, they attacked the enemy. The latter were in three squadrons, of fortycompanies of one hundred and eighty men apiece; and most of themwere ambushed with their colonel. Our men were not dismayed one whitby this; on the contrary, they were animated by their justice in thematter and by Spanish spirit. They made so furious an attack that theyforced the enemy to retire very quickly. Eager for victory, our menwent pressing on after them, so that, when they saw the trickery of theenemy's retreat and wished to do the same, they were unable to--on theone hand, because they had entered a swamp, and were up to their kneesin the bog; and on the other, because the enemy had surrounded them, and they were unable to use their arquebuses and other weapons. Thusthey were all killed with clubs and cutlasses, and only four escaped, who had retreated when they saw the multitude of the enemy. This eventwas indeed one of lamentation and grief, and news of it immediatelyspread all over the country, whereat great grief was felt. However, thetruth was not known with certainty for a week, in accordance with thegovernor's command, in order not to cause so great pain suddenly. Theenemy sought shelter in their camp, whither they took the heads ofour men strung on some bejucos. The three principal ones--namely, those of good Don Luis de las Marinas, General Juan de Alcega, andCaptain Don Tomas--were placed above the gates of their camp, andthey made great merriment, while waiting the night. Then they tookthe heads of the others, and carried them to the Parian, oppositethe city. There many revolted with them, but more than one thousandeight hundred Sangleys remained in the Parian--mostly merchants andmechanics--who cautiously wished to be on their guard, in order that, if those of their nation should gain the land, they might join these;but if the Spaniards should obtain the victory, they would say thatthey were guiltless in the insurrection. On Sunday, and until noon ofthe following Monday, the governor, accompanied by all the Audiencia, visited the Parian, where he gave what orders seemed advisable. TheSangley merchants told them that they were friendly to the Castilians, and that his Lordship should decide what he would command to be donewith them. The governor answered to this that they should place theirproperty within the city, and that a location would be assigned themwhere they would be safe under their guards. The Sangleys did notwish to accede to this, but placed a great amount of property in thecity. The governor, seeing that they did not wish to enter, orderedeach one to be given a certificate granting him life; and had themtold that he who did not have one of these would be regarded as onewho had come from the enemy's camp. After this resolution the governorand Audiencia left the Parian on Monday at noon. On the morning ofthat day, some Spaniards and four hundred Japanese had left the city, at the governor's orders, to attack the enemy. They did so and killedmore than fifteen hundred men, and burned all their food. This obligedthem to break camp and to return toward the city, marching in threesquadrons, numbering fifteen hundred men. Every moment they werejoined by bands of two hundred and three hundred. They assembled in atown called Dilao, situated about three musket-shots from the city, at twelve o'clock in the morning. They united all their forces, andcarried on operations from a very strong large stone house, whichwas the chapel of Nuestra Señora de Candelaría. Two days before, herimage had been carried into the city in most solemn procession. Onthat day it rained heavily, and as those in the houses were fearfullest the enemy would set fire to their dwellings, they had removedthe nipa [20] with which they were covered. In the houses built ofstone and tile there was not standing-room, as all or most of thepeople gathered there, both women and children, and those incapableof bearing arms. All was confusion and lamentation, because of this, and since more than sixteen hundred Sangleys were in sight of thecity. Most of the people distributed themselves along that part ofthe wall; and in the cavaliers and ravelins were mounted pieces ofartillery. Until now no resolution had been taken whether to putto the sword those Sangleys who remained in the Parián, or to setthe Parián afire, or to let the people benefit from the sack of it, which was worth more than eighty thousand pesos. However there was noopportunity for this, as the enemy's camp was so near, that now thoseSangleys in the chapel were communicating with and going to those inthe Parián, and those in the Parian to the chapel. Consequently itwas resolved to burn it. This was done with great haste, for Divinejustice was apparently showing that such sins as were committed therewere deserving of such a penalty. When the Sangleys who had remainedin the Parián perceived that it was burning, they packed up as much oftheir possessions as possible and went to the other side of the river, where stood the residences of the wealthy merchants. That afternoon acouncil of war was held in the enemy's camp. They determined to sendlate that night Sangleys in pairs to the walls, to ascertain whether wehad any artillery, and whether all the people manning the walls wereSpaniards; for they thought that this was not possible, unless we hadbrought the images of the saints which were in the church. They didnot think wrong, either way, for they were a thousand holy religious, who had laid aside their holy habits for such an occasion, and theywere encouraging all with holy words and valorous deeds, and now withmusket, now with arquebus, pike, or spear, and sword and buckler, were standing as sentries and helping on the walls day and night. Theenemy began to make grimaces and gestures within musket-range, makingobeisances, and doing other things worthy of their shamelessness. Inreply, they remained there as if born there, so that of the manySangleys who came, it was found that only one escaped, and that allwere killed with the balls fired at them from the walls; for both dayand night, no one took his eyes from the enemy, who went retreatingto the river in the midst of his camp, for the other side of it wasdefended by a wall, and that precaution was not a bad one, if it hadavailed anything. Thursday morning, on the seventh or the said month, the governor and council of war determined to attack the enemy. Betweeneight and nine o'clock, one hundred and fifty Spanish arquebusiers andfive hundred Japanese left the city, under command of Sargento-mayorGallinato, who was accompanied by other captains. Attacking withgreater spirit than concert, the Japanese entered in the vanguard, andthe Spaniards in the rear, and assaulted the Sangleys. They gained thegate of the river, and the chapel, where the camp was situated. Theykilled five hundred men, besides wounding many others. They gainedpossession of the enemy's flags. Then the Sangleys, perceiving thatthe Spaniards were becoming greedy, attacked them on both sides withmore than fourteen hundred men--and so vigorously, that the Spaniardswere compelled to retire, in spite of their disinclination, when theysaw the Japanese retreating as rapidly as possible. Consequentlythey were forced to turn and retreat to the city, and to lose whathad been gained. The enemy with loud cries went to attack in theircourse the gates of the city and the lowest and weakest part of itswall. All the army hastened to that side, to the assistance of thoseon the walls. They kept their matches ready, and, with each pikemanbetween two arquebusiers, Sargento-mayor Gallinato retreated tothe city. As soon as he was in safety, the artillery began to play, and gave the enemy a shower that softened their fury, and compelledthem to halt upon recognizing their danger. Sargento-mayor Gallinato, encouraging his men, attacked anew, issuing with his men by the lowergate, and the city was very joyful on that account. As soon as they hadcleared the country, they halted, in order that the same thing mightnot again happen as before. Had they not been near the city walls, and had not Sargento-mayor Gallinato with only ten soldiers defendedthe bridge with great spirit, they would all have been killed. Afterthis Gallinato sent to the governor asking for orders, for the menwere fatigued and the sun extremely hot, while he was badly used bytwo wounds with stakes that he had received. Such are the weaponsused by the Sangleys; and they first wound with the point like aspear and then draw it through from behind, with so much force thatthey cut a man all to pieces. The governor ordered them to retire, and they did so accordingly. Having informed the governor of what hadhappened, a spark fell into a flask full of powder and burned threepeople. From that another spark fell into a jar full of powder andburned five more soldiers. And had not the sargento-mayor been soagile, it would have injured him. Meanwhile those in the Parian werenot rejoicing when they saw that, the day before, half of the Parianhad been burned. As men determined to conquer or die they came thatnight in two machines that they had made with so great skill that oneside was low and the other high so that they overtopped the walls ofthe city; thus they could with very little trouble throw thirty meninto the city each time when they attacked. Behind these machinescame a great throng of Sangleys, of whom the fury of the artillerykilled a great number. At the same time the artillery broke up themachines. At this juncture reënforcements of one thousand men enteredthe city--Pampanga Indians, comprising arquebusiers and pikemen. Theysallied out with some Spaniards and attacked the enemy. They killedmore than a thousand of them and set fire to the rest of the Parian. Inthe fire three hundred of the most important and richest merchants wereburned. These, in order not to die at the hands of our men, hangedthemselves and burned themselves alive with their belongings. TheJapanese, seeing that the Pampanga Indians were destroying and sackingthe Parian with great fury, gradually joined them. Together theykilled all the Chinese whom they met, and went away, this man with achest, this one with a pair of breeches, [and others with] bags filledwith silks and rich articles. But no Spaniard had any leave to takepart in the sack. However, some who took part in it, at all hazards, profited very much from the enemy. The sack lasted all the afternoonand part of the night. The enemy, upon seeing the Parian burned inevery part, and their goods lost, were discouraged. Having held acouncil that night, they very silently went to a village called SanPablo. They were pursued by Don Luys de Velasco with five hundredSpaniards and one thousand Indians, by order of Governor Don Pedrode Acuña, before they reached San Pablo. The Sangleys killed of ourmen six Spaniards and four Japanese, but it cost them fifteen hundredof their men. So great was their number, and the confusion among allof them, that our men did not hesitate to kill as many of them asthey met on the road and elsewhere. The governor immediately sentword to his Majesty's villages and ordered them not to spare any, but to put to the sword whomsoever they found. Of all the Chinese, except thirty who were taken to the city--and who died Christians, to all appearances, for they asked for the water of holy baptism--noothers are known to have taken the road to salvation, out of morethan twenty thousand who were infidels. The governor having seen thatthey were killing all the Sangleys in the islands, ordered, for justreasons, that none of those coming to the city should be killed. Assoon as this news was given out, about four hundred came. Had theybeen ten thousand, they would have been received, for they wereneeded in the city. They all accused Bautistilla, a Christian, who, asabove stated, was their governor, saying that he was the cause of theinsurrection, and that he had been made king of all the country. Theyalso accused Miguel Onte and Alonso Sagoyo--both Christian Sangleys, and the chiefest men. Having taken their depositions, and through thesufficient proof that was furnished, since all blamed Bautistilla, the latter was condemned to be hanged and quartered, and his headset in the Parian. He was declared a traitor, and his propertyconfiscated for his Majesty. His houses were razed and their sitessown with salt. This sentence proceeded from the royal Audiencia, andwas executed on the eleventh of the month of October. At the foot ofthe scaffold he said that that death was not due him for his conduct, and that he had always been a loyal vassal of his Majesty; and thatGod knew what was in his breast, and the thoughts of his heart. Hedied with the marks of a good Christian. Then on the fifteenth day ofthe said month, the two Christian Sangleys were executed. They werecondemned by the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp. One of them, inorder to save himself, declared that the mandarins had come with thecunning purpose of spying out the land, and that the insurrection hadbeen by their orders. He said that they were coming soon to attackthe city, and that the Spaniards should not neglect to act verycarefully. Accordingly the governor set about taking all necessarymeasures. He and the sargento-mayor worked in a way wonderful tobehold. May God strengthen their hands! Four days later, when the enemyhad fortified themselves quite strongly in San Pablo, Captain Don Luysde Velasco went out at the head of sixty Spaniards. Having reached the_calaco_, he attacked so spiritedly that the Sangleys retreated. Heentered the camp of the enemy in his eagerness, whereupon, utteringloud cries, they returned in a large mob to attack him, so that itcost him his life and those of four soldiers. The others, on seeingtheir captain killed, retreated and went down the mountain. Thisnews reached the city, whereupon Sargento-mayor Ascoeta went Outwith 220 Spanish arquebusiers, 400 Japanese, 2, 000 Pampanga Indians(of whom 1, 500 were arquebusiers and musketeers, and the others werearmed with spears, swords and arrows), 200 Monos, [21] and 300 blacks, who came as friends to take part in this war. After having gone onlyseven leguas, they met the enemy, and having rested four days, theyformed their camp. After having found where the enemy could retreat, and holding them at every point, they attacked the Sangleys, of whomthey killed more than four hundred. Their master-of-camp retreatedto a little elevation near by, after defending himself with greatcourage. Our men rested until morning of the next day, when they wentto give them the "Santiago, " and killed fourteen hundred. Three hundredfled, and hid in the thickets and woods there-about. Our men fortifiedthemselves with the food that the enemy had there. On the morning ofthe following day they went in pursuit of the three hundred who hadhidden and attacked them, and not one of them was left alive. Thisvictory was obtained without the death of more than twelve ChristianIndians. Our camp rested for three days, and on the fourth began tomarch to another village, on the seashore, called Batangas. Therethey found a troop of twenty-five hundred hostile Sangleys with shipsand boats, with the intention of going to their own country. Afterfive days' march our leader sighted the enemy, whereupon he ordereda halt and drew up his men. On the morning of the next day he gavebattle with great fury, and killed one thousand one hundred and twoSangleys. The rest, badly crippled, sought refuge in the mountains inthe interior. The Spaniards did not go in pursuit of them, for theywere very tired after their six hours of fighting, while some werewounded. Consequently Sargento mayor Ascoeta sent an Indian chief, one Don Ventura de Mendoça, with two hundred Pampanga Indians, topursue them. In a few days all the Sangleys were killed. After thisgood result and victory the sargento-mayor retired with his camp, without losing a man outside of twelve Indians and one Japanese, while seventeen Spaniards were wounded. The most dangerously woundedwas the captain of the guard, Martin de Herrera, who was wounded withtwo spear-thrusts through the thighs. He has proved himself a veryhonorable and gallant soldier on all occasions. The sargento-mayorimmediately sent a messenger to the governor, to tell him of thevictory. This was on the twelfth of November, at eleven o'clock onSt. Martin's day. After the arrival of this news another piece of news, of no less importance to this country, was received, namely that theking of Mindanao wishes peace with us. As security he sent his sonand his nephew as hostages, and with them all the Christians captivein his land. He offered to help the governor as a true friend. It is anotable thing that even the animals have tried to show the mortal hatethat ought to be extended toward this canaille. Many thanks have beenand are given to our Lord for all. Hence the most holy sacrament hasbeen exposed for forty days. Every monastery has observed its octavewith great solemnity and processions, accompanied ever by their goodmother [_i. E. _, the Virgin] and the propitious St. Francis, by whosehelp we have obtained the victory on all occasions offered us. Theplans of the Sangleys were as follows. On the day of St. Francis, both workmen and merchants were to enter as usual into the city, some of the merchants with shoes and others with clothes. The barberwas to attend to his duties. Then with four Sangleys in each house, they were to put all the Spaniards to the sword, reserving the Spanishwomen. These they had already distributed, the young girls for theirenjoyment and the old women to serve in the house. For this purposeeach of them was to carry a catan, or sort of cutlass, under theirlong robes. Besides this they had ordered a body of five hundred toassemble, who were to assault the monastery of St. Francis, and leaveno one alive there. Doubtless they would have killed all according tothis plan, if God our Lord had not been pleased, in His divine mercy, to disclose it, the day before. Although there had been some rumors ofthe insurrection nine days before, the Spaniards would never believeit; for the life of the Spaniard is all confidence, and he thinks noone can dare to do such things. The cause of the enemy dividing into somany troops was the factions among them, so that out of the more than22, 00[0] Sangleys in all these islands, not 800 have survived. [22]On the twenty-fourth of October they began to dig the trench aboutthe city wall, at which three hundred men, all Sangleys, worked. Theone thousand Moros were engaged in other works, not only on the fortand in the new retreat, but on the wall and the supplies for it. Theditch is seventy feet wide and two estados deep. As soon as the warbegan, three hundred Sangley Christians who lived in Tondo and Minondoembarked in some small boats with their wives and children, and wentdown the river to the governor, to whom they said that they had nowish to revolt. These were sent away safely, and returned to theirhouses. The Spaniards are living with great caution toward them, forthey are treacherous and cunning in what they do. They exercise theirtrades in this city. Each of them is considered as well employed, inexchange for which they must not commit offenses as in the past, whichwere great and numerous. On the fourteenth of November, Sargento-mayorAscoeta entered this city, marching in good order with his camp, both Spaniards, and the Pampanga Indians and Japanese. They broughtin the banners won from the enemy. They were very well received bythe governor and Audiencia, and by all the city. Don Pedro showereda thousand compliments on all the Pampanga captains for their goodservices. They were much pleased at this, and offered their persons, lives, and possessions to the service of his Majesty. The Japaneseand Pampangas had a share in all the wealth of the booty, and it waslarge, for it consisted mainly of gold, silver, reals, and pearls. I do not mention the stratagems of war, the instructions, and theorders throughout the course of it, in order not to prove wearisome, and, moreover, to leave them for one who can write them in a betterstyle. Only, as an eye-witness, I affirm what I have here told, andthat all in general have behaved themselves very well as honorablesoldiers (especially the leaders), both of the ecclesiastics and ofthe laymen; and that in this, as in other matters, our Lord has shownus a thousand favors. Among the enemy's flags were two that contained characters in theSangley language, which, translated into our Castilian vernacular, read as follows: "The leader and general of the kingdom of España . .. [23] so thatall the Chinese take part together in this affair and obey us bydestroying root and branch these hostile robbers, whom we have againstour will, both Castilians and Japanese. We the Sangleys swear thatafter the conquest of this city we shall share the lands, even tothe very herbs, with equal shares, as brothers. " That which gave thetraitor Bautistilla more courage in undertaking so great a treasonwas a stratagem and subtilty which he employed to know those on hisside. This was to order each Sangley to bring a needle and deliverit into his hand. This they did, and he put the needles in a littlebox. He thus ascertained that twenty-two thousand one hundred andfifty Sangley Indians could gather in Manila on the last of November, the day of St. Andrew, patron of this country. He had determined andordered that the insurrection be made on that day both in this city andin the other districts of these islands. But upon seeing the governorraising the wall and taking other precautions, because of the manyrumors about the mandarins (who had departed to their own country, and which the governor did not believe), the traitor determined tomake the attempt on the day of St. Francis, since our Lord permittedit thus for our welfare. Blessed be He forever! Amen! On the tenth of December, Captain Marcos de la Cueva left this cityas ambassador to the kingdom of China, accompanied by one hundredand forty Spaniards and two friars, in order to inform the eunuchwho is the viceroy at Canton of the above events. Many thoughtthat he ought not to go, for if the matter were learned there, andwar-vessels were to come, then the island would be supplied with mento be able to receive them in the same manner; and if they came forpeace they would be received in peace. In the latter case they wereto be informed of the truth of the matter, to which the Christian lawbinds us, and told that we did not intend to take their possessions, or refuse to pay them what was owing them. Nevertheless, he went, ordered to do the contrary by the Council. May God direct everythingfor His holy service. On the seventeenth of February of 604, the said ambassador, Marcosde la Cueva, put back to port on account of a storm that struck him, which caused his vessel to spring a leak. He was again sent outin another and very good vessel with one hundred and fifty pickedsoldiers, under the leadership of Captain Cueva, a very honorableand brave soldier. He left on Thursday, the twenty-fifth of the saidmonth, in the ship "Santiaguillo, " which was quite well equipped forwhatever should happen--a very necessary thing. He arrived at thetrading-post where there are Portuguese who trade with the Chinese, and delivered his letters to them, in order that they might be givento the eunuch. For the period while he stayed there, no reply wasreceived to the letters, but he was put off with words; whereupon, growing impatient, he returned to Manila, leaving affairs in thatcondition. With the vessels that came from China this year of 605to this city, the eunuch sent three letters--one to the governor, another to the Audiencia, and the third to the archbishop. All weresimilar. The eunuch stated that he had received the letters taken bythe ambassador. The people who had been killed were very properlykilled, as they were an abandoned people. By the information thathe had received from some Sangleys he learned that many Sangleys hadbeen condemned to the galleys. He asked for them in his letters sincethey were still living, asking that they be sent with the propertythat had been taken from them. If not, then he would go there witha war-fleet of one hundred armed ships and conquer their land, andgive the same to others who better merited it. [24] The governor, withthe advice of the others, answered this letter to the effect that herefused to send the Sangleys; and that before the one hundred armedships reached here, he would go to meet them with five hundred, for hewould rejoice to put an end to such canaille, and had enough men to doit. This letter was given to a Sangley, one Juan de San, a prominentman among them, and very wealthy, who had lived many years among us, that he might give it to the eunuch. This man and others who camein this year of 605 brought news that in [the province of] Canton, three hundred leguas in the interior, a river overflowed so that itdrowned two hundred thousand Sangley Indians, and much property waslost. It was also said that earthquakes had occurred, two hundredleguas in the interior, and as far as Canton, which lasted for twomonths. They were so terrific that they shook the very strong palaces, while other houses and mosques were overthrown. This misfortune andplague has been by the permission of heaven. At another part, theJapanese of Great Corria have revolted, and are warring with theseChinese, so that four hundred thousand of them have banded againstthe latter, by which the Chinese are receiving great injury. [25]Thus, by these and other things, the Chinese are being consumed andfinished, although much time is needed for it. May God be mindful ofus, as He is able, and ever give us His protection. [A list of the chief Spanish inhabitants of Manila who were killedduring the Chinese insurrection follows. It contains such well-knownnames as Luyz Perez de las Marinas, Juan de Alcega, Juan de la Peña, Captain Villafaña, Juan de Ybarra, Marcos Diaz, Luys de Vetasco, Estevan de Marquina, Tomas Bravo de Acuña, besides many others, both officers and men, among them a number of friars. [26]] Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III Sire: By the death of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of these islands, who diedon Saturday, June 24, this Audiencia succeeds to their government. Init has been considered a new order which your Majesty commands to befollowed in sending out the merchant ships that are to go from theseislands to Nueva España. Since those which are to go this year arealready laded, and must set sail within three or four days, it has notbeen possible to put your Majesty's commands into execution for thepresent year. Although this city has prayed for this new order and forthe decrees which have been granted in pursuance of it, yet on accountof the many fires which have occurred in this city in recent years, the wars, the forced return of some ships, and the loss of others, by which a great amount of property has been lost, the inhabitants ofthese islands are burdened with heavy afflictions and necessities, which render them unable to pay the new duties imposed by the royalcommand. Although these necessities are well known, the new orderof your Majesty will be followed next year, in spite of the factthat some details involve much difficulty, and that some sectionsmight well be moderated and limited in the form in which each one isstated. This matter is of importance to your Majesty's royal service, and to the welfare of the inhabitants of these islands. In the first section your Majesty commands that only the inhabitantsof these islands and no others may ship the merchandise which is tobe transported to Nueva España, and that the amount invested thereinshall not exceed two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of eight reals, as was previously determined by other orders and decrees; whilethe returns from this shall not exceed, in principal and profit, five hundred thousand pesos. As for this section, it deserves seriousconsideration that after the expenses of sending out a cargo--includingthe fees to be paid here and in Nueva España, which amount to thirtyper cent in all, with the addition which the new decree imposes--it isimpossible to recover from five hundred thousand pesos the principaland the [present] profits on the investment of the said two hundredand fifty thousand pesos which are granted by this permission. Toreach this amount, it is considered necessary that at least threehundred and fifty thousand pesos be spent on the cargo. In additionto the charges referred to, many expenses fall upon the inhabitantsof this city for the maintenance and provision of their houses, and thus are consumed and expended a part of the profits made onthe investments which they make here. If your Majesty were pleasedto permit that the amount of these investments might be at leastthree hundred thousand pesos, wherewith all expenses might be paid, then the permission to bring back five hundred thousand might wellstand. Until it is known what decision will be reached on this point, your Majesty's commands shall be fulfilled. Care will be taken that theinvestment shall not reach three hundred thousand, or pass far beyondtwo hundred and fifty thousand. It should also be considered thatwhen his Majesty, the sovereign of the realm, who is now in heaven, granted this permission, it was at a time when these islands werebeginning to be settled. Then there were no inhabitants who couldinvest so great a sum, while now there are many. They do not send asmuch as they might lade in the vessel; and if this condition of affairscontinues to increase, there is no other means of support than thistrade, nor does the country produce those means. If it shall diminish, the people who come to live in these islands will likewise becomefewer in number. If it should increase somewhat beyond the new grant, so many more people will come to the colony here. This population, however great it is, is all very necessary, in view of the way inwhich this country consumes the whole of it, no matter how many come. The second section provides that four freight ships should be built, each one of two hundred toneladas; and that two of them shall makethe voyage every year, very early, while the other two lie in port, ready for the following year. In this matter your Majesty's willshall be fulfilled, and the first ships that shall be built will beof this tonnage. The third section provides that there shall be only one commanderfor the said two ships, with a lieutenant who shall be second incommand. The intention of this section is to avoid the great expensewhich has previously been incurred in this voyage. The section alsoprovides that each vessel may carry a military captain in additionto the master, with as many as fifty effective and useful soldierson each ship, who shall receive pay. They may also have the necessaryseamen, a certificated pilot, and an adjutant. If this section is tobe fulfilled in this form, then, instead of avoiding many expenses, it will be the means of increasing again many others which are muchgreater. Such will be the result if fifty soldiers sail in each vessel, since because of the requirement that the capacity of the vessels shallbe so small, they cannot carry so great a number of people. The voyageis so long that five to seven months are spent in it, and the seasonsare very severe. Many people die at sea; and it is necessary to carryso many sailors and ship-boys that a great amount of provisions mustbe taken for them and the other men. For this reason the late governorof these islands kept down the number of permissions to go hence toNueva España to a very small number. He granted them so seldom that hedid not allow the tenth part of those who asked for them to go. Yetin spite of all this, the commanders of the vessels were obliged, on account of the great amount of space occupied by the necessaryship stores, to send on shore, before leaving these islands, someof the few passengers who had received official permission. In thedespatch of the ships this very year, our experience is of the samesort. There had returned from the expedition to Maluco many captains, ensigns, and soldiers detained on shipboard, whom it is necessaryto send back again to España. It was found very difficult to putmore than thirty soldiers on a ship of the capacity of four hundredtoneladas, although its cargo amounted to no more than three hundredand fifty. As for this number of fifty soldiers voyaging [in one ship], the regulation cannot be carried into effect. If it were to be done, it could only be at the risk that most of the men on board the shipshould perish, while all would travel in great discomfort. Further, at the time when the ships are sent out, it would be hard to find inthe city two hundred soldiers having the qualifications necessary forthem to be useful in any battle. It would be a serious evil for thisgarrison to be left with so small a number of people. It is consideredas beyond doubt that those who go away from here will not return againto this city; this will also cause others to abandon the idea of cominghere. Hence it seems that on this point it is not desirable to makeany innovation upon that which has hitherto been done, as that wouldbe of little advantage, and cause much expense. When the ships returnto these islands they are of much use in defense if they come wellsupplied with arms and ammunition, with a hundred soldiers in each asreënforcements for the troops in these islands. As for the regulationthat the officials who are to go on these ships are to be appointedhere, and that they shall be chosen from among the most influentialand most honored citizens of these islands and those best qualifiedfor such posts, and that they shall give bonds and that residenciashall be exacted from them, your Majesty's decrees shall be fulfilled. As for the fourth section, it provides that the commanders and secondsin command, and the officers of the said ships, shall have in thevoyage no trade or commerce, either small or large. As regards thecommanders and seconds in command, your Majesty's decrees shall beexecuted; as for the other officers, we refer to the following section. The fifth section deals with the salary paid to the commander, beingfour thousand ducados, while the second in command receives threethousand for each voyage, including the going and the coming. Itseems that this might be reduced, and that it would be sufficient toallow the commander three thousand pesos and the second in command twothousand. As for allowing salaries and regular pay to the captains, soldiers, seamen, and gunners who sail in the said ships with theregulation that they shall have no trade or commerce, it seems, with reference to the pay of the captains and soldiers, that forthe reasons referred to in the third section these expenses mightbe avoided. It would be sufficient to give wages to the gunners andseamen, without prohibiting them to trade; for the amount of theirtrade is very small, and with the permission to take two bales ofcargo granted to each of the seamen and gunners the whole of theirsmall capital would be expended. Under these circumstances, if theship were to be in any peril from storm they would obey commands withgreater zeal and willingness because of their share in the treasure ofthe ship. Without such bait as this, which induces many seamen to cometo these islands, without doing any harm to the residents, it would bedifficult to find anyone willing to come here. If this permission weretaken away, the wages alone would not be sufficient to support the men. The sixth section provides that only so many officers shall beappointed as may be needed, that no one shall go as a gunner who isnot one in fact, and that only one gunner shall go for every piece ofartillery carried on the said vessels. In this matter your Majesty'scommands shall be obeyed. The seventh section provides that an inspector and an accountantshall go on the said ships to take the accounts and inventory ofall the cargo. It directs that they shall keep books, in which theyshall enter the merchandise shipped from these islands and that whichcomes back on the return voyage. It would seem that this expense alsomight be avoided, since this account and inventory are taken by theroyal officials of these islands, and also by the royal officialsof the port of Acapulco. By their account it is possible to knowthe cargo which goes there, and what returns. From here is sent tothe viceroy of Nueva España a statement in which is contained theamount of the merchandise sent in the cargo, and the names of theconsignors, in order that in conformity therewith license may begiven, to the citizens who have shipped the goods, for sending backthe money which their merchandise shall have yielded. In this waythe account and inventory required by your Majesty are obtained, since only the inhabitants of these islands send consignments, andthe proceeds thereof are returned to them and no others. The eighth section provides that the vessels shall be no moreheavily laden than they ought to be, and that room be left in themfor everything that is necessary for the men that sail in them. Thissection also provides that sufficient provisions shall be carried forthis long voyage, so that the men may not perish for lack of food. Thissection also decrees that the vessels shall not be overladen andthus embarrassed and endangered; but that they shall be laden so asto be buoyant, and able to meet dangers from storms and enemies. Itis also provided that in lading the vessels a proper division of thespace should be made. In all these matters your Majesty's will shallbe carried out. The ninth section decrees that the freight charges to be paid oncargoes in the aforesaid vessels, for the voyages both going andcoming, shall be determined and regulated in proportion to theexpenses of the voyage, no more being charged than is necessary tomeet them without any supply being required for this purpose from yourMajesty's treasury. The section provides that for these expenses theduties shall be increased--by two per cent on the goods carried in theships, and another two per cent on the money sent to these islands asproceeds from the shipment. It provides that this fund shall be putin a chest apart, and kept in this city, to meet the expenses of thesaid ships and the men in them. This sum is to be kept together withthe freight charges collected. The contents of this section requirecareful consideration. When the ships return to these islands, theycome laden with the forces intended for this military district andgarrison, and artillery, arms, and ammunition; and with the religious, and the colonists who come to settle in these islands, in additionto other things required for the service of your Majesty. Althoughthey do indeed bring the money for the citizens of this city, theyat the same time bring much required for the reënforcement of themilitary establishments here. If these freights are to be apportionedas your Majesty commands, there will be a large amount which mightfall upon your royal treasury. Hence it seems that, if your Majestyshould be pleased, it would be well for the present not to change thecustom which has hitherto been followed; and that only to assist theexpenditures which your Majesty incurs in sending out these vesselsshould the citizens of these islands be charged two per cent on themerchandise which they ship, and two per cent more for the money sentthem in return. For, although it is said on the other side that theprofits are large, they commonly are not; while the freight, fees, and duties are very great. From these profits there is paid to yourMajesty in this city five per cent, including the new increase, andin Nueva España sixteen per cent; while the expenses of the shipswhich had to put back to port, and the goods lost in those which havebeen wrecked since the year one thousand six hundred, come to morethan a million. It will take many years for the profits to make upfor such a loss. May God keep the Catholic and royal person of yourMajesty. Manila, July 6, 1606. The licentiate _Telles de Almaçan_The licentiate _Andres de Alcarez_The licentiate _Juan Manuel de la Vega_ Letter from the Fiscal to Felipe III Sire: Last year, sixteen hundred and five, during which I began to serveyour Majesty as fiscal of this Audiencia, and as protector of thenatives [27] of these islands by appointment of the Audiencia, I senta statement of everything of importance which within the short time ofmy service I was able to discover. Since that time I have consideredwith care and attention the things of greatest consequence to yourroyal service, and have found that I ought to give your Majesty anaccount and statement of the condition in which I found affairs, and that in which they are at present. I reported to your Majesty the uprising of the Sangleys in the yearsixteen hundred and three, leaving military matters to the officialreports which I knew were sent. I reported to your Majesty that itwas well to consider with care what was necessary to be done for thegood government and protection of this kingdom. Afterward I saw that, just as if the said uprising had not occurred, permission for Sangleysto remain in this city continued to be given. They were allowed tohave habitations, dwellings, and shops--a permission which has causedmuch comment and discussion. The reason is that the Audiencia tookupon itself the administration of this matter, assigning it year byyear in turn to each auditor. With the course of time the permissionhas been extended, not by the will of the auditor alone, but by thedecree and direction of the Audiencia itself. The Audiencia grantedof its own free will and pleasure, without