MEMOIRS OF GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN

By William T. Sherman

Volume I. , Part 1

GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN

HIS COMRADES IN ARMS, VOLUNTEERS AND REGULARS. 

Nearly ten years have passed since the close of the civil war inAmerica, and yet no satisfactory history thereof is accessible tothe public; nor should any be attempted until the Government haspublished, and placed within the reach of students, the abundantmaterials that are buried in the War Department at Washington. These are in process of compilation; but, at the rate of progressfor the past ten years, it is probable that a new century will comebefore they are published and circulated, with full indexes toenable the historian to make a judicious selection of materials. 

What is now offered is not designed as a history of the war, oreven as a complete account of all the incidents in which the writerbore a part, but merely his recollection of events, corrected by areference to his own memoranda, which may assist the futurehistorian when he comes to describe the whole, and account for themotives and reasons which influenced some of the actors in thegrand drama of war. 

I trust a perusal of these pages will prove interesting to thesurvivors, who have manifested so often their intense love of the"cause" which moved a nation to vindicate its own authority; and, equally so, to the rising generation, who therefrom may learn thata country and government such as ours are worth fighting for, anddying for, if need be. 

If successful in this, I shall feel amply repaid for departing fromthe usage of military men, who seldom attempt to publish their owndeeds, but rest content with simply contributing by their acts tothe honor and glory of their country. 

WILLIAM T. SHERMAN, General

St. Louis, Missouri, January 21, 1875. 

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 

Another ten years have passed since I ventured to publish myMemoirs, and, being once more at leisure, I have revised them inthe light of the many criticisms public and private. 

My habit has been to note in pencil the suggestions of critics, andto examine the substance of their differences; for critics mustdiffer from the author, to manifest their superiority. 

Where I have found material error I have corrected; and I haveadded two chapters, one at the beginning, another at the end, bothof the most general character, and an appendix. 

I wish my friends and enemies to understand that I disclaim thecharacter of historian, but assume to be a witness on the standbefore the great tribunal of history, to assist some future Napier, Alison, or Hume to comprehend the feelings and thoughts of theactors in the grand conflicts of the recent past, and thereby tolessen his labors in the compilation necessary for the futurebenefit of mankind. 

In this free country every man is at perfect liberty to publish hisown thoughts and impressions, and any witness who may differ fromme should publish his own version of facts in the truthfulnarration of which he is interested. I am publishing my ownmemoirs, not theirs, and we all know that no three honest witnessesof a simple brawl can agree on all the details. How much morelikely will be the difference in a great battle covering a vastspace of broken ground, when each division, brigade, regiment, andeven company, naturally and honestly believes that it was the focusof the whole affair! Each of them won the battle. None ever lost. That was the fate of the old man who unhappily commanded. 

In this edition I give the best maps which I believe have ever beenprepared, compiled by General O. M. Poe, from personal knowledgeand official surveys, and what I chiefly aim to establish is thetrue cause of the results which are already known to the wholeworld; and it may be a relief to many to know that I shall publishno other, but, like the player at cards, will "stand;" not that Ihave accomplished perfection, but because I can do no better withthe cards in hand. Of omissions there are plenty, but of wilfulperversion of facts, none. 

In the preface to the first edition, in 1875, I used these words:"Nearly ten years have passed since the close of the civil war inAmerica, and yet no satisfactory history thereof is accessible tothe public; nor should any be attempted until the Government haspublished, and placed within the reach of students, the abundantmaterials that are buried in the War Department at Washington. These are in process of compilation; but, at the rate of progressfor the past ten years, it is probable that a new century will comebefore they are published and circulated, with full indexes toenable the historian to make a judicious selection of materials"

Another decade is past, and I am in possession of all thesepublications, my last being Volume XI, Part 3, Series 1, the lastdate in which is August 30, 1862. I am afraid that if I assumeagain the character of prophet, I must extend the time deep intothe next century, and pray meanwhile that the official records ofthe war, Union and Confederate, may approach completion before the"next war, " or rather that we, as a people, may be spared anotherwar until the last one is officially recorded. Meantime the risinggeneration must be content with memoirs and histories compiled fromthe best sources available. 

In this sense I offer mine as to the events of which I was aneye-witness and participant, or for which I was responsible. 

WILLIAM T. SHERMAN, General (retired). 

St. Louis, Missouri, March 30, 1885. 

MEMOIRS OF GENERAL WILLIAM T. SHERMAN. 

CHAPTER I. 

FROM 1820 TO THE MEXICAN WAR. 

1820-1846. 

According to Cothren, in his "History of Ancient Woodbury, Connecticut, " the Sherman family came from Dedham, Essex County, England. The first recorded name is of Edmond Sherman, with histhree sons, Edmond, Samuel, and John, who were at Boston before1636; and farther it is distinctly recorded that Hon. SamuelSherman, Rev. John, his brother, and Captain John, his firstcousin, arrived from Dedham, Essex County, England, in 1634. Samuel afterward married Sarah Mitchell, who had come (in the sameship) from England, and finally settled at Stratford, Connecticut. The other two (Johns) located at Watertown, Massachusetts. 

From Captain John Sherman are descended Roger Sherman, the signerof the Declaration of Independence, Hon. William M. Evarts, theMessrs. Hoar, of Massachusetts, and many others of national fame. Our own family are descended from the Hon. Samuel Sherman and hisson; the Rev. John, who was born in 1650-'51; then another John, born in 1687; then Judge Daniel, born in 1721; then Taylor Sherman, our grandfather, who was born in 1758. Taylor Sherman was a lawyerand judge in Norwalk, Connecticut, where he resided until hisdeath, May 4, 1815; leaving a widow, Betsey Stoddard Sherman, andthree children, Charles R. (our father), Daniel, and Betsey. 

When the State of Connecticut, in 1786, ceded to the United Statesher claim to the western part of her public domain, as defined byher Royal Charter, she reserved a large district in what is nownorthern Ohio, a portion of which (five hundred thousand acres)composed the "Fire-Land District, " which was set apart to indemnifythe parties who had lost property in Connecticut by the raids ofGenerals Arnold, Tryon, and others during the latter part of theRevolutionary War. 

Our grandfather, Judge Taylor Sherman, was one of the commissionersappointed by the State of Connecticut to quiet the Indian title, and to survey and subdivide this Fire-Land District, which includesthe present counties of Huron and Erie. In his capacity ascommissioner he made several trips to Ohio in the early part ofthis century, and it is supposed that he then contracted thedisease which proved fatal. For his labor and losses he received atitle to two sections of land, which fact was probably the primecause of the migration of our family to the West. My fatherreceived a good education, and was admitted to the bar at Norwalk, Connecticut, where, in 1810, he, at twenty years of age, marriedMary Hoyt, also of Norwalk, and at once migrated to Ohio, leavinghis wife (my mother) for a time. His first purpose was to settleat Zanesville, Ohio, but he finally chose Lancaster, FairfieldCounty, where he at once engaged in the, practice of hisprofession. In 1811 he returned to Norwalk, where, meantime, wasborn Charles Taylor Sherman, the eldest of the family, who with hismother was carried to Ohio on horseback. 

Judge Taylor Sherman's family remained in Norwalk till 1815, whenhis death led to the emigration of the remainder of the family, viz. , of Uncle Daniel Sherman, who settled at Monroeville, Ohio, asa farmer, where he lived and died quite recently, leaving childrenand grandchildren; and an aunt, Betsey, who married Judge Parker, of Mansfield, and died in 1851, leaving children and grandchildren;also Grandmother Elizabeth Stoddard Sherman, who resided with herdaughter, Mrs: Betsey Parker, in Mansfield until her death, August1, 1848. 

Thus my father, Charles R. Sherman, became finally established atLancaster, Ohio, as a lawyer, with his own family in the year 1811, and continued there till the time of his death, in 1829. I have nodoubt that he was in the first instance attracted to Lancaster bythe natural beauty of its scenery, and the charms of its alreadyestablished society. He continued in the practice of hisprofession, which in those days was no sinecure, for the ordinarycircuit was made on horseback, and embraced Marietta, Cincinnati, and Detroit. Hardly was the family established there when the Warof 1812 caused great alarm and distress in all Ohio. The Englishcaptured Detroit and the shores of Lake Erie down to the MaumeeRiver; while the Indians still occupied the greater part of theState. Nearly every man had to be somewhat of a soldier, but Ithink my father was only a commissary; still, he seems to havecaught a fancy for the great chief of the Shawnees, "Tecumseh. "

Perry's victory on Lake Erie was the turning-point of the Westerncampaign, and General Harrison's victory over the British andIndians at the river Thames in Canada ended the war in the West, and restored peace and tranquillity to the exposed settlers ofOhio. My father at once resumed his practice at the bar, and wassoon recognized as an able and successful lawyer. When, in 1816, my brother James was born, he insisted on engrafting the Indianname "Tecumseh" on the usual family list. My mother had alreadynamed her first son after her own brother Charles; and insisted onthe second son taking the name of her other brother James, and whenI came along, on the 8th of February, 1820, mother having no morebrothers, my father succeeded in his original purpose, and named meWilliam Tecumseh. 

The family rapidly increased till it embraced six boys and fivegirls, all of whom attained maturity and married; of these six arestill living. 

In the year 1821 a vacancy occurred in the Supreme Court of Ohio, and I find this petition:

Somerset, Ohio, July 6, 1821. 

May it please your Excellency:

We ask leave to recommend to your Excellency's favorable noticeCharles R. Sherman, Esq. , of Lancaster, as a man possessing in aneminent degree those qualifications so much to be desired in aJudge of the Supreme Court. 

From a long acquaintance with Mr. Sherman, we are happy to be ableto state to your Excellency that our minds are led to theconclusion that that gentleman possesses a disposition noble andgenerous, a mind discriminating, comprehensive, and combining aheart pure, benevolent and humane. Manners dignified, mild, andcomplaisant, and a firmness not to be shaken and of unquestionedintegrity. 

But Mr. Sherman's character cannot be unknown to your Excellency, and on that acquaintance without further comment we might safelyrest his pretensions. 

We think we hazard little in assuring your Excellency that hisappointment would give almost universal satisfaction to thecitizens of Perry County. 

With great consideration, we have the honor to be

Your Excellency's most obedient humble servants, CHARLES A. HOOD, GEORGE TREAT, PETER DITTOR, P. ODLIN, J. B. ORTEN, T. BECKWITH, WILLIAM P. DORST, JOHN MURRAY, JACOB MOINS, B. EATON, DANIEL GRIGGS, HENRY DITTOE, NICHOLAS McCARTY. 

His Excellency ETHAN A. BROWN, Governor of Ohio, Columbus. 

He was soon after appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court, andserved in that capacity to the day of his death. 

My memory extends back to about 1827, and I recall him, returninghome on horseback, when all the boys used to run and contend forthe privilege of riding his horse from the front door back to thestable. On one occasion, I was the first, and being mounted rodeto the stable; but "Old Dick" was impatient because the stable-doorwas not opened promptly, so he started for the barn of our neighborMr. King; there, also, no one was in waiting to open the gate, and, after a reasonable time, "Dick" started back for home somewhat in ahurry, and threw me among a pile of stones, in front of preacherWright's house, where I was picked up apparently a dead boy; but mytime was not yet, and I recovered, though the scars remain to thisday. 

The year 1829 was a sad one to our family. We were then tenchildren, my eldest brother Charles absent at the State University, Athens, Ohio; my next brother, James, in a store at Cincinnati; andthe rest were at home, at school. Father was away on the circuit. One day Jane Sturgeon came to the school, called us out, and whenwe reached home all was lamentation: news had come that father wasill unto death, at Lebanon, a hundred miles away. Mother startedat once, by coach, but met the news of his death about Washington, and returned home. He had ridden on horseback from Cincinnati toLebanon to hold court, during a hot day in June. On the next dayhe took his seat on the bench, opened court in the forenoon, but inthe afternoon, after recess, was seized with a severe chill and hadto adjourn the court. The best medical aid was called in, and forthree days with apparent success, but the fever then assumed a moredangerous type, and he gradually yielded to it, dying on the sixthday, viz. , June 24, 1829. 

My brother James had been summoned from Cincinnati, and was presentat his bedside, as was also Henry Stoddard, Esq. , of Dayton, Ohio, our cousin. Mr. Stoddard once told me that the cause of myfather's death was cholera; but at that time, 1829, there was noAsiatic cholera in the United States, and the family, attributedhis death to exposure to the hot sun of June, and a consequentfever, "typhoid. "

From the resolutions of the bench, bar, and public generally, nowin my possession, his death was universally deplored; moreespecially by his neighbors in Lancaster, and by the Society ofFreemasons, of which he was the High-Priest of Arch Chapter No. 11. 

His death left the family very poor, but friends rose up withproffers of generous care and assistance; for all the neighborsknew that mother could not maintain so large a family without help. My eldest brother, Charles, had nearly completed his education atthe university at Athens, and concluded to go to his uncle, JudgeParker, at Mansfield, Ohio, to study law. My, eldest sister, Elizabeth, soon after married William J. Reese, Esq. ; James wasalready in a store at Cincinnati; and, with the exception of thethree youngest children, the rest of us were scattered. I fell tothe charge of the Hon. Thomas Ewing, who took me to his family, andever after treated me as his own son. 

I continued at the Academy in Lancaster, which was the best in theplace; indeed, as good a school as any in Ohio. We studied all thecommon branches of knowledge, including Latin, Greek, and French. At first the school was kept by Mr. Parsons; he was succeeded byMr. Brown, and he by two brothers, Samuel and Mark How. These wereall excellent teachers, and we made good progress, first at the oldacademy and afterward at a new school-house, built by Samuel How, in the orchard of Hugh Boyle, Esq. 

Time passed with us as with boys generally. Mr. Ewing was in theUnited States Senate, and I was notified to prepare for West Point, of which institution we had little knowledge, except that it wasvery strict, and that the army was its natural consequence. In1834 I was large for my age, and the construction of canals was therage in Ohio. A canal was projected to connect with the great OhioCanal at Carroll (eight miles above Lancaster), down the valley ofthe Hock Hocking to Athens (forty-four miles), and thence to theOhio River by slack water. 

Preacher Carpenter, of Lancaster, was appointed to make thepreliminary surveys, and selected the necessary working party outof the boys of the town. From our school were chosen ____Wilson, Emanuel Geisy, William King, and myself. Geisy and I were therod-men. We worked during that fall and next spring, marking twoexperimental lines, and for our work we each received a silverhalf-dollar for each day's actual work, the first money any of ushad ever earned. 

In June, 1835, one of our school-fellows, William Irvin, wasappointed a cadet to West Point, and, as it required sixteen yearsof age for admission, I had to wait another year. During theautumn of 1835 and spring of 1836 I devoted myself chiefly tomathematics and French, which were known to be the chief requisitesfor admission to West Point. 

Some time in the spring of 1836 I received through Mr. Ewing, thenat Washington, from the Secretary of War, Mr. Poinsett, the letterof appointment as a cadet, with a list of the articles of clothingnecessary to be taken along, all of which were liberally providedby Mrs. Ewing; and with orders to report to Mr. Ewing, atWashington, by a certain date, I left Lancaster about the 20th ofMay in the stage-coach for Zanesville. There we transferred to thecoaches of the Great National Road, the highway of travel from theWest to the East. The stages generally travelled in gangs of fromone to six coaches, each drawn by four good horses, carrying ninepassengers inside and three or four outside. 

In about three days, travelling day and night, we reachedFrederick, Maryland. There we were told that we could takerail-cars to Baltimore, and thence to Washington; but there wasalso a two-horse hack ready to start for Washington direct. Nothaving full faith in the novel and dangerous railroad, I stuck tothe coach, and in the night reached Gadsby's Hotel in WashingtonCity. 

The next morning I hunted up Mr. Ewing, and found him boarding witha mess of Senators at Mrs. Hill's, corner of Third and C Streets, and transferred my trunk to the same place. I spent a week inWashington, and think I saw more of the place in that time than Iever have since in the many years of residence there. GeneralJackson was President, and was at the zenith of his fame. I recalllooking at him a full hour, one morning, through the wood railingon Pennsylvania Avenue, as he paced up and down the gravel walk onthe north front of the White House. He wore a cap and an overcoatso full that his form seemed smaller than I had expected. I alsorecall the appearance of Postmaster-General Amos Kendall, ofVice-President Van Buren, Messrs. Calhoun, Webster, Clay, Cass, Silas Wright, etc. 

In due time I took my departure for West Point with Cadets Belt andBronaugh. These were appointed cadets as from Ohio, althoughneither had ever seen that State. But in those days there werefewer applicants from Ohio than now, and near the close of the termthe vacancies unasked for were usually filled from applicants onthe spot. Neither of these parties, however, graduated, so theState of Ohio lost nothing. We went to Baltimore by rail, theretook a boat up to Havre de Grace, then the rail to Wilmington, Delaware, and up the Delaware in a boat to Philadelphia. I staidover in Philadelphia one day at the old Mansion House, to visit thefamily of my brother-in-law, Mr. Reese. I found his father a finesample of the old merchant gentleman, in a good house in ArchStreet, with his accomplished daughters, who had been to Ohio, andwhom I had seen there. From Philadelphia we took boat toBordentown, rail to Amboy, and boat again to New York City, stopping at the American Hotel. I staid a week in New York City, visiting my uncle, Charles Hoyt, at his beautiful place on BrooklynHeights, and my uncle James, then living in White Street. Myfriend William Scott was there, the young husband of my cousin, Louise Hoyt; a neatly-dressed young fellow, who looked on me as anuntamed animal just caught in the far West--"fit food forgunpowder, " and good for nothing else. 

About June 12th I embarked in the steamer Cornelius Vanderbilt forWest Point; registered in the office of Lieutenant C. F. Smith, Adjutant of the Military Academy, as a new cadet of the class of1836, and at once became installed as the "plebe" of myfellow-townsman, William Irvin, then entering his Third Class. 

Colonel R. E. De Russy was Superintendent; Major John Fowle, SixthUnited States Infantry, Commandant. The principal Professors were:Mahan, Engineering; Bartlett, Natural Philosophy; Bailey, Chemistry; Church, Mathematics; Weir, Drawing; and Berard, French. 

The routine of military training and of instruction was then fullyestablished, and has remained almost the same ever since. To givea mere outline would swell this to an inconvenient size, and Itherefore merely state that I went through the regular course offour years, graduating in June, 1840, number six in a class offorty-three. These forty-three were all that remained of more thanone hundred which originally constituted the class. At the AcademyI was not considered a good soldier, for at no time was I selectedfor any office, but remained a private throughout the whole fouryears. Then, as now, neatness in dress and form, with a strictconformity to the rules, were the qualifications required foroffice, and I suppose I was found not to excel in any of these. Instudies I always held a respectable reputation with the professors, and generally ranked among the best, especially in drawing, chemistry, mathematics, and natural philosophy. My averagedemerits, per annum, were about one hundred and fifty, which. Reduced my final class standing from number four to six. 

In June, 1840, after the final examination, the class graduated andwe received our diplomas. Meantime, Major Delafield, United StatesEngineers, had become Superintendent; Major C. F. Smith, Commandantof Cadets; but the corps of professors and assistants remainedalmost unchanged during our whole term. We were all granted theusual furlough of three months, and parted for our homes, there toawait assignment to our respective corps and regiments. In dueseason I was appointed and commissioned second-lieutenant, ThirdArtillery, and ordered to report at Governor's Island, New YorkHarbor, at the end of September. I spent my furlough mostly atLancaster and Mansfield, Ohio; toward the close of Septemberreturned to New York, reported to Major Justin Dimock, commandingthe recruiting rendezvous at Governor's Island, and was assigned tocommand a company of recruits preparing for service in Florida. Early in October this company was detailed, as one of four, toembark in a sailing-vessel for Savannah, Georgia, under command ofCaptain and Brevet Major Penrose. We embarked and sailed, reachingSavannah about the middle of October, where we transferred to asmall steamer and proceeded by the inland route to St. Augustine, Florida. We reached St. Augustine at the same time with the EighthInfantry, commanded by Colonel and Brevet Brigadier-General WilliamJ. Worth. At that time General Zachary Taylor was in chief commandin Florida, and had his headquarters at Tampa Bay. My regiment, the Third Artillery, occupied the posts along the Atlantic coast ofFlorida, from St. Augustine south to Key Biscayne, and my owncompany, A, was at Fort Pierce, Indian River. At St. Augustine Iwas detached from the company of recruits, which was designed forthe Second Infantry, and was ordered to join my proper company atFort Pierce. Colonel William Gates commanded the regiment, withLieutenant William Austine Brown as adjutant of the regiment. Lieutenant Bragg commanded the post of St. Augustine with his owncompany, E, and G (Garner's), then commanded by Lieutenant Judd. In, a few days I embarked in the little steamer William Gaston downthe coast, stopping one day at New Smyrna, held by John R. Vinton'scompany (B), with which was serving Lieutenant William H. Shover. 

In due season we arrived off the bar of Indian River and anchored. A whale-boat came off with a crew of four men, steered by acharacter of some note, known as the Pilot Ashlock. I transferredself and baggage to this boat, and, with the mails, was carriedthrough the surf over the bar, into the mouth of Indian RiverInlet. It was then dark; we transferred to a smaller boat, and thesame crew pulled us up through a channel in the middle of MangroveIslands, the roosting-place of thousands of pelicans and birds thatrose in clouds and circled above our heads. The water below wasalive with fish, whose course through it could be seen by thephosphoric wake; and Ashlock told me many a tale of the Indian warthen in progress, and of his adventures in hunting and fishing, which he described as the best in the world. About two miles fromthe bar, we emerged into the lagoon, a broad expanse of shallowwater that lies parallel with the coast, separated from it by anarrow strip of sand, backed by a continuous series of islands andpromontories, covered with a dense growth of mangrove andsaw-palmetto. Pulling across this lagoon, in about three moremiles we approached the lights of Fort Pierce. Reaching asmall wharf, we landed, and were met by the officers of thepost, Lieutenants George Taylor and Edward J. Steptoe, andAssistant-Surgeon James Simons. Taking the mail-bag, we walked upa steep sand-bluff on which the fort was situated, and across theparade-ground to the officers' quarters. These were six or sevenlog-houses, thatched with palmetto-leaves, built on high posts, with a porch in front, facing the water. The men's quarters werealso of logs forming the two sides of a rectangle, open toward thewater; the intervals and flanks were closed with log stockades. Iwas assigned to one of these rooms, and at once began service withmy company, A, then commanded by Lieutenant Taylor. 

The season was hardly yet come for active operations against theIndians, so that the officers were naturally attracted to Ashlock, who was the best fisherman I ever saw. He soon initiated us intothe mysteries of shark-spearing, trolling for red-fish, and takingthe sheep's-head and mullet. These abounded so that we could atany time catch an unlimited quantity at pleasure. The companiesalso owned nets for catching green turtles. These nets had meshesabout a foot square, were set across channels in the lagoon, theends secured to stakes driven into the mad, the lower line sunkwith lead or stone weights and the upper line floated with cork. We usually visited these nets twice a day, and found from one tosix green turtles entangled in the meshes. Disengaging them, theywere carried to pens, made with stakes stuck in the mud, where theywere fed with mangrove-leaves, and our cooks had at all times anample supply of the best of green turtles. They were so cheap andcommon that the soldiers regarded it as an imposition whencompelled to eat green turtle steaks, instead of poor Florida beef, or the usual barrelled mess-pork. I do not recall in my wholeexperience a spot on earth where fish, oysters, and green turtlesso abound as at Fort Pierce, Florida. 

In November, Major Childs arrived with Lieutenant Van Vliet and adetachment of recruits to fill our two companies, and preparationswere at once begun for active operations in the field. At thattime the Indians in the Peninsula of Florida were scattered, andthe war consisted in hunting up and securing the small fragments, to be sent to join the others of their tribe of Seminoles alreadyestablished in the Indian Territory west of Arkansas. Ourexpeditions were mostly made in boats in the lagoons extending fromthe "Haul-over, " near two hundred miles above the fort, down toJupiter Inlet, about fifty miles below, and in the many streamswhich emptied therein. Many such expeditions were made during thatwinter, with more or less success, in which we succeeded in pickingup small parties of men, women, and children. On one occasion, near the "Haul-over, " when I was not present, the expedition wasmore successful. It struck a party of nearly fifty Indians, killedseveral warriors, and captured others. In this expedition myclassmate, lieutenant Van Vliet, who was an excellent shot, killeda warrior who was running at full speed among trees, and one of thesergeants of our company (Broderick) was said to have dispatchedthree warriors, and it was reported that he took the scalp of oneand brought it in to the fort as a trophy. Broderick was so elatedthat, on reaching the post, he had to celebrate his victory by abig drunk. 

There was at the time a poor, weakly soldier of our company whosewife cooked for our mess. She was somewhat of a flirt, and ratherfond of admiration. Sergeant Broderick was attracted to her, andhung around the mess-house more than the husband fancied; so hereported the matter to Lieutenant Taylor, who reproved Broderickfor his behavior. A few days afterward the husband again appealedto his commanding officer (Taylor), who exclaimed: "Haven't you gota musket? Can't you defend your own family?" Very soon after ashot was heard down by the mess-house, and it transpired that thehusband had actually shot Broderick, inflicting a wound whichproved mortal. The law and army regulations required that the manshould be sent to the nearest civil court, which was at St. Augustine; accordingly, the prisoner and necessary witnesses weresent up by the next monthly steamer. Among the latter werelieutenant Taylor and the pilot Ashlock. 

After they had been gone about a month, the sentinel on the roof-topof our quarters reported the smoke of a steamer approaching the bar, and, as I was acting quartermaster, I took a boat and pulled down toget the mail. I reached the log-but in which the pilots lived, andsaw them start with their boat across the bar, board the steamer, and then return. Ashlock was at his old post at the steering-oar, with two ladies, who soon came to the landing, having passed througha very heavy surf, and I was presented to one as Mrs. Ashlock, andthe other as her sister, a very pretty little Minorcan girl of aboutfourteen years of age. Mrs. Ashlock herself was probably eighteenor twenty years old, and a very handsome woman. I was hurriedlyinformed that the murder trial was in progress at St. Augustine;that Ashlock had given his testimony, and had availed himself of thechance to take a wife to share with him the solitude of his desolatehut on the beach at Indian River. He had brought ashore his wife, her sister, and their chests, with the mail, and had orders toreturn immediately to the steamer (Gaston or Harney) to bring ashoresome soldiers belonging to another company, E (Braggs), which hadbeen ordered from St. Augustine to Fort Pierce. Ashlock left hiswife and her sister standing on the beach near the pilot-hut, andstarted back with his whale-boat across the bar. I also took themail and started up to the fort, and had hardly reached the wharfwhen I observed another boat following me. As soon as this reachedthe wharf the men reported that Ashlock and all his crew, with theexception of one man, had been drowned a few minutes after I hadleft the beach. They said his surf-boat had reached the steamer, hadtaken on board a load of soldiers, some eight or ten, and hadstarted back through the surf, when on the bar a heavy breaker upsetthe boat, and all were lost except the boy who pulled the bow-oar, who clung to the rope or painter, hauled himself to the upset boat, held on, drifted with it outside the breakers, and was finallybeached near a mile down the coast. They reported also that thesteamer had got up anchor, run in as close to the bar as she could, paused awhile, and then had started down the coast. 

I instantly took a fresh crew of soldiers and returned to the bar;there sat poor Mrs. Ashlock on her chest of clothes, a weepingwidow, who had seen her husband perish amid sharks and waves; sheclung to the hope that the steamer had picked him up, but, strangeto say, he could not swim, although he had been employed on thewater all his life. 

Her sister was more demonstrative, and wailed as one lost to allhope and life. She appealed to us all to do miracles to save thestruggling men in the waves, though two hours had already passed, and to have gone out then among those heavy breakers, with aninexperienced crew, would have been worse than suicide. All Icould do was to reorganize the guard at the beach, take the twodesolate females up to the fort, and give them the use of my ownquarters. Very soon their anguish was quieted, and they began tolook, for the return of their steamer with Ashlock and his rescuedcrew. The next day I went again to the beach with Lieutenant Ord, and we found that one or two bodies had been washed ashore, tornall to pieces by the sharks, which literally swarmed the inlet atevery new tide. In a few days the weather moderated, and thesteamer returned from the south, but the surf was so high that sheanchored a mile off. I went out myself, in the whale or surf boat, over that terrible bar with a crew of, soldiers, boarded thesteamer, and learned that none other of Ashlock's crew except theone before mentioned had been saved; but, on the contrary, thecaptain of the steamer had sent one of his own boats to theirrescue, which was likewise upset in the surf, and, out of the threemen in her, one had drifted back outside the breakers, clinging tothe upturned boat, and was picked up. This sad and fatalcatastrophe made us all afraid of that bar, and in returning to theshore I adopted the more prudent course of beaching the boat belowthe inlet, which insured us a good ducking, but was attended withless risk to life. 

I had to return to the fort and bear to Mrs. Ashlock the absolutetruth, that her husband was lost forever. 

Meantime her sister had entirely recovered her equilibrium, andbeing the guest of the officers, who were extremely courteous toher, she did not lament so loudly the calamity that saved them along life of banishment on the beach of Indian River. By the firstopportunity they were sent back to St. Augustine, the possessors ofall of Ashlock's worldly goods and effects, consisting of a goodrifle, several cast-nets, hand-lines, etc. , etc. , besides somethree hundred dollars in money, which was due him by thequartermaster for his services as pilot. I afterward saw theseladies at St. Augustine, and years afterward the younger one cameto Charleston, South Carolina, the wife of the somewhat famousCaptain Thistle, agent for the United States for live-oak inFlorida, who was noted as the first of the troublesome class ofinventors of modern artillery. He was the inventor of a gun that"did not recoil at all, " or "if anything it recoiled a littleforward. "

One day, in the summer of 1841, the sentinel on the housetop atFort Pierce called out, "Indians! Indians!" Everybody sprang tohis gun, the companies formed promptly on the parade-ground, andsoon were reported as approaching the post, from the pine-woods inrear, four Indians on horseback. They rode straight up to thegateway, dismounted, and came in. They were conducted by theofficer of the day to the commanding officer, Major Childs, who saton the porch in front of his own room. After the usual pause, oneof them, a black man named Joe, who spoke English, said they hadbeen sent in by Coacoochee (Wild Cat), one of the most noted of theSeminole chiefs, to see the big chief of the post. He graduallyunwrapped a piece of paper, which was passed over to Major Childs, who read it, and it was in the nature of a "Safe Guard" for "WildCat" to come into Fort Pierce to receive provisions and assistancewhile collecting his tribe, with the purpose of emigrating to theirreservation west of Arkansas. The paper was signed by GeneralWorth, who had succeeded General Taylor, at Tampa Bay, in commandof all the troops in Florida. Major Childs inquired, "Where isCoacoochee?" and was answered, "Close by, " when Joe explained thathe had been sent in by his chief to see if the paper was all right. Major Childs said it was "all right, " and that Coacoochee ought tocome in himself. Joe offered to go out and bring him in, whenMajor Childs ordered me to take eight or ten mounted men and go outto escort him in. Detailing ten men to saddle up, and taking Joeand one Indian boy along on their own ponies, I started out undertheir guidance. 

We continued to ride five or six miles, when I began to suspecttreachery, of which I had heard so much in former years, and hadbeen specially cautioned against by the older officers; but Joealways answered, "Only a little way. " At last we approached oneof those close hammocks, so well known in Florida, standing like anisland in the interminable pine-forest, with a pond of water nearit. On its edge I noticed a few Indians loitering, which Joepointed out as the place. Apprehensive of treachery, I halted theguard, gave orders to the sergeant to watch me closely, and rodeforward alone with the two Indian guides. As we neared thehammock, about a dozen Indian warriors rose up and waited for us. When in their midst I inquired for the chief, Coacoochee. Heapproached my horse and, slapping his breast, said, "MeCoacoochee. " He was a very handsome young Indian warrior, not morethan twenty-five years old, but in his then dress could hardly bedistinguished from the rest. I then explained to him, through Joe, that I had been sent by my "chief" to escort him into the fort. Hewanted me to get down and "talk" I told him that I had no "talk" inme, but that, on his reaching the post, he could talk as much as hepleased with the "big chief, " Major Childs. They all seemed to beindifferent, and in no hurry; and I noticed that all their gunswere leaning against a tree. I beckoned to the sergeant, whoadvanced rapidly with his escort, and told him to secure therifles, which he proceeded to do. Coacoochee pretended to be veryangry, but I explained to him that his warriors were tired and minewere not, and that the soldiers would carry the guns on theirhorses. I told him I would provide him a horse to ride, and thesooner he was ready the better for all. He then stripped, washedhimself in the pond, and began to dress in all his Indian finery, which consisted of buckskin leggins, moccasins, and several shirts. He then began to put on vests, one after another, and one of themhad the marks of a bullet, just above the pocket, with the stain ofblood. In the pocket was a one-dollar Tallahassee Bank note, andthe rascal had the impudence to ask me to give him silver coin forthat dollar. He had evidently killed the wearer, and wasdisappointed because the pocket contained a paper dollar instead ofone in silver. In due time he was dressed with turban andostrich-feathers, and mounted the horse reserved for him, and thuswe rode back together to Fort Pierce. Major Childs and all theofficers received him on the porch, and there we had a regular"talk. " Coacoochee "was tired of the war. " "His people werescattered and it would take a 'moon' to collect them foremigration, " and he "wanted rations for that time, " etc. , etc. 

All this was agreed to, and a month was allowed for him to getready with his whole band (numbering some one hundred and fifty orone hundred and sixty) to migrate. The "talk" then ceased, andCoacoochee and his envoys proceeded to get regularly drunk, whichwas easily done by the agency of commissary whiskey. They staid atFort Pierce daring the night, and the next day departed. Severaltimes during the month there came into the post two or more ofthese same Indians, always to beg for something to eat or drink, and after a full month Coacoochee and about twenty of his warriorscame in with several ponies, but with none of their women orchildren. Major Childs had not from the beginning the least faithin his sincerity; had made up his mind to seize the whole party andcompel them to emigrate. He arranged for the usual council, andinstructed Lieutenant Taylor to invite Coacoochee and his uncle(who was held to be a principal chief) to his room to take somegood brandy, instead of the common commissary whiskey. At a signalagreed on I was to go to the quarters of Company A, to dispatch thefirst-sergeant and another man to Lieutenant Taylor's room, thereto seize the two chiefs and secure them; and with the company I wasto enter Major Childs's room and secure the remainder of the party. Meantime Lieutenant Van Vliet was ordered to go to the quarters ofhis company, F, and at the same signal to march rapidly to the rearof the officers' quarters, so as to catch any who might attempt toescape by the open windows to the rear. 

All resulted exactly as prearranged, and in a few minutes the wholeparty was in irons. At first they claimed that we had actedtreacherously, but very soon they admitted that for a monthCoacoochee had been quietly removing his women and children towardLake Okeechobee and the Everglades; and that this visit to our postwas to have been their last. It so happened that almost at theinstant of our seizing these Indians a vessel arrived off the barwith reenforcements from St. Augustine. These were brought up toFort Pierce, and we marched that night and next day rapidly, somefifty miles, to Lake Okeechobee, in hopes to capture the balance ofthe tribe, especially the families, but they had taken the alarmand escaped. Coacoochee and his warriors were sent by Major Childsin a schooner to New Orleans en route to their reservation, butGeneral Worth recalled them to Tampa Bay, and by sending outCoacoochee himself the women and children came in voluntarily, andthen all were shipped to their destination. This was a heavy lossto the Seminoles, but there still remained in the Peninsula a fewhundred warriors with their families scattered into very smallparcels, who were concealed in the most inaccessible hammocks andswamps. These had no difficulty in finding plenty of food anywhereand everywhere. Deer and wild turkey were abundant, and as forfish there was no end to them. Indeed, Florida was the Indian'sparadise, was of little value to us, and it was a great pity toremove the Seminoles at all, for we could have collected there allthe Choctaws, Creeks, Cherokees, and Chickasaws, in addition to theSeminoles. They would have thrived in the Peninsula, whereas theynow occupy lands that are very valuable, which are coveted by theirwhite neighbors on all sides, while the Peninsula, of Florida stillremains with a population less than should make a good State. 

During that and preceding years General W. S. Harney had penetratedand crossed through the Everglades, capturing and hanging Chekikaand his band, and had brought in many prisoners, who were alsoshipped West. We at Fort Pierce made several other excursions toJupiter, Lake Worth, Lauderdale, and into the Everglades, pickingup here and there a family, so that it was absurd any longer tocall it a "war. " These excursions, however, possessed to us apeculiar charm, for the fragrance of the air, the abundance of gameand fish, and just enough of adventure, gave to life a relish. Ihad just returned to Lauderdale from one of these scouts withLieutenants Rankin, Ord, George H. Thomas, Field, Van Vliet, andothers, when I received notice of my promotion to be firstlieutenant of Company G, which occurred November 30, 1841, and Iwas ordered to return to Fort Pierce, turn over the public propertyfor which I was accountable to Lieutenant H. S. Burton, and then tojoin my new company at St. Augustine. 

I reached St. Augustine before Christmas, and was assigned tocommand a detachment of twenty men stationed at Picolata, on theSt. John's River, eighteen miles distant. At St. Augustine werestill the headquarters of the regiment, Colonel William Gates, withCompany E, Lieutenant Bragg, and Company G, Lieutenant H. B. Judd. The only buildings at Picolata were the one occupied by mydetachment, which had been built for a hospital, and the dwellingof a family named Williams, with whom I boarded. On the otherhand, St. Augustine had many pleasant families, among whom wasprominent that of United States Judge Bronson. I was half my timein St. Augustine or on the road, and remember the old place withpleasure. In February we received orders transferring the wholeregiment to the Gulf posts, and our company, G, was ordered toescort Colonel Gates and his family across to the Suwanee River, enroute for Pensacola. The company, with the colonel and his family, reached Picolata (where my detachment joined), and we embarked in asteamboat for Pilatka. Here Lieutenant Judd discovered that he hadforgotten something and had to return to St. Augustine, sothat I commanded the company on the march, having with meSecond-Lieutenant George B. Ayres. Our first march was to FortRussell, then Micanopy, Wacahoota, and Wacasassee, all which postswere garrisoned by the Second or Seventh Infantry. At Wacasassee wemet General Worth and his staff, en route for Pilatka. LieutenantJudd overtook us about the Suwanee, where we embarked on a smallboat for Cedar Keys, and there took a larger one for Pensacola, where the colonel and his family landed, and our company proceededon in the same vessel to our post--Fort Morgan, Mobile Point. 

This fort had not been occupied by troops for many years, was verydirty, and we found little or no stores there. Major Ogden, of theengineers, occupied a house outside the fort. I was quartermasterand commissary, and, taking advantage of one of the engineerschooners engaged in bringing materials for the fort, I went up toMobile city, and, through the agency of Messrs. Deshon, Taylor, and Myers, merchants, procured all essentials for the troops, andreturned to the post. In the course of a week or ten days arrivedanother company, H, commanded by Lieutenant James Ketchum, withLieutenants Rankin and Sewall L. Fish, and an assistant surgeon(Wells. ) Ketchum became the commanding officer, and LieutenantRankin quartermaster. We proceeded to put the post in as goodorder as possible; had regular guard-mounting and parades, butlittle drill. We found magnificent fishing with the seine on theouter beach, and sometimes in a single haul we would take ten orfifteen barrels of the best kind of fish, embracing pompinos, red-fish, snappers, etc. 

We remained there till June, when the regiment was ordered toexchange from the Gulf posts to those on the Atlantic, extendingfrom Savannah to North Carolina. The brig Wetumpka was chartered, and our company (G) embarked and sailed to Pensacola, where we tookon board another company (D) (Burke's), commanded by Lieutenant H. S. Burton, with Colonel Gates, the regimental headquarters, andsome families. From Pensacola we sailed for Charleston, SouthCarolina. The weather was hot, the winds light, and we made a longpassage but at last reached Charleston Harbor, disembarked, andtook post in Fort Moultrie. 

Soon after two other companies arrived, Bragg's (B) and Keyes's(K). The two former companies were already quartered inside ofFort Moultrie, and these latter were placed in gun-sheds, outside, which were altered into barracks. We remained at Fort Moultrienearly five years, until the Mexican War scattered us forever. Ourlife there was of strict garrison duty, with plenty of leisure forhunting and social entertainments. We soon formed many and mostpleasant acquaintances in the city of Charleston; and it sohappened that many of the families resided at Sullivan's Island inthe summer season, where we could reciprocate the hospitalitiesextended to us in the winter. 

During the summer of 1843, having been continuously on duty forthree years, I applied for and received a leave of absence forthree months, which I spent mostly in Ohio. In November I startedto return to my post at Charleston by way of New Orleans; took thestage to Chillicothe, Ohio, November 16th, having Henry Stanberry, Esq. , and wife, as travelling companions, We continued by stage. Next day to Portsmouth, Ohio. 

At Portsmouth Mr. Stanberry took a boat up the river, and I onedown to Cincinnati. There I found my brothers Lampson and Hoytemployed in the "Gazette" printing-office, and spent much time withthem and Charles Anderson, Esq. , visiting his brother Larz, Mr. Longworth, some of his artist friends, and especially Miss SallieCarneal, then quite a belle, and noted for her fine voice, On the 20th I took passage on the steamboat Manhattan for St. Louis; reached Louisville, where Dr. Conrad, of the army, joinedme, and in the Manhattan we continued on to St. Louis, with a mixedcrowd. We reached the Mississippi at Cairo the 23d, and St. Louis, Friday, November 24, 1843. At St. Louis we called on Colonel S. W. Kearney and Major Cooper, his adjutant-general, and found myclassmate, Lieutenant McNutt, of the ordnance, stationed at thearsenal; also Mr. Deas, an artist, and Pacificus Ord, who wasstudying law. I spent a week at St. Louis, visiting the arsenal, Jefferson Barracks, and most places of interest, and then becameimpressed with its great future. It then contained about fortythousand people, and my notes describe thirty-six good steamboatsreceiving and discharging cargo at the levee. 

I took passage December 4th in the steamer John Aull for NewOrleans. As we passed Cairo the snow was falling, and the countrywas wintery and devoid of verdure. Gradually, however, as weproceeded south, the green color came; grass and trees showed thechange of latitude, and when in the course of a week we had reachedNew Orleans, the roses were in full bloom, the sugar-cane justripe, and a tropical air prevalent. We reached New OrleansDecember 11, 1843, where I spent about a week visiting thebarracks, then occupied by the Seventh Infantry; the theatres, hotels, and all the usual places of interest of that day. 

On the 16th of December I continued on to Mobile in the steamerFashion by way of Lake Pontchartrain; saw there most of my personalfriends, Mr. And Mrs. Bull, Judge Bragg and his brother Dunbar, Deshon, Taylor, and Myers, etc. , and on the 19th of December tookpassage in the steamboat Bourbon for Montgomery, Alabama, by way ofthe Alabama River. We reached Montgomery at noon, December 23d, and took cars at 1 p. M. For Franklin, forty miles, which we reachedat 7 p. M. , thence stages for Griffin, Georgia, via La Grange andGreenville. This took the whole night of the 23d and the day ofthe 24th. At Griffin we took cars for Macon, and thence toSavannah, which we reached Christmas-night, finding LieutenantsRidgley and Ketchum at tea, where we were soon joined by Rankin andBeckwith. 

On the 26th I took the boat for Charleston, reaching my post, andreported for duty Wednesday morning, December 27, 1843. 

I had hardly got back to my post when, on the 21st of January, 1844, I received from Lieutenant R. P. Hammond, at Marietta, Georgia, an intimation that Colonel Churchill, Inspector-General ofthe Army, had applied for me to assist him in taking depositions inupper Georgia and Alabama; concerning certain losses by volunteersin Florida of horses and equipments by reason of the failure of theUnited States to provide sufficient forage, and for which Congresshad made an appropriation. On the 4th of February the order camefrom the Adjutant-General in Washington for me to proceed toMarietta, Georgia, and report to Inspector-General Churchill. Iwas delayed till the 14th of February by reason of being on acourt-martial, when I was duly relieved and started by rail toAugusta, Georgia, and as far as Madison, where I took themail-coach, reaching Marietta on the 17th. There I reported forduty to Colonel Churchill, who was already engaged on his work, assisted by Lieutenant R. P. Hammond, Third Artillery, and acitizen named Stockton. The colonel had his family with him, consisting of Mrs. Churchill, Mary, now Mrs. Professor Baird, andCharles Churchill, then a boy of about fifteen years of age. 

We all lived in a tavern, and had an office convenient. The dutyconsisted in taking individual depositions of the officers and menwho had composed two regiments and a battalion of mountedvolunteers that had served in Florida. An oath was administered toeach man by Colonel Churchill, who then turned the claimant over toone of us to take down and record his deposition according tocertain forms, which enabled them to be consolidated and tabulated. We remained in Marietta about six weeks, during which time Irepeatedly rode to Kenesaw Mountain, and over the very ground whereafterward, in 1864, we had some hard battles. 

After closing our business at Marietta the colonel ordered us totransfer our operations to Bellefonte, Alabama. As he proposed totake his family and party by the stage, Hammond lent me hisriding-horse, which I rode to Allatoona and the Etowah River. Hearing of certain large Indian mounds near the way, I turned toone side to visit them, stopping a couple of days with ColonelLewis Tumlin, on whose plantation these mounds were. We struck upsuch an acquaintance that we corresponded for some years, and as Ipassed his plantation during the war, in 1864, I inquired for him, but he was not at home. From Tumlin's I rode to Rome, and by wayof Wills Valley over Sand Mountain and the Raccoon Range to theTennessee River at Bellefonte, Alabama. We all assembled there inMarch, and continued our work for nearly two months, when, havingcompleted the business, Colonel Churchill, with his family, wentNorth by way of Nashville; Hammond, Stockton, and I returning Southon horseback, by Rome, Allatoona, Marietta, Atlanta, and Madison, Georgia. Stockton stopped at Marietta, where he resided. Hammondtook the cars at Madison, and I rode alone to Augusta, Georgia, where I left the horse and returned to Charleston and Fort Moultrieby rail. 

Thus by a mere accident I was enabled to traverse on horseback thevery ground where in after-years I had to conduct vast armies andfight great battles. That the knowledge thus acquired was ofinfinite use to me, and consequently to the Government, I havealways felt and stated. 

During the autumn of 1844, a difficulty arose among the officers ofCompany B, Third Artillery (John R. Yinton's), garrisoning AugustaArsenal, and I was sent up from Fort Moultrie as a sort ofpeace-maker. After staying there some months, certain transfers ofofficers were made, which reconciled the difficulty, and I returnedto my post, Fort Moultrie. During that winter, 1844-'45, I wasvisiting at the plantation of Mr. Poyas, on the east branch of theCooper, about fifty miles from Fort Moultrie, hunting deer with hisson James, and Lieutenant John F. Reynolds, Third Artillery. Wehad taken our stands, and a deer came out of the swamp near that ofMr. James Poyas, who fired, broke the leg of the deer, which turnedback into the swamp and came out again above mine. I could followhis course by the cry of the hounds, which were in close pursuit. Hastily mounting my horse, I struck across the pine-woods to headthe deer off, and when at full career my horse leaped a fallen logand his fore-foot caught one of those hard, unyielding pineknotsthat brought him with violence to the ground. I got up as quick aspossible, and found my right arm out of place at the shoulder, caused by the weight of the double-barrelled gun. 

Seeing Reynolds at some distance, I called out lustily and broughthim to me. He soon mended the bridle and saddle, which had beenbroken by the fall, helped me on my horse, and we followed thecoarse of the hounds. At first my arm did not pain me much, but itsoon began to ache so that it was almost unendurable. In aboutthree miles we came to a negro hut, where I got off and rested tillReynolds could overtake Poyas and bring him back. They came atlast, but by that time the arm was so swollen and painful that Icould not ride. They rigged up an old gig belonging to the negro, in which I was carried six miles to the plantation of Mr. Poyas, Sr. A neighboring physician was sent for, who tried the usualmethods of setting the arm, but without success; each time makingthe operation more painful. At last he sent off, got a set ofdouble pulleys and cords, with which he succeeded in extending themuscles and in getting the bone into place. I then returned toFort Moultrie, but being disabled, applied for a short leave andwent North. 

I started January 25, 1845; went to Washington, Baltimore, andLancaster, Ohio, whence I went to Mansfield, and thence back byNewark to Wheeling, Cumberland, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and NewYork, whence I sailed back for Charleston on the ship Sullivan, reaching Fort Moultrie March 9, 1845. 

About that time (March 1, 1845) Congress had, by a jointresolution, provided for the annexation of Texas, then anindependent Republic, subject to certain conditions requiring theacceptance of the Republic of Texas to be final and conclusive. Weall expected war as a matter of course. At that time GeneralZachary Taylor had assembled a couple of regiments of infantry andone of dragoons at Fort Jessup, Louisiana, and had orders to extendmilitary protection to Texas against the Indians, or a "foreignenemy, " the moment the terms of annexation were accepted. Hereceived notice of such acceptance July 7th, and forthwithproceeded to remove his troops to Corpus Christi, Texas, where, during the summer and fall of 1845, was assembled that force withwhich, in the spring of 1846, was begun the Mexican War. 

Some time during that summer came to Fort Moultrie orders forsending Company E, Third Artillery, Lieutenant Bragg, to NewOrleans, there to receive a battery of field-guns, and thence tothe camp of General Taylor at Corpus Christi. This was the firstcompany of our regiment sent to the seat of war, and it embarked onthe brig Hayne. This was the only company that left Fort Moultrietill after I was detached for recruiting service on the 1st of May, 1846. 

Inasmuch as Charleston afterward became famous, as the spot wherebegan our civil war, a general description of it, as it was in1846, will not be out of place. 

The city lies on a long peninsula between the Ashley and CooperRivers--a low, level peninsula, of sand. Meeting Street is itsBroadway, with King Street, next west and parallel, the street ofshops and small stores. These streets are crossed at right anglesby many others, of which Broad Street was the principal; and theintersection of Meeting and Broad was the heart of the city, markedby the Guard-House and St. Michael's Episcopal Church. TheCustom-House, Post-Office, etc. , were at the foot of Broad Street, near the wharves of the Cooper River front. At the extremity ofthe peninsula was a drive, open to the bay, and faced by some ofthe handsomest houses of the city, called the "Battery. " Lookingdown the bay on the right, was James Island, an irregular triangleof about seven miles, the whole island in cultivation withsea-island cotton. At the lower end was Fort Johnson, then simplythe station of Captain Bowman, United States Engineers, engaged inbuilding Fort Sumter. This fort (Sumter) was erected on anartificial island nearly in mid-channel, made by dumping rocks, mostly brought as ballast in cotton-ships from the North. As therock reached the surface it was levelled, and made the foundationof Fort Sumter. In 1846 this fort was barely above the water. Still farther out beyond James Island, and separated from it by awide space of salt marsh with crooked channels, was Morris Island, composed of the sand-dunes thrown up by the wind and the sea, backed with the salt marsh. On this was the lighthouse, but nopeople. 

On the left, looking down the bay from the Battery of Charleston, was, first, Castle Pinckney, a round brick fort, of two tiers ofguns, one in embrasure, the other in barbette, built on a marshisland, which was not garrisoned. Farther down the bay a point ofthe mainland reached the bay, where there was a group of houses, called Mount Pleasant; and at the extremity of the bay, distant sixmiles, was Sullivan's Island, presenting a smooth sand-beach to thesea, with the line of sand-hills or dunes thrown up by the wavesand winds, and the usual backing of marsh and crooked salt-waterchannels. 

At the shoulder of this island was Fort Moultrie, an irregularfort, without ditch or counterscarp, with a brick scarp wall abouttwelve feet high, which could be scaled anywhere, and this wassurmounted by an earth parapet capable of mounting about fortytwenty-four and thirty-two pounder smooth-bore iron guns. Insidethe fort were three two-story brick barracks, sufficient to quarterthe officers and men of two companies of artillery. 

At sea was the usual "bar, " changing slightly from year to year, but generally the main ship-channel came from the south, parallelto Morris Island, till it was well up to Fort Moultrie, where itcurved, passing close to Fort Sumter and up to the wharves of thecity, which were built mostly along the Cooper River front. 

Charleston was then a proud, aristocratic city, and assumed aleadership in the public opinion of the South far out of proportionto her population, wealth, or commerce. On more than one occasionpreviously, the inhabitants had almost inaugurated civil war, bytheir assertion and professed belief that each State had, in theoriginal compact of government, reserved to itself the right towithdraw from the Union at its own option, whenever the peoplesupposed they had sufficient cause. We used to discuss thesethings at our own mess-tables, vehemently and sometimes quiteangrily; but I am sure that I never feared it would go further thanit had already gone in the winter of 1832-'33, when the attempt at"nullification" was promptly suppressed by President Jackson'sfamous declaration, "The Union must and shall be preserved!" and bythe judicious management of General Scott. 

Still, civil war was to be; and, now that it has come and gone, wecan rest secure in the knowledge that as the chief cause, slavery, has been eradicated forever, it is not likely to come again. 

CHAPTER II. 

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS of CALIFORNIA. 

1846-1848. 

In the spring of 1846 I was a first lieutenant of Company C, 1, Third Artillery, stationed at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina. Thecompany was commanded by Captain Robert Anderson; Henry B. Judd wasthe senior first-lieutenant, and I was the junior first-lieutenant, and George B. Ayres the second-lieutenant. Colonel William Gatescommanded the post and regiment, with First-Lieutenant WilliamAustine as his adjutant. Two other companies were at the post, viz. , Martin Burke's and E. D. Keyes's, and among the officers wereT. W. Sherman, Morris Miller, H. B. Field, William Churchill, Joseph Stewart, and Surgeon McLaren. 

The country now known as Texas had been recently acquired, and warwith Mexico was threatening. One of our companies (Bragg's), withGeorge H. Thomas, John F. Reynolds, and Frank Thomas, had gone theyear previous and was at that time with General Taylor's army atCorpus Christi, Texas. 

In that year (1846) I received the regular detail for recruitingservice, with orders to report to the general superintendent atGovernor's Island, New York; and accordingly left Fort Moultrie inthe latter part of April, and reported to the superintendent, Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons, at New York, on the 1st day ofMay. I was assigned to the Pittsburg rendezvous, whither Iproceeded and relieved Lieutenant Scott. Early in May I took up myquarters at the St. Charles Hotel, and entered upon the dischargeof my duties. There was a regular recruiting-station alreadyestablished, with a sergeant, corporal, and two or three men, witha citizen physician, Dr. McDowell, to examine the recruits. Thethreatening war with Mexico made a demand for recruits, and Ireceived authority to open another sub-rendezvous at Zanesville, Ohio, whither I took the sergeant and established him. This wasvery handy to me, as my home was at Lancaster, Ohio, onlythirty-six miles off, so that I was thus enabled to visit myfriends there quite often. 

In the latter part of May, when at Wheeling, Virginia, on my wayback from Zanesville to Pittsburg, I heard the first news of thebattle of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, which occurred on the8th and 9th of May, and, in common with everybody else, feltintensely excited. That I should be on recruiting service, when mycomrades were actually fighting, was intolerable, and I hurriedon to my post, Pittsburg. At that time the railroad did notextend west of the Alleghanies, and all journeys were made bystage-coaches. In this instance I traveled from Zanesville toWheeling, thence to Washington (Pennsylvania), and thence toPittsburg by stage-coach. On reaching Pittsburg I found manyprivate letters; one from Ord, then a first-lieutenant in CompanyF, Third Artillery, at Fort McHenry, Baltimore, saying that hiscompany had just received orders for California, and asking me toapply for it. Without committing myself to that project, I wroteto the Adjutant-General, R. Jones, at Washington, D. C. , asking himto consider me as an applicant for any active service, and sayingthat I would willingly forego the recruiting detail, which I wellknew plenty of others would jump at. Impatient to approach thescene of active operations, without authority (and I supposewrongfully), I left my corporal in charge of the rendezvous, andtook all the recruits I had made, about twenty-five, in a steamboatto Cincinnati, and turned them over to Major N. C. McCrea, commanding at Newport Barracks. I then reported in Cincinnati, tothe superintendent of the Western recruiting service, ColonelFanning, an old officer with one arm, who inquired by whatauthority I had come away from my post. I argued that I took itfor granted he wanted all the recruits he could get to forward tothe army at Brownsville, Texas; and did not know but that he mightwant me to go along. Instead of appreciating my volunteer zeal, hecursed and swore at me for leaving my post without orders, and toldme to go back to Pittsburg. I then asked for an order that wouldentitle me to transportation back, which at first he emphaticallyrefused, but at last he gave the order, and I returned toPittsburg, all the way by stage, stopping again at Lancaster, whereI attended the wedding of my schoolmate Mike Effinger, and alsovisited my sub-rendezvous at Zanesville. R. S. Ewell, of my class, arrived to open a cavalry rendezvous, but, finding my depot there, he went on to Columbus, Ohio. Tom Jordan afterward was orderedto Zanesville, to take charge of that rendezvous, underthe general War Department orders increasing the number ofrecruiting-stations. I reached Pittsburg late in June, and foundthe order relieving me from recruiting service, and detailing myclassmate H. B. Field to my place. I was assigned to Company F, then under orders for California. By private letters fromLieutenant Ord, I heard that the company had already started fromFort McHenry for Governor's Island, New York Harbor, to take passagefor California in a naval transport. I worked all that night, madeup my accounts current, and turned over the balance of cash to thecitizen physician, Dr. McDowell; and also closed my clothing andproperty returns, leaving blank receipts with the same gentleman forField's signature, when he should get there, to be forwarded to theDepartment at Washington, and the duplicates to me. These I did notreceive for more than a year. I remember that I got my orders about8 p. M. One night, and took passage in the boat for Brownsville, thenext morning traveled by stage from Brownsville to Cumberland, Maryland, and thence by cars to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and NewYork, in a great hurry lest the ship might sail without me. I foundCompany F at Governor's Island, Captain C. Q. Tompkins in command, Lieutenant E. O. C. Ord senior first-lieutenant, myselfjunior first-lieutenant, Lucien Loeser and Charles Minor thesecond-lieutenants. 

The company had been filled up to one hundred privates, twelvenon-commissioned officers, and one ordnance sergeant (Layton), making one hundred and thirteen enlisted men and five officers. Dr. James L. Ord had been employed as acting assistant surgeon toaccompany the expedition, and Lieutenant H. W. Halleck, of theengineers, was also to go along. The United States store-shipLexington was then preparing at the Navy-Yard, Brooklyn, to carryus around Cape Horn to California. She was receiving on board thenecessary stores for the long voyage, and for service after ourarrival there. Lieutenant-Commander Theodorus Bailey was incommand of the vessel, Lieutenant William H. Macomb executiveofficer, and Passed-Midshipmen Muse, Spotts, and J. W. A. Nicholson, were the watch-officers; Wilson purser, and Abernethysurgeon. The latter was caterer of the mess, and we all made anadvance of cash for him to lay in the necessary mess-stores. Toenable us to prepare for so long a voyage and for an indefinitesojourn in that far-off country, the War Department had authorizedus to draw six months' pay in advance, which sum of money weinvested in surplus clothing and such other things as seemed to usnecessary. At last the ship was ready, and was towed down abreastof Fort Columbus, where we were conveyed on board, and on the 14thof July, 1846, we were towed to sea by a steam-tug, and cast off:Colonel R. B. Mason, still superintendent of the general recruitingservice, accompanied us down the bay and out to sea, returning withthe tug. A few other friends were of the party, but at last theyleft us, and we were alone upon the sea, and the sailors were busywith the sails and ropes. The Lexington was an old ship, changedfrom a sloop-of-war to a store-ship, with an after-cabin, a"ward-room, " and "between-decks. " In the cabin were CaptainsBailey and Tompkins, with whom messed the purser, Wilson. In theward-room were all the other officers, two in each state-room; andMinor, being an extra lieutenant, had to sleep in a hammock slungin the ward-room. Ord and I roomed together; Halleck and Loeserand the others were scattered about. The men were arranged inbunks "between-decks, " one set along the sides of the ship, andanother, double tier, amidships. The crew were slung in hammockswell forward. Of these there were about fifty. We at oncesubdivided the company into four squads, under the four lieutenantsof the company, and arranged with the naval officers that our menshould serve on deck by squads, after the manner of their watches;that the sailors should do all the work aloft, and the soldiers ondeck. 

On fair days we drilled our men at the manual, and generally keptthem employed as much as possible, giving great attention to thepolice and cleanliness of their dress and bunks; and so successfulwere we in this, that, though the voyage lasted nearly two hundreddays, every man was able to leave the ship and march up the hill tothe fort at Monterey, California, carrying his own knapsack andequipments. 

The voyage from New York to Rio Janeiro was without accident or anything to vary the usual monotony. We soon settled down to thehumdrum of a long voyage, reading some, not much; playing games, but never gambling; and chiefly engaged in eating our mealsregularly. In crossing the equator we had the usual visit ofNeptune and his wife, who, with a large razor and a bucket ofsoapsuds, came over the sides and shaved some of the greenhorns;but naval etiquette exempted the officers, and Neptune was notpermitted to come aft of the mizzen-mast. At last, after sixtydays of absolute monotony, the island of Raza, off Rio Janeiro, wasdescried, and we slowly entered the harbor, passing a fort on ourright hand, from which came a hail, in the Portuguese language, from a huge speaking-trumpet, and our officer of the deck answeredback in gibberish, according to a well-understood custom of theplace. Sugar-loaf Mountain, on the south of the entrance, is veryremarkable and well named; is almost conical, with a slight lean. The man-of-war anchorage is about five miles inside the heads, directly in front of the city of Rio Janeiro. Words will notdescribe the beauty of this perfect harbor, nor the delightfulfeeling after a long voyage of its fragrant airs, and the entirecontrast between all things there and what we had left in New York. 

We found the United Staten frigate Columbia anchored there, andafter the Lexington was properly moored, nearly all the officerswent on shore for sight-seeing and enjoyment. We landed at a wharfopposite which was a famous French restaurant, Farroux, and afterordering supper we all proceeded to the Rua da Ouvador, where mostof the shops were, especially those for making feather flowers, asmuch to see the pretty girls as the flowers which they soskillfully made; thence we went to the theatre, where, besides someopera, we witnessed the audience and saw the Emperor Dom Pedro, andhis Empress, the daughter of the King of Sicily. After thetheatre, we went back to the restaurant, where we had an excellentsupper, with fruits of every variety and excellence, such as we hadnever seen before, or even knew the names of. Supper being over, we called for the bill, and it was rendered in French, withBrazilian currency. It footed up some twenty-six thousand reis. The figures alarmed us, so we all put on the waiters' plate variouscoins in gold, which he took to the counter and returned thechange, making the total about sixteen dollars. The millreis isabout a dollar, but being a paper-money was at a discount, so asonly to be worth about fifty-six cents in coin. 

The Lexington remained in Rio about a week, during which we visitedthe Palace, a few miles in the country, also the Botanic Gardens, aplace of infinite interest, with its specimens of tropical fruits, spices; etc. , etc. , and indeed every place of note. The thing Ibest recall is a visit Halleck and I made to the Corcovado, a highmountain whence the water is conveyed for the supply of the city. We started to take a walk, and passed along the aqueduct, whichapproaches the city by a aeries of arches; thence up the point ofthe hill to a place known as the Madre, or fountain, to which allthe water that drips from the leaves is conducted by tile gutters, and is carried to the city by an open stone aqueduct. 

Here we found Mr. Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, the United Statesminister to Brazil, and a Dr. Garnett, United States Navy, hisintended son-in-law. We had a very interesting conversation, inwhich Mr. Wise enlarged on the fact that Rio was supplied from the"dews of heaven, " for in the dry season the water comes from themists and fogs which hang around the Corcovado, drips from theleaves of the trees, and is conducted to the Madre fountain bymiles of tile gutters. Halleck and I continued our ascent of themountain, catching from points of the way magnificent views of thescenery round about Rio Janeiro. We reached near the summit whatwas called the emperor's coffee-plantation, where we sawcoffee-berries in their various stages, and the scaffolds on whichthe berries were dried before being cleaned. The coffee-treereminded me of the red haw-tree of Ohio, and the berries weresomewhat like those of the same tree, two grains of coffee beinginclosed in one berry. These were dried and cleaned of the husk byhand or by machinery. A short, steep ascent from this placecarried us to the summit, from which is beheld one of the mostpicturesque views on earth. The Organ Mountains to the west andnorth, the ocean to the east, the city of Rio with its red-tiledhouses at our feet, and the entire harbor like a map spread out, with innumerable bright valleys, make up a landscape that cannot bedescribed by mere words. This spot is universally visited bystrangers, and has often been described. After enjoying itimmeasurably, we returned to the city by another route, tired butamply repaid by our long walk. 

In due time all had been done that was requisite, and the Lexingtonput to sea and resumed her voyage. In October we approached CapeHorn, the first land descried was Staten Island, white with snow, and the ship seemed to be aiming for the channel to its west, straits of Le Maire, but her course was changed and we passedaround to the east. In time we saw Cape Horn; an island roundedlike an oven, after which it takes its name (Ornos) oven. Here weexperienced very rough weather, buffeting about under stormstay-sails, and spending nearly a month before the wind favored ourpassage and enabled the course of the ship to be changed forValparaiso. One day we sailed parallel with a French sloop-of-war, and it was sublime to watch the two ships rising and falling inthose long deep swells of the ocean. All the time we were followedby the usual large flocks of Cape-pigeons and albatrosses of everycolor. The former resembled the common barn-pigeon exactly, butare in fact gulls of beautiful and varied colors, mostlydove-color. We caught many with fishing-lines baited with pork. We also took in the same way many albatrosses. The white ones arevery large, and their down is equal to that of the swan. At lastCape Horn and its swelling seas were left behind, and we reachedValparaiso in about sixty days from Rio. We anchored in the openroadstead, and spent there about ten days, visiting all the usualplaces of interest, its foretop, main-top, mizzen-top, etc. Halleck and Ord went up to Santiago, the capital of Chili, somesixty miles inland, but I did not go. Valparaiso did not impressme favorably at all. Seen from the sea, it looked like a longstring of houses along the narrow beach, surmounted with red banksof earth, with little verdure, and no trees at all. Northward thespace widened out somewhat, and gave room for a plaza, but the massof houses in that quarter were poor. We were there in November, corresponding to our early spring, and we enjoyed the largestrawberries which abounded. The Independence frigate, CommodoreShubrick, came in while we were there, having overtaken us, boundalso for California. We met there also the sloop-of-war levant, from California, and from the officers heard of many of the eventsthat had transpired about the time the navy, under Commodore Sloat, had taken possession of the country. 

All the necessary supplies being renewed in Valparaiso, the voyagewas resumed. For nearly forty days we had uninterrupted favorablewinds, being in the "trades, " and, having settled down to sailorhabits, time passed without notice. We had brought with us all thebooks we could find in New York about California, and had read themover and over again: Wilkes's "Exploring Expedition;" Dana's "TwoYears before the Mast;" and Forbes's "Account of the Missions. " Itwas generally understood we were bound for Monterey, then thecapital of Upper California. We knew, of course, that GeneralKearney was enroute for the same country overland; that Fremont wastherewith his exploring party; that the navy had already takenpossession, and that a regiment of volunteers, Stevenson's, wasto follow us from New York; but nevertheless we were impatient toreach our destination. About the middle of January the ship beganto approach the California coast, of which the captain was dulycautious, because the English and Spanish charts differed somefifteen miles in the longitude, and on all the charts a current oftwo miles an hour was indicated northward along the coast. At lastland was made one morning, and here occurred one of those accidentsso provoking after a long and tedious voyage. Macomb, the masterand regular navigator, had made the correct observations, butNicholson during the night, by an observation on the north star, put the ship some twenty miles farther south than was the case bythe regular reckoning, so that Captain Bailey gave directions toalter the course of the ship more to the north, and to follow thecoast up, and to keep a good lookout for Point Pinos that marks thelocation of Monterey Bay. The usual north wind slackened, so thatwhen noon allowed Macomb to get a good observation, it was foundthat we were north of Ano Nuevo, the northern headland of MontereyBay. The ship was put about, but little by little arose one ofthose southeast storms so common on the coast in winter, and webuffeted about for several days, cursing that unfortunateobservation on the north star, for, on first sighting the coast, had we turned for Monterey, instead of away to the north, we wouldhave been snugly anchored before the storm. But the southeasterabated, and the usual northwest wind came out again, and we sailedsteadily down into the roadstead of Monterey Bay. This is shapedsomewhat like a fish hook, the barb being the harbor, the pointbeing Point Pinos, the southern headland. Slowly the land came outof the water, the high mountains about Santa Cruz, the low beach ofthe Saunas, and the strongly-marked ridge terminating in the sea ina point of dark pine-trees. Then the line of whitewashed houses ofadobe, backed by the groves of dark oaks, resembling oldapple-trees; and then we saw two vessels anchored close to thetown. One was a small merchant-brig and another a large shipapparently dismasted. At last we saw a boat coming out to meet us, and when it came alongside, we were surprised to find LieutenantHenry Wise, master of the Independence frigate, that we had left atValparaiso. Wise had come off to pilot us to our anchorage. Whilegiving orders to the man at the wheel, he, in his peculiar fluentstyle, told to us, gathered about him, that the Independence hadsailed from Valparaiso a week after us and had been in Monterey aweek; that the Californians had broken out into an insurrection;that the naval fleet under Commodore Stockton was all down thecoast about San Diego; that General Kearney had reached thecountry, but had had a severe battle at San Pascual, and had beenworsted, losing several officers and men, himself and otherswounded; that war was then going on at Los Angeles; that the wholecountry was full of guerrillas, and that recently at Yerba Buenathe alcalde, Lieutenant Bartlett, United States Navy, while outafter cattle, had been lassoed, etc. , etc. Indeed, in the shortspace of time that Wise was piloting our ship in, he told us morenews than we could have learned on shore in a week, and, beingunfamiliar with the great distances, we imagined that we shouldhave to debark and begin fighting at once. Swords were broughtout, guns oiled and made ready, and every thing was in a bustlewhen the old Lexington dropped her anchor on January 26, 1847, inMonterey Bay, after a voyage of one hundred and ninety-eight daysfrom New York. Every thing on shore looked bright and beautiful, the hills covered with grass and flowers, the live-oaks so sereneand homelike, and the low adobe houses, with red-tiled roofs andwhitened walls, contrasted well with the dark pine-trees behind, making a decidedly good impression upon us who had come so far tospy out the land. Nothing could be more peaceful in its looks thanMonterey in January, 1847. We had already made the acquaintance ofCommodore Shubrick and the officers of the Independence inValparaiso, so that we again met as old friends. Immediatepreparations were made for landing, and, as I was quartermaster andcommissary, I had plenty to do. There was a small wharf and anadobe custom-house in possession of the navy; also a barrack of twostories, occupied by some marines, commanded by Lieutenant Maddox;and on a hill to the west of the town had been built a two-storyblock-house of hewed logs occupied by a guard of sailors undercommand of Lieutenant Baldwin, United States Navy. Not a singlemodern wagon or cart was to be had in Monterey, nothing but the oldMexican cart with wooden wheels, drawn by two or three pairs ofoxen, yoked by the horns. A man named Tom Cole had two or more ofthese, and he came into immediate requisition. The United Statesconsul, and most prominent man there at the time, was Thomas O. Larkin, who had a store and a pretty good two-story house occupiedby his family. It was soon determined that our company was to landand encamp on the hill at the block-house, and we were also to havepossession of the warehouse, or custom-house, for storage. Thecompany was landed on the wharf, and we all marched in full dresswith knapsacks and arms, to the hill and relieved the guard underLieutenant Baldwin. Tents and camp-equipage were hauled up, andsoon the camp was established. I remained in a room at thecustomhouse, where I could superintend the landing of the storesand their proper distribution. I had brought out from New Yorktwenty thousand dollars commissary funds, and eight thousanddollars quartermaster funds, and as the ship contained about sixmonths' supply of provisions, also a saw-mill, grist-mill, andalmost every thing needed, we were soon established comfortably. We found the people of Monterey a mixed set of Americans, nativeMexicans, and Indians, about one thousand all told. They were kindand pleasant, and seemed to have nothing to do, except such asowned ranches in the country for the rearing of horses and cattle. Horses could be bought at any price from four dollars up tosixteen, but no horse was ever valued above a doubloon or Mexicanounce (sixteen dollars). Cattle cost eight dollars fifty cents forthe best, and this made beef net about two cents a pound, but atthat time nobody bought beef by the pound, but by the carcass. 