the assent of the cityand its cabildo, permission to the Sangleys to remain. The city andcabildo remonstrated, but the Audiencia granted licenses to as manyas it pleased. In the year sixteen hundred and four, there were 457;and in the year sixteen hundred and five they had increased to 1, 648, as is shown by the official statement which I enclose. From thisit will be seen that during this said year of sixteen hundred andfive there came from China 3, 977, and that 3, 687 returned; so that290 remained here, making with those of the previous year a totalof 747. There actually remained 1, 648; hence it is evident that, besides those who were registered, 901 came here. This has been doneby granting licenses to many to live and make their abode outsideof the city, among the mountains and in other places, where theyeasily receive those who disembark before the vessel has come here, or after the ships have set out on their return voyage. In view of this disadvantage I petitioned the Audiencia that no Sangleymay have permission to be absent at any time, especially when the shipsare arriving or setting out. Although this demand was so just, theydid not take action as I requested; and affairs remain as they werebefore. Inasmuch as the despatch of the vessels is not yet completed, I do not now make a statement of the evil results which I expect tofollow, until I am able to state them with accuracy. All this resultsfrom a failure to observe the ordinance of the Audiencia with regard tothe number which each ship may carry; for, although the number allowedwas limited to two hundred in the largest vessel, one ship of no greatsize has brought about five hundred, so that this year six thousandfive hundred and thirty-three Sangleys have arrived, of which I senda sworn statement. These, added to the almost two thousand of theprevious year who remained, make up a great number. This is withintwo years and a half after so dangerous an uprising, and it promisesmore danger to follow. Therefore, in order to set this matter right, I reported that since this city and commonwealth could not allow anddid not desire the Sangleys to remain, and had remonstrated againstit (although it would be for their service) I therefore demanded, since this was necessary for the safety of the kingdom, that not oneSangley should [be allowed to] remain in these islands. I also askedthat the number of ships to come from China each year and the numberof men to be carried in them might be definitely stated, this numberbeing made as small as possible, and severe penalties being assigned toanyone who should violate the rules. Although the community requestedthat what I asked for might be conceded, and the city confirmed whatit had previously said (of which an account has already been given toyour Majesty), the Audiencia has commanded that this year one thousandfive hundred Sangleys shall remain. I fear that many more will stay, since they are scattered in the provinces, in the rural districts, andamong the surrounding mountains, from which they could be brought outonly with difficulty. The reason for so many Sangleys being broughtin the ships every year is, that the penalties are so light and theexecution of them is so relaxed. As it is to the advantage of theowners of the ships to get large returns from their vessels, theyare not troubled at being obliged to pay the small fine levied onthem by the city. In spite of the fact that the city declares thatit does not wish Sangleys to remain, they have built many shops onthe site of their old residence, named Parián, as will appear fromthe official statement which I send; and in every one of these livethree of four persons, and in some are many. I opposed the buildingof these shops and caused it to cease, because if they were not underrestriction the Parián would become very large. It is now as largeas before the uprising. This evil result follows from the fact thatyour Majesty granted the city the income received from these shops;and many ducados are received for them, as is manifest in the saidofficial statements. To remedy this wrong, it is desirable that yourMajesty command the number of shops to be definitely limited, anddirect that in one shop one man only may live, who shall have someknown occupation and be a Christian. It would be well also to limitthe number of ships which may come and the number of persons that theymay carry, commanding that when the number is full no more shall bereceived into the port, and that no vessel shall be admitted whichcarries more than the appointed number. It would be well to providealso that if the city exceed these limits, in the number and kind ofthe shops, the grant allowed for the same be revoked. When I entered upon the functions of this office, I discovered aserious irregularity in the succession to encomiendas of Indians. YourMajesty commanded that such encomiendas should descend from fatherto son or daughter, and, in default of children, to the wife of theencomendero, definitely stating that the succession should come to anend there. Yet without attracting the attention of anyone, importantas the matter is, the wife has succeeded to her deceased husband, and then after she has married a second time and has then died, thesecond husband has succeeded the wife, and so on _ad infinitum_. Thusit has come about that nearly all the encomiendas are far from theiroriginal assignment, the majority being in the hands of undeservingpersons. The result is that it is a marvel if an encomienda is evervacant; for none has been regarded as vacant unless the possessorhas died without being married or without issue. Since this wrongis universal, and is of great importance--affecting, as it does, thecommon interests of all the islands--I have deemed it proper to adviseyour Majesty of it, in order that you may ordain that which shall bemost to your Majesty's service. This may be carried out by commandsgiven by your Majesty to the governor to declare all encomiendas vacantin which the rule of succession shall have been transgressed. Thensince some of them are in the hands of deserving persons, in spiteof the improper way in which they have been obtained, they may beregranted; while many others will remain unassigned and open forgranting to soldiers who have served, but who remain in povertyand almost in despair of ever receiving a reward. The only rewardin these islands is the encomiendas; and, as they are perpetuatedin the way described, one is never vacated except in very unusualcircumstances--unusual, that is, for this country. Here, for a womanto be of advanced age is not enough to prevent her marriage, so muchis the succession to her encomienda coveted. The reason for failingto institute proceedings against all these people is, that they arein possession; and if proceedings follow the law of Malinas the casescan take no less time than would be consumed if your Majesty were tocommand them to be declared vacant, as I suggest. As for those whichhave been vacated during my term of office, I have begun to put astop to this improper custom, and shall continue to do so until I aminformed of your Majesty's commands. It is desirable that these besent very promptly and clearly, since correction of this evil willbe rendered very difficult if there is any uncertainty. The same illegality occurs in another way: an encomendero dies, andis succeeded by his wife; if she marries and has children, thesehave succeeded her, and even, when they are married, their wivesor husbands succeed them. This is contrary to the statute that thesuccession shall end with the wife of the first encomendero. For allthis your Majesty will make suitable provision. By a section in a letter from your Majesty to Don Pedro de Acuña, late governor of these islands, your Majesty commands that the winefor celebrating mass which was provided to religious in charge of theinstruction of Indians on private encomiendas shall not be given bythe royal exchequer. This decree has caused resentment on the partof those concerned. They instituted legal proceedings against theexecution of the command, claiming that the previous usage shouldprevail, and affirming that the wine is thus furnished in Mexicoand Piru. I presented decrees showing that this is a grant made byyour Majesty to the religious of those provinces for a limited time;and the Audiencia, on appeal, directed your Majesty's commands tobe executed. The encomenderos declare that your Majesty should meetthis expense, and are sending documents on the subject. I give thisinformation in order that your Majesty may be assured that this isentirely an act of bounty on your Majesty's part, and that your Majestyhas many obligations and expenses on these islands, which must be met;and that since your Majesty gives the wine on the royal encomiendas, they can and should provide it on their own. Your Majesty has commanded that no offices or places of profitshall be given to those who hold Indians in encomienda. There aresome encomiendas so small that they are insufficient as a means ofsupport, and sometimes these are held by persons very well fittedfor such offices as are to be granted. It would be well if yourMajesty should command that which shall be most to your service onthis matter, that no doubt may exist. The fiscal my predecessor, whenever offices were given to such encomenderos, was accustomed tobegin suit appealing from the governor's appointments; and he likewiseappealed and brought suit against some of those to whom the governorsmade grants, on the ground that they were against decrees and theinstructions of the governor. This was a fruitful source of irritation, the governors declaring that the offices are thus granted for the goodof your Majesty's service, although it appears that the appointees aremaking gain of them. Since that which has occurred and that which mayoccur is of moment, your Majesty will ordain according to your royalpleasure, observing that the governors are subject to residencias, and that it is difficult to bring a lawsuit with reference to everyone of their decisions made after this manner, or to undertake tosettle the question whether or no such decisions are proper. This city of Manila is very near the villages of some Indianswho support themselves by agriculture. If there are any placesunoccupied they use them as sites for dwellings. They make use ofthe grass to cover their houses and also to cover their fields, for they always keep these covered thus during the time while thecrops begin to grow. These Indians have suffered great oppression, for there have been established in the vicinity of this city morethan twenty-four cattle-farms. From very small beginnings they havemultiplied so greatly that in some there are more than four thousandhead, while all of them have more than a thousand. These cattle, on account of their number, spread and wander out of bounds, and domuch damage. Finding this wrong in existence when I assumed office, I began some suits to cause the cattle-farms to be abandoned. On one ofthe farms, which belonged to Captain Pedro de Brito, near the villagesof Capa, Namayan, and Santana, the Audiencia on appeal decided that hemust keep his cattle within bounds; and that such cattle as might befound straying might be killed by the Indians who found them in theirfields. Being a wretched race, they dare not do this, and suffer muchfrom this and other causes. There are some persons who charge Indianswith having wronged them, and who take the Indians into service thatthey may work off the damage done. So far is this custom carried thatthe service is converted into slavery. There is now a great abundanceof cattle outside of this district, and so many cattle-farms are notneeded. It would be well for your Majesty to command that all of themwithin three leguas of towns and cultivated areas should be abandoned, in order that this molestation may cease. The province of Panpanga is twelve leguas hence. It is the mostfertile in all the islands, and the inhabitants have done more inyour service than have any others. It lies low and is bounded bysome mountains which slope down to it. The natives of the mountainsare called Zambales. They are a race that live like beasts, withoutsettled habitations; and they are so murderous that their delight iscutting off heads. For this purpose they come down upon this province, and, as its inhabitants are a race entirely devoted to agriculture, they take them unawares, and have wrought and do work great outragesupon them. The effort was made to put a garrison in their country, and some Spanish troops were stationed there. Since the country isrough and mountainous, it is impossible to march in it; and as thereis no certain day on which the attacks of the mountaineers can beanticipated, it is impossible to prevent them. The Panpangans haveoften asked for permission to destroy these others, by killing orenslaving them; but no decision has been given them in all the yearsduring which the matter has been discussed. The remedy for the evilis easy, for if they be given for a time as slaves to any man who cancapture them, this will encourage the making of inroads upon them. Thishas not been done, because of your Majesty's commands not to enslaveany of the inhabitants of this archipelago and island. This would he atemporary slavery, and by it much or all of this evil described wouldbe corrected; and the expense which it causes would be prevented. Thesame thing happens in the mountains of Yllocos and in other regions, for every day the mountaineers attack and murder members of the tribesat peace--who, as they have no permission to kill them and no hopeof making use of them, permit them to return and harass them. In this matter of slavery there has recently arisen anew a greatproblem. This is that among these Indians there is a custom that while[in Spanish law] the child follows the womb, among them it likewisefollows the father by half. Thus the son of a free mother and a slavefather was half slave, like the son of a slave mother and a freefather; so there were slaveries of the fourth and eighth part. Theformer Audiencia, regarding this as absurd, commanded that the ruleshould no longer be observed, and that the son of a free mother shouldhereafter be free. This decision, being accepted without difficulty, produced no opposition, and many were in the enjoyment of liberty whohad been married as freemen, and were such. But now, in a late case, the Audiencia has decided that the old custom shall be observed. Hencemuch disquietude has resulted; for, in addition to the infinite numberof suits as to freedom, there is now much trouble as to marriages. Thisrace is very fickle in that matter; and some who were married asfreemen are already talking of having their marriages annulled bysaying that they are slaves. Since in all these years there has beenno disturbance regarding this matter, I trust that your Majesty willordain that the disposition of the former Audiencia may stand. On the death of Francisco Sarmiento, who held the office of governmentsecretary of these islands, and on the renunciation of it by Gaspar deAzebo, who bought the office in the time of the former Audiencia, thegovernor, Don Pedro de Acuña, granted the office to Antonio de Ordas, who acted as his secretary. This was at a time when your treasurywas in very great need, and suffered most urgent demands upon it, especially for the building of a ship to go to sea that year. Thegovernor planned to sell this office, and for that purpose the saidAntonio de Ordas surrendered it; but when they set about executingthe governor's purpose this city interposed with objections, andpresented a petition that it might not be sold but might be givenas a grant. The basis of their contention was that your Majesty hadcommanded in one section of the instructions given to Gomez Perez asto the sale of clerical offices that they should be thus managed, and should be given as grants to the well-deserving. It was urgedthat this should be understood of all such offices, not only ofgovernment but of the court of the Audiencia. I opposed the city, and found a special decree to the effect that these two offices shouldbe sold. This decree was issued in the time of the former Audiencia, and in conformity with it this office was sold. Alleging that thesaid Ordas, although he had already received that grant, renouncedit so that the office might be sold, and a way be found for meetingurgent necessities, I succeeded in effecting the sale, which was madefor seventeen thousand pesos to Gaspar Albares, who paid down thatsum, with which many matters were attended to. It was distributedin accordance with the decision of the Audiencia in meeting the mostimportant demands, and especially in paying for the building of thesaid vessel, which would otherwise have been impossible. I also broughtforward the argument (which I refer to your Majesty) that an officeof such value is a very large grant in these islands; while thosewho are entitled to receive favors--that is to say, soldiers--are notfitted for such offices. I add that your Majesty is very poor here, and needs to take advantage of all resources. Thus your Majesty willcommand that which will be most to your service; for all these measureshave been taken on condition of receiving your Majesty's approval. Among the irregularities which I discovered was the following. Althoughyour Majesty has commanded that clerical offices shall not be resignedmore than once, and that the resignations shall be confirmed within alimited time, still, of four public notaryships which are in existencehere, three have been resigned three or four times, without receivingany confirmation; but from the sales and resignations it has beencustomary to place a third part in the royal treasury. I enteredan action to have them declared vacant; and after having carefullyconsidered the question, I found that if they were to be granted asa royal bounty, and then were vacated, your treasury would be theloser by being obliged to return the thirds which it had received. Onthis basis, it is better that things should continue as they are. Ihave arranged that if they should be vacated they may be sold; forthe demands upon the treasury are many. If this plan shall receiveyour approbation I shall bring the cases to a conclusion; if not, I shall suspend them until your Majesty gives such commands as aremost for the good of your service. When these notaryships have beenresigned they have brought eight hundred pesos, and latterly onethousand two hundred. They are now worth more than three thousand, so that with a single one it would be possible to pay everything duefor the thirds on all. This will remedy something of the much whichrequires remedy. The same thing can be done with the clerkships ofregistry, which will be worth more than eight thousand; and withthose of probate and of the estates of deceased persons, which willbe worth another good sum; and they have all been given for nothing. It has been very unfortunate that the funds which your Majesty hascommanded and decreed to be set aside for special objects have beenemployed for other purposes. This has been especially the case withthe fund for prebends and for the payment of troops, which shouldbe performed with the utmost regularity. I have done all I couldto put this in order; but since the current from the past was verystrong it was impossible to accomplish my purpose. The reason givenwas that one fund ought to aid another. The evils resulting areserious; for both ecclesiastics and soldiers perform their service, and all they get is nothing but poverty. Hence they lament with reasonthat their salaries are not paid to them. This is a reason that thesoldiers are wretched and poor, some of them going about begging foralms. An attempt will be made to correct this when new officials ofyour exchequer enter their offices; and more certainly your Majestywill provide relief in this direction, so that the soldiers' pay maynot fall into arrears. If the Audiencia had not assumed authority toset apart in the treasury the money which came [from Mexico] duringthe preceding year, one thousand six hundred and five, for personswho had died in previous years in the war with the Sangleys and inother conflicts, to be used to pay the soldiers, it would have beena very great misfortune. With this the matter was set right, and thepay has been kept up; but your Majesty has been obliged to remain indebt for the sum which was taken for this purpose. The president and the auditors have likewise suffered in theirsalaries, which are at the present time due them for more than ayear. Although for these salaries certain specified encomiendas hadbeen set apart, the returns from these have been mixed with otherfunds. During the term of the former Audiencia, your Majesty commandedthat for this purpose certain encomiendas should be assigned to thecrown; but no more than six thousand pesos was thus realized. Sincethe number of encomiendas above referred to will have to be vacated, your Majesty can decree that some shall be set aside for this purpose;then the treasury will be in a somewhat easier condition. One of the most important institutions possessed by your Majesty inthese islands and in this city is the seminary of Santa Potençiana, in which care is taken of orphaned and poor girls, the daughters ofconquistadors; there are in it more than a hundred. The seminaryprevents many evil results. The girls leave it, when entering themarried state, respected and instructed; and the seminary also servesas a shelter for other women during the absence of their husbands, and for many other good purposes. Your Majesty is its patron, and hence, ought to remember it. During Easter week the house, which was very well built, and roofed, was burned to the ground, and its inmates were dispersed. Since it was under the patronage ofyour Majesty, and on account of the good work that it was doing, thearchdeacon of this diocese and I determined to ask for subscriptionsin order to rebuild it. The city zealously entered into the work, and we collected about two thousand five hundred pesos, with whichwe immediately began to build the structure. God was pleased thatby the feast of Pentecost we were able to have the greater part ofthe inmates sheltered, within narrow quarters but under a roof. Thework has been continued ever since, and I hope that soon it will beestablished in its previous condition. Still the institution is verypoor, and is in great need. I trust that your Majesty will commandthat some Indians be assigned it, or that some grant be made to it;for great service is done to God by this institution, through its goodworks and by preventing the evil which would result in the communityif its inmates were left without shelter. This city was also in need of a hospital in which care might betaken of Spanish women, of whom there are now many here. So greatwas their need that some were cared for in a hospital maintainedby La Misericordia for the care of slaves. God aroused the zealof a conquistador of this country, by name Joan Ximenes del Pino;and, encouraged by his own zeal, by suitable measures he bought abuilding next to the royal hospital for the Spaniards, which couldbe connected with the latter, and which he has given to the hospitalfor this purpose, that women may be cared for in it. It cost him fivethousand pesos; and besides this he assumed the expense of putting itinto a proper state for this purpose, with which intent he placed inmy care a sum of money which is being spent. In view of the fact thatthe expense is increasing, the said hospital will require some grantof aid. I beg your Majesty to give it, for all these institutionsare under your protection. The hospital of the Spaniards also suffers from inadequate service, for lack of attendants; and it is necessary for your Majesty to providea remedy, which can best be done by sending for this purpose brethrenof St. John of God; [28] for although Franciscan friars live therethey attend only to the administration of the sacraments, and ofeverything else there is a lack. [29] Since men here are placed in danger they are continually givingout, and when any of them die others take under their guardianshipthe children of those who are left. Sometimes the guardians givesufficient bonds, and sometimes not; but with the progress of timethese cases have grown steadily worse, and the poor minors lose theirestates. There are many thousands of ducados in the hands of guardians;and although the alcaldes-in-ordinary have tried to make them renderaccounts, no accounts have ever been finished during the three yearssince they were begun, for they are all banded together. This is awretched state of affairs; hence, in order to correct this, it will bewell for your Majesty to give commands that the Audiencia shall takecharge of this matter. It should be committed to one auditor, for itcan be done in no other way. This community suffers from this evil. The governor, Don Pedro de Acuña, being obliged to be absent from thecity on the expedition to Maluco, appointed as his lieutenant in thegovernorship and in matters of war the licentiate Christoval Tellezde Almaçan, second auditor of this Audiencia. As soon as the governorleft the city the licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera Maldonado assertedthat he, as the senior auditor, had the right to command in war andthe Audiencia to direct the government, in conformity with the decreewhich declares that if the governor shall become unable to performthe duties of his office, the Audiencia shall govern, and the seniorauditor shall perform the functions of captain-general. With regard tothis the Audiencia determined that the licentiate Don Antonio shouldfill the office of captain-general, under certain limitations whichwere set, while the governorship should remain as the governor DonPedro had left it. If it were necessary to carry out the decree, andif the chief command in military affairs should have to be given tothe senior auditor, it ought not to be with limitations. Likewise theAudiencia should assume the functions of the governor. Accordingly, I give a statement of that which has happened, as I am looking tothe future. An explanation of the said decree is needed to determinewhether, when the governor is absent from the city without leavingthe jurisdiction, he shall have authority to appoint whomsoever hechooses, or if the decree must necessarily be carried out. The decreestates that, in case the governor thus fails to act, it is necessaryto send a report of the facts to your Majesty, that you may takesuitable measures; and it seems to refer to the event of death. Fordeciding this question, it must be considered that it might happenthat the abilities required for the conduct of military affairs wouldbe lacking in the senior auditor, while they might be found in theone whom the governor should appoint. From this it will be clearlyseen that for the conduct of military affairs--especially in thecondition in which these islands and the new conquest of Maluco atpresent are--it is undesirable not to be provided in this jurisdictionwith a person of much distinction and experience in the conduct of war. Since your Majesty is at such a distance, and the remedy forthese difficulties must come so slowly, there is no one to correctcertain ecclesiastics. Their superiors sometimes pay very littleattention to the complaints made against them, and hence therehave existed and do exist serious acts of impropriety, especiallyamong the religious. Since there is no one who has authority toinvestigate their cases or to write reports regarding these, mattersare in a most lamentable condition, and mainly to the injury ofthe Indians. The religious make assessments on the natives underthe name of benefactions, and employ them at their will, withoutlimit. I have striven to find means to correct this, and have enteredsuit against the agents whom they employ to carry out their plans;these are called fiscals, and are cruel executors of the will of thereligious. I offered my plea, and accordingly the Audiencia decidedthat none of them should have the right to hold Indians in service orshould collect any contributions; and a certain amount of abatementof this unjust practice seems to have resulted. Those who are mostnotorious in this matter, and who are worse than all the others, are the members of the Order of St. Augustine. They are practicallyincorrigible, on account of having as provincial Fray Lorenço de Leon, a friar of much ambition and ostentation. He left these islands to askyour Majesty for bounty, and now he is striving to go again, and forthat purpose has collected a large amount of money. He has even takenthe silver from some of the mission churches of his order; and when hevisited the province of Ylocos, he even carried away the monstrancesfor the most holy sacrament from Ylaguan, Vantay, Candon, Tagudin, and other places. It will be well for your Majesty to decree and grantauthority to the Audiencia, that it may cause official investigationto be made into these matters and others which may arise, and thatit may proceed as do the viceroys of Piru and Mexico. For, so soonas friars are interfered with in any respect, they begin to declarethat ecclesiastical censures have been incurred and disturbances areraised, which give occasion for scandal to the common people. WhenI saw this, I petitioned the said Audiencia for some correction ofthe unlawful acts of the said provincial; and they directed thatthe bishop of Nueva Segovia (who was present in this city) and thevicar-general of this archbishopric should make an official reportin the matter. This they have done in a secret document, statingthe great transgressions of this friar. When I petitioned that somedecree should be passed in session of the Audiencia, it was decidedthat a remedy should be provided; but I have not learned that anythinghas been done. I inform your Majesty of this, that you may take suchmeasures as shall be necessary. A great aid in making a beginning in correcting the unlawfulproceedings of these religious of the Augustinian order has beenthe coming of the discalced friars of the order. They have been verywell received and several of the others have begun to join with them, intending principally to escape the tyranny of their provincial. Inthis way the others and he himself, will be corrected, when the goodresult of their coming shall be evident in this effect, and in theconversion of souls which your Majesty has so much at heart. I haveaided them in so far as to provide them with a house, where theynow are. In the vicinity of this city, and within it, there are Indians withoutnumber who have come from their native places to escape the labor oftilling the soil and raising animals as they have been commanded. Theymake their living by buying and selling provisions and other things, to the great damage of this community. I have brought suit thatthey may be compelled to return to their native places; and finallythey have been commanded to do so, a certain number of them beingretained for the service of each religious order; these are gatheredby the religious into villages. The execution of this decree is verynecessary, and your Majesty accordingly ordained it at the suit of thiscity. Your Majesty will please command that this decree be enforcedwithout exception, especially by directing that these villages for theservice of the religious orders be broken up. Each order having beenallowed as many as thirty Indians, that number has greatly increasedby the protection given to them. The reason why they protect them is, that the Indians serve them either for nothing or at less than theordinary rate of pay, and the sum allowed them for these Indians whoserve them is distributed among those who remain; but, in order toget these servants cheaply, the religious contrive that there shallbe many of them. If those who are necessary are permitted to remain, it is but just that the religious should pay them the regular rate. Your Majesty has commanded that no one shall enjoy any positionsof profit in these islands without being resident here; and thatif encomenderos are absent they shall not receive the tributes. Inparticular, your Majesty has decreed by your royal letters, at the suitof this city, that the encomiendas of the mariscal Gabriel de Ribera, who has long been absent, shall be vacated. The governor accordinglyvacated them, giving part of them to Don Jhoan Ronquillo, and placingpart of them under the administration of the royal treasury. Afterthis had been executed and settled, another royal letter arrivedin which your Majesty granted to the said mariscal the privilege ofreceiving his tributes during his absence. When his attorney presentedthis letter I opposed it, and declared that it had been obtainedby some improper statement, as I now allege, and as will appear bythe documents which I send. Nevertheless, they commanded that theencomiendas in charge of the treasury should be returned to him, bonds being taken; accordingly, they were given to his attorney, because he himself did not come to demand the fulfilment [of theAudiencia's decree]. With regard to this matter your Majesty willtake such measures as shall please you--considering that there aremany here who, although they have seen service, still suffer need;and who are discontented that others should be rich and, even whileabsent, enjoy what these men are protecting at so great risk. The expedition against Mindanao having been arranged during the yearninety-five with Captain Estevan Rrodriguez de Figueroa, who wasunder obligations to carry it out, he began to do so, going thitherin his own person; but in the year ninety-six he died, at the firstassault. The army being unprovided with a commander, the governor ofthese islands, Don Francisco Tello, selected one. For the continuationof this expedition a very great expense was incurred by the commandof the said governor, with the assent and advice of Dr. Antonio deMorga, his assessor and lieutenant. A suit from the heirs afterwardfollowed, on the ground that they were not obliged to continue theexpedition, and were not responsible for the expenses thereof. TheAudiencia, as a court of appeal, revoked the governor's command, and declared the estate free from obligations. I appealed the caseto your Majesty, and sent the original documents. This I did, notonly that the principal case might be decided, but also becausethe heirs claim that your Majesty should cause them to be paid forthe expenditure of their property. I offer the advice that even ifthey were not obliged to carry out the conquest, your Majesty is nottheir debtor, since you have commanded that such conquests are notto be made on your account and at your cost. Hence these expenses areowing by him who commanded them to be incurred. Since I have been inyour Majesty's service I have placed this matter in a clear light, as was not previously the case. When claims were made for wagesand other expenses, the Audiencia commanded them to be paid fromthe royal treasury; and thus many such payments have been made onthe account of those who really owed them. At the present time thejudges, being informed in regard to these claims, have decided thatthey are not due from your Majesty. Accordingly your Majesty is notonly not obliged to pay them, but has a right to claim satisfaction, for the expenditures from the royal treasury, from the property ofthe governor Don Francisco; and, in case it is insufficient, fromthe property of the assessor by whose advice they were incurred. As to the provision of an incumbent for this office, it should benoticed that most affairs in this country depend upon it--especiallythe proper care of the Indians, which is most important; for withthis office is united that of being their protector. I have alwaysstriven to attend to this matter carefully, as I have done in othermatters pertaining to your royal service. This I shall continue to doin these islands until an appointment is made: and I petition yourMajesty to grant me, when that shall come, permission to leave thiskingdom, the governor that shall be in office making me a sufficientallowance for my passage hence. God keep the Catholic personage ofyour Majesty, with the increase of your realms. Manila, July, 1606. The licentiate _Rodrigo Diaz Guiral_ The Terrenate Expedition Sire: In the Council of War for the Indias there have been presented twoletters from Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and captain-general of theFilipinas, written to your Majesty on the first and seventh of Julyof the year 605 just past, copies of which are enclosed. In them yourMajesty, if so pleased, will see in what condition is the expeditionfor the capture of Terrenate, and how the governor went in personwith it, with a great deal of confidence in a favorable outcome, on account of the excellent reënforcement that had been sent to himunder the command of the master-of-camp, Juan Desquivel. Although theywere fewer in number than what he had asked for, nevertheless he waspleased with the companies that he had seen, and he expected to joinwith them some men from that garrison and some other available men, and some Indians (Panpangas and others from that vicinity) among whomare excellent arquebusiers and musketeers, who approve themselvesvery well when in company with Spaniards. He says that he foresaw thisundertaking as soon as he began that government; and for that reasonhe had built five galleys, as he considered them to be the vesselsmost effective for the defense of that realm. He wrote that he wouldtake four of them, and five ships and seven brigantines; and besidesthis five lorchas, which are very good vessels after the Chinese andJapanese style, for both oars and sails, and are more capacious andbetter suited for carrying food than any other kind of oared vessel. Hethought, then, that he would make that expedition, taking with himall these galleys on your Majesty's account, and providing that forthe private persons and the encomenderos there should go seven oreight other medium-sized vessels, with high freeboard, in which theirmasters should take a quantity of biscuit, rice, wine, meat, and otherthings--which would help greatly, because a large number of volunteerswere going. He had made every possible effort in urging these latterto go, representing your Majesty's service to them; and he said thatthey greatly needed this opportunity, on account of the losses andtroubles which they have suffered, and because they are poor and muchdisheartened. With this force he thought that he would set out fromManila, after St. Francis's day, for the town at the port of Oton, in the island of Panay, where the infantry was stationed, in orderthat the whole fleet might sail from there at the end of January orthe beginning of February of this year, which is the best time forMaluco. He says that he has no doubt of encountering vessels fromOlanda and Zelanda, and more this year than in others--according to thereports which he has that in the city of Nostra Dama, and in anothernear to it, they were getting ready twelve or thirteen large vesselswith the intention of coming to the Indias to capture Ambueno and theMalucas; and that they were bringing a large number of men, and alsolime and cut stone, as ballast, with which to fortify themselves. Hesays that he fears greatly that this may be so because the king ofTidore informed him that the king of Terrenate had sent to the Dutch, offering to permit them to build a fortress and factory in his land, in order to keep them satisfied so that they should help him againstthe aforesaid king of Tidore and against the Portuguese and Castilians;and that for this reason the forts there and at Ambueno were in greatdanger. Don Pedro says that, if this is true, there will be a greatdeal of difficulty in his undertaking. This report by the king ofTidore seems to be confirmed and made more sure by another which hesends with the aforesaid letter of the seventh of July, a copy of whichis enclosed. This was made by a Portuguese of Ambueno and a religiousof the Society of Jesus, both of whom were living there. It tells moreat length of the state of affairs in Maluco, and of the lawlessnessof the Hollanders, and their motive in going there with twelve largeships well equipped with artillery, in the year 604 just past; andhow they came to Ambueno on the twenty-third of February of 605, with eight ships and six pataches, and captured the fort which wasthere, and took possession of the Portuguese town--because, thosewithin it, seeing the great number of men and pieces of artillerywhich they carried, made no defense. Then, with the brick, lime, andstone which they had brought they began to rebuild the fort which thePortuguese had, and they left there about one hundred and thirty menas a garrison. The same thing may be learned from the brother GasparGomes of the Society of Jesus, who has come from the Filipinas, sentby the aforesaid Don Pedro de Acuña and bearing letters from him. Hesays that the aforesaid Don Pedro had told him that, when the affairof Maluco was accomplished and the land made safe, he intended to goquickly to settle affairs in Ambueno, because he had heard that theHollanders who had obtained foothold there were expecting a son ofDon Antonio. [30] On this account he desired, as quickly as possible, a special order from your Majesty; and he, the brother Gaspar Gomes, comes to ask for it in the name of Don Pedro. This should be consideredwith great care, and also what he says in that letter about the kingof Japon, in regard to keeping friendship with him--as your Majesty, if you are so pleased, may examine in greater detail in the letter. Itis well to note also what he says about the delay that there mightbe in his receiving succor because your Majesty is so far away, andthe great hindrance that it would be to him if they were not verycareful and prompt in sending him from Nueva España more men, arms, gunpowder, and munitions in plenty, and also money; for, althoughthe men had been paid for a year, already more than half had passed, and when he shall have started from Oton the year will be entirelycompleted. It is also necessary that another goodly amount of money besent to the treasury of the Filipinas Islands, on a separate account, because it is so empty and depleted. The garrison also is lackingin men, and this should be provided for in part. All this havingbeen reviewed and examined with the attention which a matter of somuch importance requires, it appears that Don Pedro de Acuña has theTerrenate undertaking well under way, and that he should be thankedfor it, as well as for going thither in person, on which accountit seems that that matter will have better support, and that betterresults may be expected from it, on account of the good judgment andexperience which he is known to possess. The information which we haveof the care with which the rebels are fortifying themselves in thoseregions and getting control of the trade with them is very important;for from this results very great loss to your Majesty's exchequer, and great benefit and increase to that of the enemy, which may be thegreatest support they have for the war which they are carrying on. IfGod grants good success in the Terrenate undertaking, as is hoped, and if Don Pedro can put that stronghold in a state of defense witha sufficient garrison for safety, and if it appears to him that, with the remainder of his men and what fleet may be left to him, he can regain Ambueno and drive the Hollanders out from that island, as he has given notice that he can do (relying on what the aforesaidbrother Gaspar Gomes has said), the aforesaid Don Pedro de Acuñamight be commanded to do so, and to place it in such a state ofdefense and security as is necessary to that stronghold--which isof the greatest importance for the preservation and security of thetrade of the crown of Portugal, and for obstructing and hinderingthe designs of the enemy. Since that nation [_i. E. _, the Dutch]has more steadiness and courage in its military actions than theIndians, and as it is quite a different thing to fight with them, it is of great importance that Don Pedro should not lack sufficientforces, and that he should be succored from Mexico immediately. Forthis purpose the Marques de Montesclaros should be written to, anda despatch-boat sent to him, ordering him that without loss of timehe should proceed to help Don Pedro with the men, arms, gunpowder, munitions, and money which he requires for this Terrenate expedition, and whatever may result from it, so that the expense which has beenalready incurred in this may not, for any lack of these things, beput to risk, and that the Holland rebels may not be allowed to get afoothold and establish strongholds in that land; for the honor of thestate is imperiled, and very great loss to your Majesty's exchequeris made possible through the hindrance of the trade in spices, ifthey get it under their control. What should be still more thought ofand defended, since it is in greater danger, is the Catholic faith, because the land is infested with heretics, and the Indians are avery pliant and changeable people. Don Pedro should be informed ofwhat the marques has been commanded to do for his help, in order thathe may understand, and arrange and provide for everything as is best, in order that the desired result may be obtained. Dora Pedro writes also, in regard to the pay of the men who were sentto him for that expedition, that it seems to him that what a soldier ofthat military department gets--namely, six pesos a month--is little, when the fact is considered that the country is incomparably moredear than when the pay was fixed; and that the eight ducados whichthe soldiers of the expedition earn are a great deal. He thinks, therefore, that it would be well if both were paid at the rate ofeight pesos of eight reals a month, besides the customary thirtyducados which are regularly given in addition to each company in Spainand other regions; and that the captains should earn at the rate offifty pesos a month, and the sergeants ten, as they do now. As thecaptains of that region get no more than thirty-five pesos, and thoseof the expedition get sixty ducados, it seems best to him that thesesalaries should be adjusted in the way that he states--giving to eachat the rate of eight pesos of eight reals a month, and the customarythirty additional ducados a month which are usually given to eachcompany in Spain and elsewhere; and that the captains should receiveequally at the rate of fifty pesos a month, and the ensigns twenty, and the sergeants ten, as he says they receive now. Thus all willhave pay that is equal and well adjusted, by taking away from someand adding to others, in the way which Don Pedro has proposed. YourMajesty will examine and consider all this, and will order what isbest for your service. In Madrid, August 5, 1606. His Majesty orders that the enclosed report of the Council of War ofthe Indias concerning the Terrenate undertaking be considered in theCouncil of State, and that he be informed of what it shall decide. Godkeep your Lordship. St. Lorenzo, August 15, 1606. _The Duke_The honorable secretary, _Andres de Prada_ Sire: The Council, having seen that your Majesty sent for the enclosed reportand the papers of the Council of War of the Indias, voted as follows: The Cardinal of Toledo--that if the injury which the rebels arecausing in India were seen here nearer at hand it would cause greatcommotion; and that because it is far away it should not be regardedas of little importance, but rather, in order to secure a remedy, weshould consider that it is very near. Accordingly, we should attendto it with the greatest diligence, and agree to what has seemed bestto the Council of War of the Indias and to Don Pedro de Acuña--towhom many thanks are due for the good courage with which he preparedfor the undertaking and the care with which he gave notice of thethings that were necessary for it, from which, with the favor of God, we may expect good results. The completion of the undertaking is ofthe greatest importance for the state and for its good repute. Thisconsists in helping Don Pedro with all that he needs, in order thatfor lack of it he may not leave the work unfinished, and that what hasbeen gained may not be lost again; for the greater the foothold thatthe rebels get in those regions, and the stronger they grow there, the harder it will be to remedy the matter, and the greater willbe the harm which will come from them to your Majesty's realms andto their honor. It is well to order the Marques de Montesclaros toassist and help Don Pedro de Acuña in every way that he needs, and todo it so promptly that he shall not fail to succeed in the undertakingfor lack of it. Besides, he thinks it well that your Majesty shouldfavor Don Pedro in matters which are so properly under his charge asthe matters of war are, so that the archbishop and the Audiencia mayknow that in these things they are to respect him and allow him todo what he thinks best; and that Don Pedro should be advised that inmatters which concern government and justice he should have a greatdeal of respect for the archbishop and the Audiencia. The Constable of Castile--that he has nothing to add to the report ofthe Council of War of the Indias since the importance of the mattershows how proper it is that the Marques de Montesclaros should giveprompt assistance to Don Pedro de Acuña, and that it should be orderedexactly so. He thinks that it is very well that the archbishop and theAudiencia should not be mixed up in matters of war, since they do notunderstand them. In regard to what concerns Portugal, he supposes thatyour Majesty probably has had notice sent to that Council; and if not, that it would be well to do so. The Conde de Olivares agreed to all that has been said; and he thinksit well that the ship which the report mentions should be sent atonce to Nueva España, informing the Marques de Montesclaros of theimportance of the expedition, and ordering him to supply Don Pedrode Çuniga _[sic]_ with all that he needs for the proper executionof it, in such manner that he shall have no excuse for evading suchrequisition. He also would command the archbishop and the Audiencianot to meddle in matters of war, and to order Don Pedro to keep thefriendship and good understanding which he has with the king of Japon, and to hang all the rebels that he shall capture. Your Majesty willordain, in all matters, what shall be most to your service. Decree Establishing a Way-Station for Philippine Vessels on theCalifornia Coast The King: To Don Pedro de Acuña, knight of the Order of St. John, mygovernor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and presidentof my royal Audiencia therein: You have already heard that Don Luisde Velasco, former viceroy of Nueva España--in view of the longnavigation from the port of Acapulco to those islands, and the greathardship and danger of navigation in that voyage because of having nostation wherein to repair the ships, and to supply them with water, wood, masts, and other requisite and necessary things--determinedto explore and mark out the ports of the coasts from the said NuevaEspaña to those islands. He ordered that this effort should be made bya vessel called "San Agustin;" but, as that vessel was lost, the saidexploration was not then effected. You know that afterward the Condede Monterrei, who succeeded him in that government, finding the sameinconveniences in the said navigation, and thinking it advantageousto remedy them by making anew the exploration that Don Luis de Velascohad attempted, wrote me in regard to it. He said that, in his opinion, it could be made by small vessels sailing from the port of Acapulco;and that the reconnoitering of the coasts and ports of the bay ofthe Californias might be included in it, as well as the fisheries. Inreply I ordered, on the twenty-seventh of September of five hundredand ninety-nine, that letters be written to him in my name that Iconsidered the demarcation and exploration of that coast and itsports very desirable, and that he should accordingly set about itimmediately; but advising him not to undertake the exploration ofthe Californias except in passing. In pursuance thereof, I appointedSebastian Vizcayno for that purpose as he was a man experienced inmaritime matters, and careful and skilled in those of that route, and as he was one with whom I was thoroughly satisfied. Having givenhim for the voyage two vessels, a lancha and a barcoluengo, [31] withthe sailors and soldiers, ammunition and provisions, necessary for ayear, and a cosmographer, skilful and versed in geometrical tables, in order that he might very minutely and accurately place and setdown what should be discovered on a map and chart. After havingreceived his orders and instructions, he set sail on the fifth ofMay, in the year 602, from the port of Acapulco to make the abovementioned exploration; as I was advised by the said Conde de Monterreiand Sebastian Vizcaino. [32] These afterward wrote me by severalletters (the most recent of which were dated on the last of April, 604) that Sebastian Vizcaino spent eleven months in that voyage; andthat he began, from the same port, to delineate and sound the coast, ports, bays, and indentations up to the thirty-seventh degree, withall the precision and exactness needful and required; and that fromthe thirty-seventh degree to the forty-second he accomplished nothingbeyond sighting the land. He had been unable to take so particular carethere as he had done up to the thirty-seventh degree, because manyof the crew fell sick, and the weather there was very contrary. Hesaid that that whole coast, as far as the fortieth degree, extendsnorthwest and southeast; that the other two degrees remaining inthe forty-two degrees extend practically north and south; and thatfrom the mouth of the Californias up to the thirty-seventh degree, he found three very excellent ports on the mainland--namely, SanDiego in thirty-three degrees, and the second, of less excellence, near it. That of San Diego is very large and capable of holdingmany vessels; and it has water and wood. The third is better andmore suitable for the Chinese vessels, and as a station for theships of the line from those islands. It is called Monterrei, andlies in thirty-seven degrees. It has water and wood, better and ingreater quantity than the other port. It is excellently shelteredfrom all winds, and abounds in pines along the coast, of whateversize one may wish, for use us masts. That port is very suitable sothat the vessels on returning from those Filipinas Islands may gothere without there being any necessity of going to Japon by reasonof storms, as vessels have done several times, losing thereby a verygreat amount of property. The vessels from China generally run along insight of this place, for which purpose it is also very suitable. For, if that port be known, then vessels will not port until reaching it, when necessity would otherwise compel them to go to Japon and tothose islands, since the work and trouble necessary to reach thoseplaces would take them to the said port. Besides, they report thatthe country is of a mild climate and very fertile (as is seen by itsnumerous trees), and very thickly inhabited with people of very mildand docile disposition, and whose reduction to the holy gospel and tomy royal crown will be very easy. It maintains itself, and the food isof many different kinds of grain and of flesh of game, with which thecountry is exceedingly well supplied. The dress of the Indians of thecoast is made of the skins of sea-wolves, which the Indians tan anddress very well. They have abundance of thread made from Castilianflax, hemp, and cotton. By these Indians and by many others whom thesaid Sebastian Vizcaino discovered along the coast in the more thaneight hundred leguas of his voyage, he was everywhere informed thatthere were great settlements inland, and silver and gold. This isconsidered to be true, because veins of metals were discovered insome parts of the mountains of the mainland. If the seasons of thesummer were known, one could enter the interior through this placeand locate those metals, for it promises great wealth. Also the restof the coast might be explored from that port, for it extends past theforty-second degree where the said Sebastian Vizcayno went, and whichwas named as his limit in his instructions. The coast extends even toJapon and the Chinese coast. He said that he could not enter the mouthof the [gulf of the] Californias, on his return and while passing, as I had sent him orders, because many of his crew had fallen ill andwere dying rapidly, and because his provisions had suddenly become bad, which obliged him to hasten his return. After examination of this in myroyal Council of the Indias, together with the surveys and relationsthat were sent with the description of each port, singly, of thosediscovered by the said Sebastian Vizcaino, and after having listenedto the cosmographer Andres Garcia de Cespedes, they advised me; andafter considering the great importance, for the safety and securityof the ships coming from those islands--a navigation of more than twothousand leguas of open water--of their having a port on the voyage, wherein to be repaired and to take in water, wood, and provisions, andthat the said port of Monterrei, lying on the thirty-seventh degree, will be a half-way station, and that it has all the good qualities thatmay be desired, I have deemed it advisable that all the vessels fromthose islands, since they approach that coast, shall enter that port, and there be repaired and reprovisioned. In order to initiate thisand establish it as a fixed and well-known practice, I have orderedMarques de Montesclaros, [33] my present viceroy of the said provincesof Nueva España, by another decree of the date of this present, tohave the said Sebastian Vizcaino, if now alive, sought with all careand diligence, since he has made the said exploration, and has coastedfrom Acapulco to Cape Mendocino; and, as soon as he shall have beenfound, to order him to go to those islands. Sebastian Vizcaino is totake with him his own chief pilot, or the chief pilot of the admiral;and in order that his voyage may have the effect intended, and beaccomplished with all possible promptness, as is desirable, I haveordered the said marques to despatch the ships that are to sail tothose islands in the coming year, 607. He shall despatch them in theusual manner, and as has been done hitherto, as you probably can nothave any vessels constructed there of the two hundred tons capacitywhich is necessary for the trade, in accordance with the new decreethat I had issued in this regard, because of the short time sinceit was given. The marques is to appoint the said Sebastian Vizcaynocommander of the said fleet; and, as his admiral, the one whom hehad in the discovery of the said port [34]--if both are living. Ifeither of them is dead, then he shall send as commander the one ofthem still living. As chief pilot, he shall send the said SebastianVizcayno's pilot or that of his admiral, so that, having the vesselsin charge on the return voyage, they may ascertain in what manner thesaid port of Monterrey can be colonized and made permanent; and canshow its bay, and the manner of making that navigation, [35] to thepilots and crews of the said vessels, and especially to two men whomI order you to send with the said commander Sebastian Vizcayno fromthose islands. These men are to be possessed of all the good qualities, knowledge, and experience necessary, so that they may reconnoiter thesaid port, and may be given commands as commander and admiral of thevessels that are to sail from Acapulco to those islands in the year608, since the said Sebastian Vizcayno has to go to colonize the saidport. It is my will that these two men and the said Sebastian Vizcaynoand his admiral--and I shall consider myself as served if you favor andhonor them in every way possible--have and be paid the usual salarythat the other commanders and admirals of the said line have had;and that it be paid to the former in the same form and manner as itis paid to the latter. In order that all the above commands may havethe end and effect intended, as is necessary, I strictly charge youthat you assist on your part, in whatever pertains to you, with thecare and diligence that I expect from your prudence and great zeal;and you shall advise me of what is done, so that I may have fullinformation thereof. Given in San Lorenzo el Real, August 19, 1606. _I The King_ Countersigned by Juan de Sivicay; signed by the members of the Council. Chinese Immigration in the Philippines _Official report of the ships from China which came this year 1606and of the men in them. _ I, Pedro Muñoz de Herrera, official receiver of testimony for the royalAudiencia and Chancillería of these Philipinas Islands, and notaryof the commission on the Sangleys, give my certificate and testimony, based upon a memorandum of the inspection of the ships which have comethis year from China to this city, made before me, the said notary, and the ensign Pedro Gra. Prieto, deputy of the said commission, as to the number of the ships which have come, and the men in them, in the form and manner following: The ship of Captain Pinyon brought three hundred and twenty-two Sangleys 322 The ship of Captains Binçan and Quinten brought two hundred and ninety-four 294 The ship of Captain Yantin brought three hundred and forty-five 345 The ship of Captain Onsan brought three hundred Sangleys 300 The ship of Captain Sanagu brought three hundred and twenty-four 324 The ship of Captain Cuheran brought two hundred and eighty-four 284 The ship of Captain Selhuan brought three hundred and sixty-seven 367 The ship of Captain Nohu brought two hundred and forty Sangleys 240 The ship of Captain Sousan brought four hundred and twenty-three Sangleys 423 The ship of Captain Guarquico brought three hundred and twenty-three Sangleys 323 The ship of Captain Unican brought two hundred and thirty Sangleys 230 The ship of Captain Ay Pagu brought two hundred and four Sangleys 204 The ship of Captain Onray brought two hundred and sixty-five 265 The ship of Captain Cime two hundred and fifty 250 The ship of Captain Yansan two hundred and ten 210 The ship of Captain Ciggan one hundred and forty-one Sangleys 141 The ship of Captain Zuan one hundred and sixty-three Sangleys 163 The ship of Captain Ciray four hundred and ninety-two Sangleys 492 The ship of Captain Ciquey brought two hundred and sixty-one Sangleys 261 The ship of Captain Tzutian brought one hundred and sixty-three 163 The ship of Captain Tongon two hundred and fifty-nine 259 The ship of Captain Tzontzan two hundred and twenty Sangleys 220 The ship of Captain Biçan brought seventy-five Sangleys 75 The ship of Captain Buyan brought three hundred and one Sangleys 301 The ship of Captain Licbeu brought seventy-seven Sangleys 77 2, 011 [36] as appears and is stated at greater length in the said memorandumof inspection, to which I refer. That the same might be officiallyverified, at the request of his Majesty's fiscal the royal Audiencia, and at the direction of the president and auditors thereof, I havemade this report, Manila, July 4, 1606, before Geronimo de Peraltaand Miguel de Vemaga as witnesses. In witness of the accuracy hereof: _Pedro Muñoz de Herrera_, notary and official receiver of testimony. _Felipe III to Pedro de Acuña_ Don Pedro de Acuña, my governor and captain-general of the PhilipinasIslands: I received your letter of July 10 of last year, in whichyou inform me of the coming to these realms of some religious, amongthem Hernando de los Rios Coronel and Fray Pedro de San Francisco andothers, who are acquainted with many details and circumstances of theuprising of the Sangleys in the year 1603. From them, as you suggest, I can command full information to be given me concerning the wholematter, since they are persons of approved reputation and entitled tocredit. I am pleased that you have sent me this information, sincein due time I shall command the proper proceedings to be taken withreference to these persons. Ventosilla, November 4, 1606. _I The King_Certified to by Juan de Civica, and signed by the Council. Don Pedro de Acuña, my governor and captain-general of the PhilipinasIslands and president of my royal Audiencia thereof: By variousletters and reports which have been received in my royal Council ofthe Yndias, I have learned that there have entered and are living inthe city of Manila three or four thousand Sangleys. It has seemed tome that although, for the convenience of supplying necessary thingsfor the country, it is well that as many should remain as are needed, still the most careful attention must be given to the evil resultswhich have previously been perceived, and to the very great injurieswhich have followed from the permission that so many should enterand remain in the country. I accordingly charge you that you payheed to this matter, and that you permit to remain no more than areabsolutely necessary, having respect to no other consideration; sincenothing can be so profitable as to compensate for the damage whichmay follow from the contrary course. Bentosilla, November 4, 1606. _I The King_Certified to by Juan de Civica, and signed by the members of theCouncil. Letter from Felipe III to Acuña The King: To Don Pedro de Acuña, my governor and captain-general ofthe Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia there. Yourletter of the fifteenth of July of 604, which is in reply to and insatisfaction of some points in another of mine dated the sixteenth ofFebruary of 602, has been received and considered in my royal Councilof the Indias. I am glad to see the care with which you say that youare trying to avoid all the expenses that are possible to my royalexchequer; and, since all your care is necessary on account of thepresent and future occasions for necessary expense in those islands, I charge you to keep before you what I entrust to you. I was also pleased to hear of the importance of the voyage of FranciscoRodriguez de Avila and his men to the island of Camar, in order topacify the natives for the harm which they received from the people ofMindanao, and to defend them if they should come again; and the carewhich you took in this matter and in all the rest which you advisedconcerning this uprising in Mindanao. I thank you, and charge you that, on occasions which may arise in the future, you do the same. You say that you have consulted with the Audiencia there, and withthe archbishop and the religious, to see if it is proper that theIndians pay their tributes, or part of them, in kind; and that youwould try to have them reach a decision, in order that you may informme of it on the earliest occasion. I charge you to do so, fulfillingwhat I have commanded you in regard to this matter. You have done well, during your administration, in not paying falsemusters, as you informed me; and in not allowing gratuities or salariesto be paid to the captains, ensigns and other war officers who wereappointed by Don Francisco Tello, your predecessor, for the peopleof the villages. I have seen what you say concerning the lading and despatching ofvessels for Nueva España and the care which you take that in thismatter, and in the allotment of the amount allowed [by law] thereshould be the equity, accurate account, and method which is proper;and although I am satisfied with this, nevertheless I have thoughtit well to charge you, as I do charge you now, that you should usethe greatest care in this matter, informing me of all that occurs;and I am grateful for the matters which are in your care. You have done well in ordering my royal officials not to give wineat the expense of my royal exchequer for celebrating mass in theencomiendas of private persons, but rather to oblige the encomenderosthemselves to provide it; and you will try to have them do so, sinceit is just that this should be at their expense and to their account. You say that you did not find sufficient evidence that there wereillegal methods in the election of the twelve regidors that are inthat city, and that you feared that, if you investigated the matter, there would have arisen uneasiness which might have been followed bytrouble, and so you resolved to let it be; and also because, as theyare being vacated, the four offices can be done away with which arein excess of the number which I have ordered that there should be. Asit has appeared that this was a good decision, I have chosen to referto you what concerns this particular case, in order that you may dowhat seems best to you--provided, as I have said, that you observeand fulfil what I have commanded, whenever occasion arises. Regarding what you said, that it did not seem best to you that anauditor should go to visit the country, for the reasons and causeswhich you mentioned, you will try to see that what has been providedfor in regard to this be followed and executed. I have seen the trouble which has been caused you in carrying outthe order that no more money should be taken to those islands thanthat which is allowed, although you promptly executed the order;and all that you say in regard to its being better not to press thismatter very much for the present, not only for the population of thisland, which is of so much importance, but also for the increase oftrade. Nevertheless it has seemed best to me to command you to followwhat I have ordered, without deviating from it in any way. I have seen what you say regarding the business of the three royalofficials of those islands, and that the office of treasurer cannotbe dispensed with because it is so necessary on this account; allthat you have told me in this regard is satisfactory to me, and Iam informed in regard to it. You will inform me (if, as you say, you have not done so), of anything that you may observe in regard tothe persons whom my aforesaid royal officials are stationing in thewarehouses, according to what I have commanded you. I have been pleased to hear of the improvement in the orders regardingthe good treatment of the natives, and the very great care which youexercise in looking after them, and in seeing that they be relievedfrom all hardships which can be avoided; and I command you to continueto do so. I charge you also not to relax in the efforts which you saythat you are making that the work on the great church may be urged on;and that you gather materials and begin to rebuild the hospital forthe Spaniards, which was burned in the fire in the year 1603--althoughdifficulties will not fail to arise therein, in accordance with thepoverty which you say exists in that country. I thank you for the care which you have taken of the seminary ofSanta Potenciana, and that its inmates should live in due seclusion;and I have been pleased to hear that you should make efforts to haveme send orders to the viceroy of Nueva España to send some religiouswomen thither for the improvement of the seminary. It will be well if you have my royal arms placed on the houses ofthe cabildo of that city, as you say that you will do. Ventosilla, November 4, 1606. _I The King_By order of the king our sovereign:_Juan de Ziviza_ DOCUMENTS OF 1607 Petition for a grant to the Jesuit seminary in Leyte. January 18. Artillery at Manila in 1607. Alonso de Biebengud; July 6. Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III, on the Confraternity of La Misericordia. Pedro Hurtado de Esquivel; July 11. Trade of the Philippines with Mexico. December 18. Passage of missionaries via the Philippines to Japan. Conde de Lemos, and others; 1606-07. _Sources_: The first three of these documents are obtained from theArchivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the last two, from the Archivogeneral at Simancas. _Translations_: The first document, and the third paper in the fifth, are translated by James A. Robertson; the second and third, by HenryB. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the second paper ofthe fifth, by Norman F. Hall, of Harvard University; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight. Petition for Grant to the Jesuit Seminary in Leyte Sire: The religious of the Society of Jesus of the Philipinas Islands, considering that that country was so new, and that it was advisablethat the Indians be reared from its beginning in good customs andChristian civilization, founded a seminary in the island of Leyte, located in the province of Pintados. There they instruct the nativechildren of the island in good customs and in the matters of our holyCatholic faith, and teach them to speak Spanish, and other thingswhich conduce to virtue. Inasmuch as the governor of the said islandswas made cognizant of the above, he ordered in the year 601 that onehundred pesos of common gold and two hundred fanegas of unwinnowedrice be given the said religious annually for four years, for thesupport of the said seminary, to be taken from the fund of the fourths[_i. E. , _ fourths of the tributes] of the city of Manila--providedthat the Jesuits could obtain a decree in which your Majesty shouldgive your consent to this grant. On behalf of the said religious ithas been represented that excellent results have been attained fromthe foundation of the said seminary, which still continue; and thatit is advisable that it be maintained. They entreat your Majestyto consider the matter, and have the above-mentioned gift approved, and the said alms continued to them for ten years more; for otherwiseit cannot take effect. Having examined this in the Council, we thinkthat, because of the great need for the said seminary in that country, the provision of the governor for a grant to them for four years may beconfirmed; and, in order that the seminary be preserved and continued, that the concession of the said one hundred pesos of common gold andthe two hundred fanegas of rice, taken from the fund of the fourths, may be made for ten years more, as they petition. The governor shouldbe ordered to have it all very carefully distributed for the saidpurpose, and give advice thereof. Your Majesty will order as suitsyour pleasure. Madrid, January 18, 1607. [Four signatures follow. ] Artillery at Manila in 1607 _Memorandum of All the Artillery in the Fortifications of Manila, June_ 20, 1607 _Fort of Santiago_ One half-culverin, old casting of Manila, choke-bored, caliber fourteenlibras, twenty calibers in length. One full-sized saker of the same casting, caliber ten libras, lengththirteen calibers. Another of the same casting, a paterero, [37] caliber eleven libras, length fourteen calibers. Another paterero of the same casting, caliber ten libras, and thirteencalibers in length. Two bastards, casting Mexican--one of twenty-seven calibers, and theother choke-bored--of twenty-four calibers, caliber ten libras. One saker, old Manila casting, caliber six libras, length thirtycalibers. One culverin, caliber nineteen libras, old Manila casting, choke-bored, twenty-nine calibers in length. One demi-saker, Mexican casting, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty-two calibers. One bastard saker, Genoese casting, caliber six libras, lengthtwenty-four calibers. One paterero, Portuguese casting, caliber eleven libras, lengthfourteen calibers. One demi-saker, cast in Piru, caliber three and a half libras, lengthtwenty-nine calibers. One saker, caliber six libras, cast in Flandes, thirty calibersin length. Another saker, cast in Mexico, caliber six libras, thirty-four calibersin length. One paterero, old Manila casting, caliber eight libras, lengthfourteen diameters. Another similar paterero. Two catapults, new Manila casting, caliber twenty libras. One paterero of the same casting, caliber fifteen libras, lengthfourteen diameters. One saker, cast in Mexico, caliber five and a half libras, lengththirty calibers. One cannon, old Manila casting, caliber thirty-seven libras, lengthtwenty calibers. One demi-saker, cast in Flandes, caliber four libras, length thirtycalibers. One demi-saker, cast in Flandes, caliber four libras, length thirtycalibers. One demi-saker, cast in Piru, caliber three libras and a half, lengthtwenty-nine calibers. One demi-saker, old Manila casting, caliber four libras, lengththirty-one diameters. One paterero, cast in Portugal, caliber thirty-one libras, fourteencalibers in length. In all, there are in the said fort twenty-six pieces. _Breastwork of S. Gabriel in Parian of the Sangleys_ One paterero of Portuguese casting, caliber fourteen libras, lengththirteen calibers. One demi-cannon cast in Manila, old style, caliber sixteen libras, length twenty-two calibers. One passe-volante, cast in Flandes, caliber five libras, lengthfour calibers. One paterero, cast in Manila, caliber thirteen libras, length thirteencalibers. One demi-saker, old Manila casting, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty-two calibers. One saker cast in Mexico, caliber five libras, length thirty calibers. In the said breastwork there are six pieces. _Breastwork of Dilao_ One demi-saker of three libras caliber, old casting of Manila, lengththirty-three calibers. One saker, old casting of Manila, caliber seven libras, lengthtwenty-nine calibers. Another saker, cast in Mexico, caliber one libra, length thirty-twocalibers. One paterero, cast in Portugal, caliber thirteen libras, lengththirteen calibers. In the said breastwork there are four pieces. _Breastwork of S. Andres near the Foundry_ Two patereroes, new casting of Manila, caliber eight libras, lengththirteen calibers. One demi-saker of the same casting, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty diameters. Another demi-saker, old casting of Manila, caliber three and a halflibras, length thirty calibers. One passavolante [_i. E. _, small culverin], cast in Flandes, caliberfive libras, length forty calibers. One saker, cast in Mexico, caliber seven libras, length twenty-eightcalibers. In the said fort there are six pieces. _Breastwork of S. Pedro near the New Port_ One saker cast in Mexico, caliber five libras, length thirty-twocalibers. One demi-saker cast in Manila by Sangleys, caliber three libras, length thirty calibers. Two patereroes, new casting of Manila, caliber eight libras, lengththirteen calibers. One demi-saker, new casting of Manila, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty-one calibers. One demi-saker of the same casting, caliber two libras, length thirtydiameters. In the said fort are six pieces. _Fort of Nuestra Señora de Guia_ One demi-cannon, old casting of Manila, caliber sixteen libras, length twenty-two calibers. Two sakers, old casting of Manila, caliber six libras, lengthtwenty-eight calibers. One paterero of the same casting, caliber twelve libras, lengtheleven calibers. Another paterero, new casting of Manila, caliber eight libras, lengththirteen diameters. One bell-mouthed piece, caliber six libras, length twelve calibers. One demi-cannon, old casting of Manila, caliber sixteen libras, length twenty-two calibers. In the said fort there are seven pieces. _Curtain on the Water-front_ One paterero, new casting of Manila, caliber eight libras, lengththirteen calibers, in front of the palace. One saker, cast in Mexico, caliber six libras, length thirty-onecalibers, in the middle of the curtain. There are on the water-front two pieces. _Plaza de Armas_ One demi-saker, cast in Acapulco, caliber three libras, length thirtycalibers. One saker, cast in Acapulco, caliber three libras, length thirtycalibers. One saker, cast in Yngalaterra, caliber eight libras, lengthtwenty-eight calibers. One demi-saker cast in Flandes, caliber four libras, length thirtycalibers. Another demi-saker, of the same casting and the same style. Another demi-saker, old casting of Manila, caliber four libras, length twenty-eight calibers. Another demi-saker of the same casting, caliber four libras, lengththirty calibers. There are in the said plaza six pieces. _In Cavite_ There are two sakers which came from Terrenate--one cast in Manila, caliber six libras; and the other in Flandes, caliber seven libras. There are also four falcons, large patereroes, which were brought inthe said ship. In the magazines there are two or three falcon patereroes. _Flag-Ship of the Galleys_ One piece, one-third cannon caliber, cast in Acapulco, caliber elevenlibras, length twenty-two calibers. Two small culverins [_moyanas_]--cast one in Ynglaterra, caliberthree libras; the other in Manila, caliber two libras. Four catapults, two discharging stone balls of twenty-five libras, and the other two of thirteen libras, new casting of Manila. On the said galley there are seven pieces. _Second Galley, "San Lorenço"_ One piece, one-third cannon caliber, cast in Acapulco, caliber elevenlibras, length twenty-two calibers. Two catapults, new casting of Manila, caliber seventy-three libras. Two small culverins [_moyanas_] of the said casting, caliber one libra. On the said galley are five pieces. _Recapitulation of the Artillery_ Fort of Santhiago 26 pieces Breastwork of S. Gabriel 6, , Breastwork of Dilao 4, , Breastwork of S. Andres 6, , Breastwork of S. Pedro 6, , Fort of Nuestra Señora de Guia 7, , Curtain of the Water-front 2, , Plaza des Armas 6, , Cavite 2, , In the said Cavite, falcon patereroes 4, , Magazines, falcons 2, , Flag-ship Galley 7, , Second Galley 5, , 83, , I, Alonso de Bienbengud, commander of the artillery of our lord theking in this his royal military station of Manila in the PhilipinasIslands, certify that the artillery declared in this list andmemorandum is placed and distributed in the forts, breastworks, traverses, and other places named therein, and that it is of thecharacter described; in witness whereof these presents are signed withmy name. Manila, the sixth of July, one thousand six hundred and seven. Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III _On the Confraternity of la Misericordia_ Your Majesty gives commands in a letter dated the seventeenth ofApril, 1606, for information to be sent regarding the nature of theConfraternity of La Misericordia of this city, when and with whatofficial license it was organized, its constitution, the amountof its income and the manner in which the income is distributed, the good results which have followed from the establishmentof the Confraternity, and what are its constitutions [_i. E. _, rules of organization]. Your Majesty also asks that a copy of theseconstitutions be sent, and information as to whether the present incomeof the Confraternity is sufficient for its purposes, and whether somegrant may properly be made to it; and, if so, the amount and form ofgrant that would be suitable--so that your Majesty may be furnishedwith full information on the whole matter. Since, as has been stated, the departure of these vessels is so near at hand, a copy of theconstitutions of the Confraternity is not sent, but a summary of them, which is enclosed. Your Majesty will see by this abstract that theworks to which this Confraternity is dedicated are those of greatcharity and of service to God our Lord. To all such works it attendswith great fervor, using the charitable gifts which are bestowedfor this purpose. Although this Audiencia asked the brethren of theConfraternity to make a statement of the manner in which your Majestymight make them a grant, and as to the amount thereof, they were unableto discover any way in which the grant could be made; nor could thisAudiencia perceive any, so much exhausted and indebted is the treasuryof your Majesty. Accordingly, your Majesty may make such grant asshall please your Majesty, which will be well employed by them, andmuch to the service of God and your Majesty. [_In the margin_: "Thereis no answer. Let a copy of this section be given to the secretary, Señor Contreras, that he may know the deliberations and decree. "] The activity of the Confraternity of La Misericordia in this citybegan fourteen years ago. At that time the governor associated withhimself some twelve of the chief persons here, and they gave everyweek from their own households what was necessary for the supportof widows, the poor, persons in secret distress, and others inpressing need. This they continued to do until they received therules governing the Confraternity in the city of Lisboa, where it wasfirst established. By these rules they have been governed ever since, the number of brethren being now a hundred and fifty. 