Game of all kinds--elk, deer, wild geese, and ducks--was abundant;but coffee, sugar, and small stores, were rare and costly. 

There were some half-dozen shops or stores, but their shelves wereempty. The people were very fond of riding, dancing, and of showsof any kind. The young fellows took great delight in showing offtheir horsemanship, and would dash along, picking up a half-dollarfrom the ground, stop their horses in full career and turn about onthe space of a bullock's hide, and their skill with the lasso wascertainly wonderful. At full speed they could cast their lassoabout the horns of a bull, or so throw it as to catch anyparticular foot. These fellows would work all day on horseback indriving cattle or catching wildhorses for a mere nothing, but allthe money offered would not have hired one of them to walk a mile. The girls were very fond of dancing, and they did dance gracefullyand well. Every Sunday, regularly, we had a baile, or dance, andsometimes interspersed through the week. 

I remember very well, soon after our arrival, that we were allinvited to witness a play called "Adam and Eve. " Eve waspersonated by a pretty young girl known as Dolores Gomez, who, however, was dressed very unlike Eve, for she was covered with apetticoat and spangles. Adam was personated by her brother--thesame who has since become somewhat famous as the person on whom isfounded the McGarrahan claim. God Almighty was personated, andheaven's occupants seemed very human. Yet the play was pretty, interesting, and elicited universal applause. All the month ofFebruary we were by day preparing for our long stay in the country, and at night making the most of the balls and parties of the mostprimitive kind, picking up a smattering of Spanish, and extendingour acquaintance with the people and the costumbrea del pais. Ican well recall that Ord and I, impatient to look inland, gotpermission and started for the Mission of San Juan Bautista. Mounted on horses, and with our carbines, we took the road by ElToro, quite a prominent hill, around which passes the road to thesouth, following the Saunas or Monterey River. After about twentymiles over a sandy country covered with oak-bushes and scrub, weentered quite a pretty valley in which there was a ranch at thefoot of the Toro. Resting there a while and getting someinformation, we again started in the direction of a mountain to thenorth of the Saunas, called the Gavillano. It was quite dark whenwe reached the Saunas River, which we attempted to pass at severalpoints, but found it full of water, and the quicksands were bad. Hearing the bark of a dog, we changed our course in that direction, and, on hailing, were answered by voices which directed us where tocross. Our knowledge of the language was limited, but we managedto understand, and to founder through the sand and water, andreached a small adobe-house on the banks of the Salinas, where wespent the night: The house was a single room, without floor orglass; only a rude door, and window with bars. Not a particle offood but meat, yet the man and woman entertained us with thelanguage of lords put themselves, their house, and every thing, atour "disposition, " and made little barefoot children dance for ourentertainment. We made our supper of beef, and slept on abullock's hide on the dirt-floor. In the morning we crossed theSalinas Plain, about fifteen miles of level ground, taking a shotoccasionally at wild-geese, which abounded there, and entering thewell-wooded valley that comes out from the foot of the Gavillano. We had cruised about all day, and it was almost dark when wereached the house of a Senor Gomez, father of those who at Montereyhad performed the parts of Adam and Eve. His house was a two-storyadobe, and had a fence in front. It was situated well up among thefoot-hills of the Gavillano, and could not be seen until within afew yards. We hitched our horses to the fence and went in just asGomez was about to sit down to a tempting supper of stewed hare andtortillas. We were officers and caballeros and could not beignored. After turning our horses to grass, at his invitation wejoined him at supper. The allowance, though ample for one, wasrather short for three, and I thought the Spanish grandiloquentpoliteness of Gomez, who was fat and old, was not over-cordial. However, down we sat, and I was helped to a dish of rabbit, withwhat I thought to be an abundant sauce of tomato. Taking a goodmouthful, I felt as though I had taken liquid fire; the tomato waschile colorado, or red pepper, of the purest kind. It nearlykilled me, and I saw Gomez's eyes twinkle, for he saw that hisshare of supper was increased. --I contented myself with bits ofthe meat, and an abundant supply of tortillas. Ord was bettercase-hardened, and stood it better. We staid at Gomez's thatnight, sleeping, as all did, on the ground, and the next morning wecrossed the hill by the bridle-path to the old Mission of San JuanBautista. The Mission was in a beautiful valley, very level, andbounded on all sides by hills. The plain was covered withwild-grasses and mustard, and had abundant water. Cattle andhorses were seen in all directions, and it was manifest that thepriests who first occupied the country were good judges of land. It was Sunday, and all the people, about, a hundred, had come tochurch from the country round about. Ord was somewhat of aCatholic, and entered the church with his clanking spars andkneeled down, attracting the attention of all, for he had on theuniform of an American officer. As soon as church was out, allrushed to the various sports. I saw the priest, with his grayrobes tucked up, playing at billiards, others were cock fighting, and some at horse-racing. My horse had become lame, and I resolvedto buy another. As soon as it was known that I wanted a horse, several came for me, and displayed their horses by dashing past andhauling them up short. There was a fine black stallion thatattracted my notice, and, after trying him myself, I concluded apurchase. I left with the seller my own lame horse, which he wasto bring to me at Monterey, when I was to pay him ten dollars forthe other. The Mission of San Juan bore the marks of highprosperity at a former period, and had a good pear-orchard justunder the plateau where stood the church. After spending the day, Ord and I returned to Monterey, about thirty-five miles, by ashorter route, Thus passed the month of February, and, though therewere no mails or regular expresses, we heard occasionally fromYerba Buena and Sutter's Fort to the north, and from the army andnavy about Los Angeles at the south. We also knew that a quarrelhad grown up at Los Angeles, between General Kearney, ColonelFremont, and Commodore Stockton, as to the right to control affairsin California. Kearney had with him only the fragments of the twocompanies of dragoons, which had come across from New Mexico withhim, and had been handled very roughly by Don Andreas Pico, at SanPascual, in which engagement Captains Moore and Johnson, andLieutenant Hammond, were killed, and Kearney himself wounded. There remained with him Colonel Swords, quartermaster; Captain H. S. Turner, First Dragoons; Captains Emory and Warner, TopographicalEngineers; Assistant Surgeon Griffin, and Lieutenant J. W. Davidson. Fremont had marched down from the north with a battalionof volunteers; Commodore Stockton had marched up from San Diego toLos Angeles, with General Kearney, his dragoons, and a battalion ofsailors and marines, and was soon joined there by Fremont, and theyjointly received the surrender of the insurgents under AndreasPico. We also knew that General R. B. Mason had been ordered toCalifornia; that Colonel John D. Stevenson was coming out toCalifornia with a regiment of New York Volunteers; that CommodoreShubrick had orders also from the Navy Department to controlmatters afloat; that General Kearney, by virtue of his rank, hadthe right to control all the land-forces in the service of theUnited States; and that Fremont claimed the same right by virtue ofa letter he had received from Colonel Benton, then a Senator, and aman of great influence with Polk's Administration. So that amongthe younger officers the query was very natural, "Who the devil isGovernor of California?" One day I was on board the Independencefrigate, dining with the ward-room officers, when a war-vessel wasreported in the offing, which in due time was made out to be theCyane, Captain DuPont. After dinner, we were all on deck, to watchthe new arrival, the ships meanwhile exchanging signals, which wereinterpreted that General Kearney was on board. As the Cyaneapproached, a boat was sent to meet her, with Commodore Shubrick'sflag-officer, Lieutenant Lewis, to carry the usual messages, and toinvite General Kearney to come on board the Independence as theguest of Commodore Shubrick. Quite a number of officers were ondeck, among them Lieutenants Wise, Montgomery Lewis, WilliamChapman, and others, noted wits and wags of the navy. In due timethe Cyane anchored close by, and our boat was seen returning with astranger in the stern-sheets, clothed in army blue. As the boatcame nearer, we saw that it was General Kearney with an old dragooncoat on, and an army-cap, to which the general had added the broadvizor, cut from a full-dress hat, to shade his face and eyesagainst the glaring sun of the Gila region. Chapman exclaimed:"Fellows, the problem is solved; there is the grand-vizier (visor)by G-d! He is Governor of California. "

All hands received the general with great heartiness, and he soonpassed out of our sight into the commodore's cabin. BetweenCommodore Shubrick and General Kearney existed from that timeforward the greatest harmony and good feeling, and no furthertrouble existed as to the controlling power on the Pacific coast. General Kearney had dispatched from San Diego his quartermaster, Colonel Swords, to the Sandwich Islands, to purchase clothing andstores for his men, and had come up to Monterey, bringing with himTurner and Warner, leaving Emory and the company of dragoons below. He was delighted to find a full strong company of artillery, subject to his orders, well supplied with clothing and money in allrespects, and, much to the disgust of our Captain Tompkins, he tookhalf of his company clothing and part of the money held by me forthe relief of his worn-out and almost naked dragoons left behind atLos Angeles. In a few days he moved on shore, took up his quartersat Larkin's house, and established his headquarters, with CaptainTurner as his adjutant general. One day Turner and Warner were atmy tent, and, seeing a store-bag full of socks, drawers, and calicoshirts, of which I had laid in a three years' supply, and of whichthey had none, made known to me their wants, and I told them tohelp themselves, which Turner and Warner did. The latter, however, insisted on paying me the cost, and from that date to this Turnerand I have been close friends. Warner, poor fellow, was afterwardkilled by Indians. Things gradually came into shape, asemi-monthly courier line was established from Yerba Buena to SanDiego, and we were thus enabled to keep pace with events throughoutthe country. In March Stevenson's regiment arrived. Colonel Masonalso arrived by sea from Callao in the store-ship Erie, and P. St. George Cooke's battalion of Mormons reached San Luis Rey. A. J. Smith and George Stoneman were with him, and were assigned to thecompany of dragoons at Los Angeles. All these troops and the navyregarded General Kearney as the rightful commander, though Fremontstill remained at Los Angeles, styling himself as Governor, issuingorders and holding his battalion of California Volunteers inapparent defiance of General Kearney. Colonel Mason and MajorTurner were sent down by sea with a paymaster, with muster-rolls andorders to muster this battalion into the service of the UnitedStates, to pay and then to muster them out; but on their reachingLos Angeles Fremont would not consent to it, and the controversybecame so angry that a challenge was believed to have passed betweenMason and Fremont, but the duel never came about. Turner rode up byland in four or five days, and Fremont, becoming alarmed, followedhim, as we supposed, to overtake him, but he did not succeed. OnFremont's arrival at Monterey, he camped in a tent about a mile outof town and called on General Kearney, and it was reported that thelatter threatened him very severely and ordered him back to LosAngeles immediately, to disband his volunteers, and to cease theexercise of authority of any kind in the country. Feeling a naturalcuriosity to see Fremont, who was then quite famous by reason of hisrecent explorations and the still more recent conflicts with Kearneyand Mason, I rode out to his camp, and found him in a conical tentwith one Captain Owens, who was a mountaineer, trapper, etc. , butoriginally from Zanesville, Ohio. I spent an hour or so with Fremontin his tent, took some tea with him, and left, without being muchimpressed with him. In due time Colonel Swords returned from theSandwich Islands and relieved me as quartermaster. Captain WilliamG. Marcy, son of the Secretary of War, had also come out in one ofStevenson's ships as an assistant commissary of subsistence, and wasstationed at Monterey and relieved me as commissary, so that Ireverted to the condition of a company-officer. While acting as astaff officer I had lived at the custom-house in Monterey, but whenrelieved I took a tent in line with the other company-officers onthe hill, where we had a mess. 

Stevenson'a regiment reached San Francisco Bay early in March, 1847. Three companies were stationed at the Presidio under MajorJames A. Hardier one company (Brackett's) at Sonoma; three, underColonel Stevenson, at Monterey; and three, under Lieutenant-ColonelBurton, at Santa Barbara. One day I was down at the headquartersat Larkin's horse, when General Kearney remarked to me that he wasgoing down to Los Angeles in the ship Lexington, and wanted me togo along as his aide. Of course this was most agreeable to me. Two of Stevenson's companies, with the headquarters and thecolonel, were to go also. They embarked, and early in May wesailed for San Pedro. Before embarking, the United Statesline-of-battle-ship Columbus had reached the coast from China withCommodore Biddle, whose rank gave him the supreme command of thenavy on the coast. He was busy in calling in--"lassooing "--fromthe land-service the various naval officers who under Stockton hadbeen doing all sorts of military and civil service on shore. Knowing that I was to go down the coast with General Kearney, hesent for me and handed me two unsealed parcels addressed toLieutenant Wilson, United States Navy, and Major Gillespie, UnitedStates Marines, at Los Angeles. These were written orders prettymuch in these words: "On receipt of this order you will repair atonce on board the United States ship Lexington at San Pedro, and onreaching Monterey you will report to the undersigned. -JAMESBIDDLE. " Of course, I executed my part to the letter, and theseofficers were duly "lassooed. " We sailed down the coast with afair wind, and anchored inside the kelp, abreast of Johnson'shouse. Messages were forthwith dispatched up to Los Angeles, twenty miles off, and preparations for horses made for us to rideup. We landed, and, as Kearney held to my arm in ascending thesteep path up the bluff, he remarked to himself, rather than to me, that it was strange that Fremont did not want to return north bythe Lexington on account of sea-sickness, but preferred to go byland over five hundred miles. The younger officers had beendiscussing what the general would do with Fremont, who was supposedto be in a state of mutiny. Some, thought he would be tried andshot, some that he would be carried back in irons; and all agreedthat if any one else than Fremont had put on such airs, and hadacted as he had done, Kearney would have shown him no mercy, for hewas regarded as the strictest sort of a disciplinarian. We had apleasant ride across the plain which lies between the seashore andLos Angeles, which we reached in about three hours, the infantryfollowing on foot. We found Colonel P. St. George Cooke living atthe house of a Mr. Pryor, and the company of dragoons, with A. J. Smith, Davidson, Stoneman, and Dr. Griffin, quartered in anadobe-house close by. Fremont held his court in the only two-storyframe-house in the place. After sometime spent at Pryor's house, General Kearney ordered me to call on Fremont to notify him of hisarrival, and that he desired to see him. I walked round to thehouse which had been pointed out to me as his, inquired of a man atthe door if the colonel was in, was answered "Yea, " and wasconducted to a large room on the second floor, where very soonFremont came in, and I delivered my message. As I was on the pointof leaving, he inquired where I was going to, and I answered that Iwas going back to Pryor's house, where the general was, when heremarked that if I would wait a moment he would go along. Ofcourse I waited, and he soon joined me, dressed much as aCalifornian, with the peculiar high, broad-brimmed hat, with afancy cord, and we walked together back to Pryor's, where I lefthim with General Kearney. We spent several days very pleasantly atLos Angeles, then, as now, the chief pueblo of the south, famousfor its grapes, fruits, and wines. There was a hill close to thetown, from which we had a perfect view of the place. Thesurrounding country is level, utterly devoid of trees, except thewillows and cotton-woods that line the Los Angeles Creek and theacequias, or ditches, which lead from it. The space of groundcultivated in vineyards seemed about five miles by one, embracingthe town. Every house had its inclosure of vineyard, whichresembled a miniature orchard, the vines being very old, ranged inrows, trimmed very close, with irrigating ditches so arranged thata stream of water could be diverted between each row of vines. TheLos Angeles and San Gabriel Rivers are fed by melting snows from arange of mountains to the east, and the quantity of cultivated landdepends upon the amount of water. This did not seem to be verylarge; but the San Gabriel River, close by, was represented tocontain a larger volume of water, affording the means of greatlyenlarging the space for cultivation. The climate was so moderatethat oranges, figs, pomegranates, etc.... Were generally to befound in every yard or inclosure. 

At the time of our visit, General Kearney was making hispreparations to return overland to the United States, and hearranged to secure a volunteer escort out of the battalion ofMormons that was then stationed at San Luis Rey, under ColonelCooke and a Major Hunt. This battalion was only enlisted for oneyear, and the time for their discharge was approaching, and it wasgenerally understood that the majority of the men wanted to bedischarged so as to join the Mormons who had halted at Salt Lake, but a lieutenant and about forty men volunteered to return toMissouri as the escort of General Kearney. These were mounted onmules and horses, and I was appointed to conduct them to Montereyby land. Leaving the party at Los Angeles to follow by sea in theLexington, I started with the Mormon detachment and traveled byland. We averaged about thirty miles a day, stopped one day atSanta Barbara, where I saw Colonel Burton, and so on by the usuallytraveled road to Monterey, reaching it in about fifteen days, arriving some days in advance of the Lexington. This gave me thebest kind of an opportunity for seeing the country, which was verysparsely populated indeed, except by a few families at the variousMissions. We had no wheeled vehicles, but packed our food andclothing on mules driven ahead, and we slept on the ground in theopen air, the rainy season having passed. Fremont followed me byland in a few days, and, by the end of May, General Kearney was allready at Monterey to take his departure, leaving to succeed him incommand Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons. Our Captain(Tompkins), too, had become discontented at his separation from hisfamily, tendered his resignation to General Kearney, and availedhimself of a sailing-vessel bound for Callao to reach the East. Colonel Mason selected me as his adjutant-general; and on the verylast day of May General Kearney, with his Mormon escort, withColonel Cooke, Colonel Swords (quartermaster), Captain Turner, anda naval officer, Captain Radford, took his departure for the Eastoverland, leaving us in full possession of California and its fate. Fremont also left California with General Kearney, and with himdeparted all cause of confusion and disorder in the country. Fromthat time forth no one could dispute the authority of Colonel Masonas in command of all the United States forces on shore, while thesenior naval officer had a like control afloat. This was CommodoreJames Biddle, who had reached the station from China in theColumbus, and he in turn was succeeded by Commodore T. Ap CatesbyJones in the line-of-battle-ship Ohio. At that time Monterey wasour headquarters, and the naval commander for a time remainedthere, but subsequently San Francisco Bay became the chief navalrendezvous. 

Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons, was an officer of greatexperience, of stern character, deemed by some harsh and severe, but in all my intercourse with him he was kind and agreeable. Hehad a large fund of good sense, and, during our long period ofservice together, I enjoyed his unlimited confidence. He had beenin his day a splendid shot and hunter, and often entertained mewith characteristic anecdotes of Taylor, Twiggs, Worth, Harvey, Martin Scott, etc. , etc, who were then in Mexico, gaining anational fame. California had settled down to a condition ofabsolute repose, and we naturally repined at our fate in beingso remote from the war in Mexico, where our comrades werereaping large honors. Mason dwelt in a house not far from theCustom-House, with Captain Lanman, United States Navy; I had a smalladobe-house back of Larkin's. Halleck and Dr. Murray had a smalllog-house not far off. The company of artillery was still on thehill, under the command of Lieutenant Ord, engaged in building afort whereon to mount the guns we had brought out in the Lexington, and also in constructing quarters out of hewn pine-logs for the men. Lieutenant Minor, a very clever young officer, had taken violentlysick and died about the time I got back from Los Angeles, leavingLieutenants Ord and Loeser alone with the company, withAssistant-Surgeon Robert Murray. Captain William G. Marcy was thequartermaster and commissary. Naglee's company of Stevenson'sregiment had been mounted and was sent out against the Indians inthe San Joaquin Valley, and Shannon's company occupied the barracks. Shortly after General Kearney had gone East, we found an order ofhis on record, removing one Mr. Nash, the Alcalde of Sonoma, andappointing to his place ex-Governor L. W. Boggs. A letter came toColonel and Governor Mason from Boggs, whom he had personally knownin Missouri, complaining that, though he had been appointed alcalde, the then incumbent (Nash) utterly denied Kearney's right to removehim, because he had been elected by the people under theproclamation of Commodore Sloat, and refused to surrender his officeor to account for his acts as alcalde. Such a proclamation had beenmade by Commodore Sloat shortly after the first occupation ofCalifornia, announcing that the people were free and enlightenedAmerican citizens, entitled to all the rights and privileges assuch, and among them the right to elect their own officers, etc. The people of Sonoma town and valley, some forty or fifty immigrantsfrom the United States, and very few native Californians, hadelected Mr. Nash, and, as stated, he refused to recognize the rightof a mere military commander to eject him and to appoint another tohis place. Neither General Kearney nor Mason had much respect forthis land of "buncombe, " but assumed the true doctrine thatCalifornia was yet a Mexican province, held by right of conquest, that the military commander was held responsible to the country, andthat the province should be held in statu quo until a treaty ofpeace. This letter of Boggs was therefore referred to CaptainBrackett, whose company was stationed at Sonoma, with orders tonotify Nash that Boggs was the rightful alcalde; that he mustquietly surrender his office, with the books and records thereof, and that he must account for any moneys received from the sale oftown-lots, etc. , etc. ; and in the event of refusal he (CaptainBrackett) must compel him by the use of force. In due time we gotBrackett's answer, saying that the little community of Sonoma was ina dangerous state of effervescence caused by his orders; that Nashwas backed by most of the Americans there who had come across fromMissouri with American ideas; that as he (Brackett) was a volunteerofficer, likely to be soon discharged, and as he designed to settlethere, he asked in consequence to be excused from the execution ofthis (to him) unpleasant duty. Such a request, coming to an oldsoldier like Colonel Mason, aroused his wrath, and he would haveproceeded rough-shod against Brackett, who, by-the-way, was a WestPoint graduate, and ought to have known better; but I suggested tothe colonel that, the case being a test one, he had better send meup to Sonoma, and I would settle it quick enough. He then gave mean order to go to Sonoma to carry out the instructions already givento Brackett. 

I took one soldier with me, Private Barnes, with four horses, twoof which we rode, and the other two we drove ahead. The first daywe reached Gilroy's and camped by a stream near three or fouradobe-huts known as Gilroy's ranch. The next day we passedMurphy's, San Jose, and Santa Clara Mission, camping some fourmiles beyond, where a kind of hole had been dug in the ground forwater. The whole of this distance, now so beautifully improved andsettled, was then scarcely occupied, except by poor ranchesproducing horses and cattle. The pueblo of San Jose was a stringof low adobe-houses festooned with red peppers and garlic; and theMission of Santa Clara was a dilapidated concern, with its churchand orchard. The long line of poplar-trees lining the road fromSan Jose to Santa Clara bespoke a former period when the priestshad ruled the land. Just about dark I was lying on the ground nearthe well, and my soldier Barnes had watered our horses and picketedthem to grass, when we heard a horse crushing his way through thehigh mustard-bushes which filled the plain, and soon a man came tous to inquire if we had seen a saddle-horse pass up the road. Weexplained to him what we had heard, and he went off in pursuit ofhis horse. Before dark he came back unsuccessful, and gave hisname as Bidwell, the same gentleman who has since been a member ofCongress, who is married to Miss Kennedy, of Washington City, andnow lives in princely style at Chico, California. 

He explained that he was a surveyor, and had been in the lowercountry engaged in surveying land; that the horse had escaped himwith his saddle-bags containing all his notes and papers, and somesix hundred dollars in money, all the money he had earned. Hespent the night with us on the ground, and the next morning we lefthim there to continue the search for his horse, and I afterwardheard that he had found his saddle-bags all right, but neverrecovered the horse. The next day toward night we approached theMission of San Francisco, and the village of Yerba Buena, tired andweary--the wind as usual blowing a perfect hurricane, and a moredesolate region it was impossible to conceive of. Leaving Barnesto work his way into the town as best he could with the tiredanimals, I took the freshest horse and rode forward. I fell inwith Lieutenant Fabius Stanley, United States Navy, and we rodeinto Yerba Buena together about an hour before sundown, there beingnothing but a path from the Mission into the town, deep and heavywith drift-sand. My horse could hardly drag one foot after theother when we reached the old Hudson Bay Company's house, which wasthen the store of Howard and Mellus. There I learned where CaptainFolsom, the quartermaster, was to be found. He was staying with afamily of the name of Grimes, who had a small horse back ofHoward's store, which must have been near where Sacramento Streetnow crosses Kearney. Folsom was a classmate of mine, had come outwith Stevenson's regiment as quartermaster, and was at the time thechief-quartermaster of the department. His office was in the oldcustom-horse standing at the northwest corner of the Plaza. He hadhired two warehouses, the only ones there at the time, of oneLiedsdorff, the principal man of Yerba Buena, who also owned theonly public-house, or tavern, called the City Hotel, on KearneyStreet, at the southeast corner of the Plaza. I stopped withFolsom at Mrs. Grimes's, and he sent my horse, as also the otherthree when Barnes had got in after dark, to a coral where he had alittle barley, but no hay. At that time nobody fed a horse, but hewas usually turned out to pick such scanty grass as he could findon the side-hills. The few government horses used in town wereusually sent out to the Presidio, where the grass was somewhatbetter. At that time (July, 1847), what is now called SanFrancisco was called Yerba Buena. A naval officer, LieutenantWashington A. Bartlett, its first alcalde, had caused it to besurveyed and laid out into blocks and lots, which were being soldat sixteen dollars a lot of fifty vuras square; the understandingbeing that no single person could purchase of the alcalde more thanone in-lot of fifty varas, and one out-lot of a hundred varas. Folsom, however, had got his clerks, orderlies, etc. , to buy lots, and they, for a small consideration, conveyed them to him, so thathe was nominally the owner of a good many lots. Lieutenant Halleckhad bought one of each kind, and so had Warner. Many navalofficers had also invested, and Captain Folsom advised me to buysome, but I felt actually insulted that he should think me such afool as to pay money for property in such a horrid place as YerbaBuena, especially ridiculing his quarter of the city, then calledHappy Valley. At that day Montgomery Street was, as now, thebusiness street, extending from Jackson to Sacramento, the water ofthe bay leaving barely room for a few houses on its east side, andthe public warehouses were on a sandy beach about where the Bank ofCalifornia now stands, viz. , near the intersection of Sansome andCalifornia, Streets. Along Montgomery Street were the stores ofHoward & Mellus, Frank Ward, Sherman & Ruckel, Ross & Co. , and itmay be one or two others. Around the Plaza were a few houses, among them the City Hotel and the Custom-House, single-story adobeswith tiled roofs, and they were by far the most substantial andbest houses in the place. The population was estimated at aboutfour hundred, of whom Kanakas (natives of the Sandwich Islands)formed the bulk. 

At the foot of Clay Street was a small wharf which small boatscould reach at high tide; but the principal landing-place was wheresome stones had fallen into the water, about where Broadway nowintersects Battery Street. On the steep bluff above had beenexcavated, by the navy, during the year before, a bench, whereinwere mounted a couple of navy-guns, styled the battery, which, Isuppose, gave name to the street. I explained to Folsom the objectof my visit, and learned from him that he had no boat in which tosend me to Sonoma, and that the only, chance to get there was toborrow a boat from the navy. The line-of-battle-ship Columbus wasthen lying at anchor off the town, and he said if I would get upearly the next morning I could go off to her in one of themarket-boats. 

Accordingly, I was up bright and early, down at the wharf, found aboat, and went off to the Columbus to see Commodore Biddle. Onreaching the ship and stating to the officer of the deck mybusiness, I was shown into the commodore's cabin, and soon madeknown to him my object. Biddle was a small-sized man, butvivacious in the extreme. He had a perfect contempt for allhumbug, and at once entered into the business with extremealacrity. I was somewhat amused at the importance he attached tothe step. He had a chaplain, and a private secretary, in a smallroom latticed off from his cabin, and he first called on them to goout, and, when we were alone, he enlarged on the folly of Sloat'sproclamation, giving the people the right to elect their ownofficers, and commended Kearney and Mason for nipping that idea inthe bud, and keeping the power in their own hands. He then sentfor the first lieutenant (Drayton), and inquired if there wereamong the officers on board any who had ever been in the Upper Bay, and learning that there was a midshipman (Whittaker) he was sentfor. It so happened that this midshipman had been on a frolic onshore a few nights before, and was accordingly much frightened whensummoned into the commodore's presence, but as soon as he wasquestioned as to his knowledge of the bay, he was sensiblyrelieved, and professed to know every thing about it. 

Accordingly, the long boat was ordered with this midshipman andeight sailors, prepared with water and provisions for several daysabsence. Biddle then asked me if I knew any of his own officers, and which one of them I would prefer to accompany me. I knew mostof them, and we settled down on Louis McLane. He was sent for, andit was settled that McLane and I were to conduct this importantmission, and the commodore enjoined on us complete secrecy, so asto insure success, and he especially cautioned us against beingpumped by his ward-room officers, Chapman, Lewis, Wise, etc. , whileon board his ship. With this injunction I was dismissed to thewardroom, where I found Chapman, Lewis, and Wise, dreadfullyexercised at our profound secrecy. The fact that McLane and I hadbeen closeted with the commodore for an hour, that orders for theboat and stores had been made, that the chaplain and clerk had beensent out of the cabin, etc. , etc. , all excited their curiosity; butMcLane and I kept our secret well. The general impression was, that we had some knowledge about the fate of Captain Montgomery'stwo sons and the crew that had been lost the year before. In 1846Captain Montgomery commanded at Yerba Buena, on board the St. Marysloop-of-war, and he had a detachment of men stationed up atSonoma. Occasionally a boat was sent up with provisions orintelligence to them. Montgomery had two sons on board his ship, one a midshipman, the other his secretary. Having occasion to sendsome money up to Sonoma, he sent his two sons with a good boat andcrew. The boat started with a strong breeze and a very large sail, was watched from the deck until she was out of sight, and has neverbeen heard of since. There was, of coarse, much speculation as totheir fate, some contending that the boat must have been capsizedin San Pablo Bay, and that all were lost; others contending thatthe crew had murdered the officers for the money, and then escaped;but, so far as I know, not a man of that crew has ever been seen orheard of since. When at last the boat was ready for us, westarted, leaving all hands, save the commodore, impressed with thebelief that we were going on some errand connected with the loss ofthe missing boat and crew of the St. Mary. We sailed directlynorth, up the bay and across San Pablo, reached the month of SonomaCreek about dark, and during the night worked up the creek sometwelve miles by means of the tide, to a landing called theEmbarcadero. To maintain the secrecy which the commodore hadenjoined on us, McLane and I agreed to keep up the delusion bypretending to be on a marketing expedition to pick up chickens, pigs, etc. , for the mess of the Columbus, soon to depart for home. 

Leaving the midshipman and four sailors to guard the boat, westarted on foot with the other four for Sonoma Town, which we soonreached. It was a simple open square, around which were someadobe-houses, that of General Vallejo occupying one side. Onanother was an unfinished two-story adobe building, occupied as abarrack by Bracken's company. We soon found Captain Brackett, andI told him that I intended to take Nash a prisoner and convey himback to Monterey to answer for his mutinous behavior. I got an oldsergeant of his company, whom I had known in the Third Artillery, quietly to ascertain the whereabouts of Nash, who was a bachelor, stopping with the family of a lawyer named Green. The sergeantsoon returned, saying that Nash had gone over to Napa, but would beback that evening; so McLane and I went up to a farm of somepretensions, occupied by one Andreas Hoepner, with a pretty Sitkawife, who lived a couple of miles above Sonoma, and we bought ofhim some chickens, pigs, etc. We then visited Governor Boggs'sfamily and that of General Vallejo, who was then, as now, one ofthe most prominent and influential natives of California. Aboutdark I learned that Nash had come back, and then, giving Brackettorders to have a cart ready at the corner of the plaza, McLane andI went to the house of Green. Posting an armed sailor on each sideof the house, we knocked at the door and walked in. We foundGreen, Nash, and two women, at supper. I inquired if Nash were in, and was first answered "No, " but one of the women soon pointed tohim, and he rose. We were armed with pistols, and the family wasevidently alarmed. I walked up to him and took his arm, and toldhim to come along with me. He asked me, "Where?" and I said, "Monterey. " "Why?" I would explain that more at leisure. Greenput himself between me and the door, and demanded, in theatricalstyle, why I dared arrest a peaceable citizen in his house. Isimply pointed to my pistol, and told him to get out of the way, which he did. Nash asked to get some clothing, but I told him heshould want for nothing. We passed out, Green following us withloud words, which brought the four sailors to the front-door, whenI told him to hush up or I would take him prisoner also. Aboutthat time one of the sailors, handling his pistol carelessly, discharged it, and Green disappeared very suddenly. We took Nashto the cart, put him in, and proceeded back to our boat. The nextmorning we were gone. 

Nash being out of the way, Boggs entered on his office, and theright to appoint or remove from civil office was never againquestioned in California during the military regime. Nash was anold man, and was very much alarmed for his personal safety. He hadcome across the Plains, and had never yet seen the sea. While onour way down the bay, I explained fully to him the state of thingsin California, and he admitted he had never looked on it in thatlight before, and professed a willingness to surrender his office;but, having gone so far, I thought it best to take him to Monterey. On our way down the bay the wind was so strong, as we approachedthe Columbus, that we had to take refuge behind Yerba Buena Island, then called Goat Island, where we landed, and I killed a gray seal. The next morning, the wind being comparatively light, we got outand worked our way up to the Columbus, where I left my prisoner onboard, and went on shore to find Commodore Biddle, who had gone todine with Frank Ward. I found him there, and committed Nash to hischarge, with the request that he would send him down to Monterey, which he did in the sloop-of-war Dale, Captain Selfridgecommanding. I then returned to Monterey by land, and, when theDale arrived, Colonel Mason and I went on board, found poor old Mr. Nash half dead with sea-sickness and fear, lest Colonel Mason wouldtreat him with extreme military rigor. But, on the contrary, thecolonel spoke to him kindly, released him as a prisoner on hispromise to go back to Sonoma. Surrender his office to Boggs, andaccount to him for his acts while in office. He afterward came onshore, was provided with clothing and a horse, returned to Sonoma, and I never have seen him since. 

Matters and things settled down in Upper California, and all movedalong with peace and harmony. The war still continued in Mexico, and the navy authorities resolved to employ their time with thecapture of Mazatlan and Guaymas. Lower California had already beenoccupied by two companies of Stevenson's regiment, underLieutenant-Colonel Burton, who had taken post at La Paz, and asmall party of sailors was on shore at San Josef, near Cape SanLucas, detached from the Lexington, Lieutenant-Commander Bailey. The orders for this occupation were made by General Kearney beforehe left, in pursuance of instructions from the War Department, merely to subserve a political end, for there were few or no peoplein Lower California, which is a miserable, wretched, dried-uppeninsula. I remember the proclamation made by Burton and CaptainBailey, in taking possession, which was in the usual florid style. Bailey signed his name as the senior naval officer at the station, but, as it was necessary to put it into Spanish to reach theinhabitants of the newly-acquired country, it was interpreted, "Elmas antiguo de todos los oficiales de la marina, " etc. , which, literally, is "the most ancient of all the naval officers, " etc. , a translation at which we made some fun. 