1. In the first place, knowing that women, both Spanish and mestizas, suffered greatly in case of sickness, for lack of a hospital in whichto be treated, the Confraternity determined to establish one, whichis still called the hospital of La Misericordia. They bought landand erected a building with the money given in alms; and they pay theexpense of keeping a physician and a surgeon, of medicines, and of themaintenance of two Franciscan religious, who administer the sacramentsand care for the welfare of the souls of the patients. In addition, the Confraternity has made up for the lack of a hospital for slavesby setting apart some rooms where slaves go to be cared for, and areattended to with special care of both their bodies and their souls. 2. The principal matter to which the Confraternity gave its attentionfrom the first was the succor of needy persons who committed themselvesto its protection--as widows, married persons, orphans, cripples, and deserted persons of good life. To them the Confraternity givewhat is necessary for their daily support. This matter is attended toonce a week by two brethren who give them aid in their own houses, within and without the walls of the city, doing the work with allthe secrecy in the world. Upon this are spent weekly sixty or seventypesos, more or less, according to the amount of contributions received. 3. The Confraternity has always attended to the support of the poorin the prison. A brother is assigned to this duty, who causes foodfor the poor prisoners to be prepared daily at his own house, andtakes care to have it sent to them with great regularity. He alsoprovides the said prison with water sufficient for the prisoners, which is their greatest want. [38] Thus they alleviate the miseryof the prisoners. The said prison is always attended by one of thebrethren of high station, that he may attend to the care and promptdecision of the cases of poor prisoners. 4. This Confraternity attends to providing a shelter for the daughtersof poor conquistadors and colonists, and for other women whom theyconsider thus in need; and has placed them in a seminary in this city, supporting them there until they enter the married state, and thenit gives them assistance according to their rank. 5. The Confraternity takes great care to place orphan boys wherethey may be cared for, and to protect them. Those who desire togive themselves to exercises of virtue and learning it places in acollege of the Society of Jesus, paying for each one a hundred pesosfor his board. 6. The Confraternity also aids with clothing, which it collects fromcharitable persons, which the said brethren give to both men andwomen, who would suffer greatly without this assistance and care, from lack of clothes. Many women would not go to mass for lack ofcloaks and other things needed, if this alms were not given them. 7. It gives aid to many sick persons who, as incurable and beyondremedy, are discharged from the royal hospital--the physiciansdirecting them, if they wish to recover, to go to certain bathsabout twelve leguas from the city. [39] They are assisted to do this, that they may recover their health. 8. Every week when they hold their meeting and assembly they giveassistance to many persons who do not receive continued assistance, and they also aid many who are on their way to Nueva España--dischargedensigns, sergeants, and soldiers. These are assisted in proportion totheir rank, as their need and their service to your Majesty are known. 9. The Confraternity has also given aid outside of this city, bysending to the provinces of Pintados much aid to the Portuguese, of both the higher and the lower classes, who by the destruction ofMaluco and Ambueno by the Dutch have been obliged to come to theseregions with their families and households. Without this assistancethey would have suffered severer privations. 10. It has undertaken to provide persons to go [_i. E. _, to thescaffold] with those who suffer under the law, and to bury them;and it takes up the dismembered bodies of those who have suffered, and the bodies of the drowned, burying them in consecrated groundwith much care, and showing honor to their bodies and bones, thusgreatly edifying the natives. 11. It attends with the necessary secrecy to securing reconciliationsbetween persons at enmity--sometimes of husbands with their wives, and sometimes between other persons; and thus the brethren bring toan end many evils and prevent injuries. They likewise correct manypersons of vices of which they have secret knowledge, which withoutdoubt greatly redounds to the service of God our Lord. 12. It attends to the execution of many wills, which are entrusted toit by persons who leave their property to be distributed for piousworks and for chaplaincies. Leaving the matter in the care of thisConfraternity, they feel certain that their trusts will be executedforever. It is a great consolation to them to know that the executionhas been accepted by the Confraternity. In particular, the execution ofthe wills of poor persons who leave heirs in Nueva España and España, and in Yndia, is accepted by the Confraternity. 13. All of these works of charity are performed by the saidConfraternity from the alms which are received from the citizens, fromthe brethren, and from persons who at death leave them bequests becausethey see how well is allotted and spent that which is collected. Theincome is obtained with much pains, because of the smallness of thepopulation. Should your Majesty make a grant to the Confraternity, it could accomplish more in caring for cases of need which every dayoccur, requiring aid and claiming pity. _Pedro Hurtado Desquivel_, clerk of court. This is an accurate copy of the original section: _Juan Lopez de Hernani_ Trade of the Philippines with Mexico _Report from the Council of State_ Sire: Your Majesty was pleased to order that the enclosed reports from theCouncil of the Indias and that of Portugal be examined in the Council, and that they should make such recommendations as they deemed proper;and having examined them, the members gave their opinions as follows: The chief comendador [40] of Leon, in a meeting held at Valladolid, insisted that it was not desirable that there should be tradefrom Nueva España to the Filipinas on account of the great drain ofsilver thus caused; it is occasioned by the large profits obtained byinvesting the silver in the merchandise which comes to those islandsfrom China--partly through the cheapness of these goods, and partlythrough the great value of silver. He also stated the difficultieswhich are presented, in that, through this trade, the need for themerchandise from these regions would cease, and with it the dependenceof those colonies, which it is so important to preserve. It should beconsidered that, although the trade of Nueva España with China shouldbe prohibited, this would be of no use if trade with the Philipinaswere left open; for by that means the Chinese will have an outlet fortheir merchandise. Accordingly it seemed best that this should beprohibited, so that there would be no trade from Nueva España withthe Philipinas. But, as it must also be considered that the totalprohibition thereof would cause a hindrance to conversion and would putan end to settlement, he thought it best, in order to maintain boththe one and the other, that two merchant ships should be permittedto go each year from Nueva España to the Philipinas, of the capacityand under the conditions which are at present in use there. Since, if the people of the Philipinas are able to trade with Macan, therewill be the risk of their introducing through that channel a tradewith China, and consequently a drain of silver from Nueva España, it seems best not to give an opportunity for this. On the contrary, the decree should be observed which was despatched in the time of theking our lord (who rests in glory), prohibiting the trade betweenMacan and the Philipinas, for it is to be believed that this wasissued after mature deliberation and reflection; for that conductwould be greatly to the satisfaction of the Portuguese, and we wouldavoid the difficulties of opening that port to the trade from China, as it is so important for these kingdoms to maintain what they hold inPeru and Nueva España. But it would be very desirable to order thatthere shall be considerable understanding and correspondence betweenthe governors, so that in case the ships from one region make portat the other, driven by the weather, they may be well received andtreated; and also that they may help each other in times of need, with money and whatever shall be necessary of provisions, munitions, and other supplies pertaining to the defense of the land and operationsagainst the enemy. The Marques de Velada said that if the trade of Nueva España with thePhilipinas could be kept within moderate bounds, and if nothing camefrom China to the Philipinas except what was needed there, he wouldconsider it good; but he regards this as difficult, and thereforesupports the chief comendador of Leon. The Conde de Chinchon said that the preservation of the Indiasconsisted in this, that, through their need of articles which arenot produced there, they always depend upon this country; and itwould be the means of losing them if their wants could be suppliedelsewhere. To think that if there were trade between Nueva Españaand the Philipinas there would cease to be any with China would bean evident mistake, and therefore it should be closed. In so far asconcerns Macan, order should be given that the decree which has beenissued be observed, as the chief comendador of Leon has said. In thisstate of affairs it has seemed best to him to advise your Majesty thatit ought to be carefully considered whether it is expedient that eachyear there should be carried to Eastern India a million eight-realpieces for articles of so little importance as are those which arebrought thence; and what plan could be made to obviate this drain ofsilver, as we are in such need of it here. The constable of Castilla said that the reports [from the othercouncils] discussed only the trade of the Philipinas with Macan;and it seemed to him that the plan which had been followed should bemaintained, as it ought to be changed only after having examined andconsidered well the pros and cons, and there should be very urgentreasons for making such change. Your Majesty will order this to be examined and such measures to betaken as shall be most satisfactory. Madrid, December 18, 1607. [_Endorsed, in the king's hand_: "All has been carefully considered, but the remedy is not easy. "] Passage of Missionaries Via the Philippines to Japan _Report from the Council of the Indias_ Sire: The Duke de Lerma has written to me, the Conde de Lemos, that yourMajesty orders to be immediately examined in this Council the enclosedreport from the Council of Portugal concerning the question whetherreligious from the Philipinas should pass to Japon; and that, withthe consideration which the matter demanded, you be advised of hisopinion. Complying with what your Majesty orders, it has appeared tous that, in order that the fundamental facts might be understood, itis proper to answer the reasons advanced by the Council of Portugalas a basis for their report, which is in conformity with the decreesissued by their Holinesses Gregory XIII and Clement VIII, and byhis Majesty who is in heaven, and by your Majesty: these are to theeffect that no religious shall pass to the provinces of Japon fromthese kingdoms, or from the Western Indias or from the Philipinas, except as they go by way of Yndia, and commanding that if any hadpassed they should return immediately, and that the governor of thePhilipinas should be immediately notified to put this into execution. The Council of Portugal states--conformably to what the bishop ofJapon writes, who is one of the Society [of Jesus]--that Dayfusama, universal lord of those realms, continues in the same suspicion thathis predecessor Taycosama had of the Spaniards from the PhilipinasIslands, and those who go from Nueva España, that they ate peoplelooking for conquests. He thinks that their principal aim is directedto making themselves lords of the country, as they have done in thePhilipinas themselves and in Nueva España; and that what they callpreaching the gospel is an artifice, and a means of conquering, as Taicosama wrote to the city of Manila. On this account, also, he had caused the Franciscan religious to be crucified as spies, whose intention was to conquer kingdoms; and therefore no more shouldbe sent there. To make this the stronger, they add an example, in theentrance made there in the year 1602 by sixteen Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian religious, who say that they were not well receivedby the heathens and Christians who were there. The second reason is, to cut off the communication of Nueva Españawith Japon and China, which results in the diversion of a great partof the silver from Nueva España into those kingdoms, on account ofthe great profit which there is in that trade, to the great prejudiceof these kingdoms. Reply is to be made, presupposing as a certain thing that discalced[_i. E. _ Franciscan], Augustinian, and Dominican friars have atvarious times been readily admitted into Japon, obtaining greatresults in conversion; and that in the year 1594 there had come awell-known Japanese named Faranda to the city of Manila, who askedfor friars. Moreover, Gomez Perez de las Mariñas, governor of thePhilipinas, sent in the capacity of ambassador father Fray PedroBaptista, a discalced Franciscan, with several religious of his order, to whom Dayfusama, universal lord of the Japanese, extended manyfavors, and whom he permitted to build a convent in Usaca--a verylarge city near that of Miaco, where his court is--so that he mightpreach the holy gospel. Afterward, in October of the year 1597, when the Japanese undertook to destroy, in a province of Japon, the galleon "San Phelipe"--which was going from the Philipinas loNueva España, laden with merchandise from China of great value, andhaving more than a hundred Spaniards and other men in the crew--thesaid Taycosama, to have some excuse for appropriating to himselfthe contents of the said ship (as he did), gave us to understandthat he was suspicious, as has been said, of those Spaniards. Ithas been learned, however, that a seaman from the said galleon gaveoccasion for this feeling, when he was asked how the Spaniards hadconquered so many countries. Thus far we have not been able to learnwith certainty in regard to this, except that it is said that somePortuguese spread this news through the kingdoms of Yndia, for thesake of their own private interests. In confirmation of the suspicionor fear which the tyrant has shown, he has ordered the publication ofan edict, in which it is provided that no one should be a Christian;and has crucified the six discalced friars (whom, as before stated, he had treated with favors) and twenty converted Japanese, in theneighborhood of Nangasaqui, to which place the galleon resorts, whichordinarily goes each year from Macao for the Japanese trade. It wasthere, with one hundred and fifty Portuguese; and the bishop of Japonthen officiated publicly, and there were more than twenty thousandChristian Japanese and a principal college of the Society--whenceit is supposed that the reason was greed, under color of a reasonof state. For if the intention of the tyrant was to exclude at allpoints Christianity and its ministers from Japon, he would not havepermitted so great a number of fathers of the Society as were residingin that country, with their prelate (several of whom were known tohim), and hundreds of thousands of Christian Japanese, contentinghimself with the persecution of these few. This is especially so as, in the year following this martyrdom, the conversion of more than60, 000 Japanese was affirmed, a greater number than for many yearspast taken together. It may be believed that God worked this miraclethrough the blood shed by those martyrs and their intercession. Sincethat event, on various occasions religious have entered Japon in theships of the Japanese themselves, who go to the Philipinas to trade, and express a desire that some religious from the orders there shouldgo. The same Dayfusama, who is now reigning, sent an embassy to thePhilipinas seeking friars in order that one of the ports of his island, called Quanto, might be settled by Spaniards. To further this claim, hesent later Fray Jeronimo de Jesus, --a discalced friar who had survivedhis companions the martyrs, for the consolation of the converted, and who had been hidden; accordingly the Audiencia of your Majestywhich resides in Manila ordered religious to be sent. To the second reason, it is answered that thus far it is not known inthe Council that there has been any trade from Nueva España or fromthe Philipinas to Japon, nor does it even appear that those who areoccupied in trade have any need thereof; for to the Philipinas Islandsthemselves there come so great a number of junks and ships belongingto the Chinese from Chincheo, that there is always a superabundanceof merchandise, and to limit this trade your Majesty has alreadydecreed what appears most expedient for his service. What is known is that the fathers of the Society do not desire otherorders than their own to enter into Japon, giving as a reason thatothers would not know the method which must be followed in preachingto those heathen, whose perversity has need of cunning to overcomeit. This the fathers say they know, as they have been occupied in thisconversion for fifty years; and they say that there would be greatoccasion for weakening the belief of the natives in the doctrine whichis preached to them, if they saw a diversity in the vestments, rules, and ceremonies. Accordingly, with these arguments they obtained byentreaty the above-mentioned briefs; and, having been opposed by theDominicans and Franciscans before his Holiness, they finally obtaineda brief that in case religious of other orders were to go, it mustbe by way of Yndia. This is the same as prohibiting it altogether;for in the domains of Portugal the missionaries are not supplied withmaintenance, including everything that they need on the journey, as they are in Castilian lands. The road, too, is much longer, andstrewn with difficulties; and in it care is taken to embarrass them, and not let them pass--as has been seen several times when religioushave gone by way of Yndia, several Dominicans and Augustinians havingbeen stopped at Goa, even after part of their sea-stores had beenplaced on the ship. In the year 1602 the Franciscan friars of Yndiasaid in response to Fray Pablo de los Martires, who came to seekfriars, that they could not send them to Japon. This is answeredby saying that the Catholic faith is already old and widely spreadin Japon, and it would be a dangerous thing to exclude from itspreaching the method which Christ our Lord has left in His gospel, which the mendicant orders observe, and through which have beenconverted the nations of the greatest power, genius, and learningin the world--among them the Romans, who held dominion over it. Andit appears that not without much harm to conscience can obstacles beput in the way of ministers who preach in 66 countries, disposed toreceive them, where it is impossible that the fathers of the Societyshould be sufficient, even to maintain the faithful who are there;for it is understood that [in Japan] they number more than 600, 000, and they have not had in past years even 150 fathers, for which reasonit was necessary for them to say daily three masses each, and then failin the service of the sacraments on account of the great number of thefaithful and the distance between the places. As for the differencein vestments and rules of the orders, this is answered by the factthat the Japanese have already seen them many times, and now seethese in their own country, yet with especial profit. Moreover, thosewho are continually going to the Philipinas are, it is understood, not only not scandalized by this, but even--considering that inthe diversity of religious orders and multitude of religious thereis but one confession of faith, one set of sacraments, and one lawalone, all submitting to the Supreme Pontiff as the universal headof the Church--draw therefrom a very strong argument for the truthof the gospel law which is preached to them, especially by peopleof such ability and understanding as the very fathers who direct theJapanese certify that they are. The emulation of holiness and virtuesamong the religious orders is of great importance for their benefitand that of the public; and this will cease where there is only oneorder. The persecution against the faithful could not have taken place, if religious from the other orders had gone there; for it is certainthat there would have been other and very severe persecutions beforethis, if the fathers of the Society alone had been preaching in Japon. The Portuguese of Yndia have great interests at stake, according totheir opinion, in this measure; for it seems to them that, as thepresence of the fathers has been a means for their trade with Japon(which amounts each year to more than a million and a half), andthe religious from Castilla must be favorable to Nueva España andthe Philipinas, and as the traders of those provinces pay for themerchandise, on account of the abundance of silver which they have, a third more than is paid by those from India, they must either beshut out from this trade, or buy so dearly that the profit would bevery little. Thus far, as has been said to your Majesty, it is notknown that this has happened; but in order to provide for this, andat the same time for the principal aim which your Majesty has, thespread of the holy gospel in regions so remote, and where experiencehas shown that there is so great a disposition to receive it, and forthe preservation of the states which your Majesty holds in the Westernand Eastern Yndias, it has appeared best to the Council that yourMajesty should be pleased to order his ambassador who is present inRome to represent to his Holiness the reasons which exist for openingthe way for preaching in Japon, for such religious as may be approvedby their superiors and the Council; and therefore he should ask forthe revocation of the briefs which oppose this object, leaving itto the general disposal of all the provinces of the world. They alsosuggest that your Majesty should order that from no part of his kingdomshould religious go to Japon without first making port at the city ofManila in the Philipinas Islands, where the governor of the islandsand the superiors of the orders, as those who manage this business, shall ascertain at what time and opportunity, and what religious, itis expedient to send over to preach in Japon; and these and no othersshall go. The said governor should command that the religious who areto go to Japon shall go in ships belonging to the Japanese themselves, as it is understood that those who have gone up to the present timehave done, without permitting that other ships than those of thecrown of Castilla should go, under this pretext, to the provincesand realms of Japon--severely punishing those who violate this order. Your Majesty will order what shall be most for the royalservice. Valladolid, May 30, 1606. _Report from the Council of the Indias_ Sire: The Duke de Lerma has written to me, the Conde de Lemos, that yourMajesty orders that the enclosed report from the Council of Portugalbe examined in this Council, in regard to the order that there shouldbe no passing to Japon by way of the Philipinas, and that your Majestybe advised of what seems best. In this report the principal purposeseems to be that commerce should be prohibited, by your Majesty'scommand, in order that the Philipinas may not maintain it with Chinaor Japon. This matter depends very much on what the same Council ofPortugal has claimed, and now brings forward as foundation for itsclaim, which is the prohibition of the entrance of Castilian religiousinto Japon to preach. At your Majesty's command, the Council replied, in the past year, to another report from the Council of Portugal, in which it proposed in detail the arguments on which it foundsits claim. Therefore it seemed best to return the report to yourMajesty, together with a letter written to your Majesty by FranciscoPeña, auditor of Rota, from which it is apparent how this matter isconsidered in Rome, and how much that opinion is in conformity withwhat this Council has advised your Majesty, adding what we have learnedsince the aforesaid report was sent, from letters from the governorand Audiencia, and investigations made before the aforesaid Audienciaand the archbishop of Manila, and other trustworthy papers whichcame from the Philipinas and Japon. The emperor of Japon sent to thegovernor of the islands, asking him very earnestly to send religiousto settle in the land of Quanto; and some were therefore sent, andthey were very kindly received. Land was given them for houses andhospitals; so they have founded two residences, where they are makinggreat headway in the conversion of the Japanese, and the religious arevery well treated. As the emperor himself has for three years desiredand insisted upon the commerce of the Philipinas with his realms, a ship has accordingly been sent each year from the islands to thoseof Quanto, with merchandise from China, and various articles of whichthey have more than enough in the aforesaid [Philippine] islands;and it brought back in return much silver (with which the land ofJapon abounds), wheaten flour, dried beef, hemp for cordage, iron, steel, powder, and hafted weapons and other things of great value forthe provision and preservation of the aforesaid Philipinas Islands. Inthose islands it appears of the greatest importance that this commercebe introduced and preserved; because, besides the provision of theaforesaid goods, it is well to keep the king of Japon friendly bythis means. For if he were not so he would be the greatest enemy thatcould be feared, on account of the number and size of his realms, and the valor of the people therein, who are, beyond comparison, the bravest in all India--as has been experienced in the aforesaidislands sometimes, with pirates who have overrun those coasts, doinggreat harm and hindering the commerce of the other nations. Japon isso anxious to assure and facilitate friendly relations with the saidislands that, the king having heard that some Japanese were molestingthem with their vessels, he ordered them all to be crucified; and hegave chapas, or decrees, to some religious, in order that with thesethe ships which went from the islands to Japon might be safe. Also it was understood that when the bishop of Japon (who belongsto the Society) desired to make known to the religious who were inthose lands the last brief of his Holiness, in order for them todepart from the country in fulfilment of it, it was represented whatgreat difficulties would result from the publication and executionof it, in order that he might wait for an appeal to be taken to hisHoliness. For the orders of St. Francis, St. Dominic, and St. Augustinehave nine convents and four hospitals, where they have achieved greatresults in the conversion; moreover, they were admitted and calledthither by the emperor. They find a great number of people disposedto receive the gospel law, and it would be impossible for the fathersof the Society (who are in some kingdoms of Japon) to be sufficient asworkmen in so broad and fertile a vineyard. On this account, it wouldcause great scandal among the converted and those to be converted, to see the opposition of one order to the others, since previouslythey held them all to be uniform in the purpose of the spreading ofthe gospel, and the religious to be vassals of one king and subjectsof the one and only head of the church. But in spite of the statementsof the friars, the bishop ordered the said brief to be published andmade known, with its penalties and censures. Councils were held bythe orders in the Philipinas and Japon, and they thought that theyought to appeal from the said brief to his Holiness; this was donebefore the said bishop, in order that his Holiness might understandthe state in which affairs were in those lands, and, being betterinformed, revoke the brief. It seems important, for the decision ofthis matter, that it be understood, from the description of Japonand from trustworthy accounts, that the preaching of the fathers ofthe Society, in the more than fifty years since they entered Japon, has not reached to within a hundred miles of the kingdoms of Quanto, where there are some convents of discalced Franciscan friars, norhas the merchandise of the Portuguese done so; but on the contrarythe emperor--having a particular fondness for those kingdoms, asbeing a patrimony of his--at great cost has caused to be carried byland some of the merchandise which the Portuguese brought from Chinato Japon. So then, neither is the Society limited in the bounds ofits preaching, nor is the crown of Portugal in those of its trade;for even if six ships went there, instead of the single one that nowgoes from Macao each year, all that they should carry would stilleasily be consumed in the lands which are more than a hundred leguasdistant from those of Quanto. For from the island where Nangaçaquiis, until the ship reaches Quanto, there are more than two hundredand twenty leguas of very thickly settled mainland. Granting theprohibition which your Majesty has made that no merchandise beyond acertain stated amount should go from the Philipinas to Nueva Spaña, on account of the great difficulties which result otherwise, it seemswell worthy of consideration that goods bought from China in thoseislands of your Majesty should be diverted to Japon, from which somuch silver is and may be obtained for the benefit of your vassalsand the increase of their wealth and of your Majesty's exchequer--atleast making unnecessary in the Philipinas that which is and maybe brought from the lands of Piru and Nueva Spaña, with benefit toboth those colonies and the islands. For the ships which go from thePhilipinas to Nueva Spaña it is of the greatest importance to have asafe harbor in Japon, in which to repair and supply themselves withthe necessities for so long and dangerous a voyage--because, for nothaving had it hitherto, great losses have been suffered; and some, such as that of the galleon "San Phelipe, " amounted to more than amillion. It is more fitting for this purpose and for others thatour ships should go to Japon than that theirs should come to thePhilipinas, because when they come to those islands they buy from theChinese, who come there to sell, the merchandise which the Castilianswould have bought, enhancing the prices of it, and giving the Chinesefor it the silver which they would have given to the subjects of yourMajesty; nor is there any remedy therefor, although it has been sought. As for the entrance of religious, the Council persists in the opinionof their last report, a copy of which is subjoined; but in regardto the prohibition of commerce it changes the opinion which ithad reached, on account of the new information. It thinks that forthe present your Majesty ought to allow one or two ships to go eachyear from the Philipinas to the kingdoms of Quanto, at the same timewarning the governor that he should manage this matter with the careand prudence necessary, so that your Majesty's purpose may be attainedin facilitating and spreading the law of the gospel, and keeping yourvassals and realms in peace and quietness, in order that thus they mayserve God and your Majesty. Since the Council of Portugal, in its lastreport, begs your Majesty to discuss this matter jointly with it, thatmight be done, if it please your Majesty, in order that, the argumentsfor and against being presented by persons whom your Majesty wouldchoose from both Councils, the decision might be made with greatersatisfaction and understanding of the situation, as the magnitude andimportance of the matter demand. Your Majesty will command what mayserve you best. Madrid, 31st of March, 1607. [Ten signatures follow. ] _Report from the Council of State_ Sire: Your Majesty was pleased to order the Council to examine a reportfrom the Council of Yndia resident in Lisboa, dated December 4, 1605, and another from the Council of Portugal, dated January 31, 1606, which treat of the inadvisability of religious going to thekingdoms of Xapon from the Philipinas, for the reasons advanced; andtwo others dated May 30, 1606, and March 31, 1607, from the Councilof the Yndias, which allege the contrary. The Council after examiningthese, and calling to mind what was advised on the occasion of otherreports from the Council of Portugal and of certain briefs of the Pope, which were laid before them, advised your Majesty of its opinion inthis matter--namely, to examine the report and what your Majesty waspleased to decide. And inasmuch as the said advice was given November2, 1604, in Valladolid, and your Majesty was pleased to answer theCouncil of Portugal in regard to it, and decreed what was resolvedthereon; and now since we have come to advise your Majesty: we advisethat, in order to express our opinion, as your Majesty orders, it wouldbe advisable to examine what your Majesty resolved then. Accordinglyif your Majesty please, you might order the Conde de Salinas to sendyour Majesty the resolution taken upon the report of that Council ofthe year 1604, which was accompanied by the briefs of his Holiness, so that after examination in this Council, we may more reasonablyadvise your Majesty of our opinion. Madrid, September 7, 1607. [Sixsignatures follow]. [_Endorsed_: "+ Officially; September 7, 1607. The Council of Statein regard to certain reports from the Councils of Portugal and of theYndias, of Castilla, as to whether or not religious are to go to Japonby way of the Philipinas. " _In a different hand_: "The accompanyingreport from the Council of Portugal will give information on what isasked here. Also other reports from the same Council, and from thatof the Yndias, in regard to matters of the Filipinas, and of Macan, are enclosed. They should be examined together in the Council, and theCouncil should advise me of their opinion regarding the whole matter. "] [One signature, evidently that of the king, follows]. _Report from the Council of State_ Sire: Conformably to what your Majesty was pleased to order, there wereexamined in the Council the reports and papers which are returnedwith this, and opinions were expressed as follows: The chief comendador of Leon said that from the accounts andinvestigations which the reports from the Council of Portugaldisclose, it is gathered that in the preaching of the gospel which isbeing carried on by those of the Society who reside in Japon, theypractice, contrary to its spirit, worldly artifice; for it is said, on the one hand, that they are preaching in secret, and, on the other, that they maintain a ship in trade and traffic for their support. Heconsiders it very unsuitable that the gospel should go in disguise, and believes that those who preach it should emulate the povertyof the apostles, and should carry on no manner of trade or profit, so that they may attract and convert by the example of the purity oftheir lives, with no worldly ostentation. This is very fitting forthe reputation of the faith and those who preach it, that those whooppose it may not say that they trade. If they adopt this plan, andare so numerous that they can attend to all parts of the country whereit is necessary, the going of other orders thither might be dispensedwith. But if they are not sufficient to attend to all parts, and thatking begs that Franciscan friars should go, the comendador knows noreason why they should not be sent; and the bishops of the Filipinasshould be charged to send such religious as are fit for the ministryof preaching. The governor of those islands should be ordered to sendthem in small vessels, which should only take sufficient provisionsfor their support, expressly prohibiting that they carry any kindof merchandise, and the trade of the Filipinas with Japon shouldcease entirely; for in this way would be obviated the difficultieswhich are represented on the part of the Portuguese, and the desiredend of the conversion of souls would be better attained. It wouldbe an easy thing to obtain from the Pope that he should revoke therestriction that none could go except by way of Portuguese Yndia, leaving to the choice of your Majesty all that concerns this affair;for his Holiness may be sure that your Majesty, as the best informedof all, will do what is most fitting for the propagation of ourholy faith. What the Portuguese allege in regard to the religiouswho went to Japon being missed in the Filipinas is not sufficient;for there will certainly be some who, without being missed there, could go to Japon. Thus, if personal interests and differences wouldcease, those religious might attend solely to the conversion ofthose heathen, with the discretion and moderation which is fitting, so as to relieve that king from the suspicion he has, that in thatway they are trying to take away his kingdom. For if he is assuredof that, and sees that no other than religious come, and that theseare engaged in no other business than that of conversion, it is tobe hoped in our Lord that he will not hinder it; since by those samedocuments it is evident that the reason for his having made martyrsof the Franciscan friars was the suspicion which he had that they hadother objects to the prejudice of his state. It is likewise fittingthat all the religious maintain friendly relations with one another, and be united, and that their duties be not ill performed. For quarrelsbetween them will be of much greater injury and less edification forthe heathen than is the diversity of their garb; and, when it is seenthat they are all working toward the same end, it will be recognizedthat all profess the same faith, and that religion is one. The Marques de Velada said that the reports from the Council ofPortugal are at variance with those from the Council of the Yndias;for the former say that in Japon they do not desire Franciscan friars, and the others that they are asking for them. It therefore appears bestto him that your Majesty should secure from the Pope a revocation ofthe clause in the brief which prohibits other religious from goingto Japon unless it be by way of Yndia; and that his Holiness leaveit to the choice of your Majesty to send them by the way which shallseem most fitting, as, in regard to the principal point--which isthat they should go, whether it be by Yndia or otherwise--they are inaccord. Whether they are to go by that or some other route is such aminor consideration that it ought not to depend on that. Accordinglyhe would order Don Juan de Silva [41] to investigate whether it betrue that the king of Japon is asking for Franciscan friars; and ifthis be so he should not fail to send some, in the manner which hasbeen stated by the chief comendador of Leon. And even if the king doesnot seek them, let it be known that he will permit them. Moreover, all kinds of trade should be totally prohibited, and the passing ofany other people from the Filipinas to Japon, except such religiousfriars as are not only holy, but judicious and discreet--althoughthese qualities were not displayed by those friars who told the kingof Japon that by means of them the Western Yndias had been conquered, because that was sufficient reason for causing their martyrdom, fearing that by the same means his kingdom would be taken away fromhim. Accordingly it is fitting that those who go should be fully warnednot to speak of this, before assuring that king of the amity and kindfeeling of your Majesty, and that you will never attempt anything tohis injury. The members of the Society will have an advantage over thefriars, in having been so many years in that country, but the latterwill have an advantage in not having ships for trade; and it is veryfitting that this should be remedied, since the purity with which thegospel ought to be preached will not allow of such sources of profit. The Conde de Chinchón said that the ill-feeling in those regionsbetween the Castilians and the Portuguese has lasted many years, because the Portuguese have been and are suspicious that the profitof the trade will be taken away from them; and if the fathers ofthe Society who are in Japon proceed with the caution that they usein England, it is no wonder that they are troubled by the fact thatothers go [to Japon] who, without underhand measures, endeavor toestablish the faith as it should be done, and not in private, or withany mixture of worldly interests. The first thing which it appearsto him ought to be done is to procure the revocation of the brief, as has been said, so that it will remain at the free disposition ofyour Majesty to send religious to Japon when and by such route asyour Majesty may judge expedient; and, having procured the revocation, there should be no prohibition of certain Franciscan friars from theFilipinas going there, in the manner in which the chief comendadorof Leon has suggested--totally prohibiting commerce, and the passingof people other than religious. In this manner he believes that thePortuguese will be satisfied, and that the fathers of the Societywill agree to it, if influence be brought to bear upon the superiorsof both orders, so that they may secure agreement between the orders. The constable of Castilla said that for the present he would not changethe order which was given that religious friars should not go fromthe Filipinas to Japon, and he would only consider the revocation ofthe brief in which they were prohibited from going by any other routethan that by Yndia; because that was nothing else than an attemptof the Council of Portugal to tie your Majesty's hands with theauthority of the Pope, and tacitly to exclude the Castilian religiousfrom going there. It is expedient that your Majesty should have thismatter at your own disposal, to send them when and by what route isexpedient. This would serve as a check, so that those of the Societywould take great care as to what they do. It would also be desirableto urge, through the Council of Portugal, that those fathers shouldenjoy no trade or profit; and to prohibit totally the trade of theFilipinas with Japon. In this way the suspicions and apprehensionsof both parties would cease, and by this means your Majesty might bebetter informed, and by impartial persons, and time would show whatwas most expedient. Your Majesty will have this examined, and takemeasures according to your pleasure. Madrid, December 20, 1607. [_Endorsed, in the hand of the king_: "I am advised concerning all thisthat I may decree, by one way or another, what is most suitable. Writetoday secretly to the Marques de Aytona that he shall ask the Pope inmy name for the revocation of the order of which mention is here made;and that he shall order another one despatched, leaving to my choice tosend the religious who are to go to preach, by the route which appearsbest to me according to the state of affairs; and charge the Marquesto have this despatch sent immediately, as secretly as possible. "] DOCUMENTS OF 1608-09 Annual receipts and expenditures of the Philippine government. Pedro de Caldierva de Mariaca; August 18, 1608. Decrees regarding way-station for Philippine vessels. Felipe III; September 27, 1608, and May 13, 1609. Letters to Juan de Silva. Felipe III; May 26 and July 29, 1609. Expeditions to the province of Tuy. Juan Manuel de la Vega; July 3, 1609. Petition of a Filipino chief for redress. Miguel Banal; July 25, 1609. Despatch of missionaries to the Philippines. Diego Aduarte. And others; [1608-09?]