The expedition to Mazatlan was, however, for a different purpose, viz. , to get possession of the ports of Mazatlan and Guaymas, as apart of the war against Mexico, and not for permanent conquest. 

Commodore Shubrick commanded this expedition, and took Halleckalong as his engineer-officer. They captured Mazatlan and Guaymas, and then called on Colonel Mason to send soldiers down to holdpossession, but he had none to spare, and it was found impossibleto raise other volunteers either in California or Oregon, and thenavy held these places by detachments of sailors and marines tillthe end of the war. Burton also called for reenforcements, andNaglee'a company was sent to him from Monterey, and these threecompanies occupied Lower California at the end of the Mexican War. Major Hardie still commanded at San Francisco and above; Company F, Third Artillery, and Shannon's company of volunteers, were atMonterey; Lippett's company at Santa Barbara; Colonel Stevenson, with one company of his regiment, and the company of the FirstDragoons, was at Los Angeles; and a company of Mormons, reenlistedout of the Mormon Battalion, garrisoned San Diego--and thus matterswent along throughout 1847 into 1848. I had occasion to makeseveral trips to Yerba Buena and back, and in the spring of 1848Colonel Mason and I went down to Santa Barbara in the sloop-of-warDale. 

I spent much time in hunting deer and bear in the mountains back ofthe Carmel Mission, and ducks and geese in the plains of theSalinas. As soon as the fall rains set in, the young oats wouldsprout up, and myriads of ducks, brant, and geese, made theirappearance. In a single day, or rather in the evening of one dayand the morning of the next, I could load a pack-mule with geeseand ducks. They had grown somewhat wild from the increased numberof hunters, yet, by marking well the place where a flock lighted, Icould, by taking advantage of gullies or the shape of the ground, creep up within range; and, giving one barrel on the ground, andthe other as they rose, I have secured as many as nine at onedischarge. Colonel Mason on one occasion killed eleven geese byone discharge of small shot. The seasons in California are wellmarked. About October and November the rains begin, and the wholecountry, plains and mountains, becomes covered with a bright-greengrass, with endless flowers. The intervals between the rains givethe finest weather possible. These rains are less frequent inMarch, and cease altogether in April and May, when gradually thegrass dies and the whole aspect of things changes, first to yellow, then to brown, and by midsummer all is burnt up and dry as anashheap. 

When General Kearney first departed we took his office at Larkin's;but shortly afterward we had a broad stairway constructed to leadfrom the outside to the upper front porch of the barracks. Bycutting a large door through the adobe-wall, we made the upper roomin the centre our office; and another side-room, connected with itby a door, was Colonel Mason's private office. 

I had a single clerk, a soldier named Baden; and William E. P. Hartnell, citizen, also had a table in the same room. He was thegovernment interpreter, and had charge of the civil archives. After Halleck's return from Mazatlan, he was, by Colonel Mason, made Secretary of State; and he then had charge of the civilarchives, including the land-titles, of which Fremont first hadpossession, but which had reverted to us when he left the country. 

I remember one day, in the spring of 1848, that two men, Americans, came into the office and inquired for the Governor. I asked theirbusiness, and one answered that they had just come down fromCaptain Sutter on special business, and they wanted to see GovernorMason in person. I took them in to the colonel, and left themtogether. After some time the colonel came to his door and calledto me. I went in, and my attention was directed to a series ofpapers unfolded on his table, in which lay about half an ounce ofplacer gold. Mason said to me, "What is that?" I touched it andexamined one or two of the larger pieces, and asked, "Is it gold?"Mason asked me if I had ever seen native gold. I answered that, in1844, I was in Upper Georgia, and there saw some native gold, butit was much finer than this, and that it was in phials, or intransparent quills; but I said that, if this were gold, it could beeasily tested, first, by its malleability, and next by acids. Itook a piece in my teeth, and the metallic lustre was perfect. Ithen called to the clerk, Baden, to bring an axe and hatchet fromthe backyard. When these were brought, I took the largest pieceand beat it out flat, and beyond doubt it was metal, and a puremetal. Still, we attached little importance to the fact, for goldwas known to exist at San Fernando, at the south, and yet was notconsidered of much value. Colonel Mason then handed me a letterfrom Captain Sutter, addressed to him, stating that he (Sutter) wasengaged in erecting a saw-mill at Coloma, about forty miles up theAmerican Fork, above his fort at New Helvetia, for the generalbenefit of the settlers in that vicinity; that he had incurredconsiderable expense, and wanted a "preemption" to thequarter-section of land on which the mill was located, embracing thetail-race in which this particular gold had been found. Masoninstructed me to prepare a letter, in answer, for his signature. Iwrote off a letter, reciting that California was yet a Mexicanprovince, simply held by us as a conquest; that no laws of theUnited States yet applied to it, much less the land laws orpreemption laws, which could only apply after a public survey. Therefore it was impossible for the Governor to promise him (Sutter)a title to the land; yet, as there were no settlements within fortymiles, he was not likely to be disturbed by trespassers. ColonelMason signed the letter, handed it to one of the gentlemen who hadbrought the sample of gold, and they departed. That gold was thefirst discovered in the Sierra Nevada, which soon revolutionized thewhole country, and actually moved the whole civilized world. Aboutthis time (May and June, 1848), far more importance was attached toquicksilver. One mine, the New Almaden, twelve miles south of SanJose, was well known, and was in possession of the agent of a Scotchgentleman named Forties, who at the time was British consul atTepic, Mexico. Mr. Forties came up from San Blas in a small brig, which proved to be a Mexican vessel; the vessel was seized, condemned, and actually sold, but Forties was wealthy, and boughther in. His title to the quicksilver-mine was, however, neverdisputed, as he had bought it regularly, before our conquest of thecountry, from another British subject, also named Forties, aresident of Santa Clara Mission, who had purchased it of thediscoverer, a priest; but the boundaries of the land attached to themine were even then in dispute. Other men were in search ofquicksilver; and the whole range of mountains near the New Almadenmine was stained with the brilliant red of the sulphuret of mercury(cinnabar). A company composed of T. O. Larkin, J. R. Snyder, andothers, among them one John Ricord (who was quite a character), alsoclaimed a valuable mine near by. Ricord was a lawyer from aboutBuffalo, and by some means had got to the Sandwich Islands, where hebecame a great favorite of the king, Kamehameha; was hisattorney-general, and got into a difficulty with the Rev. Mr. Judd, who was a kind of prime-minister to his majesty. One or the otherhad to go, and Ricord left for San Francisco, where he arrived whileColonel Mason and I were there on some business connected with thecustoms. Ricord at once made a dead set at Mason with flattery, andall sorts of spurious arguments, to convince him that our militarygovernment was too simple in its forms for the new state of facts, and that he was the man to remodel it. I had heard a good deal tohis prejudice, and did all I could to prevent Mason taking him, intohis confidence. We then started back for Monterey. Ricord wasalong, and night and day he was harping on his scheme; but hedisgusted Colonel Mason with his flattery, and, on reachingMonterey, he opened what he called a law-office, but there wereneither courts nor clients, so necessity forced him to turn histhoughts to something else, and quicksilver became his hobby. Inthe spring of 1848 an appeal came to our office from San Jose, whichcompelled the Governor to go up in person. Lieutenant Loeser and I, with a couple of soldiers, went along. At San Jose the Governorheld some kind of a court, in which Ricord and the alcalde had awarm dispute about a certain mine which Ricord, as a member of theLarkin Company, had opened within the limits claimed by the NewAlmaden Company. On our way up we had visited the ground, and weretherefore better prepared to understand the controversy. We hadfound at New Almaden Mr. Walkinshaw, a fine Scotch gentleman, theresident agent of Mr. Forbes. He had built in the valley, near asmall stream, a few board-houses, and some four or five furnaces forthe distillation of the mercury. These were very simple in theirstructure, being composed of whalers' kettles, set in masonry. These kettles were filled with broken ore about the size ofMcAdam-stone, mingled with lime. Another kettle, reversed, formedthe lid, and the seam was luted with clay. On applying heat, themercury was volatilized and carried into a chimney-stack, where itcondensed and flowed back into a reservoir, and then was led inpipes into another kettle outside. After witnessing this process, we visited the mine itself, which outcropped near the apex of thehill, about a thousand feet above the furnaces. We found wagonshauling the mineral down the hill and returning empty, and in themines quite a number of Sonora miners were blasting and driving forthe beautiful ore (cinnabar). It was then, and is now, a mostvaluable mine. The adit of the mine was at the apex of the hill, which drooped off to the north. We rode along this hill, and sawwhere many openings had been begun, but these, proving of little orno value, had been abandoned. Three miles beyond, on the west faceof the bill, we came to the opening of the "Larkin Company. " Therewas evidence of a good deal of work, but the mine itself was filledup by what seemed a land-slide. The question involved in thelawsuit before the alcalde at San Jose was, first, whether the minewas or was not on the land belonging to the New Almaden property;and, next, whether the company had complied with all the conditionsof the mite laws of Mexico, which were construed to be still inforce in California. 

These laws required that any one who discovered a valuable mine onprivate land should first file with the alcalde, or judge of thedistrict, a notice and claim for the benefits of such discovery;then the mine was to be opened and followed for a distance of atleast one hundred feet within a specified time, and the claimantsmust take out samples of the mineral and deposit the same with thealcalde, who was then required to inspect personally the mine, tosee that it fulfilled all the conditions of the law, before hecould give a written title. In this case the alcalde had been tothe mine and had possession of samples of the ore; but, as themouth of the mine was closed up, as alleged, from the act of God, by a land-slide, it was contended by Ricord and his associates thatit was competent to prove by good witnesses that the mine had beenopened into the hill one hundred feet, and that, by no negligenceof theirs, it had caved in. It was generally understood thatRobert J. Walker, United States Secretary of the Treasury, was thena partner in this mining company; and a vessel, the bark GrayEagle, was ready at San Francisco to sail for New York with thetitle-papers on which to base a joint-stock company for speculativeuses. I think the alcalde was satisfied that the law had beencomplied with, that he had given the necessary papers, and, as atthat time there was nothing developed to show fraud, the Governor(Mason) did not interfere. At that date there was no public houseor tavern in San Jose where we could stop, so we started towardSanta Cruz and encamped about ten miles out, to the west of thetown, where we fell in with another party of explorers, of whomRuckel, of San Francisco, was the head; and after supper, as we sataround the camp-fire, the conversation turned on quicksilver ingeneral, and the result of the contest in San Jose in particular. Mason was relating to Ruckel the points and the arguments ofRicord, that the company should not suffer from an act of God, viz. , the caving in of the mouth of the mine, when a man namedCash, a fellow who had once been in the quartermaster's employ as ateamster, spoke up: "Governor Mason, did Judge Ricord say that?""Yes, " said the Governor; and then Cash related how he and anotherman, whose name he gave, had been employed by Ricord to undermine aheavy rock that rested above the mouth of the mine, so that ittumbled down, carrying with it a large quantity of earth, andcompletely filled it up, as we had seen; "and, " said Cash, "it tookus three days of the hardest kind of work. " This was the act ofGod, and on the papers procured from the alcalde at that time, Iunderstand, was built a huge speculation, by which thousands ofdollars changed hands in the United States and were lost. Thishappened long before the celebrated McGarrahan claim, which hasproduced so much noise, and which still is being prosecuted in thecourts and in Congress. 

On the next day we crossed over the Santa Cruz Mountains, fromwhich we had sublime views of the scenery, first looking easttoward the lower Bay of San Francisco, with the bright plains ofSanta Clara and San Jose, and then to the west upon the ocean, thetown of Monterey being visible sixty miles off. If my memory iscorrect, we beheld from that mountain the firing of a salute fromthe battery at Monterey, and counted the number of guns from thewhite puffs of smoke, but could not hear the sound. That night weslept on piles of wheat in a mill at Soquel, near Santa Cruz, and, our supplies being short, I advised that we should make an earlystart next morning, so as to reach the ranch of Don Juan AntonioVallejo, a particular friend, who had a large and valuablecattle-ranch on the Pajaro River, about twenty miles on our way toMonterey. Accordingly, we were off by the first light of day, andby nine o'clock we had reached the ranch. It was on a high pointof the plateau, overlooking the plain of the Pajaro, on which weregrazing numbers of horses and cattle. The house was of adobe, witha long range of adobe-huts occupied by the semi-civilized Indians, who at that time did all the labor of a ranch, the herding andmarking of cattle, breaking of horses, and cultivating the littlepatches of wheat and vegetables which constituted all the farmingof that day. Every thing about the house looked deserted, and, seeing a small Indian boy leaning up against a post, I approachedhim and asked him in Spanish, "Where is the master?" "Gone to thePresidio" (Monterey). "Is anybody in the house?" "No. " "Is itlocked up?" "Yes. " "Is no one about who can get in?" "No. ""Have you any meat?" "No. " "Any flour or grain?" "No. " "Anychickens?" "No. " "Any eggs?" "No. " "What do you live on?""Nada" (nothing). The utter indifference of this boy, and thetone of his answer "Nada, " attracted the attention of ColonelMason, who had been listening to our conversation, and whoknew enough of Spanish to catch the meaning, and he exclaimedwith some feeling, "So we get nada for our breakfast. " I feltmortified, for I had held out the prospect of a splendidbreakfast of meat and tortillas with rice, chickens, eggs, etc. , atthe ranch of my friend Josh Antonio, as a justification fortaking the Governor, a man of sixty years of age, more thantwenty miles at a full canter for his breakfast. But there wasno help for it, and we accordingly went a short distance to apond, where we unpacked our mules and made a slim breakfast; onsome scraps of hard bread and a bone of pork that remained in ouralforjas. This was no uncommon thing in those days, when manya ranchero with his eleven leagues of land, his hundreds ofhorses and thousands of cattle, would receive us with all thegrandiloquence of a Spanish lord, and confess that he had nothingin his house to eat except the carcass of a beef hung up, fromwhich the stranger might cut and cook, without money or price, whathe needed. That night we slept on Salinas Plain, and the nextmorning reached Monterey. All the missions and houses at thatperiod were alive with fleas, which the natives looked on aspleasant titillators, but they so tortured me that I always gavethem a wide berth, and slept on a saddle-blanket, with the saddlefor a pillow and the serape, or blanket, for a cover. We neverfeared rain except in winter. As the spring and summer of 1848advanced, the reports came faster and faster from the gold-mines atSutter's saw-mill. Stories reached us of fabulous discoveries, andspread throughout the land. Everybody was talking of "Gold!gold!" until it assumed the character of a fever. Some of oursoldiers began to desert; citizens were fitting out trains ofwagons and packmules to go to the mines. We heard of men earningfifty, five hundred, and thousands of dollars per day, and for atime it seemed as though somebody would reach solid gold. Some ofthis gold began to come to Yerba Buena in trade, and to disturb thevalue of merchandise, particularly of mules, horses, tin pans, andarticles used in mining: I of course could not escape theinfection, and at last convinced Colonel Mason that it was our dutyto go up and see with our own eyes, that we might report the truthto our Government. As yet we had no regular mail to any part ofthe United States, but mails had come to us at long intervals, around Cape Horn, and one or two overland. I well remember thefirst overland mail. It was brought by Kit Carson in saddle-bagsfrom Taos in New Mexico. We heard of his arrival at Los Angeles, and waited patiently for his arrival at headquarters. His famethen was at its height, from the publication of Fremont's books, and I was very anxious to see a man who had achieved such feats ofdaring among the wild animals of the Rocky Mountains, and stillwilder Indians of the Plains. At last his arrival was reported atthe tavern at Monterey, and I hurried to hunt him up. I cannotexpress my surprise at beholding a small, stoop-shouldered man, with reddish hair, freckled face, soft blue eyes, and nothing toindicate extraordinary courage or daring. He spoke but little, andanswered questions in monosyllables. I asked for his mail, and hepicked up his light saddle-bags containing the great overland mail, and we walked together to headquarters, where he delivered hisparcel into Colonel Mason's own hands. He spent some days inMonterey, during which time we extracted with difficulty some itemsof his personal history. He was then by commission a lieutenant inthe regiment of Mounted Rifles serving in Mexico under ColonelSumner, and, as he could not reach his regiment from California, Colonel Mason ordered that for a time he should be assigned to dutywith A. J. Smith's company, First Dragoons, at Los Angeles. Heremained at Los Angeles some months, and was then sent back to theUnited Staten with dispatches, traveling two thousand miles almostalone, in preference to being encumbered by a large party. 

Toward the close of June, 1848, the gold-fever being at its height, by Colonel Mason's orders I made preparations for his trip to thenewly-discovered gold-mines at Sutter's Fort. I selected four goodsoldiers, with Aaron, Colonel Mason's black servant, and a goodoutfit of horses and pack-mules, we started by the usually traveledroute for Yerba Buena. There Captain Fulsom and two citizensjoined our party. The first difficulty was to cross the bay toSaucelito. Folsom, as quartermaster, had a sort of scow with alarge sail, with which to discharge the cargoes of ships, thatcould not come within a mile of the shore. It took nearly thewhole day to get the old scow up to the only wharf there, and thenthe water was so shallow that the scow, with its load of horses, would not float at the first high tide, but by infinite labor onthe next tide she was got off and safely crossed over to Saucelito. We followed in a more comfortable schooner. Having safely landedour horses and mules, we picked up and rode to San Rafael Mission, stopping with Don Timoteo Murphy. The next day's journey took usto Bodega, where lived a man named Stephen Smith, who had the onlysteam saw-mill in California. He had a Peruvian wife, and employeda number of absolutely naked Indians in making adobes. We spent aday very pleasantly with him, and learned that he had come toCalifornia some years before, at the personal advice of DanielWebster, who had informed him that sooner or later the UnitedStates would be in possession of California, and that inconsequence it would become a great country. From Bodega wetraveled to Sonoma, by way of Petaluma, and spent a day withGeneral Vallejo. I had been there before, as related, in thebusiness of the alcalde Nash. From Sonoma we crossed over by wayof Napa, Suisun, and Vaca's ranch, to the Puta. In the rainyseason, the plain between the Puta and Sacramento Rivers isimpassable, but in July the waters dry up; and we passed withouttrouble, by the trail for Sutter's Embarcadero. We reached theSacramento River, then full of water, with a deep, clear current. The only means of crossing over was by an Indian dugout canoe. Webegan by carrying across our packs and saddles, and then ourpeople. When all things were ready, the horses were driven intothe water, one being guided ahead by a man in the canoe. Ofcourse, the horses and mules at first refused to take to the water, and it was nearly a day's work to get them across, and even thensome of our animals after crossing escaped into the woods andundergrowth that lined the river, but we secured enough of them toreach Sutter's Fort, three miles back from the embcarcadero, wherewe encamped at the old slough, or pond, near the fort. Onapplication, Captain Butter sent some Indians back into the bushes, who recovered and brought in all our animals. At that time therewas not the sign of a habitation there or thereabouts, except thefort, and an old adobe-house, east of the fort, known as thehospital. The fort itself was one of adobe-walls, about twentyfeet high, rectangular in form, with two-story block houses atdiagonal corners. The entrance was by a large gate, open by dayand closed at night, with two iron ship's guns near at hand. Inside there was a large house, with a good shingle-roof, used as astorehouse, and all round the walls were ranged rooms, the fortwall being the outer wall of the house. The inner wall also was ofadobe. These rooms were used by Captain Sutter himself and by hispeople. He had a blacksmith's shop, carpenter's shop, etc. , andother rooms where the women made blankets. Sutter was monarch ofall he surveyed, and had authority to inflict punishment even untodeath, a power he did not fail to use. He had horses, cattle, andsheep, and of these he gave liberally and without price to all inneed. He caused to be driven into our camp a beef and some sheep, which were slaughtered for our use. Already the goldmines werebeginning to be felt. Many people were then encamped, some goingand some coming, all full of gold-stories, and each surpassing theother. We found preparations in progress for celebrating theFourth of July, then close at hand, and we agreed to remain over toassist on the occasion; of course, being the high officials, wewere the honored guests. People came from a great distance toattend this celebration of the Fourth of July, and the tables werelaid in the large room inside the storehouse of the fort. A man ofsome note, named Sinclair, presided, and after a substantial mealand a reasonable supply of aguardiente we began the toasts. Allthat I remember is that Folsom and I spoke for our party; others, Captain Sutter included, made speeches, and before the celebrationwas over Sutter was enthusiastic, and many others showed theeffects of the aguardiente. The next day (namely, July 5, 1848) weresumed our journey toward the mines, and, in twenty-five miles ofas hot and dusty a ride as possible, we reached Mormon Island. Ihave heretofore stated that the gold was first found in thetail-race of the stew-mill at Coloma, forty miles above Sutter'sFort, or fifteen above Mormon Island, in the bed of the AmericanFork of the Sacramento River. It seems that Sutter had employed anAmerican named Marshall, a sort of millwright, to do this work forhim, but Marshall afterward claimed that in the matter of thesaw-mill they were copartners. At all events, Marshall and thefamily of Mr. Wimmer were living at Coloma, where the pine-treesafforded the best material for lumber. He had under him four whitemen, Mormons, who had been discharged from Cooke's battalion, andsome Indians. These were engaged in hewing logs, building amill-dam, and putting up a saw-mill. Marshall, as the architect, had made the "tub-wheel, " and had set it in motion, and had alsofurnished some of the rude parts of machinery necessary for anordinary up-and-down saw-mill. 

Labor was very scarce, expensive, and had to be economized. Themill was built over a dry channel of the river which was calculatedto be the tail-race. After arranging his head-race, dam andtub-wheel, he let on the water to test the goodness of hismachinery. It worked very well until it was found that thetail-race did not carry off the water fast enough, so he put hismen to work in a rude way to clear out the tail-race. Theyscratched a kind of ditch down the middle of the dry channel, throwing the coarser stones to one side; then, letting on the wateragain, it would run with velocity down the channel, washing awaythe dirt, thus saving labor. This course of action was repeatedseveral times, acting exactly like the long Tom afterward resortedto by the miners. As Marshall himself was working in this ditch, he observed particles of yellow metal which he gathered up in hishand, when it seemed to have suddenly flashed across his mind thatit was gold. After picking up about an ounce, he hurried down tothe fort to report to Captain Sutter his discovery. Captain Sutterhimself related to me Marshall's account, saying that, as he sat inhis room at the fort one day in February or March, 1848, a knockwas heard at his door, and he called out, "Come in. " In walkedMarshall, who was a half-crazy man at best, but then lookedstrangely wild. "What is the matter, Marshall!" Marshallinquired if any one was within hearing, and began to peer about theroom, and look under the bed, when Sutter, fearing that somecalamity had befallen the party up at the saw-mill, and thatMarshall was really crazy, began to make his way to the door, demanding of Marshall to explain what was the matter. At last herevealed his discovery, and laid before Captain Sutter thepellicles of gold he had picked up in the ditch. At first, Sutterattached little or no importance to the discovery, and toldMarshall to go back to the mill, and say nothing of what he hadseen to Mr. Wimmer, or any one else. Yet, as it might add value tothe location, he dispatched to our headquarters at Monterey, as Ihave already related, the two men with a written application for apreemption to the quarter-section of land at Coloma. Marshallreturned to the mill, but could not keep out of his wonderfulditch, and by some means the other men employed there learned hissecret. They then wanted to gather the gold, and Marshallthreatened to shoot them if they attempted it; but these men hadsense enough to know that if "placer"-gold existed at Coloma, itwould also be found farther down-stream, and they gradually"prospected" until they reached Mormon Island, fifteen miles below, where they discovered one of the richest placers on earth. Thesemen revealed the fact to some other Mormons who were employed byCaptain Sutter at a grist-mill he was building still lower down theAmerican Fork, and six miles above his fort. All of them struckfor higher wages, to which Sutter yielded, until they asked tendollars a day, which he refused, and the two mills on which he hadspent so much money were never built, and fell into decay. 

In my opinion, when the Mormons were driven from Nauvoo, Illinois, in 1844, they cast about for a land where they would not bedisturbed again, and fixed on California. In the year 1845 a ship, the Brooklyn, sailed from New York for California, with a colony ofMormons, of which Sam Brannan was the leader, and we found themthere on our arrival in January, 1847. When General Kearney, atFort Leavenworth, was collecting volunteers early in 1846, for theMexican War, he, through the instrumentality of Captain JamesAllen, brother to our quartermaster, General Robert Allen, raisedthe battalion of Mormons at Kanesville, Iowa, now Council Bluffs, on the express understanding that it would facilitate theirmigration to California. But when the Mormons reached Salt Lake, in 1846, they learned that they had been forestalled by the UnitedStates forces in California, and they then determined to settledown where they were. Therefore, when this battalion of fivecompanies of Mormons (raised by Allen, who died on the way, and wassucceeded by Cooke) was discharged at Los Angeles, California, inthe early summer of 1847, most of the men went to their people atSalt Lake, with all the money received, as pay from the UnitedStates, invested in cattle and breeding-horses; one companyreenlisted for another year, and the remainder sought work in thecountry. As soon as the fame of the gold discovery spread throughCalifornia, the Mormons naturally turned to Mormon Island, so thatin July, 1848, we found about three hundred of them there at work. Sam Brannan was on hand as the high-priest, collecting the tithes. Clark, of Clark's Point, an early pioneer, was there also, andnearly all the Mormons who had come out in the Brooklyn, or who hadstaid in California after the discharge of their battalion, hadcollected there. I recall the scene as perfectly to-day as thoughit were yesterday. In the midst of a broken country, all parchedand dried by the hot sun of July, sparsely wooded with live-oaksand straggling pines, lay the valley of the American River, withits bold mountain-stream coming out of the Snowy Mountains to theeast. In this valley is a fiat, or gravel-bed, which in high wateris an island, or is overflown, but at the time of our visit wassimply a level gravel-bed of the river. On its edges men weredigging, and filling buckets with the finer earth and gravel, whichwas carried to a machine made like a baby's cradle, open at thefoot, and at the head a plate of sheet-iron or zinc, punctured fullof holes. On this metallic plate was emptied the earth, and waterwas then poured on it from buckets, while one man shook the cradlewith violent rocking by a handle. On the bottom were nailed cleatsof wood. With this rude machine four men could earn from forty toone hundred dollars a day, averaging sixteen dollars, or a goldounce, per man per day. While the' sun blazed down on the heads ofthe miners with tropical heat, the water was bitter cold, and allhands were either standing in the water or had their clothes wetall the time; yet there were no complaints of rheumatism or cold. We made our camp on a small knoll, a little below the island, andfrom it could overlook the busy scene. A few bush-huts near byserved as stores, boardinghouses, and for sleeping; but all handsslept on the ground, with pine-leaves and blankets for bedding. Assoon as the news spread that the Governor was there, persons cameto see us, and volunteered all kinds of information, illustratingit by samples of the gold, which was of a uniform kind, "scale-gold, " bright and beautiful. A large variety, of everyconceivable shape and form, was found in the smaller gulches roundabout, but the gold in the river-bed was uniformly "scale-gold. " Iremember that Mr. Clark was in camp, talking to Colonel Mason aboutmatters and things generally, when he inquired, "Governor, whatbusiness has Sam Brannan to collect the tithes here?" Clarkadmitted that Brannan was the head of the Mormon church inCalifornia, and he was simply questioning as to Brannan's right, ashigh-priest, to compel the Mormons to pay him the regular tithes. Colonel Mason answered, "Brannan has a perfect right to collect thetax, if you Mormons are fools enough to pay it. " "Then, " saidClark, "I for one won't pay it any longer. " Colonel Mason added:"This is public land, and the gold is the property of the UnitedStates; all of you here are trespassers, but, as the Government isbenefited by your getting out the gold, I do not intend tointerfere. " I understood, afterward, that from that time thepayment of the tithes ceased, but Brannan had already collectedenough money wherewith to hire Sutter's hospital, and to open astore there, in which he made more money than any merchant inCalifornia, during that summer and fall. The understanding was, thatthe money collected by him as tithes was the foundation of hisfortune, which is still very large in San Francisco. That eveningwe all mingled freely with the miners, and witnessed the process ofcleaning up and "panning" out, which is the last process forseparating the pure gold from the fine dirt and black sand. 

The next day we continued our journey up the valley of the AmericanFork, stopping at various camps, where mining was in progress; andabout noon we reached Coloma, the place where gold had been firstdiscovered. The hills were higher, and the timber of betterquality. The river was narrower and bolder, and but few minerswere at work there, by reason of Marshall's and Sutter's claim tothe site. There stood the sawmill unfinished, the dam andtail-race just as they were left when the Mormons ceased work. Marshall and Wimmer's family of wife and half a dozen children werethere, guarding their supposed treasure; living in a house made ofclapboards. Here also we were shown many specimens of gold, of acoarser grain than that found at Mormon Island. The next day wecrossed the American River to its north side, and visited manysmall camps of men, in what were called the "dry diggings. " Littlepools of water stood in the beds of the streams, and these wereused to wash the dirt; and there the gold was in every conceivableshape and size, some of the specimens weighing several ounces. Some of these "diggings" were extremely rich, but as a whole theywere more precarious in results than at the river. Sometimes alucky fellow would hit on a "pocket, " and collect several thousanddollars in a few days, and then again he would be shifting aboutfrom place to place, "prospecting, " and spending all he had made. Little stores were being opened at every point, where flour, bacon, etc. , were sold; every thing being a dollar a pound, and a mealusually costing three dollars. Nobody paid for a bed, for he slepton the ground, without fear of cold or rain. We spent nearly aweek in that region, and were quite bewildered by the fabuloustales of recent discoveries, which at the time were confined to theseveral forks of the American and Yuba Rivers. ' All this time ourhorses had nothing to eat but the sparse grass in that region, andwe were forced to work our way down toward the Sacramento Valley, or to see our animals perish. Still we contemplated a visit to theYuba and Feather Rivers, from which we had heard of more wonderful"diggings;" but met a courier, who announced the arrival of a shipat Monterey, with dispatches of great importance from Mazatlan. Weaccordingly turned our horses back to Sutter's Fort. Crossing theSacramento again by swimming our horses, and ferrying their loadsin that solitary canoe, we took our back track as far as the Napa, and then turned to Benicia, on Carquinez Straits. We found there asolitary adobe-house, occupied by Mr. Hastings and his family, embracing Dr. Semple, the proprietor of the ferry. This ferry wasa ship's-boat, with a latteen-sail, which could carry across at onetime six or eight horses. 

It took us several days to cross over, and during that time we gotwell acquainted with the doctor, who was quite a character. He hadcome to California from Illinois, and was brother to SenatorSemple. He was about seven feet high, and very intelligent. Whenwe first reached Monterey, he had a printing-press, which belongedto the United States, having been captured at the custom-house, andhad been used to print custom-house blanks. With this Dr. Semple, as editor, published the Californian, a small sheet of news, once aweek; and it was a curiosity in its line, using two v's for a w, and other combinations of letters, made necessary by want of type. After some time he removed to Yerba Buena with his paper, and itgrew up to be the Alta California of today. Foreseeing, as hethought, the growth of a great city somewhere on the Bay of SanFrancisco, he selected Carquinez Straits as its location, andobtained from General Vallejo a title to a league of land, oncondition of building up a city thereon to bear the name ofVallejo's wife. This was Francisca Benicia; accordingly, the newcity was named "Francisca. " At this time, the town near the mouthof the bay was known universally as Yerba Buena; but that name wasnot known abroad, although San Francisco was familiar to the wholecivilized world. Now, some of the chief men of Yerba Buena, Folsom, Howard, Leidesdorf, and others, knowing the importance of aname, saw their danger, and, by some action of the ayuntamiento, ortown council, changed the name of Yerba Buena to "San Francisco. "Dr. Semple was outraged at their changing the name to one so likehis of Francisca, and he in turn changed his town to the other nameof Mrs. Vallejo, viz. , "Benicia;" and Benicia it has remained tothis day. I am convinced that this little circumstance was bigwith consequences. That Benicia has the best natural site for acommercial city, I am, satisfied; and had half the money and halfthe labor since bestowed upon San Francisco been expended atBenicia, we should have at this day a city of palaces on theCarquinez Straits. The name of "San Francisco, " however, fixed thecity where it now is; for every ship in 1848-'49, which clearedfrom any part of the world, knew the name of San Francisco, but notYerba Buena or Benicia; and, accordingly, ships consigned toCalifornia came pouring in with their contents, and were anchoredin front of Yerba Buena, the first town. Captains and crewsdeserted for the gold-mines, and now half the city in front ofMontgomery Street is built over the hulks thus abandoned. But Dr. Semple, at that time, was all there was of Benicia; he was captainand crew of his ferry boat, and managed to pass our party to thesouth side of Carquinez Straits in about two days. 

Thence we proceeded up Amador Valley to Alameda Creek, and so on tothe old mission of San Jose; thence to the pueblo of San Jose, where Folsom and those belonging in Yerba Buena went in thatdirection, and we continued on to Monterey, our party all the waygiving official sanction to the news from the gold-mines, andadding new force to the "fever. "

On reaching Monterey, we found dispatches from Commodore Shubrick, at Mazatlan, which gave almost positive assurance that the war withMexico was over; that hostilities had ceased, and commissionerswere arranging the terms of peace at Guadalupe Hidalgo. It waswell that this news reached California at that critical time; forso contagious had become the "gold-fever" that everybody wasbound to go and try his fortune, and the volunteer regiment ofStevenson's would have deserted en masse, had the men not beenassured that they would very soon be entitled to an honorabledischarge. 

Many of our regulars did desert, among them the very men who hadescorted us faithfully to the mines and back. Our servants alsoleft us, and nothing less than three hundred dollars a month wouldhire a man in California; Colonel Mason's black boy, Aaron, aloneof all our then servants proving faithful. We were forced toresort to all manner of shifts to live. First, we had a mess witha black fellow we called Bustamente as cook; but he got the fever, and had to go. We next took a soldier, but he deserted, andcarried off my double-barreled shot-gun, which I prized veryhighly. To meet this condition of facts, Colonel Mason orderedthat liberal furloughs should be given to the soldiers, andpromises to all in turn, and he allowed all the officers to drawtheir rations in kind. As the actual valve of the ration was verylarge, this enabled us to live. Halleck, Murray, Ord, and I, boarded with Dona Augustias, and turned in our rations as pay forour board. 

Some time in September, 1848, the official news of the treaty ofpeace reached us, and the Mexican War was over. This treaty wassigned in May, and came to us all the way by land by a courier fromLower California, sent from La Paz by Lieutenant-Colonel Burton. On its receipt, orders were at once made for the muster-out of allof Stevenson's regiment, and our military forces were thus reducedto the single company of dragoons at Los Angeles, and the onecompany of artillery at Monterey. Nearly all business had ceased, except that connected with gold; and, during that fall, ColonelMason, Captain Warner, and I, made another trip up to Sutter'sFort, going also to the newly-discovered mines on the Stanislaus, called "Sonora, " named from the miners of Sonora, Mexico, who hadfirst discovered them. We found there pretty much the same stateof facts as before existed at Mormon Island and Coloma, and wedaily received intelligence of the opening of still other minesnorth and south. 