. _Source_: All these documents are obtained from the Archivo generalde Indias, Sevilla. _Translations_: The first, fourth, and fifth documents are translatedby James A. Robertson; the first decree in the second, by HenryB. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the rest, by RobertW. Haight. Annual Receipts and Expenditures of the Philippine Government Statement of the Annual Incomes and Sources of Profit of His Majestyin These Philipinas Islands _Tributes from his Majesty's encomiendas_ Tributes Common gold 3U359 In the encomienda of the coast of this city of Manila, his Majesty has three thousand three hundred and fifty-nine tributes. The tributes are each one peso, besides the two reals for the _situado_, and amount to the same number of pesos. 3U359 pesos, -- tomins. U533 In the encomienda of the villages of Çapa, Santa Ana, and Caruya, there are five hundred and thirty-three tributes. U533 pesos, -- tomins. U100 From the wandering Indians of the said coast and of this city of Manila, a greater or less sum is collected annually, which accordingly approximates to one hundred tributes annually U100 pesos, -- tomins. 805 In the encomienda of the villages of San Miguel and San Francisco, in Laguna de Bay, there are eight hundred and five tributes, or a like number of pesos. U805 pesos, -- tomins. U894 In the encomienda of Lumban, Pacte, and Longos in the said Laguna, there are eight hundred and ninety-four tributes. U894 pesos, -- tomins. 1U364 1/2 In the encomienda of Nayun and Tayavas there are one thousand three hundred and sixty-four and one-half tributes, or one thousand three hundred and sixty-four pesos and four tomins. 1U364 pesos, 4 tomins. U275 In the encomienda of Calilaya there are two hundred and seventy-five tributes, or a like number of pesos. U275 pesos, -- tomins. U711 In the encomienda of Tuley and Maragondon there are seven hundred and eleven tributes, or a like number of pesos. U711 pesos, -- tomins. 2U091 In the encomienda of Mindoro, there are two thousand and ninety-one tributes. 2U091 peso, -- tomins. 4U307 1/2 In the encomienda of La Panpanga there are four thousand three hundred and seven and one-half tributes, or four thousand three hundred and seven pesos and four tomins. 4U307 pesos, 4 tomins. U824 In the encomienda of the villages of Agoo and Alingayen, in the province of Pangasinan, there are eight hundred and twenty-four tributes. In this province the tributes amount each to ten reals, thus making a total of one thousand and thirty pesos. 1U030 pesos, -- tomins. U431 In the encomienda of Binalatonga, in the said province of Pangasinan, there are four hundred and thirty-one tributes, which, at ten reals, amount to five hundred and thirty-eight pesos and six tomins. U538 pesos, 6 tomins. 4U785 1/2 In his Majesty's encomiendas in the province of Ylocos, where the tributes are also ten reals, there are four thousand seven hundred and eighty-five and one-half tributes, which amount to five thousand nine hundred and eighty-one pesos and seven tomins. 5U981 pesos, 7 tomins. 2U668 In the encomiendas of Camarines there are two thousand six hundred and sixty-eight tributes at one peso. 2U668 pesos, -- tomins. In the province of Cibu, his Majesty owns the encomienda of the island of Compot and Cagayan, the tribute of which has not been collected for three years, as it is in revolt. 2U400 In the encomienda of Bohol and Bantayan in the said province of Çebu--which was apportioned to the royal crown this year, one thousand six hundred and eight, because of the death of Don Pedro de Gamboa, its former owner; and which his Majesty enjoys since the twenty-second of January of this said year--there are two thousand tour hundred tributes at one peso. 2U400 pesos, -- tomins. 3U624 In the encomienda of Panay and Oton there are three thousand six hundred and twenty-four tributes at one peso. 3U624 pesos, -- tomins. U382 In the village of Baybay, on the river of this city, three hundred and eighty-two tributes are collected from Christian Sangleys. U382 pesos, -- tomins. 1U500 There are always a varying number of infidel Sangleys living in the Parian of this city; as for the last collections, they amount to one thousand five hundred tributes. 1U500 pesos, -- tomins. ------ ----------------------32U395 1/2 33U906 pesos, 5 tomins. _Situados of all the encomiendas in these islands_ Common gold The situado [42] of his Majesty's encomiendas above mentioned amounts to eight thousand and ninety-eight pesos and seven tomins, at the rate of two reals for each tribute--the tributes amounting to thirty-two thousand three hundred and ninety-five and one-half 8U098 pesos, 7 tomins. The situados of the encomiendas of individuals in these islands amount to twenty-three thousand two hundred pesos. 23U200 pesos. ---------------------- 31U298 pesos, 7 tomins. _Tithes of gold_ The tithes of gold (of which the tenth is taken in these islands) are worth on an average, considering former years, eight hundred pesos. U800 pesos, -- tomins. _Ecclesiastical tithes_ Of the ecclesiastical tithes of this archbishopric of Manila and of the three bishoprics of the islands, there are collected annually, on an average, one thousand pesos; for, although they have been worth one thousand one hundred pesos or one thousand two hundred pesos, in certain years, they approximate to the said sum, according to the present. 1U000 pesos, -- tomins. _Import and export duties_ The import duties on the Chinese merchandise entering this city, amounted, this said year of six hundred and eight, to thirty-eight thousand, two hundred and eighty-eight pesos, four tomins, and two granos. In this matter no exact figures can be given, because it is more or less, according to the amount of merchandise brought annually by the Sangleys. 38U288 pesos, 4 tomins, 2 granos. The import duties and freight-charges on the goods brought from Nueva España, and entering this city are usually worth five hundred pesos, or thereabout, because the citizens of these islands to whom the goods are consigned have received the concession of not paying duties on goods to the value of three hundred pesos for the married person, and one hundred and fifty pesos for the single person; and because the bulk of these said goods is to be used for their households and comfort. U500 pesos, -- tomins. The duties on the goods exported from this city to the said Nueva España are usually worth fourteen thousand pesos. In this matter no exact figures can be given, for it varies according to the value of the merchandise. 14U000 pesos. 52U788 [pesos], 4 [tomins], 2 [granos]. _Fines forfeited to the royal treasury_ Seven hundred and eight pesos have been paid into the royal treasury this year from fines forfeited to the royal treasury. U708 pesos, -- tomins. _Expenses of justice and courts_ From the expenses of justice and courts, sixty pesos have been paid into the royal treasury this year. U060 pesos, -- tomins. Amount of the tributes. 33U905 pesos, 5 tomins. The situados. 31U298 pesos, 7 tomins. The tithes of gold. U800 pesos. Ecclesiastical tithes. 1U000 pesos. Import and export duties. 52U788 [pesos], 4 [tomins], 2 [granos]. Fines forfeited to the royal treasury. U708 pesos. Expenses of justice and the courts. U060 pesos. ---------------------------------- 120U561 pesos, -- tomins, 2 granos. All the above incomes total one hundred and twenty thousand fivehundred and sixty-one pesos and two granos of common gold. Statement of the Ordinary Expense Incurred By His Majesty in TheseIslands Common gold The president, governor, and captain-general of these islands receives an annual salary of eight thousand pesos de minas, or thirteen thousand two hundred and thirty-five pesos and two tomins. 13U235 pesos, 2 tomins. Four auditors and one fiscal receive each two thousand pesos de minas, which total sixteen thousand five hundred and forty-nine pesos and six granos. 16U549 pesos, 6 granos. One chaplain of the royal Audiencia, three hundred pesos. U300 pesos. Three royal officials with five hundred and ten thousand maravedis apiece, which amounts to five thousand six hundred and twenty-five pesos. 5U625 pesos. One chief clerk with a salary of three hundred pesos. U300 pesos. Another clerk, for military affairs, with a salary of two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. Another clerk, for matters of trade, with the same salary. U200 pesos. One executioner, with one hundred and fifty pesos. U150 pesos. One notary, with two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. One galley-purser, with one hundred pesos. U100 pesos. _Alcaldes-mayor and corregidors_ The alcalde-mayor of Tondo, with a salary of three hundred pesos. U300 pesos. Of Bulacan, with another three hundred pesos. U300 pesos. Of La Panpanga, the same. U300 pesos. Of Laguna de Bay, the same. U300 pesos. Of Calilaya, the same. U300 pesos. Of Balayan, the same. U300 pesos. Of Pangasinan, the same. U300 pesos. Of Ylocos, the same. U300 pesos. Of Carmarines, the same. U300 pesos. Of Arevalo, the same. U300 pesos. Of Cibu, the same. U300 pesos. Corregidor of Calamianes, with two hundred and fifty pesos. U250 pesos. Of Maribeles, with one hundred and fifty pesos. U150 pesos. Of Mindoro, one hundred pesos. U100 pesos. Of Catanduanes, one hundred and fifty pesos. U150 pesos. Of Ybalon, two hundred pesos, because it serves also as the outpost of Capul. U200 pesos. Of Panay, another two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. Leyte, one hundred and fifty pesos. U150 pesos. Butuan, two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. Alcalde-mayor of Cagayan, three hundred pesos. U300 pesos. _Various salaries_ One assayer and appraiser, with four hundred pesos. U400 pesos. One navy storekeeper, two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. One clerk, for the warehouses of this city, with one hundred and fifty pesos. U150 pesos. One shore master, with a salary of six hundred pesos. U600 pesos. One clerk, for the warehouses of Cavite, with one hundred and forty pesos. U140 pesos. One chief of galley construction, with five hundred pesos. U500 pesos. Another carpenter, with two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. One hundred and sixty Indian carpenters at one-half real and their board daily; their wages amount annually to three thousand six hundred and fifty pesos. 3U650 pesos. One master blacksmith, with five hundred pesos. U500 pesos. The Indian smiths who serve in the smithies for various wages, now more and now less, which amount to one thousand one hundred pesos. 1U100 pesos. The charcoal used in the smithies and in the founding of artillery will amount to one thousand pesos. 1U000 pesos. One artillery and bell-founder, with a salary of one thousand pesos. 1U000 pesos. In the said founding eight hundred pesos will be spent yearly in paying the Indians who work at it, and in other petty expenses. U800 pesos. One master powder-maker, with six hundred pesos. U600 pesos. In the manufacture of powder, twenty or twenty-five mortars are used, which are manipulated by slaves of private persons, who place them there for evil conduct; and nothing but their board is given them. Four coopers and one workman--the former with wages of three hundred pesos apiece, besides their rations of rice; and the workman, with forty-eight pesos: All together amounting to one thousand two hundred and forty-eight pesos. 1U248 pesos. Six calkers, with wages of three hundred pesos apiece, besides their rations of rice, which amount to one thousand eight hundred pesos. 1U800 pesos. At the time of careening and repairing the ships, and for other extraordinary matters in this trade of the calkers, some receive daily wages of two pesos and two and one-half pesos apiece, which will amount to one thousand five hundred pesos annually. 1U500 pesos. There are sixty sailors, or two more or less, who are kept here. As for those who come in vessels from Nueva España, they serve in the port of Cavite, and in the warehouses; and sail in fragatas used to carry rice, rigging, pitch, and other articles which are offered and taken to the said warehouses. They receive wages of one hundred and fifty pesos, besides the rations of rice, which amount to nine thousand pesos. 9U000 pesos. There are also other sailors and other workmen who come in the ships from Nueva España, and take from here a certification of their services here, by virtue of which they are paid in Mexico; while nothing more than their rations of rice are paid them here, which amount to three fanégas of unwinnowed rice apiece per month, and some additional aid from year to year, and between the departure of the vessels. The total will amount to eight thousand pesos. 8U000 pesos. There are three pilots, who are experienced in the navigation between these islands and the mainland, for some voyages that are usually made to the mainland near these islands, and who receive six hundred pesos apiece, or one thousand eight hundred pesos. 1U800 pesos. In the royal warehouses of this city, ten Indians generally serve from month to month. They receive apiece one peso per month, and their board, which amounts to one hundred and twenty pesos. U120 pesos. In the fragatas and other vessels of his Majesty which ply amid these islands eighty Indians are employed from month to month, each receiving one peso per month and their board, which amounts to nine hundred and sixty pesos. U960 pesos. For the service of the port of Cavite and its vessels, sixty Indians are generally drafted each month. They are paid six reals per month and their board, a total of five hundred and forty pesos. U540 pesos. To three Indian rope-makers who assist in the rope-factory at Manila, where the hemp rigging is made, are paid total annual wages of one hundred and fifty pesos. U150 pesos Each month thirty Indians work month by month in this rope factory, to whom are paid six reals per month and their rations of rice, a total of two hundred and seventy pesos. U270 pesos. _Purchases_ The black rigging and that made from abaca in Balayan for the ships and galleys will amount to four thousand pesos. 4U000 pesos. Every year hemp brought from Japon is bought for rigging, which from year to year will amount to one thousand five hundred pesos. 1U500 pesos. One thousand six hundred quintals of pitch, at ten reals per quintal, are also used annually, which amounts to two thousand one hundred and twenty-five pesos 2U125 pesos. The saltpeter purchased for this camp will average from year to year one thousand eight hundred pesos. Some years it will amount to more or less. 1U800 pesos. The bonote [43] purchased to calk the vessels [going to New Spain?] and other ships will amount to two hundred and seventy pesos U270 pesos. Arquebus fuses, one hundred and fifty pesos. U150 pesos. The cocoa-oil purchased for the churches where the sacraments are administered amounts to two hundred and fifty pesos. U250 pesos. The fish-oil and galagal for the careening and repairing of the ships amounts to nine hundred pesos. U900 pesos. Six hundred picos of iron, at various prices are used in addition to that brought by sail from Nueva España, which will amount to two thousand pesos. 2U000 pesos. _Item_: Four hundred picos of nails, which, at the least price, is seven pesos [per pico], amount to two thousand eight hundred pesos. 2U800 pesos. The canvas bought annually for the sails of the ships and other vessels, exclusive of those for the galleys (which is included in gross expense of those vessels), amounts from year to year to six thousand pieces at three reals apiece, which makes a total of two thousand two hundred and fifty pesos. 2U250 pesos. For the other trifling expenses incurred in building each year, to which, as they are various, no name can be given, are spent two thousand pesos. 2U000 pesos. The purchases of timbers and ribs and their carriage to the port of Cavite and other ports, for the ships made and repaired, will amount to two thousand two hundred pesos. 2U200 pesos. Likewise for the food supplies bought annually for the voyage of the ships to Nueva España, and other trifles, are spent eleven thousand pesos. 11U000 pesos. The rice purchased yearly, and collected from the tributes, amounts to fourteen or fifteen thousand pesos for the support of the people in [government] service, and is given them in place of board and rations. To each one is given the amount that he must have according to his work and contract. Six thousand fanégas of this is given to the orders and hospitals, which his Majesty has ordered to be given them annually. Of the above quantity of fifteen thousand pesos, two thirds, or ten thousand pesos, are not mentioned here; for the other third is used in the galleys, of whose expense a report is made later, and in that report enters this third part which is still to be mentioned 10U000 pesos. The artillery balls bought annually from Japon amount yearly to six hundred pesos. U600 pesos. The lead bought for the musket and arquebus balls amounts on an average to one thousand five hundred pesos. 1U500 pesos. The copper used in founding the artillery is computed at one thousand pesos annually. 1U000 pesos. The tin and other metals for the mixture amount to another thousand pesos. 1U000 pesos. _Salaries and expenses among the ecclesiastics, and in the churches and doctrinas_ [_i. E. , missions_] Archbishop of Manila, with an annual salary of four thousand one hundred and twenty-five pesos 4U125 pesos. Bishop of Cibu, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight. 1U838 pesos. Bishop of Cagayan, the same 1U838 pesos. Bishop of Camarines, the same 1U838 pesos. The dean of Manila, six hundred pesos U600 pesos. The archdeacon, five hundred pesos U500 pesos. The precentor, another five hundred pesos U500 pesos. The schoolmaster, another five hundred pesos U500 pesos. The treasurer, another five hundred pesos U500 pesos. Four canons, with salaries of four hundred pesos apiece, which amounts to one thousand six hundred pesos 1U600 pesos. Two racioneros [44] with three hundred pesos apiece, amounting to six hundred pesos U600 pesos. Two medio-racioneros, [45] with two hundred pesos apiece U400 pesos. One chaplain of the college of Santa Potenciana, with three hundred pesos U300 pesos. To the convent of San Agustín in this city, six hundred pesos and six hundred fanégas of rice, for six religious who are engaged there in instruction; given by decree of his Majesty U600 pesos. To the above convent, seven hundred pesos annually, which sum is the situados from two encomiendas, given for the building of the convent, until the fulfilment of three of his Majesty's decrees--one of which grants ten thousand ducados, another six thousand, and the third two thousand U700 pesos. Each of the two convents of St. Dominic and of the Society of Jesus are given four hundred pesos and four hundred fanégas of rice for four religious, which amount to eight hundred pesos U800 pesos. And although his Majesty orders the same to be given to the convent of St. Francis they neither accept nor wish it. To the convent of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, in Cibu, are given annually two hundred pesos and two hundred fanégas of rice. That convent was the first one founded. U200 pesos. In the doctrinas of the encomiendas belonging to his Majesty in these islands (which were mentioned in the statement of the incomes), there are fifty-eight religious who administer instruction therein; and, according to the stipend given to each one, the total amounts to seven thousand and seventy-one pesos 7U071 pesos. To six parish priests and their sacristans, located in the six Spanish settlements--namely, Manila, Caceres, Segovia, Arebalo, Villa Fernandina, and Cibu--are given salaries of fifty thousand maravedís to each priest, and twenty-five thousand to each sacristan, making a total of one thousand six hundred and fifty-four pesos, three tomins, and two granos 7U654 pesos, 3 tomins, 2 granos. Three other parish priests and two sacristans, for the towns of Cavite and La Hermita de Guia, and for the natives in Manila and those outside its walls, receive a total of seven hundred pesos U700 pesos. It appears that there has been excessive expense hitherto in the building of churches; but at present there is not so much, because there is not given to any church that is being rebuilt that part [of the expense] pertaining to his Majesty--and which his Majesty should have paid--in the encomiendas of private persons. For the churches in the lands of the royal crown the amount averages four thousand pesos annually 4U000 pesos. For the ornaments given to the doctrinas of the encomiendas apportioned to the royal crown, exclusive of missal-books and other articles from Nueva España, six hundred pesos U600 pesos. To the three convents of St. Augustine, Santo Domingo, and the Society of Jesus, are given medicines according to his Majesty's decree. This amounts annually to six hundred pesos U600 pesos. _Item_: Six hundred Castilian ducados, given to the Manila cathedral, by decree of his Majesty--five hundred for music and the verger, and one hundred for the building of the church. U85 pesos. _Item_: Four hundred pesos, to be given annually to the said cathedral, by decree of his Majesty, for six years, for wine, wax, and other things U400 pesos. _Item_: Five hundred ducados, given annually by order of Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas, former governor of these islands, to the native hospital of this city. This amounts to six hundred and eighty-seven pesos and four tomins. Further, one thousand five hundred fanégas of rice, one thousand five hundred fowls, and a number of coverlets for the sick U687 pesos, [tomins] _Item_: To the hospital of Cagayan, three hundred pesos annually, by order of Doctor Santiago de Vera, former governor of these islands U300 pesos. _Extraordinary expenses_ On his Majesty's account, a vessel is annually despatched to the kingdom of Japon with an embassy and present to the king. This, with other embassies to various other kings and lords, and many other trifling matters, will amount to six thousand pesos annually 6U000 pesos. Likewise there is another expense of the two salaries paid at the same time to a governor, auditor, or royal official; for from their departure from España until their arrival here the salary of each is paid to him, as well as to the official here, so that two salaries are paid at the same time for one office. These amount annually to about two thousand pesos 2U000 pesos. The salaries paid to the agents who collect the tributes of his Majesty's encomiendas, and the situados of individuals, in accordance with what each one collects, and the commission given him, amount to one thousand six hundred pesos [1U600 pesos] _Expenses of the soldiers and their officers_ One master-of-camp, with a salary of one thousand six hundred and fifty-three pesos. 1U653 [pesos] This camp of Manila has five captains, each receiving a salary of four hundred and twenty pesos, which amount to two thousand one hundred pesos. [2U100 pesos] Five alferezes, with a salary of two hundred and forty pesos apiece, which amount to one thousand two hundred pesos 1U200 [pesos] Five sergeants with one hundred and twenty pesos apiece, which amount to six hundred pesos U600 [pesos] Five drummers, with seventy-two pesos apiece, which amount to three hundred and sixty pesos U360 [pesos] Five fifers, with the same pay U360 [pesos] Five shield-bearers, with the same pay U360 [pesos] Also five standard-bearers, with the same pay U360 [pesos] At present there are also two captains, two alferezes, two sergeants, two drummers, two fifers, two shield-bearers, and two standard-bearers, who all receive the same pay as those above--but they do not draw it in the lump but only for extraordinary expenses--who were appointed for the reënforcement of the Pintados. _Item_: One commanding officer of this reënforcement, with eight hundred pesos' pay annually. [800 pesos] _Item_: One sargento-mayor, with the same pay as the captains above-mentioned. His adjutant, with the same pay as that of this camp. According to the last musters made, there are five hundred and sixteen foot soldiers, of whom one hundred and four lately departed for the said reënforcement of the Pintados. Among them are included fourteen corporals, twelve halberdiers of the captain-general's guard, and those serving in the fort of Santiago. At the rate of six pesos apiece per month, this amounts to thirty-seven thousand one hundred and fifty-two pesos annually 37U152 pesos. _Item_: At the option of the captain-general, one thousand pesos is distributed among all the soldiers, ten pesos being given to each soldier whom the captain-general wishes to favor. 1U000 pesos. _Item_: There are one hundred musketeers among all this soldiery, each of whom receives two pesos more each month than the pay of the arquebusiers of infantry. This amounts to two thousand four hundred pesos 2U400 pesos. _Item_: There are fourteen corporals, each of whom receives twelve pesos more per year than the pay of the infantrymen. This amounts to one hundred and sixty-eight pesos U168 pesos. There is an artillery-captain in the camp, with an annual salary of four hundred and twenty pesos U420 pesos. An adjutant of the sargento-mayor, with one hundred and eighty pesos' pay U180 pesos. One campaign barrachel, [46] with the same pay U180 pesos. One head drummer, with seventy-two pesos U072 pesos. One captain of the guard of the captain-general, with two hundred and forty pesos. U240 pesos. One corporal of the said guard, with eighty-four pesos U084 pesos. In the presidio of the town of Arevalo are one sergeant and twenty-nine infantrymen, with the same pay as the others, which amounts to two thousand two hundred and eight pesos 2U208 pesos. In the presidio of Cibu are a captain, alferez, sergeant, drummer, fifer, shield-bearer, standard-bearer, and eighty-three infantrymen, all with the pay above mentioned for the others. The total amounts to seven thousand and forty-four pesos 7U044 pesos. _Item_: One adjutant of the sargento-mayor, with ninety-six pesos U096 pesos. In the presidio of Cagayan are a sargento-mayor, and another sergeant, each drawing ninety-six pesos; and forty-seven infantrymen, with the same pay as the others. The total amounts to three thousand five hundred and seventy-six pesos. 3U576 pesos. In this camp there are usually twelve artillerymen, who serve in the fortresses, ships, and on other occasions of the camp. They draw pay of two hundred pesos apiece, the total amounting to two thousand four hundred pesos, beside their rations of rice. 2U400 pesos. In the districts of Calamianes and Leyte are eight infantrymen, whose pay amounts to five hundred and seventy-six pesos. U576 pesos. By virtue of one of his Majesty's decrees, brought by Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, and of a clause of the instructions received here by Don Francisco Tello, the said Don Pedro de Acuña began to rebuild the galleys, and, as appears, built four galleys. After having often adjusted the expenses incurred by his Majesty annually in salaries, food, and other expenses of galleys, the expense is found always to reach six thousand pesos per galley. At present there are two eighteen-bench galliots, the expenses of which, likewise adjusted, amount to four thousand five hundred pesos apiece, a total of nine thousand pesos. 9U000 pesos. _Item_: There is usually one sentry-post in the island of Maribeles, which receives two hundred and forty pesos for the pay of the Indians serving in it, besides the rice given them as rations. U240 pesos. _Castellans_ One castellan of the fort of Santiago in this city of Manila, with a salary of eight hundred pesos annually. U800 pesos. One lieutenant, with pay of three hundred pesos. U300 pesos. _Item_: One sergeant, with one hundred and twenty pesos; one corporal, with eighty-four pesos; a drummer and fifer, with seventy-two pesos' pay apiece; all amounting to three hundred and forty-eight pesos. U348 pesos. In Cagayan, a governor of the fortress, with title of captain, who draws a salary of two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. One lieutenant, with ninety-six pesos. U096 pesos. In Arevalo there is another governor of the fort, with two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. In Cibu is another governor of the fort, with two hundred pesos. U200 pesos. One lieutenant with ninety-six pesos. U096 pesos. Expenses. 255U578 pesos, 1 [tomin], 8 [granos]. Incomes. 120U561 pesos, 2 [granos]. Excess of expenses over incomes. 135U017 pesos, 1 [tomin], 6 [granos]. The incomes total one hundred and twenty thousand five hundred andsixty-one pesos and two granos; and the expenses two hundred andfifty-five thousand five hundred and seventy-eight pesos, one tomin, and eight granos of common gold. In conformity to this, the saidexpenses exceed the said incomes by one hundred and thirty-fivethousand and seventeen pesos, one tomin, and six granos. The above statement was drawn from the royal books in our charge, at the order of Don Rodrigo de Bibero, president, governor, andcaptain-general of these islands. Manila, August eighteen, in theyear one thousand six hundred and eight. _Pedro de Caldierva de Mariaca_ _Alonso Despia Ssaravia_ Decrees Regarding Way-Station for Philippine Vessels The King: To Don Luis de Velasco, [47] my viceroy, governor, andcaptain-general of the provinces of Nueva España. Your predecessorin the government of those provinces, the Marques de Montes Claros, informed me by a letter of May 24 of last year that he had receivedmy decree of August 19, one thousand six hundred and six, in whichwere contained the directions to be followed by him in the opening tonavigation and the settlement of the new port of Monte Rey, discoveredby Sevastian Vizcayno on the voyage from Nueva España to the PhilipinasIslands. He stated that the decree could not be carried out in anyrespect, since it reached his hands when the trading fleet for thoseislands had already set sail, and since Sevastian Vizcayno--whom Ihad commanded to undertake that voyage and found the colony, as beingthe discoverer of the said port--had departed for that kingdom in thefleet of that year. He stated that with a view, above all, to reachinga decision in regard to what must be done for the prosecution of thisbusiness, it seemed to him well to inform me of what he had heard, andof what had been brought before him with reference to the matter. Hetook for granted that it was of great importance to discover a portwhere the ships returning from the Filipinas might stop to refit;for on so long a voyage the greatest part of the danger is due tothe lack of a place where the injuries received in the voyage may berepaired. If no more suitable place should be found, he said, it wouldbe advisable to make use of the port of Monte Rrey, of which he hadbeen notified; but, to understand better the importance of this port, it would be well to notice that according to the survey made by thesaid Sevastian Vizcayno it seems to be in latitude thirty-seven, onthe coast known as the coast of Nueva España, which runs from CapeMendocino to Acapulco. Now while it is true that most of the shipson his voyage sight land within one or two degrees of that place, still, it must be understood that they always regard themselves asbeing at the end of their voyage and out of danger on the day whenthey reach there. This is so true that there have been ships which, when they were at the mouth of the harbor of Monte Rey, decided, assoon as they recognized it, not to enter it, but kept on their voyagewith all sails spread. They felt that as soon as they sighted landanywhere they could go on, and, with favorable weather, reach theharbor of Acapulco in twenty-five or thirty days. The accidents andinjuries caused by hurricanes--which are the things that place ships injeopardy, and which oblige them to return to their port of departure, with so much loss--ordinarily occur from the time when they pass thecape of Spiritu Santo on the island of Manila, all along the chainof the Ladrones until they pass the end of Japon at the point calledthe Cape of Sestos and reach latitude thirty-two or thirty-three;consequently, the ship which receives such injuries always doesso before entering the great gulf of Nueva España, and can find noplace of refuge without returning to Japon or to the Philipinas. Ifits condition should permit it to sight the coast of Cape Mendocinoafter fifty days (the usual length of time), its troubles would bepractically over. On this account, and since the harbor of MonteRrey is so situated that when the ships from the Philipinas reachit they feel that their voyage to the harbor of Acapulco withintwenty-five or thirty days is certain, as has been said, and sinceit has never been known to occur that a ship after sighting landhas been obliged to put back, therefore the Marques declares that, as the object is to provide ships with a harbor where they may land, or at least touch and refit, the harbor should be provided, or atleast be sought, where it may be of use before the vessels enter thegreat gulf of Nueva España. This he urges the more because there aretwo islands in latitude thirty-four or thirty-five, named Rrica de Oroand Rrica de Plata, [48] to the west of the harbor of Monte Rey andin almost the same latitude though very distant in longitude. Thosewho have undertaken that voyage and have made it declare that boththese islands are very well suited to be places of refitting for theships from the Philipinas, and that it would be advantageous to findthem again and colonize one of them for this purpose. Regarding thisas certain, the Marques thinks that the exploration and colonizingin question should be mainly at these islands, being committed tosome person of competence, care, and fidelity. For this he judgesthat the said Sevastian Vizcayno would be suitable, because he wouldknow, as well as anyone could, the way to the harbor of Monte Rrey, being already acquainted with it. If the commission were entrustedto him, it would be well for him to go from Acapulco as commander ofthe ships for the Philipinas, returning from Manila with two smalland lightly-laden ships for no other purpose than the discovery;for if he were to return as commander [of the trading fleet] themerchandise and stuffs of the inhabitants of Manila would run greatrisk of being detained on the voyage, and of suffering some loss, and the owners would have a right to recover damages from my royaltreasury. Then after the new harbor which is affirmed to exist shallhave been discovered, Sevastian Vizcayno may go as commander in theyear following, and may make a beginning of refitting a station therewith the trading ships, so that the navigation may be opened. Afterthis report had been brought before my Council of the Yndias andmy Council of War for those lands, and had been discussed there, both sides having been considered by me, the suggestions of the saidMarques of Montes Claros were approved by me. Therefore I commandyou that since he declares that the two islands, Rica de Oro and Ricade Plata, in latitude thirty-four or thirty-five, will be much moresuitable than the harbor of Monte Rey as a port in which the ships ofthe Filipinas trade may refit, you shall suspend for the present theopening to navigation and the settlement of the harbor of Monte Rey. Icommand you that, in conformity with the opinion of the said Marques ofMontes Claros, you shall give the charge of the expedition to SevastianVizcayno; and shall cause to be undertaken the discovery, settlement, and opening to navigation of a harbor in one of the said islands, Ricade Oro and Rica de Plata, as shall seem best and most suitable forthe purpose intended. For the present I intrust to you the choice ofall that concerns the matter. On account of my trust in your prudenceand caution, and my confidence that you will not permit any excessiveexpense, I license you to expend from my royal exchequer, for all theaforesaid and for the arrangement of all other requisites, all themoney needed, drawing the same from my royal treasury of the City ofMexico. I sanction and command the granting by you to the colonistsof the same privileges that were granted in my decree of August 19, one thousand six hundred and six, to those who should go to colonizethe port of Monte Rey. In case it seems to them that the latter portis entirely preferable to either of the two islands referred to, youwill execute the decree previously issued with reference to the saidcolonization and opening to navigation of the said port of Monte Rey;and by this my decree I command my accountants for my Council of theYndias to record this command. Dated at [_word partly illegible_;Aranjuez?] September 27, one thousand six hundred and eight. _I The King_ Certified to by Juan de Civica and signed by the members of theCouncil of War of the Yndias. The King: To Don Luis de Velasco, my viceroy, governor andcaptain-general of the provinces of Nueva España, or to the person orpersons in whose charge the government may be. Having understood thatas a way-station for the vessels in the Philippine trade, one of theseislands, Rrica de Oro and Rrica de Plata, would be more suitable thanthe port of Monte Rey--which had been explored, and for the openingand colonization of which orders had been issued--because the formerare in a better situation: by a decree of the twenty-seventh ofSeptember of the past year, I commanded you to suspend for the timebeing the opening and settlement of the said port of Monte Rey, andto undertake the exploration, settlement, and opening of one of thosetwo islands, Rrica de Oro and Rrica de Plata, as it appeared betterand more suitable for the object desired; and you were to spend frommy royal exchequer whatever money was necessary for this, and settleother matters, as should be expedient. You were to concede to thesettlers the same privileges as were accorded to those who were togo to settle the port of Monte Rey; and in case it still appeared toyou that the latter was better fitted than either of the two islands, you were to execute what I had ordered you to do in connection withits settlement and opening, as is explained more at length in my saiddecree, to which I refer you. But now Hernando de los Rios Coronel, procurator-general of the said islands, has represented to me thatin any case it is best that the said exploration should be made fromthe Filipinas, and not from Nueva España--both to avoid the greatexpense which would fall on the royal exchequer, if the ships for thisexpedition were built there, as all marine supplies are very dear inyour country, and difficult to procure; and also because it would benecessary to make that voyage at hazard, mainly, and there would begreat danger of not finding the islands and of losing the results ofthe voyage and the expenses incurred. For they are in a high latitude, and far distant from your country of Nueva España; and, besides, as all those who should go on this expedition would necessarilytake a large amount of money to invest in the Philipinas (for, asthe ships are to go back empty, they would take the opportunity tolade them with merchandise), they might, in order not to lose theirgoods by going on the exploration, draw up an information on the ship(as has been done at other times), saying that on account of storms, or for some other reason, they were unable to make the islands. Butif the said discovery were made from the Philipinas, all thesedifficulties would be avoided; for it is evident that the cost anddanger would be much less, as the two islands to be discovered areso near at hand that they can almost go and take them with theirmerchant ships. All the rest may be arranged merely by ordering that, having made the discovery, they shall come back to the Philipinaswithout going to Nueva España; for in this way there will be noreason for them to lade their vessels with merchandise. Furthermore, there are in the Philipinas trustworthy persons for this affair, towhom it may be entrusted; and the sailors there are more competent, since they have more experience. Having again considered this in ourCouncil for the Yndias, it has seemed best to command you, and youare so commanded and ordered, that if you have not begun to carry outthe preparations for this exploration, as I have ordered you to do, and if you have not so advanced them as to make it inconvenient orvery expensive to abandon it, you shall examine and consider withespecial attention whether, for the suitable execution and less costof the exploration, it would be expedient to place it in the handsof my governor and captain-general of the said Philipinas Islands, so that he may proceed to undertake it from those islands. And if itappear to you that this plan is expedient, you shall send at the firstopportunity to my said governor the letter which will accompany this, for him, in which he is so ordered; and at the same time you willremit to him the money that in your opinion may be necessary, whichis not to exceed the twenty thousand ducats, which I had granted forthe settlement of the port of Monte Rey Dated at San Lorenzo el Real, on the third of May of the year one thousand six hundred and nine. _I The King_ Countersigned by Juan de Civica; signed by the members of the Council. Letters from Felipe III to Silva _Personal services from the Indians_ The King: To Don Juan de Silva, my governor and captain-general of thePhilipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia of Manila;or to the person or persons in whose charge that government maybe. Having been advised from various parts of the Yndias, of thegreat vexations suffered by the Indians who pay tribute to theirencomenderos in personal services, I have despatched decrees to allthe viceroys, presidents, and governors of the Yndias, commandingthat the encomenderos, judges, or commissaries of assessment shallnot commute, or be paid in personal services, the tributes of theIndians. This same is my wish and my will, and is to be observedand executed in all provinces that are or may be under your charge;and you will not tolerate the said commutation, from the abuse ofwhich have resulted so great evils and complaints as was the casewhen personal service was maintained; it must be entirely done awaywith in that region. For this good object you will immediately giveofficial notice to the Indians who now pay their tributes in thisform; and whatever they are to pay shall be received from them inproduce that they possess and gather from their own lands, or inmoney, as may seem the least oppressive and most convenient for theIndians. For the same end, if any encomendero shall violate in anymanner any of the provisions of this clause, he shall incur the lossof his encomienda; and any royal official who shall be guilty of this, or of concealing it, shall be deprived of his office. At Aranjuez, on the twenty-sixth of May, of one thousand six hundred and nine. _I The King_ Countersigned by Juan de Cívica; signed by the members of the Council. _Proposal of Dominicans to found a college_ The King: To Don Juan de Silva, my governor and captain-general, andthe president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the PhilipinasIslands: The bishop of Nueva Segovia wrote to me in a letter of June20, 1606, that he and the former archbishop had discussed the foundingof a college there, where there could be as many as twenty collegiatestudents of theology and the arts. For this purpose, before the deathof the archbishop, [49] he outlined a plan to purchase some buildingsnear the convent of Santo Domingo, in which the college could beestablished. In the mean time, while the work was being carried out, or until I should otherwise decree, it should be administered by theOrder of Saint Dominic. In order to avoid certain difficulties, oneof the articles of foundation was that the writings of St. Thomasshould be read, as is done in the reformed universities; and theincome derived from the Indians was to be devoted to the supportof the collegians, the college being under obligation to attend tothe lawsuits and causes of the Indians, soliciting for them, andmaking their petitions, and aiding the protector whom I had appointedfor them. The chairs were to be two, one of arts, and the other oftheology; and the professors were to be appointed by the archbishopand the governor, one or two auditors of the Audiencia there, and theprovincials of orders whom I should approve. For the present, as itis so good a work, the lectures were to be given by the incumbentswithout remuneration, since it is certain that more austere ordersgive instruction without it; and the degrees could be given as isdone in the convent of Santo Thomas de Avila, also of the Dominicanorder. By this plan a university with its expenses may be dispensedwith, and dignity and assistance be conferred on that country. As Iwish to know from you what is your opinion on the subject, I commandyou, when you shall have examined and considered it with attention, to inform me in regard to the whole matter in great detail, so that, having examined it, suitable measures and decrees can be provided. AtSegovia, July 29, 1609. _I The King_ Countersigned by Juan de Cívica; signed by the members of the Council. Expeditions to the Province of Tuy _Relation of the information that we possess regarding the province ofTuy, and the wanderings of those who went to explore it, each singly;and the condition in which the said exploration was left. What isknown of the characteristics of the said province, and the greatimportance of completing the exploration of it all, and pacifyingand colonizing it, for the preaching of the holy gospel; of itsfertility and the excellent disposition of the people, of whom itis understood that they will readily accept the holy Catholic faith, because it has pleased God that the cursed sect of Mahoma, which isbeing extended through this archipelago, has [not] yet arrived there_. _Guido de Lavaçares_. When Guido de Lavaçares was governor of theseislands, he sent an expedition to explore this land, as he had learnedof a densely-populated and very fertile province eighty leguas fromthe city of Manila, in the northern part of these islands. For thisexploration he sent Captain Chacon; but the latter managed the affairso poorly that, after having covered half the distance and reached theplace called Bongavon, he returned to the city of Manila with his men, under pretext of having no guides, without bringing any account. _Doctor Santiago de Vera_. Doctor Santiago de Vera, who succeededto the said office, having been informed of the same region, sentan Indian chief, named Don Dionisio Capolo, who is still living. Hegave the latter one hundred Indians for the said exploration. Thisman returned after having gone sixty leguas from Manila--twenty morethan the former expedition--on the said exploration. He reported thatIndians of the country, his acquaintances, upon learning his errand, advised him not to proceed farther, for the people whom he was goingto discover were numerous and warlike, and were hostile and would killhim. And inasmuch as he had no order to fight, and had but few men, he returned. _Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_. In the year one thousand five hundred andninety-one, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor of the said islands, senthis son, Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas, with seventy or eighty Spanishsoldiers, and many Indian chiefs of La Pampanga, who were going withtheir arms and men to serve with Don Luis, to explore the provincenow called Tuy. The chiefs took more than one thousand four hundredIndian bearers. Don Luis, having reached the river called Tuy, [50]which is at the entrance of the said province, ordered a cross to bemade there on a tree, rendered thanks to God, and took possession, in his Majesty's name, on the fifteenth of July of the said year. Onthe sixteenth, after having told the inhabitants of that village, which was called Tuy, that he came in order to make them friends ofthe Castilians, and to have them render homage to his Majesty, sothat the latter might take them under his royal protection, and sothat they might be instructed in matters of the faith--for which he[Don Luis] had brought religious; and after having given them a fewsmall articles, as pieces of cloth, garments, beads, and combs: theyaccepted the situation, and promised to pay tribute and recognition indue season. They swore peace after their own manner, which consistedin Don Luis and another another--a chief, who spoke for all--eachtaking an egg, and throwing the eggs to the ground at the same time;they said together that just as those eggs had been broken, so theywould be broken, should they not fulfil their promises. _Bantal; Bugay; Burat_. That same day, Don Luis summoned otherchiefs of the villages of Bantal, Bugay, and Burat, and after the sameceremonies as on other occasions, ordered them, since they were friendsand vassals of his Majesty, to bring their wives (whom they had placedin the mountains) to the villages. Although he so ordered them twice, they declined, saying that they were keeping them in another villagein order to amuse them, and give them time to rest from the care oftheir houses, and that it would be impossible to bring them at thistime. Another chief, named Tuy--after whom the province was thus named, and who had not taken part in making peace--as soon as he knew this, reproved the Indians severely for having made peace; and he caused themto break it by hostilities. Don Luis also heard that a great numberof armed Indians were in the mountains. He attacked the trenches ofthe fort built by a troop of Indians, who declared with loud boastingthat they desired no peace, even if the Spaniards were to go farther tosee other villages. The natives set fire to the village of Tuy itself, which was totally burned, with the houses within the fort--althoughall the means possible were exerted, and some soldiers risked theirlives--as the houses were all roofed with nipa and were built of wood, compactly constructed and built, with their streets evenly laid out. _A notable case_. All the village having been burned, together withsome houses near a cross, the latter did not catch fire on the frontside facing the street, but only at the back. And although the rattanthat fastened the arm of the cross was burned, the arm did not fall, or destroy the shape of the cross. And while there was not a singlestick left unburned in the village, the fire did not leave mark orstain on the front of the cross, but it retained the same color aswhen set up. Alonso Vela, notary of the expedition, testified to thetruth of this. _Tuy, sixty houses; Bantal, thirty houses; Burat y Buguey, with fivehundred houses_. Don Luis afterward arrived at three villages, one ofsixty houses, another of thirty, and the third of five hundred. Therewere no people there, but he learned of two provinces, one calledDanglay and the other Guamangui; and that inhabitants of the abovevillages had gone to join those of the said provinces, although beforethat time they had been hostile to them. The chiefs of Sicat, Barat, Tuy, Bugat, and Bantal begged pardonof Don Luis for the past, promising peace and the payment of thetribute in products of the land. They took oath according to anothercustom--each chief taking a candle in his hand and Don Luis one inhis, and saying that so would he, who failed to keep his promise, or who broke his promise in whole or in part, be consumed even asthat candle was consumed. Then they extinguished the candles, sayingthat just as that candle expired and was consumed, just so would hewho broke his promise be slain and perish. Then the tribute for thatyear was conceded to them, whereat they were very happy. _Acknowledgment: Tuy; Sicat; Ybarat; Bugay; Bantal. _ On July 29, the village of Tuy paid its acknowledgment, consisting of sevenlittle trinkets of gold in the shape of necklaces; that of Sicat, three maes of gold and two canutos of rice; Barat, six little goldtrinkets in the form of necklaces of the value of four maes, and twocanutos of rice; Bugay, thirteen small gold necklaces valued at eightmaes, a small string of beads, and two canutos of rice; Bantal, fivesmall gold necklaces valued at three maes, and two canutos of rice. _Dangla Province_. On the thirty-first, Don Luis left Tuy, goingdown the valley, following the course of the principal stream, a large river, which at Cayan gives a passage to the province ofDangla. The chiefs of the province came to see him, whom he informedthat the inhabitants of Tuy, Bantal, and other villages, accepted thepeace. They took the oath, with the ceremony of the egg, and renderedacknowledgment in small gold necklaces of the value of eight maes, and ten _bandines_. _Japalan; Tugai; Bayaban; Balayan; Chiananen; Yabios; Bayalos; Banete;Lamot; Bolos. _ From the second of August until the eighth of the samemonth, Don Luis remained in the villages of Japalan, Bugai, [_sic_], Bayaban, Balayan, Chicananen, Yabios, Bayocos, Banete, Lamot, andBolo. The chiefs of these villages and the Indians rendered homage, took the oath as the others had done, and gave as their recognitionsmall trinkets of gold necklaces, _cornerillas_ [cornerinas?], [51]and other trifles. The Indians of Boloc alone seized their weaponsand fled to the open fields. By the sixth or seventh of August, they had already consumed thefood that they had brought, and what they had seized at Tuy andother villages; and they had seized some without paying for it, asappears from the original. Don Luis reached three little hamlets, and, calling an Indian, the latter told him that his chief was gone to makepeace with the Spaniards who were coming up the river; and that ifSpaniards came both up and down the river, they were to escape. DonLuis saw also the old village of Yugan, which was then dividedamong the three hamlets above, for they did not dare to live in thevillage after killing seven Spaniards, who had come up the river fromCagayan with assurances of safety. Don Luis returned to the hamlets, and, after summoning the chiefs, four of them came. These, togetherwith some Indians, rendered homage, and promised to pay tribute;and by way of acknowledgment, they pardoned the damage committedby Don Luis in one of the hamlets. When they offered to ransom somewomen and children who were in the camp, Don Luis gave these to theIndians freely, so that they might understand that the Spaniards didnot come to harm them. The Indians swore, with the candle ceremony, to remain obedient and to pay tribute. The province of Tuy, it seems, ends at that place. On the ninth or tenth of August, Don Luis embarkedon the river of Tuy, which is the same river as Cagayan, otherwisecalled Nueva Segovia. It appears that he did no more than the above. _Relation of what Don Francisco de Mendoza did in the exploration ofthe said province_. _Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_. At the beginning of August of the sameyear, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas sent Don Francisco de Mendoca witha troop of soldiers after Don Luis Dasmariñas, his son. Havingreached Tuy on the nineteenth of the said month, the chiefs gavehim a cordial reception, and he traded with them, especially withone of the principal women. Thence, accompanied by this woman, andother Indians of her village, who aided him in carrying the burdensof his stores, he went to Bantal. There he found a cross erected, and the inhabitants of the village drawn up near it with lance andshield, as if about to offer him battle. He asked nothing from them, and they gave nothing. He did not stop there. A chief went with DonFrancisco of his own accord to Buguey, where he found its inhabitantsstationed in the passes with the same preparation of arms. The peoplemaking an effort to fool him with some bundles of grass, he beggedthem for rice in return for money, but they refused him. He seized byforce two chiefs, and took them with him. These men, having seen theinjury done him by the inhabitants of Tuy, took it upon themselvesto guide the expedition to the hamlets where Don Luis had been beforegoing to Dangla. Don Francisco tried to get rice in Dangla, offeringto pay for it; but as they refused to sell it to him, he seized achief. He entertained this chief and his wife and had them sleep nearhim. When morning came, the chief offered that if Don Francisco wouldallow him to go to the village, he would bring him rice; but as soonas he was at liberty he took flight, and had the village put underarms. The inhabitants went out to meet Don Francisco armed with spearand shield, so that he was obliged to fortify himself during one night, as they insolently molested the Spaniards. _Balabat; Pao; Palali; Lamot; Nacalan_. Don Francisco went to thevillages of Balabat and Pao. The two chiefs in his custody escapedfrom him there. Thence he went to the village of Palilamot, whichhe found under arms. From this latter place he went to the villageof Nacalan, which he found deserted. In that place he embarked incertain small boats on Thursday, the twenty-ninth, and voyaged alongthe river until the thirty-first of August. On that date he reachedthree small villages, which he found deserted and their approachesstrewn with straw. He reached some farms on the first of September, where Don Luis hadbeen, opposite Yugan. He offered several Indians pay to guide him, but they refused. On the third of September, Don Francisco reacheda river, that of Cagayan. Embarking on it, he reached the settlementof Purao, where he seized some supplies. On the sixth of September hereached the presidio of San Pedro y San Pablo [St. Peter and St. Paul]where he found some Spaniards from the province of Cagayan. Continuinghis voyage in search of Don Luis, along the said river, he reachedthe city of Nueva Segovia. [52] It is understood that he was sentfrom Manila to look for Don Luis, since throughout his journey heproceeded on the road that he had taken, without stopping to attendto anything pertaining to the exploration and pacification. _Expedition made by Pedro Sid to the province of Tuy in the year 591_. _Gomez Perez, November 16; Tuy. _ In that same year of 91 Gomez PerezDasmariñas sent Pedro Sid and a number of soldiers to make explorationsadditional to those made by Don Luis, his son. It appears that onthe sixteenth of November, he arrived opposite the settlement of Tuy, near Bantal. He found that place deserted, but after he had informedthe inhabitants that he had not come to harm them, they returned totheir village. The chief of Tuy, accompanied by many other Indians, went to his camp. He received them with much show of affection, asking them whether they desired religious to instruct them in thefaith. They replied that they did not know what that was, but that theSpaniards should do as they wished. Don Pedro had some bits of cloth, bells, rings, needles, small strings of beads, and combs given tothem. When he asked if there were any other settlements, they repliedthat there were several thickly-settled valleys back of a mountainto the left. He told them that his Majesty wished no tribute forthe present, but only what recognition they were willing to make asa sign of homage; and that they should settle and cultivate theirfields and grow their products, in order to have the wherewithalto pay their tribute when it should be asked. They answered thatthey would do so. When he asked them where they obtained the goldthat they possessed, they answered that they obtained it from thevillages of Yguat, Panuypui, and Bila, which were located behind arange of mountains opposite them. The inhabitants there obtained itfrom the village of Bayaban, located near the town of Yguat, close tothe Ygolotes, where the gold mines were situated, and where the goldwas traded. They gave as recognition two fowls and a small quantityof rice, and very heartily bade Don Pedro farewell. _Bantal, Marangui. _ After this, chiefs came from Bantal and the villageof Marangui; and with them the former scenes were reënacted. Theygave as recognition some fowls, a little rice, and sugar-canes. It appears also that chiefs came from Bugay, accompanied by otherIndians. After the same dealings with them as with the others, theysaid that Pedro de Sid should be bled with them in order to make thepeace sure, and that each should drink the other's blood. This wasaccordingly done, whereupon they gave as recognition a small stringof red beads, together with a little rice, gold, and a few fowls. _Dungla. _ It appears that Don Pedro went afterward to the villageof Dungla, where he was received by the chiefs and a number ofIndians. The same ceremonies were enacted with them as with thoseabove, and blood friendship was made. Their recognition was one cock, three chickens, and rice. _Pamut. _ He also went to Pamut, where the same things occurred aswith the others, and he was bled with them. _Palan; Pao; Balabat; Payta; Balavad; Yanil. _ The inhabitants of thevillages of Palan, Pao, Balabat, and Paita did the same. They gave, as recognition, hens, chickens, swine, and rice. It appears thathe shifted his course at the village of Balabad, and went up theriver. After half a day's journey he reached a village called Yanil, which he explored anew. The Indians received him gladly, and declaredtheir pleasure at becoming acquainted with the Castilians. Theyconfirmed the peace by bleeding themselves as those above had done, and gave as recognition two fowls and rice. _Saguli. _ On the afternoon of that same day, Don Pedro came uponanother village named Saguli, which is located in the same valley. Thechief and the Indians went out to meet him with expressions of theirjoy at becoming acquainted with the Castilians. They made peace afterthe manner of those above, and Don Pedro advanced the same argumentswith them as with the inhabitants of the above-named villages. _Pintian. _ Next day Don Pedro discovered the village of Pintian, where the same proceedings occurred as with those above. They receivedhim gladly and gave as recognition, venison and sweet potatoes. Hetook possession of that place and those above mentioned, as he hadrediscovered them. After a four days' march through very rough roads, and without knowinghis bearings, Don Pedro reached the village of Ayubon, through which hehad passed on his way up. That place is located between the provinceof La Pampanga and that of Tuy. There his expedition ended, on thethirtieth of November of the said year 591. Don Luis Dasmariñas, DonFrancisco de Mendoza, and Pedro Sid made this exploration so hastilythat all three expeditions were made between July seven, five hundredand ninety-one, and November 30 of the same year: for Don Luis beganhis on the seventh of July of the above year, and finished it, andleft the said province on the eighth of August of the same year. DonFrancisco left on the sixth of August of the said year, and finished onthe sixth of September. Pedro Sid began his expedition on the fourth ofNovember, and finished on the thirtieth [of November] of the same year. _Relation and treatise of Captain Toribio de Miranda's deeds in theexploration and pacification of the said province of Tuy, in theyear 1594. _ _Year 1594. Don Luis Dasmariñas. _ By commission of Don Luis PerezDasmariñas, who became governor of the Filipinas upon the death ofhis father, Gomez Perez, Captain Toribio de Miranda was sent in theyear 594 with eighty Spanish soldiers, four Franciscan religious, andthe necessary Indian bearers, to pacify and complete the explorationof the province of Tuy. He reached the valley of Dumagui, which thereligious called Todos Santos ["All Saints"], near the village ofGuilaylay, which lies in front of Tuy, on the second of November. Achief went to meet him, whom Captain Miranda received courteously, and gave to understand the reason for his coming--namely, for theirgood and protection; and told him that he had fathers to instruct themin the faith. The captain gave him some small articles, and he gavethe captain two fowls and a sucking pig. He said that the settlementconsisted of forty houses, and went away happy. _Anit; 70 houses. _ That same day the captain reached the village ofAnit, which consisted of seventy houses. From the houses were hangingthe heads of people and animals. On being asked why they did that, the people answered that it was their custom. The captain dealt withthe chief and Indians as with those above named. They said that theywould receive instruction, and three of them gave rice, a sucking pig, and three chickens. They were quite satisfied. _Bantal; Buguey. _ The chiefs went to meet him, among them oneYbarat. The captain gave them some presents, whereat they weresatisfied, and Ybarat promised him rice, but did not keep his word. Thecaptain built a fort, which he called San Jhoseph, and suspecting thatYbarat was planning some treachery, seized him several days later, whenhe came with a sucking pig and four jars of rice. On this occasion thecaptain heard that the chiefs were waiting in the village of Buygueyin order to kill the Spaniards. Chief Ybarat was so insolent that hecould not be induced to bring provisions either by requests or threats;and, as our men lacked food, it was determined to go out to obtainrice, by orderly means, among the Tanbobos; it was brought from thevillage of Bantal and the fort was supplied. This was done without anyresistance, for the village was deserted. One of the principal women, the mother of Chief Tuy, the friend of Don Luis, brought two basketsof rice and two sucking pigs. The captain made much of her and gaveher several articles. Having told her that the fathers were comingto give instruction in the faith, she was overjoyed. She told thecaptain of a village called Tulan, whose inhabitants she declared tobe knaves and excellent archers. She visited the fathers, while inthe fort. The captain told Ybarat that he would set him at liberty, if the latter's children would remain as hostages. As soon as theirfather told them this his children said, with great humility, that theywould do as he ordered. The captain did the same with a chief who hadbeen arrested as a disturber of the peace. The latter gave his onlyson, and the youth obeyed with cheerful face and great resolution, remaining as prisoner in his father's stead. The captain orderedanother chief, who had been arrested, to do the same; but the latterrefused to give his son as hostage. Ybarat requested the captain tofree his children when he should fulfil his word, and the captain, trusting his word, restored them to him. On November 16, the captain reached the valley of Dangla. A chief withhis timaguas went out to meet him. The captain received him well andsaid that he was coming to treat them well, and brought fathers toinstruct them in the faith, and told them to treat the fathers withgreat respect. Chief Ybarat guided them, having done so because thecaptain had gained his good-will. The captain asked them for someprovisions, to be supplied for pay and on the account of the futuretribute. They replied that they did not desire pay. They gave twohogs and two baskets of rice. The first village which he reached wascalled Agulan and consisted of eighty houses. It is to be noted thatmany little boys and girls were observed in that village who woregold necklaces of as good quality as those of the Moros of Manila, and good enough to be worn in Madrid. When they were asked wherethey had obtained these, they replied, "From Balagbac, " which wasthe customary reply to all such questions. The captain went to another village called Yrao, which consisted ofsixty houses, at a quarter-legua's distance from the former village. Achief gave the Spaniards a cordial reception, and called himselftheir friend. He said that he had not gone to visit them because ofsickness. They asked him for some rice, and he gave them three basketsof it, and two hogs. In this town were seen chased gold necklaces, and armlets reaching to the elbow, and anklets. Their earrings wereof fine gold. Thence the captain went to the village of Palan. A chief and someIndians went out to receive him and carried him a hog and rice. Thischief was Ybarat's brother-in-law. They asked, since the latter wasthe friend of the Spaniards, why they also should not be friends ofour people. The captain presented them with some articles and askedthem for rice; and because they did not give it to him, seized itand paid for it in cloth. That village had eighty houses. _Tuguey; 112 houses. _ The captain went from that village to the villageof Tuguey, crossing a lofty mountain to which the Spaniards gave thename Altos de Santa Zicilia ["St. Cecilia's Peaks"]. Notwithstandingthe stout resistance of the Indians, the Spaniards entered thevillage. The natives hearing the discharge of the arquebuses came tomake peace. They gave six baskets of rice and six sucking pigs. Thecaptain made the same statements to them as to those above, and theywere satisfied. The village has one hundred and twelve houses. _Giarin; 40 houses. _ Thence the captain went to the village ofGiaren. The inhabitants are excellent archers, and with their bowsand arrows tried to resist the Spaniards' entry. After forcing theirway into the village, the Spaniards assured them with friendly talk, and gave the people some trifles, so that they lost their fear ofthe Spaniards. The village contained forty houses. _Pao; 40 houses_. The captain went thence to the village of Pao, which contained forty houses. He used with them the same argumentsas with the others, and they gave two hogs and some rice. _Balagbac, with 120 houses; another village, of 12 houses. _ Thencethe captain went to the village of Balagbac, which consists of onehundred houses. On the way he passed another of twelve houses, calledBizinan, dependent on Balagbac. As he was passing that village, thepeople shot some arrows at him from a thicket, and, in the camp, itappeared that a Cagayan, who was acting as guide, was killed; but itwas not ascertained who killed him. The captain informed them of thepurpose of his expedition, and that he had fathers to instruct themin the faith. He gave them some trinkets, and they gave rice and hogs, and were satisfied. Thence he went to the village of Paytan, which he found deserted. ThreeIndians came with a little rice and a hog; and although he assuredthem, so that they might call their people, they returned to thevillage and their chiefs. Only one chief came, and the captain detainedhim, to act as guide. _Palali; Buya, with 30 houses; Batobalos; Apio, with 180 houses. _On the twenty-eighth of November, the captain went to the villageof Palali, which he found deserted. From that place four [_sic_]other villages were seen: Buya, with thirty houses; Batobalos, the population of which was not known; and Apio, with one hundredand eighty houses. The Indians seemed to be much disturbed, and withthreats warned the Spaniards to depart from their country, since allthe valley was uniting in order to kill them, and that the Pogetes, who are Indians in the more rugged parts of the mountain, had joinedthe others. At that place, they killed an Indian guide with a volleyof arrows. This loss was felt deeply, for he had promised to show theSpaniards the mines of Yguat. An extensive ambuscade was discovered, whereupon the captain ordered a musket and four arquebuses to befired at the same moment. With this volley a great noise was heard, and the people fled. From this point the captain returned to his fortwith all his men, for lack of guides, ammunition, and provisions, andwith some sick men. A guide informed him of certain villages locatedin the mountain to the left, called Piat, Pulinguri, Malias, Ybana, and Aplad. Their population is not known. By the flight of Chief Ybarat, the captain feared lest he should go toincite to rebellion the villages that he had left quiet behind. Goingto them, he found the inhabitants of the village of Balagbac ininsurrection, and that of Paytan deserted, while the village of Bugaywas also deserted. Upon reaching the fort, the captain found thatthe said Ybarat was inciting the people of his village to assault thefort; and those who were inside the fort were very fearful, and someof them sick. After the captain had provided some necessary things in the fort, hemade another sally and remained away for two days. During that timehe discovered certain very small villages among the mountains. On hisreturn to the fort, he captured Ybarat, and sent him to Manila. DonLuis Dasmariñas had him feasted and delivered him to Don DionizioCapolo. After some days Don Luis visited Ybarat and those whoaccompanied him, and then sent him back, well satisfied, to his owncountry, in charge of the same Don Dionisio. The captain again made a trip, to look for some mines that werereported to be situated among those mountains, and a golden goat [53]which people said that a chief had abandoned. It was all found tobe false. The captain requested permission from Don Luis to return, as he was sick, although the friars had first made the same request, notwithstanding that they had promised great perseverance at first. In his place, Don Luis sent Captain Clavijo with orders to go onfarther in order to discover the mines of the Ygolotes. Althoughthat captain left the province of Tuy in search of the Ygolotes, he turned back on the way, because he was assaulted by more than onethousand Indians. The latter wounded his guide, Don Dionizio Capolo, very severely in the face; and it is reported that the captain wasforced to return because he had no one to guide him. After his arrivalat the fort, it was determined that the entire camp should return toManila, as they had no provisions and the soldiers were sick, withoutmaking any further efforts for the discovery of the Tuy Ygolotes. In the year 607, when the Audiencia was governing, two chiefs of thatprovince [Tuy] came to the house of Don Dionisio. This man had been inall the above expeditions, where he had served with great fidelity. Hetook the two chiefs to the Audiencia and said that those chiefs werecoming to render homage to his Majesty, and wished to pay tribute, and would make others come. This was regarded lightly, for the mostpart, although the Audiencia took care to make much of them and tofeast them, in order to get news of their land from them. Finallypermission was granted to Don Dionisio to return with the chiefs totheir land, in order that they might bring in more Indians who mightwish to come. He accomplished this so well, that he brought seventeenchiefs, whom he took to the Audiencia. These were received with thesame coldness as the two chiefs, and no more was given them, nor anyinterest in them displayed. And inasmuch as a citizen encomenderocame with the report that those chiefs were peaceful and belonged tohis encomienda--which was a notorious falsehood, as they lived morethan forty leguas from his encomienda, and were hostile, as appearedbut a few days ago--this was sufficient completely to extinguish whatlittle interest the Audiencia had displayed in the matter. In order that the prevarication of the encomendero may be understood, it is to be noted that about one year ago, the inhabitants of theencomienda of this man and other fellow-citizens of his attemptedto make an incursion into the land of these Tuy chiefs, under theleadership of three Spaniards; but the inhabitants of Tuy attacked themand killed more than one hundred, among whom were more than twentychiefs and the Spaniards. From that occurrence the encomendero'sfalsehood is manifest, as well as the coldness and neglect of theAudiencia, although not of all that body. Don Dionizio attests that he has gone to the province of Tuy sometimeswith seven or eight Indians; and as they were acquainted with himin the past, and knew that he had entertained Chief Ybarat, theyhave received him very hospitably and entertained him. They requesthim earnestly that some officer may go to protect them and receivetheir submission to his Majesty, and for fathers to teach them. Theyshow by their deeds that they desire just what they say, for theybegged a servant of this chief to teach them the prayers and Christianinstruction. They learned these in the Tagal language and went to praybefore a cross raised by the same chief. It is reported that theirland is quite capable of sustaining the burden of the Ygolotes andthe Spaniards who should go there to discover and work the mines; andwould be of great service in the discovery of them and the pacificationof the mountaineers, because of their communication with the latter, as the said province borders on the said Ygolotes. The land containsmany settlements and many level plains, while its rice is the bestthat is grown in the Yndias. The nature of that land is for the most part good. It is an uplandsituated between two mountains, and is covered with grass, likeCastilla. There is abundance of water and trees; and there are manyvalleys and broad, pleasant plains. It has many deer and carabaos, or buffaloes. Sugarcane is grown, and produces abundantly, and itattains a much larger growth than in other regions; and even, wheremoisture is obtained, many trees grow. There are many bare mountains, thought to be composed of minerals. The highest mountains are veryrugged. The region explored by those who have gone there hitherto hasbeen only the valley of Tuy, and part of the headwaters of the riverof the same name. This river becomes of great volume, and terminatesat the city of Nueva Segovia, or Cagayan. It contains numerous fish, and the best ones that are found in the island of Luzon. This valleyand province are said to be forty leguas long, and end at the mountainsof the Ygolotes. Its width is unknown, except that it extends fromthe province of Pangasinan to the sea, from which one may infer thatis a greater distance than the forty leguas. _Relation of what has been known from old times, in these districts, of the rich mines of the Ygolotes--both from seeing the great amountof gold that the Indians of those mountains have extracted withoutskill, and are still obtaining, and which they sell to the neighboringprovinces, and trade for food; and by persons (Spaniards as well asIndians) who have been in the mines opened by those mountaineers. _ First, it is to be taken for granted that they are located in themountains and ridges called Ygolotes, at somewhat less than eighteendegrees of latitude; It is an upland situated between two mountains, and is covered with grass, like Castilla. There is abundance ofwater and trees; and there are many valleys and broad, pleasantplains. It has many deer and carabaos, or buffaloes. Sugarcane isgrown, and produces abundantly, and it attains a much larger growththan in other regions; and even, where moisture is obtained, manytrees grow. There are many bare mountains, thought to be composed ofminerals. The highest mountains are very rugged. The region exploredby those who have gone there hitherto has been only the valley of Tuy, and part of the headwaters of the river of the same name. This riverbecomes of great volume, and terminates at the city of Nueva Segovia, or Cagayan. It contains numerous fish, and the best ones that are foundin the island of Luzon. This valley and province are said to be fortyleguas long, and end at the mountains of the Ygolotes. Its width isunknown, except that it extends from the province of Pangasinan tothe sea, from which one may infer that is a greater distance thanthe forty leguas. _Relation of what has been known from old times, in these districts, of the rich mines of the Ygolotes--both from seeing the great amountof gold that the Indians of those mountains have extracted withoutskill, and are still obtaining, and which they sell to the neighboringprovinces, and trade for food; and by persons (Spaniards as well asIndians) who have been in the mines opened by those mountaineers. _ First, it is to be taken for granted that they are located in themountains and ridges called Ygolotes, at somewhat less than eighteendegrees of latitude; and as the land in itself is so lofty, it is cold, although its inhabitants go naked except for some garments made fromthe bark of trees. This region lies between the provinces of Cagayan, Ylocos, Pangasinan, and Tuy. The people are light complexioned, well-disposed, and intelligent. [54] It is reported that abouteighteen or twenty thousand Indians use lance and shield. They areat war with their neighbors up to certain boundaries. Beyond thoseboundaries those peoples trade with one another; for the Ygolotesdescend to certain towns of Pangasinan with their gold, and exchangeit for food--hogs, carabaos, and rice, taking the animals alive totheir own country. Until that food is consumed, or but a little timebefore, they pay no heed to securing any gold. Then each man goes tothe mine assigned to him, and they get what they need, according towhat they intend to buy, and not any more. They are a people as voidof covetousness as this; for they say that they have it there at handfor the times when they need it. It is probable that the mines here are very numerous and rich; andit is a well-known fact that for these many centuries the greatestquantity of gold, and that of the finest quality, in these islands hasbeen and is still obtained there; and at the present time this industryis as active as ever. Although gold is obtained in certain parts ofthese islands, such as the island of Masbate, Catanduanes, Paracali, and the Pintados, yet none of it is in such quantities as that here;and this has been always, and now is the general opinion. Consequentlyone cannot doubt that a great treasure could be secured with expertmen and the order to work those mines, since rude Indians, withoutany skill except in washing, obtain so great a quantity. It is saidthat one can obtain more gold in the rewashing of what the Indianleaves than the latter obtains. It is also said that the wealth of these mines lies in certainmountains, in a district of four or five leguas in extent, andincluded between two large rivers which flow into the province ofPangasinan. The natives do not cultivate the land--for one reason, because of its great sterility, and the lack of ground to cultivate;and, on the other hand (which can more easily be believed), because, confident in their gold mines, they have thereby sufficient to purchasewhatever they wish from Pangasinan, where the nearest abundant supplyof provisions is to be found. The richest and chiefest among themis he who has more heads hanging in his house than the others; forthat is a sign that he has more food, and gives more banquets. Thesemountains contain large pines, and other trees found in Castilla. DonLuis Dasmariñas, as above stated in the relation of Captain Miranda, sent Captain Clavijo to discover those mines; but he did nothingtherein, because his guide was wounded on the road. It is not known that these people have as yet received any evilreligious sect. Accordingly they are pagans, and but little givento pagan rites, at that. On the contrary they are very lukewarm intheir idolatry, and consequently it will be easy to inculcate inthem the holy Catholic faith, as they are a race uncorrupted withpagan rites. One may greatly hope, with the divine aid, that theirsouls will be stamped with the faith, like a clean tablet. The sameis said of the inhabitants of Tuy. Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, former governor of these islands, sent JuanPacheco Maldonado to discover those mines. It was said of this manthat he was of little diligence and intelligence, and that he remainedtwo months amid those mountains, in which period he could not catcha single Indian except only two women. At the end of that time, he returned because his provisions were all consumed. He broughta quantity of earth with him, which he declared to be from themines. A charlatan--who had been brought from España, at a salary ofone thousand ducados, as an assayer--having made the test, found nogold in this earth. They say that the reason was, that he threw saltinto the mass that he was about to smelt; and that salt should not bethrown into gold as is done in smelting silver. As then but few menknew of that, they did not investigate this difficulty. That test was, accordingly, worth nothing, since the experience of so many centuriesand that of the present prove that those mines contain quantities ofgold, most of it of twenty-two carats; for almost daily those Ygolotesgo to a village of the province of Pangasinan, as to an emporium, to buy provisions in exchange. Of this one cannot doubt in the least. This race and the inhabitants of Tuy, and those of many otherprovinces and mountains, have a cruel, barbarous custom, which theycall "the cutting off of heads. " This is quite usual among them, and he is considered as most valiant who has cut off most heads inthe civil wars waged among themselves and with their neighbors. Thisrace are ruled by certain superiors whom they call "chiefs, " who arethe arbiters of peace or war. The above relations follow the fragments of certain old papers thathave been found, and the narratives of persons acquainted with thesematters. From them one can easily infer the lack of care among thosewho have ruled the country, to know the truth concerning the Ygolotes;but in no event would that have been work lost. On the contrary, according to the opinion of many men who have lived a long time inthe country, it is regarded as very probable that a wealth of goldwould have been discovered, like the silver of Potosi. [55] The sameis true of Tuy, even if no other wealth should be attained beyond theinestimable one of having reduced to the faith of Christ a provinceso vast, and which is said to number more than 100, 000 souls; thatwould be a most lofty and divine work and one accompanied by greattemporal advantage. After having reached this point in the present relation, I saw the menwho made the test of the earth brought from the Ygolotes. They were twomen sent by Joan Pacheco from Tuy to Don Gonzalo Ronquillo. They triedto deceive the latter by bringing some bars of very fine gold, whichthey said was taken from the mines which had been discovered. Somedoubt having been expressed at this, the governor had the metal orearth pulverized in their presence, and had the said men make thetest. Being ignorant of that business, they did not obtain a grainof gold. On being urged, they said that those bars had truly beenobtained from the Indians of the mines of the Ygolotes; accordingly, they did not come from the earth that had been brought. Thereupon JuanPacheco came, without any clearer explanations, which sufficientlydemonstrates his lack of intelligence, since he was unable, in solong a time, to catch any Indians in order to talk with them. If theIndians descended to the plain daily, as they do at present, for food, as would seem necessary, they could have caught many of them; for, as above stated, the natives resort to Pangasinan, as to a market orfair. Given in Passi, July three, one thousand six hundred and nine. _Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega_ _Relation of how Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor of the Philipinas, heard that the province of Tuy was unexplored, which induced him toundertake its exploration; and his authorization to his son, Don LuisPerez, to make the said exploration. _ Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas learned from certain religious of theOrder of St. Augustine that this island of Luzon, where is locatedthe capital of all the islands--namely, the city of Manila--was notyet completely explored or conquered, as it was suspected that theinterior contained hostile and very valiant Indians; that the countrywas exceedingly productive, temperate, and fertile, and contained manycattle; that it was called the province of Tuy, and was contiguous onone side, as was imagined, to the farthest territory of the Sanvales[_i. E. _, Zambales], and on the other to the source of the river flowingto Cagayan. This last was one of the reasons why Cagayan had alwaysbeen hostile, and the Indians never weary of continuing the war; forthey went inland by way of the river--where, the Spaniards did notknow, beyond the fact that they were supplied from that region withprovisions and other things, which the Spaniards took from them, inorder to reduce them. When the governor asked the Spaniards the reasonfor so much neglect--why, for twenty years, they had made no attemptto go inland, since that was so important for the pacification of whatwas discovered--they did not know what to answer, except that a certainnumber of Spaniards had once ascended the Cagayan River, seven of whomwere captured by the Indians. Since then, they said, the ascent hadnot been again attempted. The governor, having found that, althoughhe tried to obtain from the Spaniards more definite information ofthe nature and characteristics of the said new land of Tuy, they wereunable to give him any account of the said province, tried to gaininformation of that land by means of some of the natives. This he didby sending two Indians thither with all secrecy. One of them only, the more clever of the two, reported that beyond the farthest villageof the Sanbales toward the north, he had learned with certainty thatthere were three or four villages of very well-disposed Indians, and that the country was excellent. He recounted some details of it, adding that he believed that the river of that province ended inCagayan. The governor realized the importance of the expedition fromthis relation, and through two Indian women (by the medium of twointerpreters from that land); and saw that the sure pacification ofall Cagayan and of this island of Luzon, and the removal of errorsby ascertaining with certainty what it contained, depended on thatexpedition. There was also reasonable ground, from the indications andreports adduced, for expecting that there must be many undiscoveredIndian settlements. Accordingly he determined--although against theadvice of the Spaniards who had lived longest in the country, whodeclared that the country was thoroughly explored and that there wasnothing else to explore in it--to send his son, Don Luis Dasmariñas, thither to make the said new exploration of Tuy. The latter was to beaccompanied by the captain and sargento-mayor, Juan Xuarez Gallinato, Captain Don Alonso de Sotomayor, and Captain Cristoval de Asqueta(all old residents), and seventy soldiers, most of whom the governorhad brought new with him from España, besides certain of the governor'sservants and some other soldiers who had been here in the country. Thesaid Don Luis was accompanied also by two fathers, religious of theOrder of St. Augustine, for the greater justification both of theexpedition and of the mildness with which he was to proceed. One wasthe definitor, Fray Diego Gutierrez, and the other, Fray Mateo dePeralta. Juan de Argumedo, and even many soldiers and others, privatepersons, who came to the governor to ask permission to go with hisson, accompanied Don Luis halfway, but halted in La Pampanga, as theydid not appear to be needed. To these latter the governor refused thepermission, although very much pleased at seeing so great willingnessand readiness in all of them to follow his son, and to take part inthis or in any other expedition that might offer, and which for lackof system and resolute action could not be continued throughout, aswas fitting, according to the arrangement and outcome of affairs. Thetitle of lieutenant to the captain-general was given to the said DonLuis, with the following orders and instructions. He was instructedespecially to tell his father in detail all that should happen. _Warrant of Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas for the exploration of theprovince of Tuy. _ Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, etc. Inasmuch as I have been informed by therelations of persons of credit that about three days' journey fromMungabo, a village of La Pampanga, lies a densely-settled district, very fertile and prosperous, called Tuy, which extends to the confinesof the province of Cagayan; and although many things have been toldof it and of its vast population, no exploration has as yet beenmade therein, nor has possession been taken of it in his Majesty'sname; and although his Majesty's royal and holy intention is thepreaching of the holy gospel; and since--so that these nations maylearn of the true God, and be saved by means of our holy Catholicfaith--it is advisable to explore and colonize the said province, and establish therein the holy Catholic faith and obedience to hisMajesty, for which it is necessary to send religious to preach thelaw of God and the Christian doctrine, and soldiers to accompanyand protect the religious: Therefore, by this present, I order myson, Don Luis Dasmariñas, hereby appointed by me as lieutenant ofthe captain-general in this camp, to undertake the exploration, entrance, and new pacification of the said province and district ofTuy accompanied by the said fathers, religious of the said Order ofSt. Augustine, and those soldiers who will be assigned to him. He shallfulfil and observe the instructions that shall be given him with thismy order, in the expedition and exploration. For all the above and forall annexed and pertaining to it, I grant him authority and power indue legal form, and as I possess and hold it from his Majesty. Givenat Manila, July three, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. _Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_ By the governor's order: _Juan de Cuellar_ _Instructions for this expedition given by Gomez Perez Dasmariñas tohis son. _ Granting that one of the reasons for the hatred and hostility of theIndians toward us is the collection of tributes, especially when it isnot accomplished with suitable mildness and moderation, this questionshall by no means be discussed with them in the beginning. Rather, if the Indians should be fearful of what should be collected fromthem, and should place obstacles in the way of their reduction and ourprincipal end, that of their conversion, good hopes shall be offeredthem that all satisfaction shall be accorded them in this matter, and that the tribute shall be only what they choose to give. 2. You shall under no consideration allow any soldier to seize anygold or any other article of value from any Indian, in case that anyof the said Indians should flee through fear or any other reason, andabandon their gold or other property to the power of the soldiers. Itshall immediately be sent to its owner, to show them, as above stated, that the expedition is not being made there for their gold. On thecontrary, you shall endeavor, before the Indians, to attach veryslight importance to gold, alleging that it has but little value andesteem among us. In all the above, and in whatever else may come toyour notice, you shall always govern yourself by, and conform as faras possible to, the opinion of the undersigned members of the councilof war. You shall endeavor to direct everything that you do with thegreat energy and resolution that can and should be expected from yourwisdom and prudence. In all things you shall regard the service ofGod and that of the king our sovereign. 3. Rivers, so far as possible, shall be crossed only on well-maderafts, and without any danger to the soldiers or overturning them inthe water. 4. On entering the country, possession of it shall be taken by notarialattestation in his Majesty's name. The summons and protests madeshall be made through an interpreter, and by the religious fathers, and by those others whom you deem most moderate. 5. As soon as you shall have come in sight of the district that youare to seek, you shall send your message and protests, with show ofgreat love and moderation, so that the natives will admit our trade andfriendship, as above stated. You shall under no consideration permitany soldier to violate any woman, or to offer to either mother ordaughter any uncivil or rough treatment. Rather you shall see that noill-treatment, or offenses to God, occur. You shall give the nativessome silks or gifts of slight value, which will be highly esteemedamong the Indians, and which will be a partial way of making themunderstand that we do not go there only for their property, but inorder to give them ours, so that they will admit our friendship andtrade, which is beneficial to them. 6. You shall appoint what governor and other officials you deemnecessary in that district that shall render homage to his Majesty. Youmay leave there some Spaniards, if you think that they will remainwith safety. This is left to your judgment. 7 If the natives will give the tribute peacefully, and without troubleand willingly, you shall assign them the usual tribute ordered tobe collected by his Majesty, namely, ten reals. You shall send acensus of the people, and a description and plan of their location, and a relation of the special features of the district, together withthe nature of ports, rivers, grain-fields, and any products that maybe mentioned. _Title of lieutenant of the captain-general of Don [Luis] of the campof the Philipinas. _ From the same document it appears that Gomez Perez Dasmariñas appointedhis son, Don Luis, as his lieutenant of the captain-general, twodays before, in order to send him with authority on this expedition, as appears from the title itself, dated July first, one thousand fivehundred and ninety-one, and which was drawn before Juan de Cuellar, government notary. The writ for it does not accompany the present, because of its prolixity. _The villages reporting gold from the Ygolotes_ Although not stated in the relation, for the sake of brevity, thenatives were asked from how many villages they obtained the goldthat they paid as a recognition, and deposited. They replied thatit was obtained from one village in the mountains of the Ygolotes, where gold was bartered; and that there were thirteen villages. Thisis to be noted so that one may understand how widespread everywhere, and among people that we do not know, is the knowledge of gold minesamong the Ygolotes. _Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega_ _Additional conditions and stipulations in regard to the conquest andpacification of the province of Tuy, and the discovery of the minesof the Ygolotes. _ Most potent Sir: Inasmuch as the conditions contained in the present paper, additionalto those which were given over our signatures in a former paper, seemto us advisable and necessary, in order that the end desired in theconquest and pacification of the province of Tuy and the mountainsof Ygolotes may be better attained, and his Majesty better served, we add these others. 1. First, inasmuch as many clauses of the first conditions entreathis Majesty to order the governor and captain-general, the Audiencia, and the royal officials, to observe, and that exactly, the requirementstherein set forth; and inasmuch as by not doing so, the pacificationand exploration will not be obtained without the imposition of alarger fine; and inasmuch as it is advisable to prevent mischief, when the remedy is so remote: in order that no occasion may be takenfrom this, as some ill-intentioned persons desire, to discontinue thepacification and exploration, it is advisable to impose a large fineon each and all who do not observe it, with the injunction that hisMajesty will also consider such conduct as displeasing to himself. 2. _Item_: That all the officers and soldiers engaged in this conquest, either on pay or as volunteers, who had while in Manila any right toreceive a share in the lading, [56] shall retain and preserve thatright while engaged in the said conquest. To the volunteers--whethermarried or single, without distinction--shall be given [space therein]to him who has no capital, at least one _pieza_; and to him who hascapital, in proportion to that capital, and to his length of residencehere. Thus many may be induced by this _pieza_ to take service, who otherwise would not serve, but would be wandering about idly, and gambling, to the corruption of the community. 3. _Item_: Inasmuch as the envy of two or three men, who try, by meansof trickery, to prevent and thwart any affair or action of another, isvery usual and well known in this country; and it is to be presumed ofthese men that they will not, even if they can, pardon this conquest;and as they say slyly that the share of the citizens in the cargomay be so large that there is no one who can buy any of the tonnage, or use other artful means, or say that at least the tonnage must besold cheaply, at less than fifty pesos a share--in order that, as theproceeds therefrom will be slight, the conquest and exploration mightnot be made: to correct the above, it is necessary to ordain that noone, under heavy penalties, can sell the piezas granted to him untilthe eighty toneladas are sold--which are given them, in accordancewith the royal decrees, not to be sold, but for export purposes. Wemight make public by proclamations, public criers, or edicts, theprovisions regarding this matter, and order the officials who regulatethe cargo not to lade any pieza without certification by the receiverof the freight, of what one shall have sold, given, or transferredto another in any way, under penalty of losing his office as managerof the cargo, and one hundred pesos' fine for each pieza thus laded. 4. _Item_: In order that volunteers may be induced to serve on thisoccasion, a moderate ration of rice and wine shall be given themfrom that bought with the money received for the tonnage. This isa matter of slight importance, since in a whole year, even if therebe a hundred and fifty volunteers [_aventureros_], the sum does notamount to one thousand five hundred pesos. 5. _Item_: That we may build the forts and fortresses of stone, orwood, as was determined by the council of war, or sun-dried mud bricks, for the preservation and defense of what is obtained from the priceof the tonnage, or from the tributarios that shall have been pacifiedin the said province and mountains of Ygolotes, measures for thispurpose being taken by three councils of war on different days. Thatwe be authorized to appoint wardens, their deputies, and the othernecessary officers in order to govern, defend, and faithfully guardthe said forts and fortresses in the name of his Majesty, togetherwith what garrison soldiers are necessary--to whom we may assign payin proportion to the importance of the stronghold, after consultationwith the council of war. The pay of these shall be a charge on theroyal treasury, and be paid on their presentation of their title andappointment as wardens, assistants, and other officers and soldiers. 6. _Item_: That if, in the opinion of the council of war, it shouldbe necessary for the service of the camp to appoint other needfulofficers, besides those specified in the other conditions, we beauthorized to do so, assigning to them the adequate pay from the moneyreceived for the tonnage; and, if there is no money in that fund, from the royal tributes of the conquered country. 7. _Item_: That, if there be any good result, such that it is worthwhile to advise his Majesty of it, we be authorized to send it byway of the sea of the said provinces--that is, the sea by whichthe voyage is made to Nueva España--without being obliged to haverecourse to the governor and Audiencia. This is to be done at thecost of the royal treasury, taken from what is conquered, or from themoney received for the tonnage; because, as that region is more thanone hundred leguas distant from Manila by land, and it is necessaryto guard against the tardy despatch that is usually made, and thelater necessity of sailing among islands for another hundred leguas, which is the most dangerous navigation between these islands andNueva España. In that course the ship "Santiago, " and another vesselthat came with advices from Nueva España, were wrecked last year. Onthe other hand, the coasts of Tuy and Ygolotes are the most advancedpoints toward España, so that he who sails thence will be halfway onhis journey before he who sails from Manila has reached the open sea. 8. _Item_: That, if, by our care and diligence, we allure the chiefsof the Yogolotes together with the other chiefs by means of presents, kind words, and mild treatment, to descend to the plain, or to livequietly in settlements in their natural habitat, submissive to hisMajesty, paying their tribute, and abandoning the barbarities thatthey have been wont to practice on their own children and thoseof the lowlands; and if they accept the faith and are quiet andpacified: we receive permission to distribute and apportion them inencomiendas--assigning one-third to the royal treasury, and anotherthird to the soldiers engaged in the conquest, while we be awardedthe remaining third as our exclusive property; for the Indians willbe few, and reduced after many days and great toil. 9. _Item_: That we beseech his Majesty to concede this favor tous, that we pay the tenth of the gold obtained from the mines tobe worked by our order, instead of the fifth. The same is to beunderstood in regard to the mines of silver, quicksilver, and leadthat shall be discovered and worked by our order; and that in allmines we be excused from clause 31, law 5, title 13, book 6, of the_Recopilacion_, [57] so that we may have more than two mines in onevein, if there is only a slight space between the different mines, in order to keep the measure of one mine. _Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega_ _Additional conditions and notifications in regard to the conquest, pacification, and exploration of the province of Tuy and Ygolotes. _ In the last or next to last of the former conditions we make twostatements: one, that it is unnecessary to wait for advice orinvestigations from here, for the reasons and causes assigned inthe condition; the second, that an answer must be given us as tothe acceptance of our offer, in the same year when our despatchesare received, and by the first advice-boat; and if this shall notbe done immediately, then we shall be free from all obligations. Itremains to answer the silent criticism that may be opposed to eachstatement: to the first, that it seems a senseless thing for us toproceed according to our own judgment, without ascertaining whether itis advisable or not and that there are others who may make a bettercontract; and to the second, that our offer may be solely to fulfilappearances and not real. 1. In regard to the first, we reply that it has already been determinedto be advantageous to make the said conquest, pacification, andexploration, by what each of the governors, as declared in therelation, tried to do during his administration, and what waslastly and courageously determined by the great governor, GomezPerez Dasmariñas, to whom the Spaniards now living in these islandsowe their lives. He undertook the exploration of the province ofTuy, and held the same in great esteem, since he entrusted it tono less than the person and valor of his only son, Don Luis PerezDasmariñas, sending with him the best captains of this camp andSargento-mayor Juan Xuares Gallinato. He was moved by the reasonsgiven in the first chapter of the relation of this conquest, the literal copy of which accompanies these conditions, as it isbelieved that no advice can be given his Majesty or your Highnessthat will be as forcible as this. The importance of the matter issuperlative; and it is all the more advisable to undertake it, asthat was done by a most truthful knight and one most zealous forthe service of God and of his Majesty. And it is quite well known, as is said unanimously by all this community, that it was seen andcould well be believed that, had not death taken him so suddenly, hewould have finished the conquest. Lastly, Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas, who became governor at his father's death, followed in his footsteps;and desiring to enjoy and attain what his father had himself begun todiscover, sent Captain Miranda. Although the latter exerted himself, yet he did it without any system. If he had had the discernment andsound judgment necessary for the permanent pacification of the landsexplored, he would have remained there with the soldiers working thusnight and day and through rain and wind; but at the very best time, he had to abandon all. Then, touching the mines of the Ygolotes, this serves also as a good relation, for the news of them that bothDon Gonzalo Ronquillo and Don Luis Dasmariñas had received obligedeach one to make his greatest efforts; and the knowledge of thosemines was widespread, both among barbarians and Spaniards. As to the opinion that this should not be done at the cost of theroyal treasury, as the former expeditions were made, we believethat it cannot be done more mildly and without prejudice to a thirdparty, and it is better to do it at the expense of this commonwealth;for this year the community has allowed, without any remonstrance, the owner of a small vessel to lade, for the freight-charges, eightytoneladas for whomsoever he wished, besides the tonnage allotted tothe citizens. Consequently it may be believed that the community willnot object to applying the freight money to this conquest; but ratherthat it will be done to the great satisfaction of all the public, if no other burden is imposed, as in the past. Then in regard to there being some person who would accomplish thisenterprise more advantageously by loading upon his own shoulders aso heavy burden, there is the risk of his having to keep it for thesefour or five years without any greater profit than the ordinary pay. The emoluments, gains, and advantages to be derived from the enterpriseare very large. It seems very probable if it be not done in anyother way, or through us, it can be done only by those occupying thepositions that we now fill. For as regards the position of auditor, the person appointed to the charge of the mountains [_montaraz_]could serve in that capacity [_i. E. _, as auditor], (although withgreat inconvenience), in the labors of both peace and war, and canremain quietly at home. But he cannot do that, except with great zealfor the service of both majesties. As for the position of captainof this camp, it can serve on this occasion, thus relieving theroyal treasury of his pay and of that of all the company--which, agreeably to the stipulations, has to be paid from money receivedfor the eighty toneladas. In regard to our persons we shall be readyfor it, and trust that the divine Majesty, who placed this thoughtin our hearts, will give us the needful ability--to one to counsel, aid, and govern, since the pen never blunts the spear; and to theother to execute with valor and courage what is most fit for thesestates. And it is to be expected of him that he will do it well, since, before he was twenty years of age, God made him once alferezand twice captain, more by reason of his ability than of his being theson of his father. From the age of twenty-three he must have been verycapable for any occasion. Hence, we believe, after considering thesereasons thoroughly, that no further reports or relations are needed, and that we are not unreasonable in asking that answer be made tous without awaiting them--especially since they are so dangerous inthis country, where the zeal for God's service and that of his Majestyand the public welfare is so lukewarm, and self-interest so strong. Afurther consideration is, that serious harm to the conversion of thosepeople may result from delay; for those people are very indifferent, and the accursed sect of Mahoma is gaining a foothold among them. Thissect is spreading throughout this archipelago like a pest, and onceestablished, as it is so contagious, it will be, in order to eradicateit, more difficult to convert ten Moros than to reduce a thousandpagans. Likewise touching the service to be performed by Doctor dela Vega, ordering him to do it would result in loss, because fromsixty years on, every man weighs more than he did before that age;and it is not good for him to ascend and descend mountains, even withthe aid of another's feet. 2. Touching the second point, that reply must be made to us whether ornot our offer be accepted, in the same year when the despatches arereceived, where we are not free. Replying to that, we may contradictthe opinion that in requesting an answer to so serious a matter inso short a time, our offer is more apparent than real. We declare, Sir, that we are going on the supposition that the relations whichwere sent to his Majesty and to your Highness are truth itself, and were made by persons who have seen what they relate, accordingto the papers which have been found, the summary of which composesthe relation which is being sent there. I believe that those ofGomez Perez and his son, and common tradition must be as fresh inthe minds of people as if their expeditions were taking place, andthat these were true reports of those former governors; and thatthey proceeded with so great zeal, that their zeal served to makeus determine to thank them by responding. But this, forsooth, mustfurnish opportunity for entertaining so sinister a suspicion, thatwe are offering what we do not intend to fulfil in one, two, or threeyears, and what would be of most service to his Majesty--although itis of great importance to consider that any delay in the conversionof those souls means great loss, especially if meanwhile one shouldsucceed in binding them more closely together. 3. Inasmuch as there might occur some uncertainty and strife amongthose encomenderos possessing encomiendas within the boundaries ofLa Pampanga, Canbales, Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan, in order toavoid these it is advisable to state definitely the points where theprovince of Tui begins and ends, in every direction, that a specificdeclaration may be made of the boundaries; and in case that anyoneshould have been entered on the list without any warrant, or with agreater number of natives than had been assigned to him, or shouldhe not have pacified or instructed the greater number of the nativesthat belong to him by his title, a statement of what he ought to doshall be made. In respect to the first the province of Tuy commences, as thedocuments state, and as Gomez Perez Dasmariñas declares, as one goesfrom La Pampanga to the said province from the end of the Çanbalesto the beginning of the Tui River; thence following its course to thevillages of Datan, Lamot, and Duli to the end of the province of Tui, and the commencement of that of Cagayan; and, cutting this line, bya cross-line from the end of the province of Pangasinan to the sea, on the coast opposite Manila. As to the second, the encomiendas which shall be within the confines ofthe said province and shall have any part in the province of Tuy--thatthe encomenderos retain what they have thus far held and collectedby the register, quietly and peacefully, without exceeding the numberof natives assigned to them; and in such case they may remain in theprovince of Tuy and be distributed according to the conditions andagreements. In case that any one's concession and title indicate agreater number of natives than he possesses, he must keep only thosewhom he himself has conquered, pacified, and had instructed, and nomore; for it is not right that he enjoy those who were hostile whenthe concession was given him, those conquered or instructed herelater, if others have shed their blood in the conquest of these, and they have been won at his Majesty's expense. 4. _Item_: We believe that the condition stated in the first clause ofthe first [agreement] can be emended, granting that authority is to begiven to Doctor de la Vega to be able to appoint the alcaldes-mayorof the provinces of Cagayan, Ylocos, and Pangasinan, and take theirresidencias. This gave opportunity to the governor to complain that, inasmuch as none of this pertained to Doctor de la Vega, a part of his[the governor's] office was being taken from him. This was necessaryfor the proper accomplishment of his Majesty's service; but in ordernot to give any occasion for ill-feeling in the other affairs that willarise daily with the governor, it seems a sufficient remedy to givethe said Doctor de la Vega commission, so that these alcaldes-mayorbe subordinate to him, as all the justices in the adelantamientos[58] of Castilla [are subordinate]. Also the said Doctor de la Vegaand his deputies should be authorized to try the causes, as stated inthe first clause herein cited of the first conditions, leaving theirappointment and the taking of their residencias to the governor, or to whom that may pertain; and the said Doctor de la Vega shouldhave full power, in case that they do not exactly fulfil any orderssent them, to punish them, and to execute upon them the penaltiesto which he shall condemn them, even to suspension or exile. Forif they know that that can be done, they will act more carefully, in order to give no occasion for such action. By decree of his Majesty, it is ordained that the inhabitants of thiscity may export the products of the country without formal allotmentin the lading. We beseech his Majesty to be pleased to allow thecakes of wax possessed by the volunteer soldiers who shall go toserve and who actually do serve in this expedition, to be exported;and that our certification and that of each one be sufficient forthe official laders to stow it in the vessels as soon as they, oranyone in their name, may arrive, under severe penalties. The samewe beseech for the piezas of the cargo which should be given to them, when it shall likewise appear, by certification, that they are engagedin this expedition. _Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega_ Petition of a Filipino Chief for Redress Sire: In former years the archbishop of these Philipinas Islands, on petitionof the natives of the village of Quiapo, which is near this city ofManila, wrote to your Majesty, informing you that the fathers of theSociety of Jesus--under pretext that the former dean of this holychurch of Manila, whom your Majesty has lately appointed archbishop, [59] had sold them a garden lying back of our village--have beeninsinuating themselves more and more into our lands and taking morethan what was assigned them by the dean; and that we had scarcelyany land remaining in the village for our fields, and even for ourhouses. The petition begged your royal Majesty to remedy this andprotect us under your royal clemency, since we are Indians, who cannotdefend ourselves by suits, as we are a poor people, and it would bea matter with a religious order. Your royal Majesty, as so Catholicand most Christian, sent a command to the royal Audiencia resident inthese islands to gather information of the details of this matter, and to redress it, and not allow injuries to be inflicted on us. Wehave heard that the royal Audiencia has advised your Majesty; butwe do not know what they have advised, for nothing was told us. Nowthis present year, I, who am the chief, and claim that the lands whichare in dispute with the fathers are of greater extent, built a housein my fields. One of the fathers [_i. E. _, Jesuits], named BrotherNieto, came with a numerous following of negroes and Indians, armedwith halberds and catans; and of his own accord, and with absoluteauthority, razed my house to the ground. This caused great scandal tothose who saw a religious armed for the purpose of destroying the houseof a poor Indian--although, after seeing his intention to seize all myproperty and bind me, I did not raise my eyes to behold him angered, because of the respect that I know is due the ministers who teach usthe law of God. Although the alcalde-mayor of our village (namely, the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves) was angry, as was proper, at thelittle attention they paid to the royal justice of your Majesty and ofyour servants; and went immediately on that same day to the destroyedhouse, and did not leave the village until he knew that another smallhouse had been rebuilt for me in place of the one destroyed--yet, asall the fathers had threatened me that, as often as I should builda house there, they would return to raze or burn it (and this theyhave declared before the alcalde-mayor himself and the canon Talavera, our minister), and as I am a poor Indian, I fear the power of the saidfathers. For I fear that I can find no one to aid me in the suits thatthe fathers are about to begin against me, or who will appear formy justice, since I have even been unable to find anyone who daredto write this letter for me. This letter is therefore written by myown hand and in my own composition, and in the style of an Indiannot well versed in the Spanish language. But I confide my cause toyour royal Majesty's great kindness, and, prostrate at your Majesty'sroyal feet, implore you to protect me with your royal protection, byordering the royal Audiencia and the archbishop to inform your royalMajesty anew, and to summon me in order that I may inform them of myclaims to justice. Also in the meanwhile will you order the fathersnot to molest me in the ancient possession that I have inherited frommy fathers and grandfathers, who were chiefs of the said village. Itrust in the royal clemency and exceedingly great Christian spirit ofyour Majesty that I shall be protected and defended in what shouldhave justice. This I petition from your royal person, whom may ourLord preserve during many happy years, for the protection of thesepoor Indians, your Majesty's loyal vassals, and for the increase ofthis new Christian community. From Quiapo; July 25, 1609. The useless slave of your royal Majesty, _Don Miguel Banal_ [_Endorsed_: "Have the governor and the Audiencia investigate, andin the meanwhile provide suitable measures. "] Despatch of Missionaries to the Philippines _Information by father Fray Diego Aduarte, concerning the journeythat he made in the year 1605 from Spaña to the Philipinas, with 38religious of his order; and, further, that made by father Fray Gabrielde San Antonio in the year 1008; and, further, what is necessary thatthere should not be failures in such journeys_. By command of Señor Don Luis de Belasco, viceroy of this countryof Nueva Spaña, in compliance with a clause of a letter from hisMajesty--whereby he was commanded to advise his Majesty of thereligious who, going under his orders to the Philipinas, have remainedhere, and what was the occasion of it; and