But I have passed over a very interesting fact. As soon as we hadreturned from our first visit to the gold-mines, it becameimportant to send home positive knowledge of this valuablediscovery. The means of communication with the United States werevery precarious, and I suggested to Colonel Mason that a specialcourier ought to be sent; that Second-Lieutenant Loeser had beenpromoted to first-lieutenant, and was entitled to go home. He wasaccordingly detailed to carry the news. I prepared with great carethe letter to the adjutant-general of August 17, 1848, whichColonel Mason modified in a few Particulars; and, as it wasimportant to send not only the specimens which had been presentedto us along our route of travel, I advised the colonel to allowCaptain Folsom to purchase and send to Washington a large sample ofthe commercial gold in general use, and to pay for the same out ofthe money in his hands known as the "civil fund, " arising fromduties collected at the several ports in California. He consentedto this, and Captain Folsom bought an oyster-can full at tendollars the ounce, which was the rate of value at which it was thenreceived at the custom house. Folsom was instructed further tocontract with some vessel to carry the messenger to South America, where he could take the English steamers as far east as Jamaica, with a conditional charter giving increased payment if the vesselcould catch the October steamer. Folsom chartered the bark LaLambayecana, owned and navigated by Henry D. Cooke, who has sincebeen the Governor of the District of Columbia. In due time thisvessel reached Monterey, and Lieutenant Loeser, with his report andspecimens of gold, embarked and sailed. He reached the SouthAmerican Continent at Payta, Peru, in time; took the Englishsteamer of October to Panama, and thence went on to Kingston, Jamaica, where he found a sailing vessel bound for New Orleans. Onreaching New Orleans, he telegraphed to the War Department hisarrival; but so many delays had occurred that he did not reachWashington in time to have the matter embraced in the President'sregular message of 1848, as we had calculated. Still, thePresident made it the subject of a special message, and thus became"official" what had before only reached the world in a veryindefinite shape. Then began that wonderful development, and thegreat emigration to California, by land and by sea, of 1849 and1850. 

As before narrated, Mason, Warner, and I, made a second visit tothe mines in September and October, 1848. As the winter seasonapproached, Colonel Mason returned to Monterey, and I remained fora time at Sutter's Fort. In order to share somewhat in the richesof the land, we formed a partnership in a store at Coloma, incharge of Norman S. Bestor, who had been Warner's clerk. Wesupplied the necessary money, fifteen hundred dollars (five hundreddollars each), and Bestor carried on the store at Coloma for hisshare. Out of this investment, each of us realized a profit ofabout fifteen hundred dollars. Warner also got a regular leave ofabsence, and contracted with Captain Sutter for surveying andlocating the town of Sacramento. He received for this sixteendollars per day for his services as surveyor; and Sutter paid allthe hands engaged in the work. The town was laid off mostly upabout the fort, but a few streets were staked off along the riverbank, and one or two leading to it. Captain Sutter alwayscontended, however, that no town could possibly exist on theimmediate bank of the river, because the spring freshets rose overthe bank, and frequently it was necessary to swim a horse to reachthe boat-landing. Nevertheless, from the very beginning the townbegan to be built on the very river-bank, viz. , First, Second, andThird Streets, with J and K Streets leading back. Among theprincipal merchants and traders of that winter, at Sacramento, wereSam Brannan and Hensley, Reading & Co. For several years the sitewas annually flooded; but the people have persevered in buildingthe levees, and afterward in raising all the streets, so thatSacramento is now a fine city, the capital of the State, and standswhere, in 1848, was nothing but a dense mass of bushes, vines, andsubmerged land. The old fort has disappeared altogether. 

During the fall of 1848, Warner, Ord, and I, camped on the bank ofthe American River, abreast of the fort, at what was known as the"Old Tan-Yard. " I was cook, Ord cleaned up the dishes, and Warnerlooked after the horses; but Ord was deposed as scullion because hewould only wipe the tin plates with a tuft of grass, according tothe custom of the country, whereas Warner insisted on having themwashed after each meal with hot water. Warner was in consequencepromoted to scullion, and Ord became the hostler. We drew ourrations in kind from the commissary at San Francisco, who sent themup to us by a boat; and we were thus enabled to dispense a generoushospitality to many a poor devil who otherwise would have hadnothing to eat. 

The winter of 1848 '49 was a period of intense activity throughoutCalifornia. The rainy season was unfavorable to the operations ofgold-mining, and was very hard upon the thousands of houseless menand women who dwelt in the mountains, and even in the towns. Mostof the natives and old inhabitants had returned to their ranchesand houses; yet there were not roofs enough in the country toshelter the thousands who had arrived by sea and by land. The newshad gone forth to the whole civilized world that gold in fabulousquantities was to be had for the mere digging, and adventurers camepouring in blindly to seek their fortunes, without a thought ofhouse or food. Yerba Buena had been converted into San Francisco. Sacramento City had been laid out, lots were being rapidly sold, and the town was being built up as an entrepot to the mines. Stockton also had been chosen as a convenient point for tradingwith the lower or southern mines. Captain Sutter was the soleproprietor of the former, and Captain Charles Weber was the ownerof the site of Stockton, which was as yet known as "French Camp. "

CHAPTER III. 

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA--(CONTINUED). 

1849-1850. 

The department headquarters still remained at Monterey, but, withthe few soldiers, we had next to nothing to do. In midwinter weheard of the approach of a battalion of the Second Dragoons, underMajor Lawrence Pike Graham, with Captains Rucker, Coutts, Campbell, and others, along. So exhausted were they by their long march fromUpper Mexico that we had to send relief to meet them as theyapproached. When this command reached Los Angeles, it was leftthere as the garrison, and Captain A. J. Smith's company of theFirst Dragoons was brought up to San Francisco. We were alsoadvised that the Second Infantry, Colonel B. Riley, would be sentout around Cape Horn in sailing-ships; that the Mounted Rifles, under Lieutenant-Colonel Loring, would march overland to Oregon;and that Brigadier-General Persifer F. Smith would come out inchief command on the Pacific coast. It was also known that acontract had been entered into with parties in New York and NewOrleans for a monthly line of steamers from those cities toCalifornia, via Panama. Lieutenant-Colonel Burton had come up fromLower California, and, as captain of the Third Artillery, he wasassigned to command Company F, Third Artillery, at Monterey. Captain Warner remained at Sacramento, surveying; and Halleck, Murray, Ord, and I, boarded with Dona Augustias. The season wasunusually rainy and severe, but we passed the time with the usualround of dances and parties. The time fixed for the arrival of themail-steamer was understood to be about January 1, 1849, but theday came and went without any tidings of her. Orders were given toCaptain Burton to announce her arrival by firing a nationalsalute, and each morning we listened for the guns from the fort. The month of January passed, and the greater part of February, too. As was usual, the army officers celebrated the 22d of February witha grand ball, given in the new stone school-house, which AlcaldeWalter Colton had built. It was the largest and best hall then inCalifornia. The ball was really a handsome affair, and we kept itup nearly all night. The next morning we were at breakfast:present, Dona Augustias, and Manuelita, Halleck, Murray, andmyself. We were dull and stupid enough until a gun from the fortaroused us, then another and another. "The steamer" exclaimed all, and, without waiting for hats or any thing, off we dashed. Ireached the wharf hatless, but the dona sent my cap after me by aservant. The white puffs of smoke hung around the fort, mingledwith the dense fog, which hid all the water of the bay, and wellout to sea could be seen the black spars of some unknown vessel. At the wharf I found a group of soldiers and a small row-boat, which belonged to a brig at anchor in the bay. Hastily ordering acouple of willing soldiers to get in and take the oars, and Mr. Larkin and Mr. Hartnell asking to go along, we jumped in and pushedoff. Steering our boat toward the spars, which loomed up above thefog clear and distinct, in about a mile we came to the black hullof the strange monster, the long-expected and most welcome steamerCalifornia. Her wheels were barely moving, for her pilot could notsee the shore-line distinctly, though the hills and Point of Pinescould be clearly made out over the fog, and occasionally a glimpseof some white walls showed where the town lay. A "Jacob's ladder"was lowered for us from the steamer, and in a minute I scrambled upon deck, followed by Larkin and Hartnell, and we found ourselvesin the midst of many old friends. There was Canby, theadjutant-general, who was to take my place; Charley Hoyt, my cousin;General Persifer F. Smith and wife; Gibbs, his aide-de-camp; MajorOgden, of the Engineers, and wife; and, indeed, many oldCalifornians, among them Alfred Robinson, and Frank Ward with hispretty bride. By the time the ship was fairly at anchor we hadanswered a million of questions about gold and the state of thecountry; and, learning that the ship was out of fuel, had informedthe captain (Marshall) that there was abundance of pine-wood, but nowilling hands to cut it; that no man could be hired at less than anounce of gold a day, unless the soldiers would volunteer to do itfor some agreed-upon price. As for coal, there was not a pound inMonterey, or anywhere else in California. Vessels with coal wereknown to be en route around Cape Horn, but none had yet reachedCalifornia. 

The arrival of this steamer was the beginning of a new epoch on thePacific coast; yet there she lay, helpless, without coal or fuel. The native Californians, who had never seen a steamship, stood fordays on the beach looking at her, with the universal exclamation, "Tan feo!"--how ugly!--and she was truly ugly when compared withthe clean, well-sparred frigates and sloops-of-war that hadhitherto been seen on the North Pacific coast. It was firstsupposed it would take ten days to get wood enough to prosecute hervoyage, and therefore all the passengers who could took up theirquarters on shore. Major Canby relieved me, and took the place Ihad held so long as adjutant-general of the Department ofCalifornia. The time seemed most opportune for me to leave theservice, as I had several splendid offers of employment and ofpartnership, and, accordingly, I made my written resignation; butGeneral Smith put his veto upon it, saying that he was to commandthe Division of the Pacific, while General Riley was to have theDepartment of California, and Colonel Loring that of Oregon. Hewanted me as his adjutant-general, because of my familiarity withthe country, and knowledge of its then condition: At the time, hehad on his staff Gibbs as aide-de-camp, and Fitzgerald asquartermaster. He also had along with him quite a retinue ofservants, hired with a clear contract to serve him for a whole yearafter reaching California, every one of whom deserted, except ayoung black fellow named Isaac. Mrs. Smith, a pleasant butdelicate Louisiana lady, had a white maid-servant, in whosefidelity she had unbounded confidence; but this girl was married toa perfect stranger, and off before she had even landed in SanFrancisco. It was, therefore, finally arranged that, on theCalifornia, I was to accompany General Smith to San Francisco ashis adjutant-general. I accordingly sold some of my horses, andarranged for others to go up by land; and from that time I becamefairly enlisted in the military family of General Persifer F. Smith. 

I parted with my old commander, Colonel Mason, with sincere regret. To me he had ever been kind and considerate, and, while stern, honest to a fault, he was the very embodiment of the principle offidelity to the interests of the General Government. He possesseda native strong intellect, and far more knowledge of the principlesof civil government and law than he got credit for. In private andpublic expenditures he was extremely economical, but not penurious. In cases where the officers had to contribute money for parties andentertainments, he always gave a double share, because of hisallowance of double rations. During our frequent journeys, I wasalways caterer, and paid all the bills. In settling with him herequired a written statement of the items of account, but neverdisputed one of them. During our time, California was, as now, full of a bold, enterprising, and speculative set of men, who wereengaged in every sort of game to make money. I know thatColonel-Mason was beset by them to use his position to make afortune for himself and his friends; but he never bought land ortown-lots, because, he said, it was his place to hold the publicestate for the Government as free and unencumbered by claims aspossible; and when I wanted him to stop the public-land sales in SanFrancisco, San Jose, etc. , he would not; for, although he did notbelieve the titles given by the alcaldes worth a cent, yet theyaided to settle the towns and public lands, and he thought, on thewhole, the Government would be benefited thereby. The same thingoccurred as to the gold-mines. He never took a title to a town lot, unless it was one, of no real value, from Alcalde Colton, inMonterey, of which I have never heard since. He did take a share inthe store which Warner, Beator, and I, opened at Coloma, paid hisshare of the capital, five hundred dollars, and received his shareof the profits, fifteen hundred dollars. I think also he took ashare in a venture to China with Larkin and others; but, on leavingCalifornia, he was glad to sell out without profit or loss. In thestern discharge of his duty he made some bitter enemies, among themHenry M. Naglee, who, in the newspapers of the day, endeavored todamage his fair name. But, knowing him intimately, I am certainthat he is entitled to all praise for having so controlled theaffairs of the country that, when his successor arrived, all thingswere so disposed that a civil form of government was an easy matterof adjustment. Colonel Mason was relieved by General Riley sometime in April, and left California in the steamer of the 1st May forWashington and St. Louis, where he died of cholera in the summer of1850, and his body is buried in Bellefontaine Cemetery. His widowafterward married Major (since General) Don Carlos Buell, and is nowliving in Kentucky. 

In overhauling the hold of the steamer California, as she lay atanchor in Monterey Bay, a considerable amount of coal was foundunder some heavy duplicate machinery. With this, and such wood ashad been gathered, she was able to renew her voyage. The usualsignal was made, and we all went on board. About the 1st of Marchwe entered the Heads, and anchored off San Francisco, near theUnited States line-of-battle-ship Ohio, Commodore T. Catesby Jones. As was the universal custom of the day, the crew of the Californiadeserted her; and she lay for months unable to make a trip back toPanama, as was expected of her. As soon as we reached SanFrancisco, the first thing was to secure an office and a house tolive in. The weather was rainy and stormy, and snow even lay onthe hills back of the Mission. Captain Folsom, the quartermaster, agreed to surrender for our office the old adobe custom house, onthe upper corner of the plaza, as soon as he could remove hispapers and effects down to one of his warehouses on the beach; andhe also rented for us as quarters the old Hudson Bay Company houseon Montgomery Street, which had been used by Howard & Mellua as astore, and at that very time they were moving their goods into alarger brick building just completed for them. As these changeswould take some time, General Smith and Colonel Ogden, with theirwives, accepted the hospitality offered by Commodore Jones on boardthe Ohio. I opened the office at the custom house, and Gibbs, Fitzgerald, and some others of us, slept in the loft of the HudsonBay Company house until the lower part was cleared of Howard'sstore, after which General Smith and the ladies moved in. There wehad a general mess, and the efforts at house-keeping were simplyludicrous. One servant after another, whom General Smith hadbrought from New Orleans, with a solemn promise to stand by him forone whole year, deserted without a word of notice or explanation, and in a few days none remained but little Isaac. The ladies hadno maid or attendants; and the general, commanding all the mightyforces of the United States on the Pacific coast, had to scratch toget one good meal a day for his family! He was a gentleman of finesocial qualities, genial and gentle, and joked at every thing. Poor Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Ogden did not bear it so philosophically. Gibbs, Fitzgerald, and I, could cruise around and find a meal, which cost three dollars, at some of the many restaurants which hadsprung up out of red-wood boards and cotton lining; but the generaland ladies could not go out, for ladies were rara aves at that dayin California. Isaac was cook, chamber-maid, and everything, thoughtless of himself, and struggling, out of the slimmest means, to compound a breakfast for a large and hungry family. Breakfastwould be announced any time between ten and twelve, and dinneraccording to circumstances. Many a time have I seen General Smith, with a can of preserved meat in his hands, going toward the house, take off his hat on meeting a negro, and, on being asked the reasonof his politeness, he would answer that they were the only realgentlemen in California. I confess that the fidelity of ColonelMason's boy "Aaron, " and of General Smith's boy "Isaac, " at a timewhen every white man laughed at promises as something made to bebroken, has given me a kindly feeling of respect for the negroes, and makes me hope that they will find an honorable "status" in thejumble of affairs in which we now live. 

That was a dull hard winter in San Francisco; the rains were heavy, and the mud fearful. I have seen mules stumble in the street, anddrown in the liquid mud! Montgomery Street had been filled up withbrush and clay, and I always dreaded to ride on horseback along it, because the mud was so deep that a horse's legs would becomeentangled in the bushes below, and the rider was likely to bethrown and drowned in the mud. The only sidewalks were made ofstepping-stones of empty boxes, and here and there a few plankswith barrel-staves nailed on. All the town lay along MontgomeryStreet, from Sacramento to Jackson, and about the plaza. Gamblingwas the chief occupation of the people. While they were waitingfor the cessation of the rainy season, and for the beginning ofspring, all sorts of houses were being put up, but of the mostflimsy kind, and all were stores, restaurants, or gambling-saloons. Any room twenty by sixty feet would rent for a thousanddollars a month. I had, as my pay, seventy dollars a month, and noone would even try to hire a servant under three hundred dollars. Had it not been for the fifteen hundred dollars I had made in thestore at Coloma, I could not have lived through the winter. Aboutthe 1st of April arrived the steamer Oregon; but her captain(Pearson) knew what was the state of affairs on shore, and ran hissteamer alongside the line-of-battle-ship Ohio at Saucelito, andobtained the privilege of leaving his crew on board as "prisoners"until he was ready to return to sea. Then, discharging hispassengers and getting coal out of some of the ships which hadarrived, he retook his crew out of limbo and carried the firstregular mail back to Panama early in April. In regular orderarrived the third steamer, the Panama; and, as the vessels werearriving with coal, The California was enabled to hire a crew andget off. From that time forward these three ships constituted theregular line of mail-steamers, which has been kept up ever since. By the steamer Oregon arrived out Major R. P. Hammond, J. M. Williams, James Blair, and others; also the gentlemen who, withMajor Ogden, were to compose a joint commission to select the sitesfor the permanent forts and navyyard of California. Thiscommission was composed of Majors Ogden, Smith, and Leadbetter, of, the army, and Captains Goldsborough, Van Brunt, and Blunt, of thenavy. These officers, after a most careful study of the wholesubject, selected Mare Island for the navy-yard, and "Benicia" forthe storehouses and arsenals of the army. The Pacific MailSteamship Company also selected Benicia as their depot. Thus wasagain revived the old struggle for supremacy of these two pointsas the site of the future city of the Pacific. Meantime, however, San Francisco had secured the name. About six hundred ships wereanchored there without crews, and could not get away; and there thecity was, and had to be. 

Nevertheless, General Smith, being disinterested and unprejudiced, decided on Benicia as the point where the city ought to be, andwhere the army headquarters should be. By the Oregon there arrivedat San Francisco a man who deserves mention here--BaronSteinberger. He had been a great cattle-dealer in the UnitedStates, and boasted that he had helped to break the United StatesBank, by being indebted to it five million dollars! At all events, he was a splendid looking fellow, and brought with him fromWashington a letter to General Smith and another for CommodoreJones, to the effect that he was a man of enlarged experience inbeef; that the authorities in Washington knew that there existed inCalifornia large herds of cattle, which were only valuable fortheir hides and tallow; that it was of great importance to theGovernment that this beef should be cured and salted so as to be ofuse to the army and navy, obviating the necessity of shippingsalt-beef around Cape Horn. I know he had such a letter from theSecretary of War, Marcy, to General Smith, for it passed into mycustody, and I happened to be in Commodore Jones's cabin when thebaron presented the one for him from the Secretary of the Navy. The baron was anxious to pitch in at once, and said that all heneeded to start with were salt and barrels. After some inquiriesof his purser, the commodore promised to let him have the barrelswith their salt, as fast as they were emptied by the crew. Thenthe baron explained that he could get a nice lot of cattle from DonTimoteo Murphy, at the Mission of San Rafael, on the north aide ofthe bay, but he could not get a boat and crew to handle them. Under the authority from the Secretary of the Navy, the commodorethen promised him the use of a boat and crew, until he (the baron)could find and purchase a suitable one for himself. Then the baronopened the first regular butcher-shop in San Francisco, on thewharf about the foot of Broadway or Pacific Street, where we couldbuy at twenty-five or fifty cents a pound the best roasts, steaks, and cuts of beef, which had cost him nothing, for he never paidanybody if he could help it, and he soon cleaned poor Don Timoteoout. At first, every boat of his, in coming down from the SanRafael, touched at the Ohio, and left the best beefsteaks androasts for the commodore, but soon the baron had enough money todispense with the borrowed boat, and set up for himself, and fromthis small beginning, step by step, he rose in a few months to beone of the richest and most influential men in San Francisco; butin his wild speculations he was at last caught, and becamehelplessly bankrupt. He followed General Fremont to St. Louis in1861, where I saw him, but soon afterward he died a pauper in oneof the hospitals. When General Smith had his headquarters in SanFrancisco, in the spring of 1849, Steinberger gave dinners worthyany baron of old; and when, in after-years, I was a banker there, he used to borrow of me small sums of money in repayment for myshare of these feasts; and somewhere among my old packages I holdone of his confidential notes for two hundred dollars, but on thewhole I got off easily. I have no doubt that, if this man'shistory could be written out, it would present phases as wonderfulas any of romance; but in my judgment he was a dangerous man, without any true-sense of honor or honesty. 

Little by little the rains of that season grew less and less, andthe hills once more became green and covered with flowers. Itbecame perfectly evident that no family could live in San Franciscoon such a salary as Uncle Sam allowed his most favored officials;so General Smith and Major Ogden concluded to send their familiesback to the United States, and afterward we men-folks could take tocamp and live on our rations. The Second Infantry had arrived, andhad been distributed, four companies to Monterey, and the restsomewhat as Stevenson's regiment had been. A. J. Smith's companyof dragoons was sent up to Sonoma, whither General Smith hadresolved to move our headquarters. On the steamer which sailedabout May 1st (I think the California), we embarked, the ladies forhome and we for Monterey. At Monterey we went on shore, andColonel Mason, who meantime had been relieved by General Riley, went on board, and the steamer departed for Panama. Of all thatparty I alone am alive. 

General Riley had, with his family, taken the house which ColonelMason had formerly used, and Major Canby and wife had secured roomsat Alvarado's. Captain Bane was quartermaster, and had his familyin the house of a man named Garner, near the redoubt. Burton andCompany F were still at the fort; the four companies of the SecondInfantry were quartered in the barracks, the same building in whichwe had had our headquarters; and the company officers werequartered in hired buildings near by. General Smith and his aide, Captain Gibbs, went to Larkin's house, and I was at my old rooms atDona Augustias. As we intended to go back to San Francisco by landand afterward to travel a good deal, General Smith gave me thenecessary authority to fit out the party. There happened to beseveral trains of horses and mules in town, so I purchased about adozen horses and mules at two hundred dollars a head, on account ofthe Quartermaster's Department, and we had them kept under guard inthe quartermaster's corral. 

I remember one night being in the quarters of Lieutenant AlfredSully, where nearly all the officers of the garrison wereassembled, listening to Sully's stories. Lieutenant Derby, "Squibob, " was one of the number, as also Fred Steele, "Neighbor"Jones, and others, when, just after "tattoo, " the orderly-sergeantscame to report the result of "tattoo" roll-call; one reported fivemen absent, another eight, and so on, until it became certain thattwenty-eight men had deserted; and they were so bold and open intheir behavior that it amounted to defiance. They had deliberatelyslung their knapsacks and started for the gold-mines. Dr. Murrayand I were the only ones present who were familiar with thecountry, and I explained how easy they could all be taken by aparty going out at once to Salinas Plain, where the country was soopen and level that a rabbit could not cross without being seen;that the deserters could not go to the mines without crossing thatplain, and could not reach it before daylight. All agreed that thewhole regiment would desert if these men were not brought back. Several officers volunteered on the spot to go after them; and, asthe soldiers could not be trusted, it was useless to send any butofficers in pursuit. Some one went to report the affair to theadjutant-general, Canby, and he to General Riley. I waited sometime, and, as the thing grew cold, I thought it was given up, andwent to my room and to bed. 

About midnight I was called up and informed that there were sevenofficers willing to go, but the difficulty was to get horses andsaddles. I went down to Larkin's house and got General Smith toconsent that we might take the horses I had bought for our trip. It was nearly three o'clock a. M. Before we were all mounted andready. I had a musket which I used for hunting. With this I ledoff at a canter, followed by the others. About six miles out, bythe faint moon, I saw ahead of us in the sandy road some bluecoats, and, fearing lest they might resist or escape into the densebushes which lined the road, I halted and found with me PaymasterHill, Captain N. H. Davis, and Lieutenant John Hamilton. We waitedsome time for the others, viz. , Canby, Murray, Gibbs, and Sully, tocome up, but as they were not in sight we made a dash up the roadand captured six of the deserters, who were Germans, with heavyknapsacks on, trudging along the deep, sandy road. They had notexpected pursuit, had not heard our horses, and were accordinglyeasily taken. Finding myself the senior officer present, I orderedLieutenant Hamilton to search the men and then to march them backto Monterey, suspecting, as was the fact, that the rest of ourparty had taken a road that branched off a couple of miles back. Daylight broke as we reached the Saunas River, twelve miles out, and there the trail was broad and fresh leading directly out on theSaunas Plain. This plain is about five miles wide, and then theground becomes somewhat broken. The trail continued very plain, and I rode on at a gallop to where there was an old adobe-ranch onthe left of the road, with the head of a lagoon, or pond, close by. I saw one or two of the soldiers getting water at the pond, andothers up near the house. I had the best horse and wasconsiderably ahead, but on looking back could see Hill and Daviscoming up behind at a gallop. I motioned to them to hurry forward, and turned my horse across the head of the pond, knowing the groundwell, as it was a favorite place for shooting geese and ducks. Approaching the house, I ordered the men who were outside to go in. They did not know me personally, and exchanged glances, but I hadmy musket cocked, and, as the two had seen Davis and Hill coming uppretty fast, they obeyed. Dismounting, I found the house full ofdeserters, and there was no escape for them. They naturallysupposed that I had a strong party with me, and when I ordered themto "fall in" they obeyed from habit. By the time Hill and Daviscame up I had them formed in two ranks, the front rank facingabout, and I was taking away their bayonets, pistols, etc. Wedisarmed them, destroying a musket and several pistols, and, oncounting them, we found that we three had taken eighteen, which, added to the six first captured, made twenty-four. We made themsling their knapsacks and begin their homeward march. It was nearnight when we got back, so that these deserters had traveled nearlyforty miles since "tattoo" of the night before. The other partyhad captured three, so that only one man had escaped. I doubt notthis prevented the desertion of the bulk of the Second Infantrythat spring, for at that time so demoralizing was the effect of thegold-mines that everybody not in the military service justifieddesertion, because a soldier, if free, could earn more money in aday than he received per month. Not only did soldiers and sailorsdesert, but captains and masters of ships actually abandoned theirvessels and cargoes to try their luck at the mines. Preachersand professors forgot their creeds and took to trade, andeven to keeping gambling-houses. I remember that one of ourregular soldiers, named Reese, in deserting stole a favoritedouble-barreled gun of mine, and when the orderly-sergeant of thecompany, Carson, was going on furlough, I asked him when he cameacross Reese to try and get my gun back. When he returned he toldme that he had found Reese and offered him a hundred dollars for mygun, but Reese sent me word that he liked the gun, and would nottake a hundred dollars for it. Soldiers or sailors who could reachthe mines were universally shielded by the miners, so that it wasnext to useless to attempt their recapture. In due season GeneralPersifer Smith, Gibbs, and I, with some hired packers, started backfor San Francisco, and soon after we transferred our headquarters toSonoma. About this time Major Joseph Hooker arrived from the East--the regular adjutant-general of the division--relieved me, and Ibecame thereafter one of General Smith's regular aides-de-camp. 

As there was very little to do, General Smith encouraged us to gointo any business that would enable us to make money. R. P. Hammond, James Blair, and I, made a contract to survey for ColonelJ. D. Stevenson his newly-projected city of "New York of thePacific, " situated at the month of the San Joaquin River. Thecontract embraced, also, the making of soundings and the markingout of a channel through Suisun Bay. We hired, in San Francisco, asmall metallic boat, with a sail, laid in some stores, andproceeded to the United States ship Ohio, anchored at Saucelito, where we borrowed a sailor-boy and lead-lines with which to soundthe channel. We sailed up to Benicia, and, at General Smith'srequest, we surveyed and marked the line dividing the city ofBenicia from the government reserve. We then sounded the bay backand forth, and staked out the best channel up Suisun Bay, fromwhich Blair made out sailing directions. We then made thepreliminary surveys of the city of "New York of the Pacific, " allof which were duly plotted; and for this work we each received fromStevenson five hundred dollars and ten or fifteen lots. I soldenough lots to make up another five hundred dollars, and let thebalance go; for the city of "New York of the Pacific" never came toany thing. Indeed, cities at the time were being projected byspeculators all round the bay and all over the country. 

While we were surveying at "New York of the Pacific, " occurred oneof those little events that showed the force of the gold-fever. Wehad a sailor-boy with us, about seventeen years old, who cooked ourmeals and helped work the boat. Onshore, we had the sail spread soas to shelter us against the wind and dew. One morning I awokeabout daylight, and looked out to see if our sailor-boy was at workgetting breakfast; but he was not at the fire at all. Getting up, I discovered that he had converted a tule-bolsa into a sail boat, and was sailing for the gold-mines. He was astride this bolsa, with a small parcel of bread and meat done up in a piece ofcloth; another piece of cloth, such as we used for making oursignal-stations, he had fixed into a sail; and with a paddle he wasdirecting his precarious craft right out into the broad bay, tofollow the general direction of the schooners and boats that heknew were ascending the Sacramento River. He was about a hundredyards from the shore. I jerked up my gun, and hailed him to comeback. After a moment's hesitation, he let go his sheet and beganto paddle back. This bolsa was nothing but a bundle of tule, orbullrush, bound together with grass-ropes in the shape of a cigar, about ten feet long and about two feet through the butt. Withthese the California Indiana cross streams of considerable size. When he came ashore, I gave him a good overhauling for attemptingto desert, and put him to work getting breakfast. In due time wereturned him to his ship, the Ohio. Subsequently, I made a bargainwith Mr. Hartnell to survey his ranch at Cosnmnes River, SacramentoValley. Ord and a young citizen, named Seton, were associated withme in this. I bought of Rodman M. Price a surveyor's compass, chain, etc. , and, in San Francisco, a small wagon and harness. Availing ourselves of a schooner, chartered to carry Major Millerand two companies of the Second Infantry from San Francisco toStockton, we got up to our destination at little cost. I recall anoccurrence that happened when the schooner was anchored inCarquinez Straits, opposite the soldiers' camp on shore. We werewaiting for daylight and a fair wind; the schooner lay anchored atan ebb-tide, and about daylight Ord and I had gone ashore forsomething. Just as we were pulling off from shore, we heard theloud shouts of the men, and saw them all running down toward thewater. Our attention thus drawn, we saw something swimming in thewater, and pulled toward it, thinking it a coyote; but we soonrecognized a large grizzly bear, swimming directly across thechannel. Not having any weapon, we hurriedly pulled for theschooner, calling out, as we neared it, "A bear! a bear!" It sohappened that Major Miller was on deck, washing his face and hands. He ran rapidly to the bow of the vessel, took the musket from thehands of the sentinel, and fired at the bear, as he passed but ashort distance ahead of the schooner. The bear rose, made a growlor howl, but continued his course. As we scrambled up theport-aide to get our guns, the mate, with a crew, happened to havea boat on the starboard-aide, and, armed only with a hatchet, theypulled up alongside the bear, and the mate struck him in the headwith the hatchet. The bear turned, tried to get into the boat, butthe mate struck his claws with repeated blows, and made him let go. After several passes with him, the mate actually killed the bear, got a rope round him, and towed him alongside the schooner, wherehe was hoisted on deck. The carcass weighed over six hundredpounds. It was found that Major Miller's shot had struck the bearin the lower jaw, and thus disabled him. Had it not been for this, the bear would certainly have upset the boat and drowned all in it. As it was, however, his meat served us a good turn in our trip upto Stockton. At Stockton we disembarked our wagon, provisions, andinstruments. There I bought two fine mules at three hundreddollars each, and we hitched up and started for the Coaumnes River. About twelve miles off was the Mokelumne, a wide, bold stream, witha canoe as a ferry-boat. We took our wagon to pieces, and ferriedit and its contents across, and then drove our mules into thewater. In crossing, one mule became entangled in the rope of theother, and for a time we thought he was a gone mule; but at last herevived and we hitched up. The mules were both pack-animals;neither had ever before seen a wagon. Young Seton also was aboutas green, and had never handled a mule. We put on the harness, andbegan to hitch them in, when one of the mules turned his head, sawthe wagon, and started. We held on tight, but the beast did notstop until he had shivered the tongue-pole into a dozen fragments. The fact was, that Seton had hitched the traces before he had puton the blind-bridle. There was considerable swearing done, butthat would not mend the pole. There was no place nearer thanSutter's Fort to repair damages, so we were put to our wits' end. We first sent back a mile or so, and bought a raw-hide. Gatheringup the fragments of the pole and cutting the hide into strips, wefinished it in the rudest manner. As long as the hide was green, thepole was very shaky; but gradually the sun dried the hide, tightened it, and the pole actually held for about a month. Thiscost us nearly a day of delay; but, when damages were repaired, weharnessed up again, and reached the crossing of the Cosumnes, whereour survey was to begin. The expediente, or title-papers, of theranch described it as containing nine or eleven leagues on theCosumnes, south side, and between the San Joaquin River and SierraNevada Mountains. We began at the place where the road crosses theCosumnes, and laid down a line four miles south, perpendicular tothe general direction of the stream; then, surveying up the stream, we marked each mile so as to admit of a subdivision of one mile byfour. The land was dry and very poor, with the exception of hereand there some small pieces of bottom land, the great bulk of thebottom-land occurring on the north side of the stream. Wecontinued the survey up some twenty miles into the hills above themill of Dailor and Sheldon. It took about a month to make thissurvey, which, when finished, was duly plotted; and for it wereceived one-tenth of the land, or two subdivisions. Ord and Itook the land, and we paid Seton for his labor in cash. By thesale of my share of the land, subsequently, I realized threethousand dollars. After finishing Hartnell's survey, we crossedover to Dailor's, and did some work for him at five hundred dollarsa day for the party. Having finished our work on the Cosumnes, weproceeded to Sacramento, where Captain Sutter employed us toconnect the survey of Sacramento City, made by Lieutenant Warner, and that of Sutterville, three miles below, which was then beingsurveyed by Lieutenant J. W. Davidson, of the First Dragoons. AtSutterville, the plateau of the Sacramento approached quite nearthe river, and it would have made a better site for a town than thelow, submerged land where the city now stands; but it seems to be alaw of growth that all natural advantages are disregarded whereveronce business chooses a location. Old Sutter's embarcadero becameSacramento City, simply because it was the first point used forunloading boats for Sutter's Fort, just as the site for SanFrancisco was fixed by the use of Yerba Buena as the hide-landingfor the Mission of "San Francisco de Asis. "

I invested my earnings in this survey in three lots in SacramentoCity, on which I made a fair profit by a sale to one McNulty, ofMansfield, Ohio. I only had a two months' leave of absence, duringwhich General Smith, his staff, and a retinue of civil friends, were making a tour of the gold-mines, and hearing that he was enroute back to his headquarters at Sonoma, I knocked off my work, sold my instruments, and left my wagon and mules with my cousinCharley Hoyt, who had a store in Sacramento, and was on the pointof moving up to a ranch, for which he had bargained, on Bear Creek, on which was afterward established Camp "Far West. " He afterwardsold the mules, wagon, etc. , for me, and on the whole I think Icleared, by those two months' work, about six thousand dollars. Ithen returned to headquarters at Sonoma, in time to attend myfellow aide-de-camp Gibbs through a long and dangerous sickness, during which he was on board a store-ship, guarded by CaptainGeorge Johnson, who now resides in San Francisco. General Smithhad agreed that on the first good opportunity he would send me tothe United States as a bearer of dispatches, but this he could notdo until he had made the examination of Oregon, which was also inhis command. During the summer of 1849 there continued to pourinto California a perfect stream of people. Steamers came, and aline was established from San Francisco to Sacramento, of which theSenator was the pioneer, charging sixteen dollars a passage, andactually coining money. Other boats were built, out of materialswhich had either come around Cape Horn or were brought from theSandwich Islands. Wharves were built, houses were springing upas if by magic, and the Bay of San Francisco presented as busy ascene of life as any part of the world. Major Allen, of theQuartermaster's Department, who had come out as chief-quartermasterof the division, was building a large warehouse at Benicia, with arow of quarters, out of lumber at one hundred dollars per thousandfeet, and the work was done by men at sixteen dollars a day. Ihave seen a detailed soldier, who got only his monthly pay of eightdollars a month, and twenty cents a day for extra duty, nailing onweather-boards and shingles, alongside a citizen who was paidsixteen dollars a day. This was a real injustice, made thesoldiers discontented, and it was hardly to be wondered at that somany deserted. 