in particular of those whoremained of my company, two years ago--I, Diego Aduarte, declare asfollows, having come as his vicar; and I call God to witness that inall I tell the truth. In the month of July of 1605 I sailed from Spaña, with thirty-eightreligious of my order, whom I was empowered by his Majesty's decreesto convey thither; and none were lacking. Among these there were onlyfour lay brethren; and of the rest, who were priests (they being themajority), all except one were preachers and confessors; and those whowere not such had studied sufficiently to be ordained as priests formass--as all of them now are, and actual ministers, who preach andhear confessions in various languages which they have learned, muchto the service of God and the increase of His church. I arrived inthis country of Nueva Spaña with all the said thirty-eight religious, where two of my priests died. One of them was named Fray Dionisiode Rueda, who had come from Valencia, of which he was a native;the other, Fray Pablo Colmenero, who came from Salamanca, and wasa native of Galicia. [60] Both of them were religious of excellentabilities. I embarked at the port of Acapulco for the Philipinas, with only twenty-eight. Although it is true that at the time ofembarkation some nine were absent, who had not yet arrived at theport, yet even if they had arrived they could in no wise have beenembarked; for the ship which was given me was very small, and hadaccommodations for no more than twelve friars at the most. So trueis this, that the treasurer of his Majesty of this City Of Mexico, one Birbiesca, who was then at the port to despatch the ships bycommand of the Marques de Montesclaros, told me not to embark morethan twelve. This I swear to be true _in verbo sacerdotis_. I leftin that very port several religious, with permission and order toreturn to Mexico until they could go to the Philipinas; and I wasmany times sorry for those whom I had embarked, on account of thepoor accommodations that we had. Four of them died at sea, betweenhere and the Philipinas (three of these being priests, and the othernot), all of them being friars from whom much was hoped. I have madeinformation of all this before the notary of the ship itself (who wascalled Francisco de Vidaurre), with witnesses who were aboard--which, with the favor of God, I myself shall take to España, as I am now onthe way there. This was in the year of 1606. The very next year two religious of my company--priests, confessors, and preachers, Fray Jacinto Orfanel and Fray Joseph de SanJacinto--went to the Philipinas with Don Rodrigo de Mendoza, nephewof the marques, who was commander for two patajes; and this year, 608, I sent four others of the same qualifications with the lord governor, Don Rodrigo de Bibero. Thus of all my company, except six who have died, only one has failedto go to the Philippinas. To this one, I confess, I gave permissionto remain; and he is at present in the province of Oaxaca as ministerand interpreter, and so has not been obtained for it unfairly, sincereligious go from Spaña to this province also at the cost of theroyal exchequer. It was at the time expedient and even necessaryto give the permission; and if his Majesty should try to tie thehands of him who takes the religious in charge, in this matter, itwould be the occasion of many grave injuries to his royal service, and still more to that of God, for the new church in the Philippinascan be entrusted only to ministers with the apostolic spirit. For, in order to persuade to the faith, the lack of miracles must bemade good by the life of the minister, which, when apostolic, isso much the more a power, as the ability to work miracles is less;for the force of example, and that of miracles which the apostleshad to convert the world then, must now be contained in the life ofthe minister. In truth this is more important for the heathen thanare miracles, if it be what it ought. But it is impossible for thesuperior who takes them in his charge to become acquainted with thembefore he engages them, as there is no opportunity for that in Spaña, or hardly even to know their names; for after procuring his decrees atcourt, almost all his time is necessary, up to the embarkation, to gethis ship-supplies in Sevilla and set affairs in order there. And ifhe must go about seeking religious in one house and another, throughall Castilla and Aragon, as far as Barcelona, how can he have time tobecome gradually acquainted with them, as he should do? Although it istrue that, if he supplies religious to this country by his authority, when he has become acquainted with them, it is a loss to the royalexchequer, to the amount that he has spent for them without carryingout his Majesty's intentions; yet, if they should go on farther, that purpose would be much less successful, and the expenses wouldbe greater. It is less harmful to spend some money ill, than a greatdeal to the loss, perhaps, of souls, whose welfare is the objectof these expenditures. In the government of man, to attempt to fleefrom difficulties is the greatest hindrance of all; accordingly, thedifficulties that may be encountered in this matter can best be avoidedby not entrusting this work to anyone except some very trustworthyreligious; then his Majesty, being thoroughly informed in regard tohim, can place entire confidence in him. For as he must do this withmen in his royal service, there is no reason why he should not do asmuch here, for his agent is a priest and a religious, with greaterobligations to keep his conscience pure than has a secular minister;nor is he ignorant of the fidelity which he owes his king and lord, and how great a sin it would be against justice, and what obligationthere would be for restitution of money ill spent. The truth is thatanyone to whom his Majesty entrusts this could, if he did not proceedwith great exactness, very legitimately excuse himself by saying thatwhat was ordered to be given him for the despatch is not enough, by far, and so he is spending on a few what is given him for themany; since it is hardly enough for even the few--having recourse, for the external forum, to equivocal answers. It is actually true, that the provision that his Majesty orders to be given, in Sevillaand in Mexico, for supplies on the two seas, and for the support ofthe religious in these two cities, is extremely scanty; and if hisMajesty does not increase it he can have no just complaint againstthe religious who may act thus. In Sevilla he orders that two realsbe given for each religious, every day; but three are necessary, atthe least. In Mexico, he orders that four be given; but it is certainthat six to each man would be little for their food, clothing, andshoes, and for the ordinary expenses of a house. In Sevilla thereis assigned, for the supplies of each religious on the voyage, 22ducats; whereas 40 at least are necessary, and, if it be a year ofhigh prices, 50. In Mexico, for supplies on the other sea, and to paythe charges to the muleteers who transport the goods to Acapulco, and the expenses of the journey to that point with the religious, there is given for each one 150 pesos; but 200 are needed, and eventhat does not suffice. The reason for all this is, that these rateswere set a long time ago, when things were much cheaper than atpresent; for goods could be bought for these sums to a much greateramount. This would be cause for the religious to plead that the[actual] expenses incurred for him should be allowed; and there isno other way [in which this difficulty can be settled]. Of both things we have illustration enough in this journey whichwas begun by father Fray Gabriel de San Antonio (whom may God keepin heaven), for, on account of the scanty aid that was given him atSevilla, he left there a debt of one thousand two hundred ducados;and if his Majesty does not pay this, I know not whence his creditorswill procure it. Then, as he had not the necessary freedom to disposeof his friars, seeing that there was no fleet that year, which is asecond instance, he did what he should not have done--namely, amongtwenty-four religious whom he embarked with him, he took seven laymen, and, of the rest, one was insufficiently educated, and others wereill suited for the work in the Philipinas; so that counting those whowere well fitted to go, they would not number twelve. It seems that hewished only to make it appear to the Council that he was embarking withfriars, since this was commanded so insistently. He had, as I have beentold, thirty religious quite suitable for the journey, ready to embarkin the fleet; but as there was no fleet, and they saw that accordingto the orders of the Council they must embark in the heart of winter, and in weak craft, they, being discreet, returned to the houses fromwhich they had come; and father Fray Gabriel, to comply with hisorders, sought others in their places, most of whom did not fill theplaces of the others, or come near doing so. From this resulted manyexpenses that might have been avoided; for if those who returned hadbeen left in the convents of Andalucia, to come over in the fleetthis year, all the expenses that were incurred would be obviated, and they would arrive at the proper time to go to the Philippinas, as they would come in the patages. Even if not all came, most ofthem could come, and none of these would have to be refused, as wehave to do now--for, if the lord viceroy does not give permission toleave some, there is no use to consider sending religious there. ThenI, who am going to seek them in España, for the second time, withso many labors and dangers, would find them half way, without theleast cost to myself. Supplicate and beg this from his Excellency, by the bowels of Christ. The objection raised is that it will not beexpedient for them to go; but I hope through God that it will be so, and that it will be explained to his Majesty that it is very importantfor his service. This is the truth, which I am bound to tell my kingand lord, as his faithful vassal and servant, which I am. _Fray Diego Aduarte_ _Jesus, Mary_ Father Fray Antonio de Santo Angel, procurator-general of the orderof the discalced friars of our father St. Augustine, declares thatin the year 1608 your Majesty gave permission to father Fray Pedrode San Fulgencio, of the said order, to return to the PhilipinasIslands, taking with him thirty religious of his order, and sixservants for their service. In the said year he was obliged togo to Rome to secure some favors and jubilees from his Holiness;but an illness attacked him, and our Lord saw fit to take him untoHimself. For this reason his embarkation for the Philipinas did nottake place, as he died on the way; and the funds that were given himfor the purpose were lost. Since it has pleased the divine Majestythat the discalced Augustinian religious who are in those parts [61]should succeed in so satisfactory and exemplary a manner, preachingthe holy gospel and giving the light of our holy Catholic faith, andso earnestly striving for its increase--as your Majesty is informed bythe archbishop of Manila, and the city and cabildo, and the bishop ofSantissimo Nombre de Jesus. For all point out to your Majesty the greatimportance of sending religious of this holy order to the Philipinas;and that it is better to maintain there those who have been discalced, than those who enter from among the calced and are not instructed inthe austerity to which the discalced are obliged. For this reason ourvery holy father, Paul V, separated and divided us from the calcedfathers; and accordingly our father-general sent them a notificationthat his Holiness had separated them, and had sent an order that theyshould form a chapter and appoint a provincial--as will appear fromthe papers which I present, and from the letters of the archbishop ofManila, and from the bishop of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus, and fromthe letter from the city of Manila. From the letters of the religiousit will be plain to your Majesty how important it is for the serviceof our Lord to have a head and superior of the same penitent mode oflife, so that this reformation may be preserved, and they may withfervor continue to gain souls for heaven and the increase of our holyCatholic faith. I therefore beg your Majesty to grant us the samedespatches that were given to us for the said voyage, so that wemay receive the favor of it. I likewise present the letter writtenby the Audiencia of Manila, in which your Audiencia states what areits intentions when anything is asked on the part of the Recollects. Bibliographical Data All the documents contained in this volume are obtained from originalMSS. In various foreign archives--excepting only that the _Relation_of Maldonado (1606) is from a printed pamphlet. Most of them are fromthe Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, their pressmarks as follows. 1. _Complaints against the archbishop_. --(a) Letters from Acuña andthe Augustinians: "Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas yexpedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; años de1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7. " (b) Letter from the Audiencia:"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientesdel presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo;años de 1600 á 1612; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19. " 2. _Relations with the Chinese_. --(a) Memorials by archbishop:"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientesdel arzobispo de Manila vistos en el Consejo; años 1579 á 1679;est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32. " (b). Letter to viceroy of Ucheo: the same asNo. 1 (a). (c) Chinese immigration restricted: the same as No. 1 (b). 3. _Letters from Acuña_. --(a) Letters of July 1 and 8: the same asNo. 1 (a). (b) Letter of July 15: the same as No. 1 (b). 4. _Dominican mission of 1606_. --"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia deFilipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros en Filipinasvistos en el Consejo; años de 1569 á 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37. " 5. _Dutch factory at Tidore_. --The same as No. 1 (b). 6. _Letter from the Audiencia_, 1606. --The same as No. 1 (b). 7. _Letter from the fiscal_. --The same as No. 1 (b). 8. _Chinese immigration_. --(a) Report of ships: the same as No. 1(b). (b) Letters from Felipe III: "Audiencia de Filipinas; registrosde oficio reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito dela Audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1. " 9. _Petition for grant to seminary_. --"Simancas--Secular; Audienciade Filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes á dicha Audiencia;años de 1586 á 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1. " 10. _Artillery at Manila_. --The same as No. 1 (b). 11. _Confraternity of La Misericordia_. --"Simancas--Secular; Audienciade Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dichaAudiencia vistos en el Consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20. " 12. _Receipts and expenditures of Philippine government_. --The sameas No. 1 (a). 13. _Decrees regarding way-station for vessels_, 1608-09. --The sameas No. 8 (b). 14. _Letters to Silva_. --The same as No. 8 (b). 15. _Expeditions to Tuy_. --The same as No. 1 (a). 16. _Petition of Filipino chief_. --"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia deFilipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares vistos en elConsejo; años de 1607 á 1613; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 36. " 17. _Despatch of missionaries_. --The same as No. 4. The following isfrom the Real Academia de Historia, Madrid: 18. _Relation by Maldonado_, 1606. --"Papeles jesuitas, tomo 92, núm. 40. " (A printed pamphlet. ) The following is from the British Museum, London: 19. _Decree regarding way-station for vessels_, 1606. --"Papelesvarios de Indias; Mus. Brit, jure emptionis; 13, 976 Plut. CXC. D;folios 469-472a. " The following is from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid: 20. _Letter to Acuña_, 1606. --"Cedulario Indico, t. 38, fol. 114, no. 89. " The following are from the Archivo general, Simancas: 21. _Terrenate expedition_. --"Secretario de Estado, legajo 205. " 22. _Trade with Mexico_. --"Secretario de Estado, leg. 2637. " 23. _Passage of missionaries_. --The same as No. 22. NOTES [1] The sense is here somewhat incomplete; there may be some omissionin the text. [2] _Fuerza_: injury committed by an ecclesiastical judge; see_Vol_. V, p. 292. [3] Apparently a reference to the organization of "el Nuevo Reino['the new kingdom'] de Granada, " afterward known as Nueva (or New)Granada; a name applied in the nineteenth century to the countrynow known as United States of Colombia. This region was conquered byGonzalo Jiminez Quesada in 1537, its capital (established August 6, 1538) being Santa Fé de Bogota. [4] In the original there is a brief summary at the head of eachparagraph, for the convenience of the council in considering thedocument. [5] The botanical name of the clove is _Caryophyllus aromaticus_. SeeCrawfurd's excellent account, both descriptive and historical, of thisvalued product, in his _Dict. Of Indian Islands_, pp. 101-105. Cf. Theaccount by Duarte Barbosa, in _East Africa and Malabar_ (HakluytSoc. Publications No. 35, London, 1866), pp. 201, 219, 227; he says, among other things: "And the trees from which they do not gatherit for three years after that become wild, so that their cloves areworth nothing. " Crawfurd says: "It is only in its native localities, the five small islets [Moluccas] on the western coast of the largeisland of Gilolo, that it is easily grown, and attains the highestperfection. There, it bears in its seventh or eighth year, and livesto the age of 130 or 150. " He also states that the Dutch, in theirattempt to secure the monopoly of the clove trade, exterminated theclove trees from the Moluccas, and endeavored to limit their growthto the five Amboyna islands, in which they had introduced the clove. [6] Referring to the military order of St. John of Jerusalem, towhich Acuña belonged. [7] The Spanish form of the name of Mechlin, an important city ofBelgium, between Antwerp and Brussels. The reference in the text isprobably to some law enacted by the emperor Charles V while holdinghis court at Mechlin, during his long stay in the Netherlands. [8] Diego Aduarte was born at Zaragoza, about 1570, and at the age ofsixteen entered a Dominican convent at Alcalá de Henares. In 1594 hejoined the mission to the Philippines, arriving at Manila June 12, 1595. In the following January Aduarte accompanied the expeditionsent by Luis Dasmariñas to Cambodia (see _Vol_. IX, pp. 161-180, 265, 277); the result of this was disastrous, and after many dangersand hardships, and a long illness, he returned to Manila on June24, 1597. Two years later he went to China, to rescue Dasmariñas(stranded there after another unsuccessful expedition to Cambodia), and remained until February, 1600. Soon afterward he went to Spainon business of his order, arriving there in September, 1603. Therehe obtained a reënforcement of missionaries for the Philippines, arriving at the islands in August, 1606. He was again despatched toSpain (July, 1607), where he remained until 1628; he then returned tothe Philippines with another missionary band. He was seen afterwardelected prior of the convent at Manila, and later became bishop ofNueva Segovia; but exercised the latter office only a year and a half, dying in the summer of 1636. Aduarte's _Historia de la provincia delSancto Rosario_ (Manila, 1640) is his chief work; we shall present itin later volumes of this series. See biography of Aduarte in _Reseñabiografica de los religiosos de la provincia del Santísimo Rosariode Filipinas_ (Manila, 1891), pp. 148-172. [9] Master (Latin _magister_, Spanish _maestro_): a title of honorgiven to religious of venerable age or distinguished services; seeDu Cange, _s. Vv. Dominus ordinis, magister ordinis_. [10] So in the MS. , but apparently an error of _cuatro_ for _cinco_("five"), as the evidence of this and the other documents of thisgroup indicates that this warrant was given in 1605, not 1604. [11] The garment placed by the tribunal of the Inquisition upon personswho, after trial, became penitent and were reconciled to the church. [12] San Juan de Ulua (or Lua, also Ulloa), in Mexico, was thus named(1518) for St. John and in honor of Juan Grijalva, one of Cortés'sofficers, who in that year discovered Yucatan. In the summer of thefollowing year, Cortés founded, not far from this place, the city ofVera Cruz. [13] In our copy of this document (the official transcript) the textreads _que son 80 pesos_; but as in half a year but two of thesetri-yearly payments would be made, it seems more probable that thiswas intended for _20 pesos_. [14] Gabriel Quiroga de San Antonio came to the Philippines in 1595, and was assigned to the mission among the Chinese in Binondo; but hecould not learn their language, and, becoming discouraged thereat, returned to Spain. Finally, being troubled by his conscience forhaving abandoned his post, he obtained permission from his superiorsto conduct a band of new missionaries to the islands. Embarking withthem, he was overcome by sickness and the hardships of the voyage, and died before reaching Mexico (1608). He was appointed (apparentlyafter his departure on this journey) bishop of Nueva Caceres. [15] The word "factory, " as here used, refers to the place where thefactors, or agents, of a commercial company reside and transact thebusiness entrusted to them. [16] These names are merely phonetic renderings of the names ofcertain Dutch cities. Absterdaem and Ambstradama are for Amsterdam;Yncussa (and probably Cuyssem), for Enkhuysen (or Enchuysen); Campem, for Campen; Amberes, for Antwerp; Millburg, for Middleburg; Horrem, for Hoorn. Olanda and Gelanda are for Holland and Zeeland. [17] That is: Achin (or Acheen), in Sumatra; Pajang, a province inJava; and Bengal, in India. [18] At the end of this pamphlet is the imprint, showing thatpermission to print it was given to Clemente Hidalgo on May 9, 1606;and that it was printed by him in the same year, at Sevilla. It wassold at the establishments of Melchor Goncalez and Rafael Charte. [19] In the margin: "The Parian, establishment and residence of theSangleys, on the other side of the Manila River. " [20] The leaves of a species of palm (_Nipa fruticans_), used asthatch to cover houses. [21] Probably a misprint for Moros. [22] Cf. La Concepción's account of this insurrection, in _Hist. DePhilippinas_, iv, pp. 52-64. [23] At this point, in the printed original, follow the words_tribuleco llamadotin_--evidently some typographical error. [24] This letter will be found in _Vol_. XIII, pp. 287-291; Morga alsogives it in his _Sucesos_ (which will be presented in our _Vols_. XVand XVI). [25] Korea had been conquered by the Japanese in 1592, but soonafterward was partially regained by the Chinese (_Vol_. VIII, pp. 260-262; IX, pp. 36, 44, 46). The death of the Japanese rulerHideyoshi (1598), and the consequent recall of the Japanese troops, left affairs between the three countries unsettled; finally Iyeyasu, ruler of Japan, made peace with Korea and China, in 1605. [26] Another account of this insurrection is given by Gregorio Lopez, S. J. , in a letter dated April, 1604; it is substantially the sameas those already presented in this series, but Lopez relates in muchfuller detail the final pursuit of the Sangleys. He also states thatthe Chinese Juan Bautista de Bera (Vera), whose heathen name wasHincan, had lived in Manila since the time of Limahon; and that inthe conflict there were twenty stalwart Sangleys to each Spaniard. Heenumerates the Spanish citizens slain by the Sangleys, mentioningthe place where each died. A copy of this letter is contained in theVentura del Acro MSS. (Ayer library)--for account of which collectionsee _Vol_. VI, pp. 231, 232--in vol. I, pp. 121-272; it is accompaniedby the statement that the original MS. Is in the Real Academia de litHistoria, Madrid--its pressmark, "Jesuitas, Filipinas; legajo no. 7. " [27] _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. Vi, tit. Vi, ley viii, containsthe following law in regard to the appointment of the protector ofthe Indians; "The bishops of Filipinas were charged by us with theprotection and defense of those Indians. Having seen that they cannotattend to the importunity, and judicial acts and investigations, whichrequire personal presence, we order the president-governors to appointa protector and defender, and to assign him a competent salary from thetaxes of the Indians, proportioned among those which shall be assignedto our royal crown and to private persons, without touching our royaltreasury, which proceeds from other kinds [of taxes]. We declarethat it is not our intention by this to deprive the bishops of theirsuperintendence and protection of the Indians in general. " (Felipe II, Madrid, January 17, 1593, in a clause of a letter). [28] The hospital order of St John of God was originally founded by aPortuguese soldier (named Joan), who at the age of forty years devotedhimself, as a religious duty, to the care of sick persons. He began ahospital in his own house at Granada (1540), and his bishop permittedhim and his associates to wear a habit. After his death (1550) similarhospitals were formed in Spain, and even spread to Italy. In 1585 allthese were organized into an order, with constitutions, under the papalsanction; this order is still in existence, and has establishmentsin many countries. It did not reach the Philippines until 1649. [29] Fray Diego Aduarte, Bishop of Nueva Segovia, wrote to the king(July 7, 1606), as follows: "Your Majesty possesses here a royalhospital which is one of the most necessary and useful things in thiscountry for the welfare and care of the poor soldiers and others whoserve your Majesty. Although the income which it has is small, it wouldbe sufficient aid, with the many alms given by the citizens who arewell to do, if there were some one who could distribute it well andtake it in charge as his own affair. It is a most necessary thing forits good government and maintenance that your Majesty should send fouror five brethren of the order called Juan de Dios, with the authorityof your Majesty and his Holiness, and with power to receive others. Forthe institution is already founded and everything necessary supplied;and these brethren might come with the religious whom your Majestysends here, either Franciscan or Dominican; or you might command thatsome of the excellent hospitallers who are settled in Nueva Españashould come to these islands, which would economize in expenseand hasten their coming, and make it more certain. " [_Endorsed_:"September 24, 1607. Have the four brethren whom he mentions sent, and entrust the matter to Señor Don Francisco de Tejada, that he mayarrange it with the elder brother of Anton Martin. Have a copy sentto Señor Don Francisco. "] [30] Evidently referring to Antonio, prior of Crato, pretender to thecrown of Portugal (see _Vol_. I, p. 355). He died at Paris, August25, 1595; and left six (illegitimate) children whom he commended tothe care of Henri IV of France. It is probable that the son mentionedin our text was Cristoval, his second son (born in 1564); he assumedthe title of king of Portugal, and with this pretension might easilyundertake to fight against Spain (as usurper of that crown), in aidof the Dutch. Cristoval died at Paris June 3, 1638. [31] _Lancha_: a small vessel navigated with sails and oars;cf. English "launch. " _Barcoluengo_: an oblong boat with a long bow, its only mast being in the center. [32] The capture of the "Santa Ana" by Cavendish in 1588, and thedifficulties and risks of the long Pacific voyage for the richly-ladengalleons from Manila, made it evident that some halting-place for themshould be provided on the California coast. The vessel "San Agustin"was despatched from Manila in 1595 to search for such a place, butwas wrecked in the present Drake Bay. In the preceding year Velascohad made a contract with Sebastian Vizcaino for the exploration andoccupation for Spain of California; but he did not begin his task until1597, when he was sent out by Monterey. This expedition accomplishedlittle; but Vizcaino was selected to command the one mentioned in ourtext, which had the same object as that for which the "San Agustin"was sent, and the pilot of that vessel accompanied Vizcaino. Thereappear to have been four vessels in this expedition, which carriednearly two hundred men: there were also three Carmelite friars, one ofwhom, Antonio de la Ascension, kept a diary of the voyage, and assistedthe cosmographer, Gerónimo Martin Palacios. They returned to Acapulcoin March, 1603, having explored and mapped the coast of Californiabeyond Cape Mendocino, and discovered the bays of Todos Santos, SanDiego, and Monterey. Vizcaino made another voyage (1611-14), whichwas originally intended for the establishment and equipment of theport of Monterey as a station for the Philippine vessels, but wasdiverted to the Pacific Ocean and Japan. See Bancroft's account ofthese explorations--with abundant citations of sources, and reducedcopy of Vizcaino's map--in his _History of North Mexican States_(San Francisco, 1886), i, pp. 147-163. [33] See _Vol_. XIII, p. 228, note 31. [34] This admiral was Toribio Gomez de Corvan. [35] The route of vessels to and from the Philippines is described byMorga at the end of his _Sucesos_ (_Vols_. XV and XVI of this series). [36] This total is as found in the MS. , but is inaccurate. The correcttotal is 6, 533. [37] Also written "pederero"--from Old Spanish _pedra_, "a stone;"so named because of the use of stone for balls, before iron balls wereinvented; a swivel-gun. For descriptions and illustrations of variouskinds of artillery, see Demmin's _Arms and Armor_ (London, 1877). [38] Cf. "Foundation of the Audiencia, " _Vol_. VI, p. 37, sec. 295. [39] Referring to the famous hot springs and health resort of LosBaños, situated on the southern coast of Laguna de Bay, thirty-fivemiles from Manila, at the foot of the volcanic mountains Maquiling andLos Baños. See Chirino's account of these springs, in chap. X of his_Relacion_ (_Vol_. XII of this series). Cf. The more detailed accountsby La Concepcion (_Hist. De Philipinas_, iv, pp. 134-151), Zuñiga(_Estadismo_, i, pp. 180-185), and Buzeta and Bravo (_Diccionario_, ii, pp. 168-179). The virtues of these waters were first made knownby St. Pedro Bautista, the noted Franciscan martyr (_Vol_. VIII, p. 233), in the year 1590; and he undertook to found there a hospital, but for lack of means this project languished until 1604, when it wasduly organized, under the charge of a Franciscan lay brother, FrayDiego de Santa Maria. Various grants were made to this institution, atdifferent times, by colonial and local authorities; and in 1671 largeand suitable buildings of stone were erected--which, however, weredestroyed by fire in 1727. The hospital seems to have retrograded, in extent and management, early in its history; Zúñiga found itin very poor condition, at the end of the eighteenth century. Seechapter on "Minero-medicinal waters" of the islands in U. S. PhilippineCommission's _Report_, 1900, iii, pp. 217-227. [40] The name applied to any knight of a military order who receivedone of die ecclesiastical benefices called _encomiendas_. These weresuitably-endowed dignities conferred on knights of those orders. [41] After Acuña's death, Rodrigo de Vivero was sent from Nueva Españato govern the Philippines _ad interim_, where he arrived June 15, 1608. He remained less than one year in this poet, and was then madegovernor of Panama. In April, 1609, arrived his successor, Juan deSilva, a member of the Order of Santiago; and distinguished by militaryservice in Flanders. He governed the Philippines for seven years, anddied at Malaca, on his way with an expedition to the Spice Islands, on April 19, 1616. [42] _Situado_ is used here to mean the extra income from theencomiendas which is obtained by increasing the tribute from eightreals to ten. This was done at the time when Gomez Perez Dasmariñaswas sent to govern the Philippines; see his instructions (_Vol_. VII, pp. 145, 146), and cf. Morga's _Sucesos_, chap. Viii (_Vol_. XVI ofthis series; and Hakluyt Society's trans. , pp. 325, 326). The tworeals thus gained were to be thus applied: one-half real, to pay theobligations of the tithes; one and one-half reals, for the pay ofsoldiers, etc. Prof. E. G. Bourne says: "Many of the Spanish colonies received regular situados from the crown to make up their annual deficits. The word may mean subsidy, appropriation, rent, or income, according to the context. " Humboldt mentions--in _New Spain_ (Black's trans. ), iv, pp. 228, 229--the situados, "remittances of specie annually, made to other Spanish colonies" from the treasury of Mexico, which in 1803 amounted to 3, 500, 000 piastres. These remittances from Mexico of course ceased when that colony revolted from Spain and became a republic (1823). Still another meaning of _situado_ is given by Bowring (_Philippine Islands_, pp. 98, 99): "As it is, the Philippines have made, and continue to make, large contributions to the mother country, generally in excess of the stipulated amount which is called the _situado_. " [43] The husk surrounding the cocoanut; it is used for making cordageand calking vessels. [44] A prebendary who enjoys the benefice called _racion_. [45] The prebendary immediately subordinate to the racionero. [46] _Barrachel_: the alguacil-mayor. This word is now obsolete. [47] He had filled this post before, during 1590-95 (_Vol_. VII, p. 230); he succeeded Montesclaros on July 2, 1607, and governed NuevaEspaña until June 12, 1611, when he returned to Spain as president ofthe Council of the Indias. Already aged, he did not long survive thispromotion. He established many reforms in Nueva España, and showedgreat humanity in his treatment of the Indians. [48] That is, "rich in gold, " and "rich in silver;" two mythicalislands, often mentioned in documents of that time; thus named, according to Gemelli Careri, because some earth taken from them, accidentally heated on a ship, was found to contain grains ofprecious metal. There is an interesting mention of these islands onLa Frechette's "Chart of the Indian Ocean" (published by W. Faden, London, 1803). They are placed thereon in 32° and 34°, N. Lat. , andin 160° and 164° E. Long. , respectively, with the following legend:"Kin-sima, la Rica de Oro, or Gold Island. Gin-sima, la Rica de Plata, or Silver Island. These Two Islands, which are Known to the Japanese, are laid down according to the report of the former Spanish Navigators;they did imagine till the middle of the last century, that Gin-simaand Kin-sima were the Land of Ophir, since it could not be found inthe Isles of Solomon. " [49] Referring to the archbishop Benavides; he bequeathed his libraryand the sum of one thousand pesos for the foundation of the collegeof Santo Tomas at Manila. [50] The route of this expedition was evidently up the Rio Grandede Pampanga, northward through the present provinces of Pampanga andNueva Ecija; the headwaters of this stream are separated by the ridgeof Caraballo Sur from those of the Rio Grande de Cagayan. Crossingthese mountains, the Spaniards found themselves, at the southern endof Nueva Viscaya, at the sources of one of the two great branchesof the latter river, the Magat River--the one which is named Tuy inour text. It joins the main stream of the Rio Grande de Cagayan, afew miles above Ilagan, in the province of Isabela, and the unitedstreams flow northward through the entire length of that provinceand of Cagayan, falling into the sea below Aparri, on the northerncoast of Luzón. See the short account of this expedition given in_Vol_. VIII, pp. 250, 251. [51] A species of orange-colored agate, of great beauty. [52] This city is no longer in existence; it has been replaced bythe town of Lalló, formerly only a district of that city. [53] In the MS. , _cabra_; but this may be only a copyist's conjecturefor an illegible word. [54] The Igorrotes first appear under the name Ygolot, which wasapplied to the inhabitants of Benguet; and those people probablyrepresent the original tribe. The name was later applied to allthe head-hunters of northern Luzon, then collectively to all in thePhilippine Islands, and is now almost synonymous with "wild. " Thedistrict assigned to the real Igorrotes is a matter of controversyamong various authors, as are also their various characteristics, and their origin. Certain characteristics point to infusions ofChinese and Japanese blood. Comparatively few of them have embracedChristianity. They live in villages of three or four hundred, witha chief in each, who is usually the richest man, and whose landsthe common people cultivate. They are generally monogamous, andrespect the marriage tie highly. They believe in a supreme beingwhom they call Apo or Lu-ma-oig; his wife Bangan; his daughterBugan; and his son Ubban. There are two inferior gods Cabigat andSuyan. Their priests are called Maubunung and they heal sicknesswith charms and incantations. They believe in two places of abodeafter death: one pleasant and cheerful, for those who die a naturaldeath; the other a real heaven, for warriors killed in battle andwomen who die in childbirth. They bury their dead in coffins ina sitting position, in clefts or caves, and often dry the corpseover a fire. Ancestor-worship is prevalent. They are an agriculturalpeople, but do not breed cattle. They have worked the copper mines oftheir districts and extracted gold from the earliest times. As yet, however, exact and scientific knowledge regarding them is slight, asis true of many other Filipino tribes, owing to the confused stateof Philippine ethnology. See Smithsonian _Report_, 1899, p. 538, "List of native tribes of Philippines" by Ferdinand Blumentritt(translated by Dr. O. T. Malon); Blumentritt's "Über den Namen derIgorroten" in _Ausland_, no. 1, p. 17 (Stuttgart, 1882); Sawyer's_Inhabitants of the Philippines_ (New York, 1900); pp. 254-267;and Foreman's _Philippine Islands_ (London, 1890), pp. 212-215. [55] The city of Potosi in Bolivia is situated on the slope of theCerro Gordo de Potosi, a mountain 16, 152 feet high, which containssilver mines of a richness that has become proverbial; they werediscovered in 1545, by an Indian. It is estimated that the silverobtained from this mountain, up to the middle of the nineteenthcentury, amounted to $1, 600, 000, 000. Humboldt gives the figures forits yield, from 1566 to 1789, amounting to 60, 864, 359 pounds troy; seehis _New Spain_ (Black's trans. , London, 1811), iii, pp. 171, 172. Healso endeavors to estimate (pp. 353-379) the value of the total yieldfrom its discovery to 1789, which he places at 5, 750, 000, 000 of livrestournois (£234, 693, 840 sterling). The mines now are almost abandoned, and the annual yield is about $800, 000. [56] Referring to the allotment of space for freight in the regulartrading fleet sent yearly to Mexico. As has been shown in precedingdocuments, this privilege, as the source of much profit, was restrictedby the government to the citizens of the islands, among certain ofwhom the space was duly allotted by toneladas, each shipping goodsto that extent--although many frauds were practiced, often by royalofficials themselves. The stipulation in our text secured, to personshaving the right to a share in this trade, the exercise of that rightwhile absent on the Tuy expedition, the same as if they were presentin Manila when the ships were laden. The _pieza_ mentioned in thisparagraph was the bale used as the unit of capacity in lading thevessel (see Bourne's introduction to this series, _Vol_. I, p. 63). Aletter from Andres de Alcaraz to the king (August 10, 1617), which willbe presented in _Vol_. XVII, gives further information regarding thepieza. From this document it appears that the tonelada was reckonedat eight piezas; the pieza would then be estimated at ten arrobas, or two hundred and fifty libras. [57] Evidently a reference to a compilation of Spanish laws. There isnothing in the _Recopilacion de las leyes de Indias_ answering to this. [58] The district of the governor formerly called adelantado. [59] Archbishop Benavides died on July 26, 1605, and was succeededby Diego Vazquez de Mercado--although the latter did not takepossession of the see until June, 1610. He was a native of Arevalo, Castilla, and a relative of Gonzalo Ronquillo, fourth governor ofthe Philippines. He was the first dean of the Manila cathedral, serving therein for sixteen years; then went to Nueva España, and, having obtained a doctor's degree from the University of Mexico, held a benefice at Acapulco. He was appointed bishop of Yucatan, but was transferred to the archbishopric of Manila; this post heheld until his death, in 1618. He completed the cathedral edince, applying to that work much of his patrimony. [60] Rueda's name alone is contained in the list furnished byAduarte in 1605 (see "Dominican mission of 1606, " _ante_). The namesof those Dominicans who actually reached the Philippines in 1606, twenty-six in number, are found (with biographical information) in_Reseña biog. Sant. Rosario_, i, pp. 328-333; but the list of thosewho died on the way (including Rueda and Colmenero) is on p. 335. [61] Also known as Recollects (see _Vol_. XIII, p. 246 and_note_). When they arrived in the Philippines (1606), they establishedthemselves in a suburb of Manila called Bagumbayan. See the detailedaccount of the circumstances attending the despatch of friars thitherfrom this order, and of the beginning of their work in the islands, in La Concepción's _Hist. De Philipinas_, iv, pp. 189-265.