While the mass of people were busy at gold and in mammothspeculations, a set of busy politicians were at work to secure theprizes of civil government. Gwin and Fremont were there, and T. Butler King, of Georgia, had come out from the East, scheming foroffice. He staid with us at Sonoma, and was generally regarded asthe Government candidate for United States Senator. General Rileyas Governor, and Captain Halleck as Secretary of State, had issueda proclamation for the election of a convention to frame a Stateconstitution. In due time the elections were held, and theconvention was assembled at Monterey. Dr. Semple was electedpresident; and Gwin, Sutter, Halleck, Butler King, Sherwood, Gilbert, Shannon, and others, were members. General Smith took nopart in this convention, but sent me down to watch the proceedings, and report to him. The only subject of interest was the slaveryquestion. There were no slaves then in California, save a few whohad come out as servants, but the Southern people at that timeclaimed their share of territory, out of that acquired by thecommon labors of all sections of the Union in the war with Mexico. Still, in California there was little feeling on the subject. Inever heard General Smith, who was a Louisianian, express anyopinion about it. Nor did Butler King, of Georgia, ever manifestany particular interest in the matter. A committee was named todraft a constitution, which in due time was reported, with theusual clause, then known as the Wilmot Proviso, excluding slavery;and during the debate which ensued very little opposition was madeto this clause, which was finally adopted by a large majority, although the convention was made up in large part of men from ourSouthern States. This matter of California being a free State, afterward, in the national Congress, gave rise to angry debates, which at one time threatened civil war. The result of theconvention was the election of State officers, and of theLegislature which sat in San Jose in October and November, 1849, and which elected Fremont and Gwin as the first United StatesSenators in Congress from the Pacific coast. 

Shortly after returning from Monterey, I was sent by General Smithup to Sacramento City to instruct Lieutenants Warner andWilliamson, of the Engineers, to push their surveys of the SierraNevada Mountains, for the purpose of ascertaining the possibilityof passing that range by a railroad, a subject that then eliciteduniversal interest. It was generally assumed that such a roadcould not be made along any of the immigrant roads then in use, andWarner's orders were to look farther north up the Feather River, orsome one of its tributaries. Warner was engaged in this surveyduring the summer and fall of 1849, and had explored, to the veryend of Goose Lake, the source of Feather River. Then, leavingWilliamson with the baggage and part of the men, he took about tenmen and a first-rate guide, crossed the summit to the east, and hadturned south, having the range of mountains on his right hand, withthe intention of regaining his camp by another pass in themountain. The party was strung out, single file, with wide spacesbetween, Warner ahead. He had just crossed a small valley andascended one of the spurs covered with sage-brush and rocks, when aband of Indians rose up and poured in a shower of arrows. The muleturned and ran back to the valley, where Warner fell off dead, punctured by five arrows. The mule also died. The guide, who wasnear to Warner, was mortally wounded; and one or two men had arrowsin their bodies, but recovered. The party gathered about Warner'sbody, in sight of the Indians, who whooped and yelled, but did notventure away from their cover of rocks. This party of men remainedthere all day without burying the bodies, and at night, by a widecircuit, passed the mountain, and reached Williamson's camp. Thenews of Warner's death cast a gloom over all the old Californians, who knew him well. He was a careful, prudent, and honest officer, well qualified for his business, and extremely accurate in all hiswork. He and I had been intimately associated during our fouryears together in California, and I felt his loss deeply. Theseason was then too far advanced to attempt to avenge his death, and it was not until the next spring that a party was sent out togather up and bury his scattered bones. 

As winter approached, the immigrants overland came pouring intoCalifornia, dusty and worn with their two thousand miles of wearytravel across the plains and mountains. Those who arrived inOctober and November reported thousands still behind them, withoxen perishing, and short of food. Appeals were made for help, andGeneral Smith resolved to attempt relief. Major Rucker, who hadcome across with Pike. Graham's Battalion of Dragoons, hadexchanged with Major Fitzgerald, of the Quartermaster's Department, and was detailed to conduct this relief. General Smith ordered himto be supplied with one hundred thousand dollars out of the civilfund, subject to his control, and with this to purchase atSacramento flour, bacon, etc. , and to hire men and mules to sendout and meet the immigrants. Major Rucker fulfilled this dutyperfectly, sending out pack-trains loaded with food by the manyroutes by which the immigrants were known to be approaching, wentout himself with one of these trains, and remained in the mountainsuntil the last immigrant had got in. No doubt this expeditionsaved many a life which has since been most useful to the country. I remained at Sacramento a good part of the fall of 1849, recognizing among the immigrants many of my old personalfriends--John C. Fall, William King, Sam Stambaugh, Hugh Ewing, Hampton Denman, etc. I got Rucker to give these last two employmentalong with the train for the relief of the immigrants. They hadproposed to begin a ranch on my land on the Cosumnes, but afterwardchanged their minds, and went out with Rucker. 

While I was at Sacramento General Smith had gone on hiscontemplated trip to Oregon, and promised that he would be back inDecember, when he would send me home with dispatches. Accordingly, as the winter and rainy season was at hand, I went to SanFrancisco, and spent some time at the Presidio, waiting patientlyfor General Smith's return. About Christmas a vessel arrived fromOregon with the dispatches, and an order for me to deliver them inperson to General Winfield Scott, in New York City. General Smithhad sent them down, remaining in Oregon for a time. Of course Iwas all ready, and others of our set were going home by the sameconveyance, viz. , Rucker, Ord, A. J. Smith--some under orders, andthe others on leave. Wanting to see my old friends in Monterey, Iarranged for my passage in the steamer of January 1, 1850, payingsix hundred dollars for passage to New York, and went down toMonterey by land, Rucker accompanying me. The weather wasunusually rainy, and all the plain about Santa Clara was underwater; but we reached Monterey in time. I again was welcomed by myfriends, Dona Augustias, Manuelita, and the family, and it wasresolved that I should take two of the boys home with me and putthem at Georgetown College for education, viz. , Antonio andPorfirio, thirteen and eleven years old. The dona gave me a bag ofgold-dust to pay for their passage and to deposit at the college. On the 2d day of January punctually appeared the steamer Oregon. 

We were all soon on board and off for home. At that time thesteamers touched at San Diego, Acapulco, and Panama. Ourpassage down the coast was unusually pleasant. Arrived atPanama, we hired mules and rode across to Gorgona, on theCruces River, where we hired a boat and paddled down to themouth of the river, off which lay the steamer Crescent City. Itusually took four days to cross the isthmus, every passenger takingcare of himself, and it was really funny to watch the efforts ofwomen and men unaccustomed to mules. It was an old song to us, andthe trip across was easy and interesting. In due time we were rowedoff to the Crescent City, rolling back and forth in the swell, andwe scrambled aboard by a "Jacob's ladder" from the stern. Some ofthe women had to be hoisted aboard by lowering a tub from the endof a boom; fun to us who looked on, but awkward enough to the poorwomen, especially to a very fat one, who attracted much notice. General Fremont, wife and child (Lillie) were passengers with usdown from San Francisco; but Mrs. Fremont not being well, theyremained over one trip at Panama. 

Senator Gwin was one of our passengers, and went through to NewYork. We reached New York about the close of January, after a safeand pleasant trip. Our party, composed of Ord, A. J. Smith, andRucker, with the two boys, Antonio and Porfirio, put up atDelmonico's, on Bowling Green; and, as soon as we had cleaned upsomewhat, I took a carriage, went to General Scott's office inNinth Street, delivered my dispatches, was ordered to dine with himnext day, and then went forth to hunt up my old friends andrelations, the Scotts, Hoyts, etc. , etc. 

On reaching New York, most of us had rough soldier's clothing, butwe soon got a new outfit, and I dined with General Scott's family, Mrs. Scott being present, and also their son-in-law and daughter(Colonel and Mrs. H. L. Scott). The general questioned me prettyclosely in regard to things on the Pacific coast, especially thepolitics, and startled me with the assertion that "our country wason the eve of a terrible civil war. " He interested me by anecdotesof my old army comrades in his recent battles around the city ofMexico, and I felt deeply the fact that our country had passedthrough a foreign war, that my comrades had fought great battles, and yet I had not heard a hostile shot. Of course, I thought itthe last and only chance in my day, and that my career as a soldierwas at an end. After some four or five days spent in New York, Iwas, by an order of General Scott, sent to Washington, to laybefore the Secretary of War (Crawford, of Georgia) the dispatcheswhich I had brought from California. On reaching Washington, Ifound that Mr. Ewing was Secretary of the Interior, and I at oncebecame a member of his family. The family occupied the house ofMr. Blair, on Pennsylvania Avenue, directly in front of the WarDepartment. I immediately repaired to the War Department, andplaced my dispatches in the hands of Mr. Crawford, who questionedme somewhat about California, but seemed little interested in thesubject, except so far as it related to slavery and the routesthrough Texas. I then went to call on the President at the WhiteHouse. I found Major Bliss, who had been my teacher in mathematicsat West Point, and was then General Taylor's son-in-law and privatesecretary. He took me into the room, now used by the President'sprivate secretaries, where President Taylor was. I had never seenhim before, though I had served under him in Florida in 1840-'41, and was most agreeably surprised at his fine personal appearance, and his pleasant, easy manners. He received me with greatkindness, told me that Colonel Mason had mentioned my name withpraise, and that he would be pleased to do me any act of favor. Wewere with him nearly an hour, talking about California generally, and of his personal friends, Persifer Smith, Riley, Canby, andothers: Although General Scott was generally regarded by the armyas the most accomplished soldier of the Mexican War, yet GeneralTaylor had that blunt, honest, and stern character, that endearedhim to the masses of the people, and made him President. Bliss, too, had gained a large fame by his marked skill and intelligenceas an adjutant-general and military adviser. His manner was veryunmilitary, and in his talk he stammered and hesitated, so as tomake an unfavorable impression on a stranger; but he waswonderfully accurate and skillful with his pen, and his orders andletters form a model of military precision and clearness. 

CHAPTER IV. 

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, AND CALIFORNIA

1850-1855. 

Having returned from California in January, 1850, with dispatchesfor the War Department, and having delivered them in person firstto General Scott in New York City, and afterward to the Secretaryof War (Crawford) in Washington City, I applied for and received aleave of absence for six months. I first visited my mother, thenliving at Mansfield, Ohio, and returned to Washington, where, onthe 1st day of May, 1850, I was married to Miss Ellen Boyle Ewing, daughter of the Hon. Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Interior. Themarriage ceremony was attended by a large and distinguishedcompany, embracing Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, T. H. Benton, President Taylor, and all his cabinet. This occurred at the houseof Mr. Ewing, the same now owned and occupied by Mr. F. P. Blair, senior, on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite the War Department. Wemade a wedding tour to Baltimore, New York, Niagara, and Ohio, andreturned to Washington by the 1st of July. General Taylorparticipated in the celebration of the Fourth of July, a very hotday, by hearing a long speech from the Hon. Henry S. Foote, at thebase of the Washington Monument. Returning from the celebrationmuch heated and fatigued, he partook too freely of his favoriteiced milk with cherries, and during that night was seized with asevere colic, which by morning had quite prostrated him. It wassaid that he sent for his son-in-law, Surgeon Wood, United StatesArmy, stationed in Baltimore, and declined medical assistance fromanybody else. Mr. Ewing visited him several times, and wasmanifestly uneasy and anxious, as was also his son-in-law, MajorBliss, then of the army, and his confidential secretary. Herapidly grew worse, and died in about four days. 

At that time there was a high state of political feeling pervadingthe country, on account of the questions growing out of the newTerritories just acquired from Mexico by the war. Congress was insession, and General Taylor's sudden death evidently created greatalarm. I was present in the Senate-gallery, and saw the oath ofoffice administered to the Vice-President, Mr. Fillmore, a man ofsplendid physical proportions and commanding appearance; but on thefaces of Senators and people could easily be read the feelings ofdoubt and uncertainty that prevailed. All knew that a change inthe cabinet and general policy was likely to result, but at thetime it was supposed that Mr. Fillmore, whose home was in Buffalo, would be less liberal than General Taylor to the politicians of theSouth, who feared, or pretended to fear, a crusade against slavery;or, as was the political cry of the day, that slavery would beprohibited in the Territories and in the places exclusively underthe jurisdiction of the United States. Events, however, proved thecontrary. 

I attended General Taylor's funeral as a sort of aide-decamp, atthe request of the Adjutant-General of the army, Roger Jones, whosebrother, a militia-general, commanded the escort, composed ofmilitia and some regulars. Among the regulars I recall the namesof Captains John Sedgwick and W. F. Barry. 

Hardly was General Taylor decently buried in the CongressionalCemetery when the political struggle recommenced, and it becamemanifest that Mr. Fillmore favored the general compromise thenknown as Henry Clay's "Omnibus Bill, " and that a general change ofcabinet would at once occur: Webster was to succeed Mr. Clayton asSecretary of State, Corwin to succeed Mr. Meredith as Secretary ofthe Treasury, and A. H. H. Stuart to succeed Mr. Ewing as Secretaryof the Interior. Mr. Ewing, however, was immediately appointed bythe Governor of the State to succeed Corwin in the Senate. These changes made it necessary for Mr. Ewing to discontinuehouse-keeping, and Mr. Corwin took his home and furniture off hishands. I escorted the family out to their home in Lancaster, Ohio;but, before this had occurred, some most interesting debates tookplace in the Senate, which I regularly attended, and heard Clay, Benton, Foots, King of Alabama, Dayton, and the many real orators ofthat day. Mr. Calhoun was in his seat, but he was evidentlyapproaching his end, for he was pale and feeble in the extreme. Iheard Mr. Webster's last speech on the floor of the Senate, undercircumstances that warrant a description. It was publicly knownthat he was to leave the Senate, and enter the new cabinet of Mr. Fillmore, as his Secretary of State, and that prior to leaving hewas to make a great speech on the "Omnibus Bill. " Resolved to hearit, I went up to the Capitol on the day named, an hour or soearlier than usual. The speech was to be delivered in the oldSenate-chamber, now used by the Supreme Court. The galleries weremuch smaller than at present, and I found them full to overflowing, with a dense crowd about the door, struggling to reach the stairs. Icould not get near, and then tried the reporters' gallery, but foundit equally crowded; so I feared I should lose the only possibleopportunity to hear Mr. Webster. 

I had only a limited personal acquaintance with any of theSenators, but had met Mr. Corwin quite often at Mr. Ewing's house, and I also knew that he had been extremely friendly to my father inhis lifetime; so I ventured to send in to him my card, "W. T. S. , First-Lieutenant, Third Artillery. " He came to the door promptly, when I said, "Mr. Corwin, I believe Mr. Webster is to speakto-day. " His answer was, "Yes, he has the floor at one o'clock. "I then added that I was extremely anxious to hear him. "Well, "said he, "why don't you go into the gallery?" I explained that itwas full, and I had tried every access, but found all jammed withpeople. "Well, " said he, "what do you want of me?" I explainedthat I would like him to take me on the floor of the Senate; that Ihad often seen from the gallery persons on the floor, no betterentitled to it than I. He then asked in his quizzical way, "Areyou a foreign embassador?" "No. " "Are you the Governor of aState?" "No. " "Are you a member of the other House?" "Certainlynot" "Have you ever had a vote of thanks by name?" "No!" "Well, these are the only privileged members. " I then told him he knewwell enough who I was, and that if he chose he could take me in. He then said, "Have you any impudence?" I told him, "A reasonableamount if occasion called for it. " "Do you think you could becomeso interested in my conversation as not to notice the door-keeper?"(pointing to him). I told him that there was not the least doubtof it, if he would tell me one of his funny stories. He then tookmy arm, and led me a turn in the vestibule, talking about someindifferent matter, but all the time directing my looks to his lefthand, toward which he was gesticulating with his right; and thus weapproached the door-keeper, who began asking me, "Foreignambassador? Governor of a State? Member of Congress?" etc. ; but Icaught Corwin's eye, which said plainly, "Don't mind him, payattention to me, " and in this way we entered the Senate-chamber bya side-door. Once in, Corwin said, "Now you can take care ofyourself, " and I thanked him cordially. 

I found a seat close behind Mr. Webster, and near General Scott, and heard the whole of the speech. It was heavy in the extreme, and I confess that I was disappointed and tired long before it wasfinished. No doubt the speech was full of fact and argument, butit had none of the fire of oratory, or intensity of feeling, thatmarked all of Mr. Clay's efforts. 

Toward the end of July, as before stated, all the family went hometo Lancaster. Congress was still in session, and the bill addingfour captains to the Commissary Department had not passed, but wasreasonably certain to, and I was equally sure of being one of them. At that time my name was on the muster-roll of (Light) Company C, Third Artillery (Bragg's), stationed at Jefferson Barracks, nearSt. Louis. But, as there was cholera at St. Louis, on application, I was permitted to delay joining my company until September. Earlyin that month, I proceeded to Cincinnati, and thence by steamboatto St. Louis, and then to Jefferson Barracks, where I reportedfor duty to Captain and Brevet-Colonel Braxton Bragg, commanding(Light) Company C, Third Artillery. The other officers of thecompany were First-Lieutenant James A. Hardie, and afterwardHaekaliah Brown. New horses had just been purchased for thebattery, and we were preparing for work, when the mail brought theorders announcing the passage of the bill increasing the CommissaryDepartment by four captains, to which were promoted CaptainsShiras, Blair, Sherman, and Bowen. I was ordered to take post atSt. Louis, and to relieve Captain A. J. Smith, First Dragoons, whohad been acting in that capacity for some months. My commissionbore date September 27, 1850. I proceeded forthwith to the city, relieved Captain Smith, and entered on the discharge of the dutiesof the office. 

Colonel N. S. Clarke, Sixth Infantry, commanded the department;Major D. C. Buell was adjutant-general, and Captain W. S. Hancockwas regimental quartermaster; Colonel Thomas Swords was the depotquartermaster, and we had our offices in the same building, on thecorner of Washington Avenue and Second. Subsequently Major S. VanVliet relieved Colonel Swords. I remained at the Planters' Houseuntil my family arrived, when we occupied a house on ChouteauAvenue, near Twelfth. 

During the spring and summer of 1851, Mr. Ewing and Mr. HenryStoddard, of Dayton, Ohio, a cousin of my father, were much in St. Louis, on business connected with the estate of Major AmosStoddard, who was of the old army, as early as the beginning ofthis century. He was stationed at the village of St. Louis at thetime of the Louisiana purchase, and when Lewis and Clarke madetheir famous expedition across the continent to the Columbia River. Major Stoddard at that early day had purchased a small farm back ofthe village, of some Spaniard or Frenchman, but, as he was abachelor, and was killed at Fort Meigs, Ohio, during the War of1812, the title was for many years lost sight of, and the farm wascovered over by other claims and by occupants. As St. Louis beganto grow, his brothers and sisters, and their descendants, concludedto look up the property. After much and fruitless litigation, theyat last retained Mr. Stoddard, of Dayton, who in turn employed Mr. Ewing, and these, after many years of labor, established the title, and in the summer of 1851 they were put in possession by the UnitedStates marshal. The ground was laid off, the city survey extendedover it, and the whole was sold in partition. I made somepurchases, and acquired an interest, which I have retained more orless ever since. 

We continued to reside in St. Louis throughout the year 1851, andin the spring of 1852 I had occasion to visit Fort Leavenworth onduty, partly to inspect a lot of cattle which a Mr. Gordon, of CassCounty, had contracted to deliver in New Mexico, to enable ColonelSumner to attempt his scheme of making the soldiers in New Mexicoself-supporting, by raising their own meat, and in a measure theirown vegetables. I found Fort Leavenworth then, as now, a mostbeautiful spot, but in the midst of a wild Indian country. Therewere no whites settled in what is now the State of Kansas. Weston, in Missouri, was the great town, and speculation in town-lots thereand thereabout burnt the fingers of some of the army-officers, whowanted to plant their scanty dollars in a fruitful soil. I rode onhorseback over to Gordon's farm, saw the cattle, concluded thebargain, and returned by way of Independence, Missouri. AtIndependence I found F. X. Aubrey, a noted man of that day, who hadjust made a celebrated ride of six hundred miles in six days. Thatspring the United States quartermaster, Major L. C. Easton, at FortUnion, New Mexico, had occasion to send some message east by acertain date, and contracted with Aubrey to carry it to the nearestpost-office (then Independence, Missouri), making his compensationconditional on the time consumed. He was supplied with a goodhorse, and an order on the outgoing trains for an exchange. Thoughthe whole route was infested with hostile Indians, and not a houseon it, Aubrey started alone with his rifle. He was fortunate inmeeting several outward-bound trains, and there, by made frequentchanges of horses, some four or five, and reached Independence insix days, having hardly rested or slept the whole way. Of course, he was extremely fatigued, and said there was an opinion among thewild Indians that if a man "sleeps out his sleep, " after suchextreme exhaustion, he will never awake; and, accordingly, heinstructed his landlord to wake him up after eight hours of sleep. When aroused at last, he saw by the clock that he had been asleeptwenty hours, and he was dreadfully angry, threatened to murder hislandlord, who protested he had tried in every way to get him up, but found it impossible, and had let him "sleep it out" Aubrey, indescribing his sensations to me, said he took it for granted he wasa dead man; but in fact he sustained no ill effects, and was offagain in a few days. I met him afterward often in California, andalways esteemed him one of the best samples of that bold race ofmen who had grown up on the Plains, along with the Indians, in theservice of the fur companies. He was afterward, in 1856, killed byR. C. Weightman, in a bar-room row, at Santa Fe, New Mexico, wherehe had just arrived from California. 

In going from Independence to Fort Leavenworth, I had to swim MilkCreek, and sleep all night in a Shawnee camp. The next day Icrossed the Kaw or Kansas River in a ferry boat, maintained by theblacksmith of the tribe, and reached the fort in the evening. Atthat day the whole region was unsettled, where now exist many richcounties, highly cultivated, embracing several cities of from tento forty thousand inhabitants. From Fort Leavenworth I returned bysteamboat to St. Louis. 

In the summer of 1852, my family went to Lancaster, Ohio; but Iremained at my post. Late in the season, it was rumored that I wasto be transferred to New Orleans, and in due time I learned thecause. During a part of the Mexican War, Major Seawell, of theSeventh Infantry, had been acting commissary of subsistence at NewOrleans, then the great depot of supplies for the troops in Texas, and of those operating beyond the Rio Grande. Commissaries at thattime were allowed to purchase in open market, and were notrestricted to advertising and awarding contracts to the lowestbidders. It was reported that Major Seawell had purchased largelyof the house of Perry Seawell & Co. , Mr. Seawell being a relativeof his. When he was relieved in his duties by Major Waggman, ofthe regular Commissary Department, the latter found Perry Seawell &Co. So prompt and satisfactory that he continued the patronage;for which there was a good reason, because stores for the use ofthe troops at remote posts had to be packed in a particular way, tobear transportation in wagons, or even on pack-mules; and this firmhad made extraordinary preparations for this exclusive purpose. Some time about 1849, a brother of Major Waggaman, who had beenclerk to Captain Casey, commissary of subsistence, at Tampa Bay, Florida, was thrown out of office by the death of the captain, andhe naturally applied to his brother in New Orleans for employment;and he, in turn, referred him to his friends, Messrs. PerrySeawell & Co. These first employed him as a clerk, and afterwardadmitted him as a partner. Thus it resulted, in fact, that MajorWaggaman was dealing largely, if not exclusively, with a firm ofwhich his brother was a partner. 

One day, as General Twiggs was coming across Lake Pontchartrain, hefell in with one of his old cronies, who was an extensive grocer. This gentleman gradually led the conversation to the downwardtendency of the times since he and Twiggs were young, saying that, in former years, all the merchants of New Orleans had a chance atgovernment patronage; but now, in order to sell to the armycommissary, one had to take a brother in as a partner. GeneralTwiggs resented this, but the merchant again affirmed it, and gavenames. As soon as General Twiggs reached his office, he instructedhis adjutant-general, Colonel Bliss--who told me this--to address acategorical note of inquiry to Major Waggaman. The major veryfrankly stated the facts as they had arisen, and insisted that thefirm of Perry Seawell & Co. Had enjoyed a large patronage, butdeserved it richly by reason of their promptness, fairness, andfidelity. The correspondence was sent to Washington, and theresult was, that Major Waggaman was ordered to St. Louis, and I wasordered to New Orleans. 

I went down to New Orleans in a steamboat in the month ofSeptember, 1852, taking with me a clerk, and, on arrival, assumedthe office, in a bank-building facing Lafayette Square, in whichwere the offices of all the army departments. General D. Twiggswas in command of the department, with Colonel W. W. S. Bliss(son-in-law of General Taylor) as his adjutant-general. Colonel A. C. Myers was quartermaster, Captain John F. Reynolds aide-de-camp, and Colonel A. J. Coffee paymaster. I took rooms at the St. LouisHotel, kept by a most excellent gentleman, Colonel Mudge. 

Mr. Perry Seawell came to me in person, soliciting a continuance ofthe custom which he had theretofore enjoyed; but I told him franklythat a change was necessary, and I never saw or heard of himafterward. I simply purchased in open market, arranged for theproper packing of the stores, and had not the least difficulty insupplying the troops and satisfying the head of the department inWashington. 

About Christmas, I had notice that my family, consisting of Mrs. Sherman, two children, and nurse, with my sister Fanny (now Mrs. Moulton, of Cincinnati, Ohio), were en route for New Orleans bysteam-packet; so I hired a house on Magazine Street, and furnishedit. Almost at the moment of their arrival, also came from St. Louis my personal friend Major Turner, with a parcel of documents, which, on examination, proved to be articles of copartnership for abank in California under the title of "Lucas, Turner & Co. , " inwhich my name was embraced as a partner. Major Turner was, at thetime, actually en route for New York, to embark for San Francisco, to inaugurate the bank, in the nature of a branch of the firmalready existing at St. Louis under the name of "Lucas & Symonds. "We discussed the matter very fully, and he left with me the papersfor reflection, and went on to New York and California. 

Shortly after arrived James H. Lucas, Esq. , the principal of thebanking-firm in St. Louis, a most honorable and wealthy gentleman. He further explained the full programme of the branch inCalifornia; that my name had been included at the insistence ofMajor Turner, who was a man of family and property in St. Louis, unwilling to remain long in San Francisco, and who wanted me tosucceed him there. He offered me a very tempting income, with aninterest that would accumulate and grow. He also disclosed to methat, in establishing a branch in California, he was influenced bythe apparent prosperity of Page, Bacon & Co. , and further that hehad received the principal data, on which he had founded thescheme, from B. R. Nisbet, who was then a teller in the firm ofPage, Bacon & Co. , of San Francisco; that he also was to be takenin as a partner, and was fully competent to manage all the detailsof the business; but, as Nisbet was comparatively young, Mr. Lucaswanted me to reside in San Francisco permanently, as the head ofthe firm. All these matters were fully discussed, and I agreed toapply for a six months' leave of absence, go to San Francisco, seefor myself, and be governed by appearances there. I accordingly, with General Twiggs's approval, applied to the adjutant-general fora six months' leave, which was granted; and Captain John F. Reynolds was named to perform my duties during my absence. 

During the stay of my family in New Orleans, we enjoyed the societyof the families of General Twiggs, Colonel Myers, and ColonelBliss, as also of many citizens, among whom was the wife of Mr. Day, sister to my brother-in-law, Judge Bartley. General Twiggswas then one of the oldest officers of the army. His historyextended back to the War of 1812, and he had served in early dayswith General Jackson in Florida and in the Creek campaigns. He hadfine powers of description, and often entertained us, at hisoffice, with accounts of his experiences in the earlier settlementsof the Southwest. Colonel Bliss had been General Taylor's adjutantin the Mexican War, and was universally regarded as one of the mostfinished and accomplished scholars in the army, and his wife was amost agreeable and accomplished lady. 

Late in February, I dispatched my family up to Ohio in thesteamboat Tecumseh (Captain Pearce); disposed of my house andfurniture; turned over to Major Reynolds the funds, property, andrecords of the office; and took passage in a small steamer forNicaragua, en route for California. We embarked early in March, and in seven days reached Greytown, where we united with thepassengers from New York, and proceeded, by the Nicaragua River andLake, for the Pacific Ocean. The river was low, and the littlesteam canal-boats, four in number, grounded often, so that thepassengers had to get into the water, to help them over the bare. In all there were about six hundred passengers, of whom about sixtywere women and children. In four days we reached Castillo, wherethere is a decided fall, passed by a short railway, and above thisfall we were transferred to a larger boat, which carried us up therest of the river, and across the beautiful lake Nicaragua, studdedwith volcanic islands. Landing at Virgin Bay, we rode on mulesacross to San Juan del Sur, where lay at anchor the propeller S. S. Lewis (Captain Partridge, I think). Passengers were carriedthrough the surf by natives to small boats, and rowed off to theLewis. The weather was very hot, and quite a scramble followed forstate-rooms, especially for those on deck. I succeeded in reachingthe purser's office, got my ticket for a berth in one of the beststate-rooms on deck, and, just as I was turning from the window, alady who was a fellow-passenger from New Orleans, a Mrs. D-, calledto me to secure her and her lady friend berths on deck, saying thatthose below were unendurable. I spoke to the purser, who, at themoment perplexed by the crowd and clamor, answered: "I must puttheir names down for the other two berths of your state-room; but, as soon as the confusion is over, I will make some change wherebyyou shall not suffer. " As soon as these two women were assigned toa state-room, they took possession, and I was left out. Theirnames were recorded as "Captain Sherman and ladies. " As soon asthings were quieted down I remonstrated with the purser, who atlast gave me a lower berth in another and larger state-room ondeck, with five others, so that my two ladies had the state-roomall to themselves. At every meal the steward would come to me, andsay, "Captain Sherman, will you bring your ladies to the table?"and we had the best seats in the ship. 

This continued throughout the voyage, and I assert that "my ladies"were of the most modest and best-behaved in the ship; but some timeafter we had reached San Francisco one of our fellow-passengerscame to me and inquired if I personally knew Mrs. D---, with flaxentresses, who sang so sweetly for us, and who had come out under myespecial escort. I replied I did not, more than the chanceacquaintance of the voyage, and what she herself had told me, viz. , that she expected to meet her husband, who lived about MokelumneHill. He then informed me that she was a woman of the town. Society in California was then decidedly mixed. In due season thesteamship Lewis got under weigh. She was a wooden ship, long andnarrow, bark-rigged, and a propeller; very slow, moving not overeight miles an hour. We stopped at Acapulco, and, in eighteendays, passed in sight of Point Pinoa at Monterey, and at the speedwe were traveling expected to reach San Francisco at 4 A. M. Thenext day. The cabin passengers, as was usual, bought of thesteward some champagne and cigars, and we had a sort of ovation forthe captain, purser, and surgeon of the ship, who were all veryclever fellows, though they had a slow and poor ship. Late atnight all the passengers went to bed, expecting to enter the portat daylight. I did not undress, as I thought the captain could andwould run in at night, and I lay down with my clothes on. About 4A. M. I was awakened by a bump and sort of grating of the vessel, which I thought was our arrival at the wharf in San Francisco; butinstantly the ship struck heavily; the engines stopped, and therunning to and fro on deck showed that something was wrong. In amoment I was out of my state-room, at the bulwark, holding fast toa stanchion, and looking over the side at the white and seethingwater caused by her sudden and violent stoppage. The sea wascomparatively smooth, the night pitch-dark, and the fog deep andimpenetrable; the ship would rise with the swell, and come downwith a bump and quiver that was decidedly unpleasant. Soon thepassengers were out of their rooms, undressed, calling for help, and praying as though the ship were going to sink immediately. Ofcourse she could not sink, being already on the bottom, and theonly question was as to the strength of hull to stand the bumpingand straining. Great confusion for a time prevailed, but soon Irealized that the captain had taken all proper precautions tosecure his boats, of which there were six at the davits. These arethe first things that steerage-passengers make for in case ofshipwreck, and right over my head I heard the captain's voice sayin a low tone, but quite decided: "Let go that falls, or, damn you, I'll blow your head off!" This seemingly harsh language gave megreat comfort at the time, and on saying so to the captainafterward, he explained that it was addressed to a passenger whoattempted to lower one of the boats. Guards, composed of the crew, were soon posted to prevent any interference with the boats, andthe officers circulated among the passengers the report that therewas no immediate danger; that, fortunately, the sea was smooth;that we were simply aground, and must quietly await daylight. 

They advised the passengers to keep quiet, and the ladies andchildren to dress and sit at the doors of their state-rooms, thereto await the advice and action of the officers of the ship, whowere perfectly cool and self-possessed. Meantime the ship wasworking over a reef-for a time I feared she would break in two;but, as the water gradually rose inside to a level with the seaoutside, the ship swung broadside to the swell, and all her keelseemed to rest on the rock or sand. At no time did the sea breakover the deck--but the water below drove all the people up to themain-deck and to the promenade-deck, and thus we remained for aboutthree hours, when daylight came; but there was a fog so thick thatnothing but water could be seen. The captain caused a boat to becarefully lowered, put in her a trustworthy officer with aboat-compass, and we saw her depart into the fog. During herabsence the ship's bell was kept tolling. Then the fires were allout, the ship full of water, and gradually breaking up, wrigglingwith every swell like a willow basket--the sea all round us full ofthe floating fragments of her sheeting, twisted and torn into aspongy condition. In less than an hour the boat returned, sayingthat the beach was quite near, not more than a mile away, and had agood place for landing. All the boats were then carefully lowered, and manned by crews belonging to the ship; a piece of the gangway, on the leeward side, was cut away, and all the women, and a few ofthe worst-scared men, were lowered into the boats, which pulled forshore. In a comparatively short time the boats returned, took newloads, and the debarkation was afterward carried on quietly andsystematically. No baggage was allowed to go on shore except bagsor parcels carried in the hands of passengers. At times the foglifted so that we could see from the wreck the tops of the hills, and the outline of the shore; and I remember sitting on, the upperor hurricane deck with the captain, who had his maps and compassbefore him, and was trying to make out where the ship was. Ithought I recognized the outline of the hills below the mission ofDolores, and so stated to him; but he called my attention to thefact that the general line of hills bore northwest, whereas thecoast south of San Francisco bears due north and south. Hetherefore concluded that the ship had overrun her reckoning, andwas then to the north of San Francisco. He also explained that, the passage up being longer than usual, viz. , eighteen days, thecoal was short; that at the time the firemen were using some cut-upspars along with the slack of coal, and that this fuel had mademore than usual steam, so that the ship must have glided alongfaster than reckoned. This proved to be the actual case, for, infact, the steamship Lewis was wrecked April 9, 1853, on "DuckworthReef, " Baulinas Bay, about eighteen miles above the entrance to SanFrancisco. 

The captain had sent ashore the purser in the first boat, withorders to work his way to the city as soon as possible, to reportthe loss of his vessel, and to bring back help. I remained on thewreck till among the last of the passengers, managing to get a canof crackers and some sardines out of the submerged pantry, a thingthe rest of the passengers did not have, and then I went quietlyashore in one of the boats. The passengers were all on the beach, under a steep bluff; had built fires to dry their clothes, but hadseen no human being, and had no idea where they were. Taking alongwith me a fellow-passenger, a young chap about eighteen years old, I scrambled up the bluff, and walked back toward the hills, inhopes to get a good view of some known object. It was then themonth of April, and the hills were covered with the beautifulgrasses and flowers of that season of the year. We soon foundhorse paths and tracks, and following them we came upon a drove ofhorses grazing at large, some of which had saddle-marks. At abouttwo miles from the beach we found a corral; and thence, followingone of the strongest-marked paths, in about a mile more wedescended into a valley, and, on turning a sharp point, reached aboard shanty, with a horse picketed near by. Four men were insideeating a meal. I inquired if any of the Lewis's people had beenthere; they did not seem to understand what I meant when Iexplained to them that about three miles from them, and beyond theold corral, the steamer Lewis was wrecked, and her passengers wereon the beach. I inquired where we were, and they answered, "AtBaulinas Creek;" that they were employed at a saw-mill just above, and were engaged in shipping lumber to San Francisco; that aschooner loaded with lumber was then about two miles down thecreek, waiting for the tide to get out, and doubtless if we wouldwalk down they would take us on board. 

I wrote a few words back to the captain, telling him where he was, and that I would hurry to the city to send him help. My companionand I their went on down the creek, and soon descried the schooneranchored out in the stream. On being hailed, a small boat came inand took us on board. The "captain" willingly agreed for a smallsum to carry us down to San Francisco; and, as his whole crewconsisted of a small boy about twelve years old, we helped him toget up his anchor and pole the schooner down the creek and out overthe bar on a high tide. This must have been about 2 P. M. Once overthe bar, the sails were hoisted, and we glided along rapidly with astrong, fair, northwest wind. The fog had lifted, so we could seethe shores plainly, and the entrance to the bay. In a couple ofhours we were entering the bay, and running "wing-and-wing. "Outside the wind was simply the usual strong breeze; but, as itpasses through the head of the Golden Gate, it increases, andthere, too, we met a strong ebb-tide. 

The schooner was loaded with lumber, much of which was on deck, lashed down to ring bolts with raw-hide thongs. The captain wassteering, and I was reclining on the lumber, looking at thefamiliar shore, as we approached Fort Point, when I heard a sort ofcry, and felt the schooner going over. As we got into the throatof the "Heads, " the force of the wind, meeting a strong ebb-tide, drove the nose of the schooner under water; she dove like a duck, went over on her side, and began, to drift out with the tide. Ifound myself in the water, mixed up with pieces of plank and ropes;struck out, swam round to the stern, got on the keel, and clamberedup on the side. Satisfied that she could not sink, by reason ofher cargo, I was not in the least alarmed, but thought twoshipwrecks in one day not a good beginning for a new, peacefulcareer. Nobody was drowned, however; the captain and crew werebusy in securing such articles as were liable to float off, and Ilooked out for some passing boat or vessel to pick us up. We weredrifting steadily out to sea, while I was signaling to a boat aboutthree miles off, toward Saucelito, and saw her tack and standtoward us. I was busy watching this sail-boat, when I heard aYankee's voice, close behind, saying, "This is a nice mess you'vegot yourselves into, " and looking about I saw a man in a smallboat, who had seen us upset, and had rowed out to us from aschooner anchored close under the fort. Some explanations weremade, and when the sail-boat coming from Saucelito was near enoughto be spoken to, and the captain had engaged her to help hisschooner, we bade him good by, and got the man in the small boat-tocarry us ashore, and land us at the foot of the bluff, just belowthe fort. Once there, I was at home, and we footed it up to thePresidio. Of the sentinel I inquired who was in command of thepost, and was answered, "Major Merchant. " He was not then in, buthis adjutant, Lieutenant Gardner, was. I sent my card to him; hecame out, and was much surprised to find me covered with sand, anddripping with water, a good specimen of a shipwrecked mariner. Afew words of explanation sufficed; horses were provided, and werode hastily into the city, reaching the office of the NicaraguaSteamship Company (C. K. Garrison, agent) about dark, just as thepurser had arrived; by a totally different route. It was too lateto send relief that night, but by daylight next morning twosteamers were en route for and reached the place of wreck in timeto relieve the passengers and bring them, and most of the baggage. I lost my carpet-bag, but saved my trunk. The Lewis went to piecesthe night after we got off, and, had there been an average seaduring the night of our shipwreck, none of us probably would haveescaped. That evening in San Francisco I hunted up Major Turner, whom I found boarding, in company with General E. A. Hitchcock, ata Mrs. Ross's, on Clay Street, near Powell. I took quarters withthem, and began to make my studies, with a view to a decisionwhether it was best to undertake this new and untried scheme ofbanking, or to return to New Orleans and hold on to what I thenhad, a good army commission. 

At the time of my arrival, San Francisco was an the top wave ofspeculation and prosperity. Major Turner had rented at six hundreddollars a month the office formerly used and then owned by Adams &Co. , on the east side of Montgomery Street, between Sacramento andCalifornia Streets. B. R. Nisbet was the active partner, and JamesReilly the teller. Already the bank of Lucas, Turner & Co. Wasestablished, and was engaged in selling bills of exchange, receiving deposits, and loaning money at three per cent. A month. 

Page, Bacon & Co. , and Adams & Co. , were in full blast across thestreet, in Parrott's new granite building, and other bankers weredoing seemingly a prosperous business, among them Wells, Fargo &Co. ; Drexel, Sather & Church; Burgoyne & Co. ; James King of Win. ;Sanders & Brenham; Davidson & Co. ; Palmer, Cook & Co. , and others. Turner and I had rooms at Mrs. Ross's, and took our meals atrestaurants down-town, mostly at a Frenchman's named Martin, on thesouthwest corner of Montgomery and California Streets. GeneralHitchcock, of the army, commanding the Department of California, usually messed with us; also a Captain Mason, and LieutenantWhiting, of the Engineer Corps. We soon secured a small share ofbusiness, and became satisfied there was room for profit. Everybody seemed to be making money fast; the city was beingrapidly extended and improved; people paid their three per cent. Amonth interest without fail, and without deeming it excessive. Turner, Nisbet, and I, daily discussed the prospects, and graduallysettled down to the conviction that with two hundred thousanddollars capital, and a credit of fifty thousand dollars in NewYork, we could build up a business that would help the St. Louishouse, and at the same time pay expenses in California, with areasonable profit. Of course, Turner never designed to remain longin California, and I consented to go back to St. Louis, confer withMr. Lucas and Captain Simonds, agree upon further details, and thenreturn permanently. 

I have no memoranda by me now by which to determine the fact, butthink I returned to New York in July, 1853, by the Nicaragua route, and thence to St. Louis by way of Lancaster, Ohio, where my familystill was. Mr. Lucas promptly agreed to the terms proposed, andfurther consented, on the expiration of the lease of the Adams &Co. Office, to erect a new banking-house in San Francisco, to costfifty thousand dollars. I then returned to Lancaster, explained toMr. Ewing and Mrs. Sherman all the details of our agreement, and, meeting their approval, I sent to the Adjutant-General of the armymy letter of resignation, to take effect at the end of the sixmonths' leave, and the resignation was accepted, to take effectSeptember 6, 1853. Being then a citizen, I engaged a passage outto California by the Nicaragua route, in the steamer leaving NewYork September 20th, for myself and family, and accordinglyproceeded to New York, where I had a conference with Mr. Meigs, cashier of the American Exchange Bank, and with Messrs. Wadsworth& Sheldon, bankers, who were our New York correspondents; and onthe 20th embarked for San Juan del Norte, with the family, composedof Mrs. Sherman, Lizzie, then less than a year old, and her nurse, Mary Lynch. Our passage down was uneventful, and, on the boats upthe Nicaragua River, pretty much the same as before. On reachingVirgin Bay, I engaged a native with three mules to carry us acrossto the Pacific, and as usual the trip partook of the ludicrous--Mrs. Sherman mounted on a donkey about as large as a Newfoundlanddog; Mary Lynch on another, trying to carry Lizzie on a pillowbefore her, but her mule had a fashion of lying down, which scaredher, till I exchanged mules, and my California spurs kept that muleon his legs. I carried Lizzie some time till she was fast asleep, when I got our native man to carry her awhile. The child woke up, and, finding herself in the hands of a dark-visaged man, she yelledmost lustily till I got her away. At the summit of the pass, therewas a clear-running brook, where we rested an hour, and bathedLizzie in its sweet waters. We then continued to the end of ourjourney, and, without going to the tavern at San Juan del Sur, wepassed directly to the vessel, then at anchor about two miles out. To reach her we engaged a native boat, which had to be kept outsidethe surf. Mrs. Sherman was first taken in the arms of two stoutnatives; Mary Lynch, carrying Lizzie, was carried by two others;and I followed, mounted on the back of a strapping fellow, whilefifty or a hundred others were running to and fro, cackling likegeese. 

Mary Lynch got scared at the surf, and began screaming like a fool, when Lizzie became convulsed with fear, and one of the nativesrushed to her, caught her out of Mary's arms, and carried herswiftly to Mrs. Sherman, who, by that time, was in the boat, butLizzie had fainted with fear, and for a long time sobbed as thoughpermanently injured. For years she showed symptoms that made usbelieve she had never entirely recovered from the effects of thescare. In due time we reached the steamer Sierra Nevada, and got agood state-room. Our passage up the coast was pleasant enough; wereached San Francisco; on the 15th of October, and took quarters atan hotel on Stockton Street, near Broadway. 

Major Turner remained till some time in November, when he alsodeparted for the East, leaving me and Nisbet to manage the bank. Iendeavored to make myself familiar with the business, but of courseNisbet kept the books, and gave his personal attention to theloans, discounts, and drafts, which yielded the profits. I soonsaw, however, that the three per cent. Charged as premium on billsof exchange was not all profit, but out of this had to come one anda fourth to one and a half for freight, one and a third forinsurance, with some indefinite promise of a return premium; then, the, cost of blanks, boxing of the bullion, etc. , etc. Indeed, Isaw no margin for profit at all. Nisbet, however, who had longbeen familiar with the business, insisted there was a profit, inthe fact that the gold-dust or bullion shipped was more valuablethan its cost to us. We, of course, had to remit bullion to meetour bills on New York, and bought crude gold-dust, or bars refinedby Kellogg & Humbert or E. Justh & Co. , for at that time the UnitedStates Mint was not in operation. But, as the reports of ourshipments came back from New York, I discovered that I was right, and Nisbet was wrong; and, although we could not help selling ourchecks on New York and St. Louis at the same price as otherbankers, I discovered that, at all events, the exchange business inSan Francisco was rather a losing business than profitable. Thesame as to loans. We could loan, at three per cent. A month, allour own money, say two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and apart of our deposit account. This latter account in California wasdecidedly uncertain. The balance due depositors would run down toa mere nominal sum on steamer-days, which were the 1st and 15th ofeach month, and then would increase till the next steamer-day, sothat we could not make use of any reasonable part of this balancefor loans beyond the next steamer-day; or, in other words, we hadan expensive bank, with expensive clerks, and all the machinery fortaking care of other people's money for their benefit, withoutcorresponding profit. I also saw that loans were attended withrisk commensurate with the rate; nevertheless, I could not attemptto reform the rules and customs established by others before me, and had to drift along with the rest toward that Niagara that noneforesaw at the time. 

Shortly after arriving out in 1853, we looked around for a site forthe new bank, and the only place then available on MontgomeryStreet, the Wall Street of San Francisco, was a lot at the cornerof Jackson Street, facing Montgomery, with an alley on the north, belonging to James Lick. The ground was sixty by sixty-two feet, and I had to pay for it thirty-two thousand dollars. I then made acontract with the builders, Keyser, & Brown, to erect a three-storybrick building, with finished basement, for about fifty thousanddollars. This made eighty-two thousand instead of fifty thousanddollars, but I thought Mr. Lucas could stand it and would approve, which he did, though it resulted in loss to him. After the civilwar, he told me he had sold the building for forty thousanddollars, about half its cost, but luckily gold was then at 250, sothat he could use the forty thousand dollars gold as the equivalentof one hundred thousand dollars currency. The building waserected; I gave it my personal supervision, and it was strongly andthoroughly built, for I saw it two years ago, when severalearthquakes had made no impression on it; still, the choice of sitewas unfortunate, for the city drifted in the opposite direction, viz. , toward Market Street. I then thought that all the heavybusiness would remain toward the foot of Broadway and JacksonStreet, because there were the deepest water and best wharves, butin this I made a mistake. Nevertheless, in the spring of 1854, thenew bank was finished, and we removed to it, paying rentsthereafter to our Mr. Lucas instead of to Adams & Co. A man namedWright, during the same season, built a still finer building justacross the street from us; Pioche, Bayerque & Co. Were alreadyestablished on another corner of Jackson Street, and the newMetropolitan Theatre was in progress diagonally opposite us. During the whole of 1854 our business steadily grew, our averagedeposits going up to half a million, and our sales of exchange andconsequent shipment of bullion averaging two hundred thousanddollars per steamer. I signed all bills of exchange, and insistedon Nisbet consulting me on loans and discounts. Spite of everycaution, however, we lost occasionally by bad loans, and worse bythe steady depreciation of real estate. The city of San Franciscowas then extending her streets, sewering them, and planking them, with three-inch lumber. In payment for the lumber and the work ofcontractors, the city authorities paid scrip in even sums of onehundred, five hundred, one thousand, and five thousand dollars. These formed a favorite collateral for loans at from fifty to sixtycents on the dollar, and no one doubted their ultimate value, either by redemption or by being converted into city bonds. The notes also of H. Meiggs, Neeley Thompson & Co. , etc. , lumber-dealers, were favorite notes, for they paid their interestpromptly, and lodged large margins of these street-improvementwarrants as collateral. At that time, Meiggs was a prominent man, lived in style in a large house on Broadway, was a member of theCity Council, and owned large saw-mills up the coast aboutMendocino. In him Nisbet had unbounded faith, but, for somereason, I feared or mistrusted him, and remember that I cautionedNisbet not to extend his credit, but to gradually contract hisloans. On looking over our bills receivable, then about sixhundred thousand dollars, I found Meiggs, as principal or indorser, owed us about eighty thousand dollars--all, however, secured bycity warrants; still, he kept bank accounts elsewhere, and wasgenerally a borrower. I instructed Nisbet to insist on hisreducing his line as the notes matured, and, as he found itindelicate to speak to Meiggs, I instructed him to refer him to me;accordingly, when, on the next steamer-day, Meiggs appealed at thecounter for a draft on Philadelphia, of about twenty thousanddollars, for which he offered his note and collateral, he wasreferred to me, and I explained to him that our draft was the sameas money; that he could have it for cash, but that we were alreadyin advance to him some seventy-five or eighty thousand dollars, andthat instead of increasing the amount I must insist on itsreduction. He inquired if I mistrusted his ability, etc. Iexplained, certainly not, but that our duty was to assist those whodid all their business with us, and, as our means were necessarilylimited, I must restrict him to some reasonable sum, say, twenty-five thousand dollars. Meiggs invited me to go with him to arich mercantile house on Clay Street, whose partners belonged inHamburg, and there, in the presence of the principals of the house, he demonstrated, as clearly as a proposition in mathematics, thathis business at Mendocino was based on calculations that could notfail. The bill of exchange which he wanted, he said would make thelast payment on a propeller already built in Philadelphia, whichwould be sent to San Francisco, to tow into and out of port theschooners and brigs that were bringing his lumber down the coast. Iadmitted all he said, but renewed my determination to limit hiscredit to twenty-five thousand dollars. The Hamburg firm thenagreed to accept for him the payment of all his debt to us, exceptthe twenty-five thousand dollars, payable in equal parts for thenext three steamer-days. Accordingly, Meiggs went back with me toour bank, wrote his note for twenty-five thousand dollars, andsecured it by mortgage on real estate and city warrants, andsubstituted the three acceptances of the Hamburg firm for theoverplus. I surrendered to him all his former notes, except one forwhich he was indorser. The three acceptances duly matured and werepaid; one morning Meiggs and family were missing, and it wasdiscovered they had embarked in a sailing-vessel for South America. This was the beginning of a series of failures in San Francisco, that extended through the next two years. As soon as it was knownthat Meiggs had fled, the town was full of rumors, and everybody wasrunning to and fro to secure his money. His debts amounted tonearly a million dollars. The Hamburg house which, had beenhumbugged, were heavy losers and failed, I think. I took possessionof Meiggs's dwelling-house and other property for which I held hismortgage, and in the city warrants thought I had an overplus; but ittranspired that Meiggs, being in the City Council, had issuedvarious quantities of street scrip, which was adjudged a forgery, though, beyond doubt, most of it, if not all, was properly signed, but fraudulently issued. On this city scrip our bank must have lostabout ten thousand dollars. Meiggs subsequently turned up in Chili, where again he rose to wealth and has paid much of his San Franciscodebts, but none to us. He is now in Peru, living like a prince. With Meiggs fell all the lumber-dealers, and many persons dealing incity scrip. Compared with others, our loss was a trifle. In ashort time things in San Francisco resumed their wonted course, andwe generally laughed at the escapade of Meiggs, and the cursing ofhis deluded creditors. 

Shortly after our arrival in San Francisco, I rented of a Mr. Marryat, son of the English Captain Marryat, the author, a smallframe-house on Stockton Street, near Green, buying of him hisfurniture, and we removed to it about December 1, 1853. Close by, around on Green Street, a man named Dickey was building two smallbrick-houses, on ground which he had leased of Nicholson. I boughtone of these houses, subject to the ground-rent, and moved into itas soon as finished. Lieutenant T. H. Stevens, of the UnitedStates Navy, with his family, rented the other; we lived in thishouse throughout the year 1854, and up to April 17, 1855. 

CHAPTER V. 

CALIFORNIA

1855-1857

During the winter of 1854-'55, I received frequent intimations inmy letters from the St. Louis house, that the bank of Page, Bacon &Co. Was in trouble, growing out of their relations to the Ohio &Mississippi Railroad, to the contractors for building which theyhad made large advances, to secure which they had been compelled totake, as it were, an assignment of the contract itself, and finallyto assume all the liabilities of the contractors. Then they had toborrow money in New York, and raise other money from time to time, in the purchase of iron and materials for the road, and to pay thehands. The firm in St. Louis and that in San Francisco weredifferent, having different partners, and the St. Louis housenaturally pressed the San Francisco firm to ship largely of"gold-dust, " which gave them a great name; also to keep as large abalance as possible in New York to sustain their credit. Mr. Pagewas a very wealthy man, but his wealth consisted mostly of land andproperty in St. Louis. He was an old man, and a good one; had beena baker, and knew little of banking as a business. This part ofhis general business was managed exclusively by his son-in-law, Henry D. Bacon, who was young, handsome, and generally popular. How he was drawn into that affair of the Ohio & Mississippi road Ihave no means of knowing, except by hearsay. Their business in NewYork was done through the American Exchange Bank, and throughDuncan, Sherman & Co. As we were rival houses, the St. Louispartners removed our account from the American Exchange Bank to theMetropolitan Bank; and, as Wadsworth & Sheldon had failed, I wasinstructed to deal in time bills, and in European exchange, withSchnchardt & Gebhard, bankers in Nassau Street. 

In California the house of Page, Bacon & Co. Was composed of thesame partners as in St. Louis, with the addition of Henry Haight, Judge Chambers, and young Frank Page. The latter had charge of the"branch" in Sacramento. Haight was the real head-man, but he wastoo fond of lager-beer to be in trusted with so large a business. Beyond all comparison, Page, Bacon & Co. Were the most prominentbankers in California in 1853-'55. Though I had notice of dangerin that quarter, from our partners in St. Louis, nobody inCalifornia doubted their wealth and stability. They must have had, during that winter, an average deposit account of nearly twomillion dollars, of which seven hundred thousand dollars was in"certificates of deposit, " the most stable of all accounts in abank. Thousands of miners invested their earnings in suchcertificates, which they converted into drafts on New York, whenthey were ready to go home or wanted to send their "pile" to theirfamilies. Adams & Co. Were next in order, because of theirnumerous offices scattered throughout the mining country. Agentleman named Haskell had been in charge of Adams & Co. In SanFrancisco, but in the winter of 1854-'55 some changes were made, and the banking department had been transferred to a magnificentoffice in Halleck's new Metropolitan Block. James King of Wm. Haddiscontinued business on his own account, and been employed byAdams & Co. As their cashier and banker, and Isaiah C. Wood hadsucceeded Haskell in chief control of the express department. Wells, Fargo & Co. Were also bankers as well as expressmen, andWilliam J. Pardee was the resident partner. 

As the mail-steamer came in on February 17, 1855, according to hercustom, she ran close to the Long Wharf (Meiggs's) on North Beach, to throw ashore the express-parcels of news for speedy delivery. Some passenger on deck called to a man of his acquaintance standingon the wharf, that Page & Bacon had failed in New York. The newsspread like wild-fire, but soon it was met by the newspaperaccounts to the effect that some particular acceptances of Page &Bacon, of St. Louis, in the hands of Duncan, Sherman & Co. , in NewYork, had gone to protest. All who had balances at Page, Bacon &Co. 's, or held certificates of deposit, were more or less alarmed, wanted to secure their money, and a general excitement pervaded thewhole community. Word was soon passed round that the matteradmitted of explanation, viz. , that the two houses were distinctand separate concerns, that every draft of the California house hadbeen paid in New York, and would continue to be paid. It wasexpected that this assertion would quiet the fears of theCalifornia creditors, but for the next three days there was asteady "run" on that bank. Page, Bacon & Co. Stood the first day'srun very well, and, as I afterward learned, paid out about sixhundred thousand dollars in gold coin. On the 20th of FebruaryHenry Height came to our bank, to see what help we were willing togive him; but I was out, and Nisbet could not answer positively forthe firm. Our condition was then very strong. The deposit accountwas about six hundred thousand dollars, and we had in our vaultabout five hundred thousand dollars in coin and bullion, besides anequal amount of good bills receivable. Still I did not like toweaken ourselves to help others; but in a most friendly spirit, that night after bank-hours, I went down to Page, Bacon & Co. , andentered their office from the rear. I found in the cashier's roomFolsom, Parrott, Dewey and Payne, Captain Ritchie, Donohue, andothers, citizens and friends of the house, who had been called infor consultation. Passing into the main office, where all thebook-keepers, tellers, etc. , with gas-lights, were busy writing upthe day's work, I found Mr. Page, Henry Height, and Judge Chambers. I spoke to Height, saying that I was sorry I had been out when hecalled at our bank, and had now come to see him in the mostfriendly spirit. Height had evidently been drinking, and saidabruptly that "all the banks would break, " that "no bank couldinstantly pay all its obligations, " etc. I answered he could speakfor himself, but not for me; that I had come to offer to buy withcash a fair proportion of his bullion, notes, and bills; but, ifthey were going to fail, I would not be drawn in. Height's mannerwas extremely offensive, but Mr. Page tried to smooth it over, saying they had had a bad day's run, and could not answer for theresult till their books were written up. 

I passed back again into the room where the before-named gentlemenwere discussing some paper which lay before them, and was going topass out, when Captain Folsom, who was an officer of the army, aclass-mate and intimate friend of mine, handed me the paper thecontents of which they were discussing. It was very short, and inHenry Haight's handwriting, pretty much in these terms: "We, theundersigned property-holders of San Francisco, having personallyexamined the books, papers, etc. , of Page, Bacon & Co. , do herebycertify that the house is solvent and able to pay all its debts, "etc. Height had drawn up and asked them to sign this paper, withthe intention to publish it in the next morning's papers, foreffect. While I was talking with Captain Folsom, Height came intothe room to listen. I admitted that the effect of such apublication would surely be good, and would probably stave offimmediate demand till their assets could be in part converted orrealized; but I naturally inquired of Folsom, "Have you personallyexamined the accounts, as herein recited, and the assets, enough towarrant your signature to this paper?" for, "thereby you in effectbecome indorsers. " Folsom said they had not, when Height turnedon me rudely and said, "Do you think the affairs of such a house asPage, Bacon & Co. Can be critically examined in an hour?" Ianswered: "These gentlemen can do what they please, but they havetwelve hours before the bank will open on the morrow, and if theledger is written up" (as I believed it was or could be bymidnight), "they can (by counting the coin, bullion on hand, andnotes or stocks of immediate realization) approximate near enoughfor them to indorse for the remainder. " But Height pooh-poohed me, and I left. Folsom followed me out, told me he could not afford toimperil all he had, and asked my advice. I explained to him thatmy partner Nisbet had been educated and trained in that very houseof Page, Bacon & Co. ; that we kept our books exactly as they did;that every day the ledger was written up, so that from it one couldsee exactly how much actual money was due the depositors andcertificates; and then by counting the money in the vault, estimating the bullion on hand, which, though not actual money, could easily be converted into coin, and supplementing theseamounts by "bills receivable, " they ought to arrive at anapproximate-result. After Folsom had left me, John Parrott alsostopped and talked with me to the same effect. Next morning Ilooked out for the notice, but no such notice appeared in themorning papers, and I afterward learned that, on Parrott and Folsomdemanding an actual count of the money in the vault, Haight angrilyrefused unless they would accept his word for it, when one afterthe other declined to sign his paper. 

The run on Page, Bacon & Co. Therefore continued throughout the21st, and I expected all day to get an invitation to close our bankfor the next day, February 22, which we could have made a holidayby concerted action; but each banker waited for Page, Bacon & Co. To ask for it, and, no such circular coming, in the then state offeeling no other banker was willing to take the initiative. On themorning of February 22, 1855, everybody was startled by receiving asmall slip of paper, delivered at all the houses, on which wasprinted a short notice that, for "want of coin, " Page, Bacon & Co. Found it necessary to close their bank for a short time. Ofcourse, we all knew the consequences, and that every other bank inSan Francisco would be tried. During the 22d we all kept open, andwatched our depositors closely; but the day was generally observedby the people as a holiday, and the firemen paraded the streets ofSan Francisco in unusual strength. But, on writing up our booksthat night, we found that our deposit account had diminished aboutsixty-five thousand dollars. Still, there was no run on us, or anyother of the banks, that day; yet, observing little knots of men onthe street, discussing the state of the banks generally, andoverhearing Haight's expression quoted, that, in case of thefailure of Page, Bacon & Co. , "all the other banks would break, " Ideemed it prudent to make ready. For some days we had refused allloans and renewals, and we tried, without, success, some of ourcall-loans; but, like Hotspur's spirits, they would not come. 

Our financial condition on that day (February 22, 1855) was: Duedepositors and demand certificates, five hundred and twentythousand dollars; to meet which, we had in the vault: coin, threehundred and eighty thousand dollars; bullion, seventy-five thousanddollars; and bills receivable, about six hundred thousand dollars. Of these, at least one hundred thousand dollars were on demand, with stock collaterals. Therefore, for the extent of our business, we were stronger than the Bank of England, or any bank in New YorkCity. 

Before daylight next morning, our door-bell was rung, and I wascalled down-stairs by E. Casserly, Esq. (an eminent lawyer of theday, since United States Senator), who informed me he had just comeup from the office of Adams & Co. , to tell me that their affairswere in such condition that they would not open that morning atall; and that this, added to the suspension of Page, Bacon & Co. , announced the day before, would surely cause a general run on allthe banks. I informed him that I expected as much, and wasprepared for it. 

In going down to the bank that morning, I found Montgomery Streetfull; but, punctually to the minute, the bank opened, and in rushedthe crowd. As usual, the most noisy and clamorous were men andwomen who held small certificates; still, others with largeraccounts were in the crowd, pushing forward for their balances. All were promptly met and paid. Several gentlemen of my personalacquaintance merely asked my word of honor that their money wassafe, and went away; others, who had large balances, and noimmediate use for coin, gladly accepted gold-bars, whereby we paidout the seventy-five thousand dollars of bullion, relieving thecoin to that amount. 

Meantime, rumors from the street came pouring in that Wright & Co. Had failed; then Wells, Fargo & Co. ; then Palmer, Cook & Co. , andindeed all, or nearly all, the banks of the city; and I was toldthat parties on the street were betting high, first, that we wouldclose our doors at eleven o'clock; then twelve, and so on; but wedid not, till the usual hour that night. We had paid every demand, and still had a respectable amount left. 

This run on the bank (the only one I ever experienced) presentedall the features, serious and comical, usual to such occasions. Atour counter happened that identical case, narrated of others, ofthe Frenchman, who was nearly squeezed to death in getting to thecounter, and, when he received his money, did not know what to dowith it. "If you got the money, I no want him; but if you no gothim, I want it like the devil!"

Toward the close of the day, some of our customers deposited, rather ostentatiously, small amounts, not aggregating more thaneight or ten thousand dollars. Book-keepers and tellers were keptat work to write up the books; and these showed:

Due depositors and certificates, about one hundred and twentythousand dollars, for which remained of coin about fifty thousanddollars. I resolved not to sleep until I had collected from thoseowing the bank a part of their debts; for I was angry with themthat they had stood back and allowed the panic to fall on the banksalone. Among these were Captain Folsom, who owed us twenty-fivethousand dollars, secured by a mortgage on the American Theatre andTehama Hotel; James Smiley, contractor for building theCustom-House, who owed us two notes of twenty thousand and sixteenthousand dollars, for which we held, as collateral, two acceptancesof the collector of the port, Major R. P. Hammond, for twentythousand dollars each; besides other private parties that I neednot name. The acceptances given to Smiley were for work done onthe Custom-House, but could not be paid until the work was actuallylaid in the walls, and certified by Major Tower, United StatesEngineers; but Smiley had an immense amount of granite, brick, iron, etc. , on the ground, in advance of construction, and theseacceptances were given him expressly that he might raise moneythereon for the payment of such materials. 

Therefore, as soon as I got my dinner, I took my saddle-horse, androde to Captain Folsom's house, where I found him in great pain anddistress, mental and physical. He was sitting in a chair, andbathing his head with a sponge. I explained to him the object ofmy visit, and he said he had expected it, and had already sent hisagent, Van Winkle, down-town, with instructions to raise what moneyhe could at any cost; but he did not succeed in raising a cent. Sogreat was the shock to public confidence, that men slept on theirmoney, and would not loan it for ten per cent. A week, on anysecurity whatever--even on mint certificates, which were as good asgold, and only required about ten days to be paid in coin by theUnited States Mint. I then rode up to Hammond's house, on RinconHill, and found him there. I explained to him exactly Smiley'saffairs, and only asked him to pay one of his acceptances. Heinquired, "Why not both?" I answered that was so much the better;it would put me under still greater obligations. He then agreed tomeet me at our bank at 10 P. M. I sent word to others that Idemanded them to pay what they could on their paper, and thenreturned to the bank, to meet Hammond. In due time, he came downwith Palmer (of Palmer, Cook & Co. ), and there he met Smiley, whowas, of course, very anxious to retire his notes. We therediscussed the matter fully, when Hammond said, "Sherman, give me upmy two acceptances, and I will substitute therefor my check offorty thousand dollars, " with "the distinct understanding that, ifthe money is not needed by you, it shall be returned to me, and thetransaction then to remain statu quo. " To this there was a generalassent. Nisbet handed him his two acceptances, and he handed mehis check, signed as collector of the port, on Major J. R. Snyder, United States Treasurer, for forty thousand dollars. I afterwardrode out, that night, to Major Snyder's house on North Beach, sawhim, and he agreed to meet me at 8 a. M. Next day, at the UnitedStates Mint, and to pay the check, so that I could have the moneybefore the bank opened. The next morning, as agreed on, we met, and he paid me the check in two sealed bags of gold-coin, eachmarked twenty thousand dollars, which I had carried to the bank, but never opened them, or even broke the seals. 

That morning our bank opened as usual, but there was no appearanceof a continuation of the "run;" on the contrary, money began tocome back on deposit, so that by night we had a considerableincrease, and this went on from day to day, till nearly the oldcondition of things returned. After about three days, finding Ihad no use for the money obtained on Hammond's check, I took theidentical two bags back to the cashier of the Custom-House, andrecovered the two acceptances which had been surrendered asdescribed; and Smiley's two notes were afterward paid in their duecourse, out of the cash received on those identical acceptances. But, years afterward, on settling with Hammond for the Custom-Housecontract when completed, there was a difference, and Smiley suedLucas, Turner & Co. For money had and received for his benefit, being the identical forty thousand dollars herein explained, but helost his case. Hammond, too, was afterward removed from office, and indicted in part for this transaction. He was tried before theUnited States Circuit Court, Judge McAlister presiding, for aviolation of the sub-Treasury Act, but was acquitted. Our bank, having thus passed so well through the crisis, took at once a firstrank; but these bank failures had caused so many mercantile losses, and had led to such an utter downfall in the value of real estate, that everybody lost more or less money by bad debts, bydepreciation of stocks and collaterals, that became unsalable, ifnot worthless. 

About this time (viz. , February, 1855) I had exchanged my house onGreen, street, with Mr. Sloat, for the half of a fifty-vara lot onHarrison Street, between Fremont and First, on which there was asmall cottage, and I had contracted for the building of a newframe-house thereon, at six thousand dollars. This house wasfinished on the 9th of April, and my family moved into it at once. 

For some time Mrs. Sherman had been anxious to go home toLancaster, Ohio, where we had left our daughter Minnie, with hergrandparents, and we arranged that S. M. Bowman, Esq. , and wife, should move into our new house and board us, viz. , Lizzie, Williewith the nurse Biddy, and myself, for a fair consideration. It sohappened that two of my personal friends, Messrs. Winters andCunningham of Marysville, and a young fellow named Eagan, now acaptain in the Commissary Department, were going East in thesteamer of the middle of April, and that Mr.. William H. Aspinwall, of New York, and Mr. Chauncey, of Philadelphia, werealso going back; and they all offered to look to the personalcomfort of Mrs. Sherman on the voyage. They took passage in thesteamer Golden Age (Commodore Watkins), which sailed on April 17, 1855. Their passage down the coast was very pleasant till within aday's distance of Panama, when one bright moonlit night, April29th, the ship, running at full speed, between the Islands Quiboand Quicara, struck on a sunken reef, tore out a streak in herbottom, and at once began to fill with water. Fortunately she didnot sink fast, but swung off into deep water, and Commodore Watkinshappening to be on deck at the moment, walking with Mr. Aspinwall, learning that the water was rushing in with great rapidity, gaveorders for a full head of steam, and turned the vessel's bowstraight for the Island Quicara. The water rose rapidly in thehold, the passengers were all assembled, fearful of going down, thefires were out, and the last revolution of the wheels made, whenher bow touched gently on the beach, and the vessel's stern sank indeep water. Lines were got out, and the ship held in an uprightposition, so that the passengers were safe, and but littleincommoded. I have often heard Mrs. Sherman tell of the boy Eagan, then about fourteen years old, coming to her state-room, andtelling to her not to be afraid, as he was a good swimmer; but oncoming out into the cabin, partially dressed, she felt moreconfidence in the cool manner, bearing, and greater strength of Mr. Winters. There must have been nearly a thousand souls on board atthe time, few of whom could have been saved had the steamer gonedown in mid-channel, which surely would have resulted, had notCommodore Watkins been on deck, or had he been less prompt in hisdetermination to beach his ship. A sailboat was dispatched towardPanama, which luckily met the steamer John T. Stephens, just comingout of the bay, loaded with about a thousand passengers bound forSan Francisco, and she at once proceeded to the relief of theGolden Age. Her passengers were transferred in small boats to theStephens, which vessel, with her two thousand people crowdedtogether with hardly standing-room, returned to Panama, whence thepassengers for the East proceeded to their destination withoutfurther delay. Luckily for Mrs. Sherman, Purser Goddard, an oldOhio friend of ours, was on the Stephens, and most kindly gave uphis own room to her, and such lady friends as she included in herparty. The Golden Age was afterward partially repaired at Quicara, pumped out, and steamed to Panama, when, after further repairs, sheresumed her place in the line. I think she is still in existence, but Commodore Watkins afterward lost his life in China, by fallingdown a hatchway. 

Mrs. Sherman returned in the latter part of November of the sameyear, when Mr. And Mrs. Bowman, who meantime had bought a lot nextto us and erected a house thereon, removed to it, and we thuscontinued close neighbors and friends until we left the country forgood in 1857. 

During the summer of 1856, in San Francisco, occurred one of thoseunhappy events, too common to new countries, in which I becameinvolved in spite of myself. 

William Neely Johnson was Governor of California, and resided atSacramento City; General John E. Wool commanded the Department ofCalifornia, having succeeded General Hitchcock, and had hisheadquarters at Benicia; and a Mr. Van Ness was mayor of the city. Politics had become a regular and profitable business, andpoliticians were more than suspected of being corrupt. It wasreported and currently believed that the sheriff (Scannell) hadbeen required to pay the Democratic Central Committee a hundredthousand dollars for his nomination, which was equivalent to anelection, for an office of the nominal salary of twelve thousanddollars a year for four years. In the election all sorts ofdishonesty were charged and believed, especially of "ballot-boxstuffing, " and too generally the better classes avoided theelections and dodged jury-duty, so that the affairs of the citygovernment necessarily passed into the hands of a low set ofprofessional politicians. Among them was a man named James Casey, who edited a small paper, the printing office of which was in aroom on the third floor of our banking office. I hardly knew himby sight, and rarely if ever saw his paper; but one day Mr. Sather, of the excellent banking firm of Drexel, Sather & Church, came tome, and called my attention to an article in Casey's paper so fullof falsehood and malice, that we construed it as an effort toblack-mail the banks generally. At that time we were all laboringto restore confidence, which had been so rudely shaken by thepanic, and I went up-stairs, found Casey, and pointed out to himthe objectionable nature of his article, told him plainly that Icould not tolerate his attempt to print and circulate slanders inour building, and, if he repeated it, I would cause him and hispress to be thrown out of the windows. He took the hint and movedto more friendly quarters. I mention this fact, to show myestimate of the man, who became a figure in the drama I am about todescribe. James King of Wm. , as before explained, was in 1853 abanker on his own account, but some time in 1854 he had closed outhis business, and engaged with Adams & Co. As cashier. When thisfirm failed, he, in common with all the employees, was thrown outof employment, and had to look around for something else. Hesettled down to the publication of an evening paper, called theBulletin, and, being a man of fine manners and address, he at onceconstituted himself the champion of society against the public andprivate characters whom he saw fit to arraign. 

As might have been expected, this soon brought him into the usualnewspaper war with other editors, and especially with Casey, andepithets a la "Eatanswill" were soon bandying back and forthbetween them. One evening of May, 1856, King published, in theBulletin, copies of papers procured from New York, to show thatCasey had once been sentenced to the State penitentiary at SingSing. Casey took mortal offense, and called at the Bulletinoffice, on the corner of Montgomery and Merchant Streets, where hefound King, and violent words passed between them, resulting inCasey giving King notice that he would shoot him on sight. Kingremained in his office till about 5 or 6 p. M. , when he startedtoward his home on Stockton Street, and, as he neared the corner ofWashington, Casey approached him from the opposite direction, called to him, and began firing. King had on a short cloak, and inhis breast-pocket a small pistol, which he did not use. One ofCasey's shots struck him high up in the breast, from which hereeled, was caught by some passing friend, and carried into theexpress-office on the corner, where he was laid on the counter; anda surgeon sent for. Casey escaped up Washington Street, went tothe City Hall, and delivered himself to the sheriff (Scannell), whoconveyed him to jail and locked him in a cell. Meantime, the newsspread like wildfire, and all the city was in commotion, for grogwas very popular. Nisbet, who boarded with us on Harrison Street, had been delayed at the bank later than usual, so that he happenedto be near at the time, and, when he came out to dinner, he broughtme the news of this affair, and said that there was everyappearance of a riot down-town that night. This occurred towardthe evening of May 14, 1856. 

It so happened that, on the urgent solicitation of Van Winkle andof Governor Johnson; I had only a few days before agreed to acceptthe commission of major-general of the Second Division of Militia, embracing San Francisco. I had received the commission, buthad not as yet formally accepted it, or even put myself incommunication with the volunteer companies of the city. Of these, at that moment of time, there was a company of artillery with fourguns, commanded by a Captain Johns, formerly of the army, and twoor three uniformed companies of infantry. After dinner I went downtown to see what was going on; found that King had been removed toa room in the Metropolitan Block; that his life was in great peril;that Casey was safe in jail, and the sheriff had called to hisassistance a posse of the city police, some citizens, and one ofthe militia companies. The people were gathered in groups on thestreets, and the words "Vigilance Committee" were freely spoken, but I saw no signs of immediate violence. The next morning, Iagain went to the jail, and found all things quiet, but the militiahad withdrawn. I then went to the City Hall, saw the mayor, VanNess, and some of the city officials, agreed to do what I could tomaintain order with such militia as were on hand, and then formallyaccepted the commission, and took the "oath. "

In 1851 (when I was not in California) there had been a VigilanceCommittee, and it was understood that its organization stillexisted. All the newspapers took ground in favor of the VigilanceCommittee, except the Herald (John Nugent, editor), and nearly allthe best people favored that means of redress. I could see theywere organizing, hiring rendezvous, collecting arms, etc. , withoutconcealment. It was soon manifest that the companies of volunteerswould go with the "committee, " and that the public authoritiescould not rely on them for aid or defense. Still, there were agood many citizens who contended that, if the civil authoritieswere properly sustained by the people at large, they could andwould execute the law. But the papers inflamed the public mind, and the controversy spread to the country. About the third dayafter the shooting of King, Governor Johnson telegraphed me that hewould be down in the evening boat, and asked me to meet him onarrival for consultation. I got C. H. Garrison to go with me, andwe met the Governor and his brother on the wharf, and walked up tothe International Hotel on Jackson Street, above Montgomery. Wediscussed the state of affairs fully; and Johnson, on learning thathis particular friend, William T. Coleman, was the president of theVigilance Committee, proposed to go and see him. En route westopped at King's room, ascertained that he was slowly sinking, andcould not live long; and then near midnight we walked to theTurnverein Hall, where the committee was known to be sitting inconsultation. This hall was on Bush Street, at about theintersection of Stockton. It was all lighted up within, but thedoor was locked. The Governor knocked at the door, and on inquiryfrom inside "Who's there?"--gave his name. After some delay wewere admitted into a sort of vestibule, beyond which was a largehall, and we could hear the suppressed voices of a multitude. Wewere shown into a bar-room to the right, when the Governor asked tosee Coleman. The man left us, went into the main hall, and soonreturned with Coleman, who was pale and agitated. After shakinghands all round, the Governor said, "Coleman, what the devil is thematter here?" Coleman said, "Governor, it is time this shooting onour streets should stop. " The Governor replied, "I agree with youperfectly, and have come down, from Sacramento to assist. " Colemanrejoined that "the people were tired of it, and had no faith in theofficers of the law. " A general conversation then followed, inwhich it was admitted that King would die, and that Casey must beexecuted; but the manner of execution was the thing to be settled, Coleman contending that the people would do it without trusting thecourts or the sheriff. It so happened that at that time JudgeNorton was on the bench of the court having jurisdiction, and hewas universally recognized as an able and upright man, whom no onecould or did mistrust; and it also happened that a grand-jury wasthen in session. Johnson argued that the time had passed inCalifornia for mobs and vigilance committees, and said if Colemanand associates would use their influence to support the law, he(the Governor) would undertake that, as soon as King died, thegrand-jury should indict, that Judge Norton would try the murderer, and the whole proceeding should be as speedy as decency wouldallow. Then Coleman said "the people had no confidence inScannell, the sheriff, " who was, he said, in collusion with therowdy element of San Francisco. Johnson then offered to bepersonally responsible that Casey should be safely guarded, andshould be forthcoming for trial and execution at the proper time. I remember very well Johnson's assertion that he had no right tomake these stipulations, and maybe no power to fulfill them; but hedid it to save the city and state from the disgrace of a mob. Coleman disclaimed that the vigilance organization was a "mob, "admitted that the proposition of the Governor was fair, and all heor any one should ask; and added, if we would wait awhile, he wouldsubmit it to the council, and bring back an answer. 

We waited nearly an hour, and could hear the hum of voicesin the hall, but no words, when Coleman came back, accompanied by acommittee, of which I think the two brothers Arrington, ThomasSmiley the auctioneer, Seymour, Truett, and others, were members. The whole conversation was gone over again, and the Governor'sproposition was positively agreed to, with this further condition, that the Vigilance Committee should send into the jail a smallforce of their own men, to make certain that Casey should not becarried off or allowed to escape. 

The Governor, his brother William, Garrison, and I, then went up tothe jail, where we found the sheriff and his posse comitatus ofpolice and citizens. These were styled the "Law-and-Order party, "and some of them took offense that the Governor should have heldcommunication with the "damned rebels, " and several of them leftthe jail; but the sheriff seemed to agree with the Governor thatwhat he had done was right and best; and, while we were there, someeight or ten armed men arrived from the Vigilance Committee, andwere received by the sheriff (Scannell) as a part of his regularposse. 

The Governor then, near daylight, went to his hotel, and I to myhouse for a short sleep. Next day I was at the bank, as usual, when, about noon the Governor called, and asked me to walk with himdown-street He said he had just received a message from theVigilance Committee to the effect that they were not bound byColeman's promise not to do any thing till the regular trial byjury should be had, etc. He was with reason furious, and asked meto go with him to Truett's store, over which the ExecutiveCommittee was said to be in session. We were admitted to afront-room up-stairs, and heard voices in the back-room. TheGovernor inquired for Coleman, but he was not forthcoming. Anotherof the committee, Seymour, met us, denied in toto the promise ofthe night before, and the Governor openly accused him of treacheryand falsehood. 

The quarrel became public, and the newspapers took it up, bothparties turning on the Governor; one, the Vigilantes, denying thepromise made by Coleman, their president; and the other, the"Law-and-Order party, " refusing any farther assistance, becauseJohnson had stooped to make terms with rebels. At all events, hewas powerless, and had to let matters drift to a conclusion. 

King died about Friday, May 20th, and the funeral was appointed forthe next Sunday. Early on that day the Governor sent for me at myhouse. I found him on the roof of the International, from which welooked down on the whole city, and more especially the face ofTelegraph Hill, which was already covered with a crowd of people, while others were moving toward the jail on Broadway. Parties ofarmed men, in good order, were marching by platoons in the samedirection; and formed in line along Broadway, facing the jail-door. Soon a small party was seen to advance to this door, and knock; aparley ensued, the doors were opened, and Casey was led out. In afew minutes another prisoner was brought out, who, proved to beCora, a man who had once been tried for killing Richardson, theUnited States Marshal, when the jury disagreed, and he was awaitinga new trial. These prisoners were placed in carriages, andescorted by the armed force down to the rooms of the VigilanceCommittee, through the principal streets of the city. The day wasexceedingly beautiful, and the whole proceeding was orderly in theextreme. I was under the impression that Casey and Cora werehanged that same Sunday, but was probably in error; but in a veryfew days they were hanged by the neck--dead--suspended from beamsprojecting from the windows of the committee's rooms, without othertrial than could be given in secret, and by night. 

We all thought the matter had ended there, and accordingly theGovernor returned to Sacramento in disgust, and I went about mybusiness. But it soon became manifest that the Vigilance Committeehad no intention to surrender the power thus usurped. They took abuilding on Clay Street, near Front, fortified it, employed guardsand armed sentinels, sat in midnight council, issued writs ofarrest and banishment, and utterly ignored all authority but theirown. A good many men were banished and forced to leave thecountry, but they were of that class we could well spare. YankeeSullivan, a prisoner in their custody, committed suicide, and afeeling of general insecurity pervaded the city. Business wasderanged; and the Bulletin, then under control of Tom King, abrother of James, poured out its abuse on some of our best men, aswell as the worst. Governor Johnson, being again appealed to, concluded to go to work regularly, and telegraphed me about the 1stof June to meet him at General Wool's headquarters at Benicia thatnight. I went up, and we met at the hotel where General Wool wasboarding. Johnson had with him his Secretary of State. Wediscussed the state of the country generally, and I had agreed thatif Wool would give us arms and ammunition out of the United StatesArsenal at Benicia, and if Commodore Farragat, of the navy, commanding the navy-yard on Mare Island, would give us a ship, Iwould call out volunteers, and, when a sufficient number hadresponded, I would have the arms come down from Benicia in theship, arm my men, take possession of a thirty-two-pound-gun batteryat the Marine Hospital on Rincon Point, thence command a dispersionof the unlawfully-armed force of the Vigilance Committee, andarrest some of the leaders. 

We played cards that night, carrying on a conversation, in whichWool insisted on a proclamation commanding the Vigilance Committeeto disperse, etc. , and he told us how he had on some occasion, asfar back as 1814, suppressed a mutiny on the Northern frontier. Idid not understand him to make any distinct promise of assistancethat night, but he invited us to accompany him on an inspection ofthe arsenal the next day, which we did. On handling some rifledmuskets in the arsenal storehouse he asked me how they would answerour purpose. I said they were the very things, and that we did notwant cartridge boxes or belts, but that I would have the cartridgescarried in the breeches-pockets, and the caps in the vestpockets. I knew that there were stored in that arsenal four thousandmuskets, for I recognized the boxes which we had carried out in theLexington around Cape Horn in 1846. Afterward we all met at thequarters of Captain D. R. Jones of the army, and I saw theSecretary of State, D. F. Douglass, Esq. , walk out with GeneralWool in earnest conversation, and this Secretary of State afterwardasserted that Wool there and then promised us the arms andammunition, provided the Governor would make his proclamation forthe committee to disperse, and that I should afterward call out themilitia, etc. On the way back to the hotel at Benicia, GeneralWool, Captain Callendar of the arsenal, and I, were walking side byside, and I was telling him (General Wool) that I would also needsome ammunition for the thirty-two-pound guns then in position atRineon Point, when Wool turned to Callendar and inquired, "Did Inot order those guns to be brought away?" Callendar said "Yes, general. I made a requisition on the quartermaster fortransportation, but his schooner has been so busy that the guns arestill there. " Then said Wool: "Let them remain; we may have use forthem. " I therefrom inferred, of course, that it was all agreed toso far as he was concerned. 

Soon after we had reached the hotel, we ordered a buggy, andGovernor Johnson and I drove to Vallejo, six miles, crossed over toMare Island, and walked up to the commandant's house, where wefound Commodore Farragut and his family. We stated our businessfairly, but the commodore answered very frankly that he had noauthority, without orders from his department, to take any part incivil broils; he doubted the wisdom of the attempt; said he had noship available except the John Adams, Captain Boutwell, and thatshe needed repairs. But he assented at last, to the proposition tolet the sloop John Adams drop down abreast of the city aftercertain repairs, to lie off there for moral effect, which afterwardactually occurred. 

We then returned to Benicia, and Wool's first question was, "Whatluck?" We answered, "Not much, " and explained what CommodoreFarragut could and would do, and that, instead of having a navalvessel, we would seize and use one of the Pacific Mail Company'ssteamers, lying at their dock in Benicia, to carry down to SanFrancisco the arms and munitions when the time came. 

As the time was then near at hand for the arrival of the eveningboats, we all walked down to the wharf together, where I toldJohnson that he could not be too careful; that I had not heardGeneral Wool make a positive promise of assistance. 

Upon this, Johnson called General Wool to one side, and we threedrew together. Johnson said: "General Wool, General Sherman isvery particular, and wants to know exactly what you propose to do. "Wool answered: "I understand, Governor, that in the first place awrit of Habeas corpus will be issued commanding the jailers of theVigilance Committee to produce the body of some one of theprisoners held by them (which, of course, will be refused); thatyou then issue your proclamation commanding them to disperse, and, failing this, you will call out the militia, and command GeneralSherman with it to suppress the Vigilance Committee as an unlawfulbody;" to which the Governor responded, "Yes. " "Then, " said Wool, "on General Sherman's making his requisition, approved by you, Iwill order the issue of the necessary arms and ammunition. " Iremember well that I said, emphatically: "That is all I want. --Now, Governor, you may go ahead. " We soon parted; Johnson andDouglas taking the boat to Sacramento, and I to San Francisco. 

The Chief-Justice, Terry, came to San Francisco the next day, issued a writ of habeas corpus for the body of one Maloney, whichwrit was resisted, as we expected. The Governor then issued hisproclamation, and I published my orders, dated June 4, 1855. TheQuartermaster-General of the State, General Kibbe, also came to SanFrancisco, took an office in the City Hall, engaged several roomsfor armories, and soon the men began to enroll into companies. Inmy general orders calling out the militia, I used the expression, "When a sufficient number of men are enrolled, arms and ammunitionwill be supplied. " Some of the best men of the "Vigilantes" cameto me and remonstrated, saying that collision would surely result;that it would be terrible, etc. All I could say in reply was, thatit was for them to get out of the way. "Remove your fort; ceaseyour midnight councils; and prevent your armed bodies frompatrolling the streets. " They inquired where I was to get arms, and I answered that I had them certain. But personally I wentright along with my business at the bank, conscious that at anymoment we might have trouble. Another committee of citizens, aconciliatory body, was formed to prevent collision if possible, andthe newspapers boiled over with vehement vituperation. This secondcommittee was composed of such men as Crockett, Ritchie, Thornton, Bailey Peyton, Foote, Donohue, Kelly, and others, a class of themost intelligent and wealthy men of the city, who earnestly andhonestly desired to prevent bloodshed. They also came to me, and Itold them that our men were enrolling very fast, and that, when Ideemed the right moment had come, the Vigilance Committee mustdisperse, else bloodshed and destruction of property wouldinevitably follow. They also had discovered that the better men ofthe Vigilance Committee itself were getting tired of the business, and thought that in the execution of Casey and Cora, and thebanishment of a dozen or more rowdies, they had done enough, andwere then willing to stop. It was suggested that, if ourLaw-and-Order party would not arm, by a certain day near at handthe committee would disperse, and some of their leaders wouldsubmit to an indictment and trial by a jury of citizens, which theyknew would acquit them of crime. One day in the bank a man calledme to the counter and said, "If you expect to get arms of GeneralWool, you will be mistaken, for I was at Benicia yesterday, andheard him say he would not give them. " This person was known to meto be a man of truth, and I immediately wrote to General Wool aletter telling him what I had heard, and how any hesitation on hispart would compromise me as a man of truth and honor; adding that Idid not believe we should ever need the arms, but only the promiseof them, for "the committee was letting down, and would soondisperse and submit to the law, " etc. I further asked him toanswer me categorically that very night, by the Stockton boat, which would pass Benicia on its way down about midnight, and Iwould sit up and wait for his answer. I did wait for his letter, but it did not come, and the next day I got a telegraphic dispatchfrom Governor Johnson, who, at Sacramento, had also heard ofGeneral Wool's "back-down, " asking me to meet him again at Beniciathat night. 

I went up in the evening boat, and found General Wool'saide-de-camp, Captain Arnold, of the army, on the wharf, with aletter in his hand, which he said was for me. I asked for it, buthe said he knew its importance, and preferred we should go toGeneral Wool's room together, and the general could hand it to me inperson. We did go right up to General Wool's, who took the sealedparcel and laid it aside, saying that it was literally a copy of onehe had sent to Governor Johnson, who would doubtless give me a copy;but I insisted that I had made a written communication, and wasentitled to a written answer. 

At that moment several gentlemen of the "Conciliation party, " whohad come up in the same steamer with me, asked for admission andcame in. I recall the names of Crockett, Foote, Bailey Peyton, Judge Thornton, Donohue, etc. , and the conversation became general, Wool trying to explain away the effect of our misunderstanding, taking good pains not to deny his promise made to me personally onthe wharf. I renewed my application for the letter addressed tome, then lying on his table. On my statement of the case, BaileyPeyton said, "General Wool, I think General Sherman has a right toa written answer from you, for he is surely compromised. " Uponthis Wool handed me the letter. I opened and read it, and itdenied any promise of arms, but otherwise was extremely evasive andnon-committal. I had heard of the arrival at the wharf of theGovernor and party, and was expecting them at Wool's room, but, instead of stopping at the hotel where we were, they passed toanother hotel on the block above. I went up and found there, in aroom on the second floor over the bar-room, Governor Johnson, Chief-Justice Terry, Jones, of Palmer, Cooke & Co. , E. D. Baker, Volney E. Howard, and one or two others. All were talkingfuriously against Wool, denouncing him as a d---d liar, and notsparing the severest terms. I showed the Governor General Wool'sletter to me, which he said was in effect the same as the oneaddressed to and received by him at Sacramento. He was so offendedthat he would not even call on General Wool, and said he wouldnever again recognize him as an officer or gentleman. We discussedmatters generally, and Judge Terry said that the VigilanceCommittee were a set of d---d pork-merchants; that they weregetting scared, and that General Wool was in collusion with them tobring the State into contempt, etc. I explained that there were noarms in the State except what General Wool had, or what were in thehands of the Vigilance Committee of San Francisco, and that thepart of wisdom for us was to be patient and cautious. About thattime Crockett and his associates sent up their cards, but Terry andthe more violent of the Governor's followers denounced them as nobetter than "Vigilantes, " and wanted the Governor to refuse even toreceive them. I explained that they were not "Vigilantes, " thatJudge Thornton was a "Law-and-Order" man, was one of the first torespond to the call of the sheriff, and that he went actually tothe jail with his one arm the night we expected the first attemptat rescue, etc. Johnson then sent word for them to reduce theirbusiness to writing. They simply sent in a written request for anaudience, and they were then promptly admitted. After some generalconversation, the Governor said he was prepared to hear them, whenMr. Crockett rose and made a prepared speech embracing a clear andfair statement of the condition of things in San Francisco, concluding with the assertion of the willingness of the committeeto disband and submit to trial after a certain date not veryremote. All the time Crockett was speaking, Terry sat with his haton, drawn over his eyes, and with his feet on a table. As soon asCrockett was through, they were dismissed, and Johnson began toprepare a written answer. This was scratched, altered, andamended, to suit the notions of his counselors, and at last wascopied and sent. This answer amounted to little or nothing. Seeing that we were powerless for good, and that violent counselswould prevail under the influence of Terry and others, I sat downat the table, and wrote my resignation, which Johnson accepted in acomplimentary note on the spot, and at the same time he appointedto my place General Volney E. Howard, then present, a lawyer whohad once been a member of Congress from Texas, and who was expectedto drive the d---d pork-merchants into the bay at short notice. Iwent soon after to General Wool's room, where I found Crockett andthe rest of his party; told them that I was out of the fight, having resigned my commission; that I had neglected business thathad been intrusted to me by my St. Louis partners; and that I wouldthenceforward mind my own business, and leave public affairsseverely alone. We all returned to San Francisco that night by theStockton boat, and I never after-ward had any thing to do withpolitics in California, perfectly satisfied with that shortexperience. Johnson and Wool fought out their quarrel of veracityin the newspapers and on paper. But, in my opinion, there is not ashadow of doubt that General Wool did deliberately deceive us; thathe had authority to issue arms, and that, had he adhered to hispromise, we could have checked the committee before it became afixed institution, and a part of the common law of California. Major-General Volney E. Howard came to San Francisco soon after;continued the organization of militia which I had begun; succeededin getting a few arms from the country; but one day the VigilanceCommittee sallied from their armories, captured the arms of the"Law-and-Order party, " put some of their men into prison, whileGeneral Howard, with others, escaped to the country; after whichthe Vigilance Committee had it all their own way. Subsequently, inJuly, 1856, they arrested Chief-Justice Terry, and tried him forstabbing one of their constables, but he managed to escape atnight, and took refuge on the John Adams. In August, they hangedHetherington and Brace in broad daylight, without any jury-trial;and, soon after, they quietly disbanded. As they controlled thepress, they wrote their own history, and the world generally givesthem the credit of having purged San Francisco of rowdies androughs; but their success has given great stimulus to a dangerousprinciple, that would at any time justify the mob in seizing allthe power of government; and who is to say that the VigilanceCommittee may not be composed of the worst, instead of the best, elements of a community? Indeed, in San Francisco, as soon as itwas demonstrated that the real power had passed from the City Hallto the committee room, the same set of bailiffs, constables, androwdies that had infested the City Hall were found in theemployment of the "Vigilantes;" and, after three monthsexperience, the better class of people became tired of the midnightsessions and left the business and power of the committee in thehands of a court, of which a Sydney man was reported to be the heador chief-justice. 

During the winter of 1855-'56, and indeed throughout the year 1856, all kinds of business became unsettled in California. The minescontinued to yield about fifty millions of gold a year; but littleattention was paid to agriculture or to any business other thanthat of "mining, " and, as the placer-gold was becoming worked out, the miners were restless and uneasy, and were shifting about fromplace to place, impelled by rumors put afloat for speculativepurposes. A great many extensive enterprises by joint-stockcompanies had been begun, in the way of water-ditches, to bringwater from the head of the mountain-streams down to the richeralluvial deposits, and nearly all of these companies becameembarrassed or bankrupt. Foreign capital, also, which had beenattracted to California by reason of the high rates of interest, was being withdrawn, or was tied up in property which could not besold; and, although our bank's having withstood the panic gave usgreat credit, still the community itself was shaken, and loans ofmoney were risky in the extreme. A great many merchants, of thehighest name, availed themselves of the extremely liberal bankruptlaw to get discharged of their old debts, without sacrificing much, if any, of their stocks of goods on hand, except a lawyer's fee;thus realizing Martin Burke's saying that "many a clever fellow hadbeen ruined by paying his debts. " The merchants and business-menof San Francisco did not intend to be ruined by such a course. Iraised the rate of exchange from three to three and a half, whileothers kept on at the old rate; and I labored hard to collect olddebts, and strove, in making new loans, to be on the safe side. The State and city both denied much of their public debt; in fact, repudiated it; and real estate, which the year before had beenfirst-class security, became utterly unsalable. 

The office labor and confinement, and the anxiety attending thebusiness, aggravated my asthma to such an extent that at times itdeprived me of sleep, and threatened to become chronic and serious;and I was also conscious that the first and original cause whichhad induced Mr. Lucas to establish the bank in California hadceased. I so reported to him, and that I really believed that hecould use his money more safely and to better advantage in St. Louis. This met his prompt approval, and he instructed megradually to draw out, preparatory to a removal to New York City. Accordingly, early in April, 1857, I published an advertisement inthe San Francisco papers, notifying our customers that, on the 1stday of May, we would discontinue business and remove East, requiring all to withdraw their accounts, and declaring that, if any remained on that day of May, their balances would betransferred to the banking-house of Parrott & Co. Punctually to theday, this was done, and the business of Lucas, Turner & Co. , of SanFrancisco, was discontinued, except the more difficult anddisagreeable part of collecting their own moneys and selling thereal estate, to which the firm had succeeded by purchase orforeclosure. One of the partners, B. R. Nisbet, assisted by ourattorney, S. M. Bowman, Esq. , remained behind to close up thebusiness of the bank. 

CHAPTER VI. 

CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, AND KANSAS. 

1857-1859. 

Having closed the bank at San Francisco on the 1st day of May, 1857, accompanied by my family I embarked in the steamer Sonora forPanama, crossed the isthmus, and sailed to New York, whence weproceeded to Lancaster, Ohio, where Mrs. Sherman and the familystopped, and I went on to St. Louis. I found there that somechanges had been made in the parent, house, that Mr. Lucas hadbought out his partner, Captain Symonds, and that the firm's namehad been changed to that of James H. Lucas & Co. 

It had also been arranged that an office or branch was to beestablished in New York City, of which I was to have charge, onpretty much the same terms and conditions as in the previous SanFrancisco firm. 

Mr. Lucas, Major Turner, and I, agreed to meet in New York, soonafter the 4th of July. We met accordingly at the MetropolitanHotel, selected an office, No. 12 Pall Street, purchased thenecessary furniture, and engaged a teller, bookkeeper, and porter. The new firm was to bear the same title of Lucas, Turner & Co. , with about the same partners in interest, but the nature of thebusiness was totally different. We opened our office on the 21stof July, 1857, and at once began to receive accounts from the Westand from California, but our chief business was as the residentagents of the St. Louis firm of James H. Lucas & Co. Personally Itook rooms at No. 100 Prince Street, in which house were alsoquartered Major J. G. Barnard, and Lieutenant J. B. McPherson, United States Engineers, both of whom afterward attained great famein the civil war. 

My business relations in New York were with the Metropolitan Bankand Bank of America; and with the very wealthy and most respectablefirm of Schuchhardt & Gebhard, of Nassau Street. Every thing wentalong swimmingly till the 21st of August, when all Wall Street wasthrown into a spasm by the failure of the Ohio Life and TrustCompany, and the panic so resembled that in San Francisco, that, having nothing seemingly at stake, I felt amused. But it soonbecame a serious matter even to me. Western stocks and securitiestumbled to such a figure, that all Western banks that held suchsecurities, and had procured advances thereon, were compelled topay up or substitute increased collaterals. Our own house wasnot a borrower in New York at all, but many of our Westerncorrespondents were, and it taxed my tune to watch their interests. In September, the panic extended so as to threaten the safety ofeven some of the New York banks not connected with the West; andthe alarm became general, and at last universal. 

In the very midst of this panic came the news that the steamerCentral America, formerly the George Law, with six hundredpassengers and about sixteen hundred thousand dollars of treasure, coming from Aspinwall, had foundered at sea, off the coast ofGeorgia, and that about sixty of the passengers had beenprovidentially picked up by a Swedish bark, and brought intoSavannah. The absolute loss of this treasure went to swell theconfusion and panic of the day. 

A few days after, I was standing in the vestibule of theMetropolitan Hotel, and heard the captain of the Swedish bark tellhis singular story of the rescue of these passengers. He was ashort, sailor-like-looking man, with a strong German or Swedishaccent. He said that he was sailing from some port in Honduras forSweden, running down the Gulf Stream off Savannah. The weather hadbeen heavy for some days, and, about nightfall, as he paced hisdeck, he observed a man-of-war hawk circle about his vessel, gradually lowering, until the bird was as it were aiming at him. He jerked out a belaying-pin, struck at the bird, missed it, whenthe hawk again rose high in the air, and a second time began todescend, contract his circle, and make at him again. The secondtime he hit the bird, and struck it to the deck.... This strangefact made him uneasy, and he thought it betokened danger; he wentto the binnacle, saw the course he was steering, and without anyparticular reason he ordered the steersman to alter the course onepoint to the east. 

After this it became quite dark, and he continued to promenade thedeck, and had settled into a drowsy state, when as in a dream hethought he heard voices all round his ship. Waking up, he ran tothe side of the ship, saw something struggling in the water, andheard clearly cries for help. Instantly heaving his ship to, andlowering all his boats, he managed to pick up sixty or more personswho were floating about on skylights, doors, spare, and whateverfragments remained of the Central America. Had he not changed thecourse of his vessel by reason of the mysterious conduct of thatman-of-war hawk, not a soul would probably have survived the night. It was stated by the rescued passengers, among whom was BillyBirch, that the Central America had sailed from Aspinwall with thepassengers and freight which left San Francisco on the 1st ofSeptember, and encountered the gale in the Gulf Stream somewhereoff Savannah, in which she sprung a leak, filled rapidly, and wentdown. The passengers who were saved had clung to doors, skylights, and such floating objects as they could reach, and were thusrescued; all the rest, some five hundred in number, had gone downwith the ship. 

The panic grew worse and worse, and about the end of Septemberthere was a general suspension of the banks of New York, and amoney crisis extended all over the country. In New York, Lucas, Turner & Co. Had nothing at risk. We had large cash balances inthe Metropolitan Bank and in the Bank of America, all safe, and weheld, for the account of the St. Louis house, at least two hundredthousand dollars, of St. Louis city and county bonds, and ofacceptances falling due right along, none extending beyond ninetydays. I was advised from St. Louis that money matters wereextremely tight; but I did not dream of any danger in that quarter. I knew well that Mr. Lucas was worth two or three million dollarsin the best real estate, and inferred from the large balances totheir credit with me that no mere panic could shake his credit;but, early on the morning of October 7th, my cousin, James M. Hoyt, came to me in bed, and read me a paragraph in the morning paper, tothe effect that James H. Lucas & Co. , of St. Louis, had suspended. I was, of course, surprised, but not sorry; for I had alwayscontended that a man of so much visible wealth as Mr. Lucas shouldnot be engaged in a business subject to such vicissitudes. Ihurried down to the office, where I received the same informationofficially, by telegraph, with instructions to make properdisposition of the affairs of the bank, and to come out to St. Louis, with such assets as would be available there. I transferredthe funds belonging to all our correspondents, with lists ofoutstanding checks, to one or other of our bankers, and with thecash balance of the St. Louis house and their available assetsstarted for St. Louis. I may say with confidence that no man losta cent by either of the banking firms of Lucas, Turner & Co. , ofSan Francisco or New York; but, as usual, those who owed us werenot always as just. I reached St. Louis October 17th, and foundthe partners engaged in liquidating the balances due depositors asfast as collections could be forced; and, as the panic began tosubside, this process became quite rapid, and Mr. Lucas, by makinga loan in Philadelphia, was enabled to close out all accountswithout having made any serious sacrifices, Of course, no personever lost a cent by him: he has recently died, leaving an estate ofeight million dollars. During his lifetime, I had opportunities toknow him well, and take much pleasure in bearing testimony to hisgreat worth and personal kindness. On the failure of his bank, heassumed personally all the liabilities, released his partners ofall responsibility, and offered to assist me to engage in business, which he supposed was due to me because I had resigned my armycommission. I remained in St. Louis till the 17th of December, 1857, assisting in collecting for the bank, and in controlling allmatters which came from the New York and San Francisco branches. B. R. Nisbet was still in San Francisco, but had married a MissThornton, and was coming home. There still remained in Californiaa good deal of real estate, and notes, valued at about two hundredthousand dollars in the aggregate; so that, at Mr. Lucas's request, I agreed to go out again, to bring matters, if possible, nearer afinal settlement. I accordingly left St. Louis, reached Lancaster, where my family was, on the 10th, staid there till after Christmas, and then went to New York, where I remained till January 5th, whenI embarked on the steamer Moles Taylor (Captain McGowan) forAspinwall; caught the Golden Gate (Captain Whiting) at Panama, January 15, 1858; and reached San Francisco on the 28th of January. I found that Nisbet and wife had gone to St. Louis, and that we hadpassed each other at sea. He had carried the ledger and books toSt. Louis, but left a schedule, notes, etc. , in the hands of S. M. Bowman, Esq. , who passed them over to me. 

On the 30th of January I published a notice of the dissolution ofthe partnership, and called on all who were still indebted to thefirm of Lucas, Turner & Co. To pay up, or the notes would be soldat auction. I also advertised that all the real property, was forsale. 

Business had somewhat changed since 1857. Parrott & Co. ; Garrison, Fritz & Ralston; Wells, Fargo & Co. ; Drexel, Sather & Church, andTallant & Wilde, were the principal bankers. Property continuedalmost unsalable, and prices were less than a half of what theyhad been in 1853-'54. William Blending, Esq. , had rented my houseon Harrison Street; so I occupied a room in the bank, No. 11, andboarded at the Meiggs House, corner of Broadway and Montgomery, which we owned. Having reduced expenses to a minimum, I proceeded, with all possible dispatch, to collect outstanding debts, in someinstances making sacrifices and compromises. I made some fewsales, and generally aimed to put matters in such a shape that timewould bring the best result. Some of our heaviest creditors wereJohn M. Rhodes & Co. , of Sacramento and Shasta; Langton & Co. , ofDownieville; and E. M. Stranger of Murphy's. In trying to putthese debts in course of settlement, I made some arrangement inDownieville with the law-firm of Spears & Thornton, to collect, bysuit, a certain note of Green & Purdy for twelve thousand dollars. Early in April, I learned that Spears had collected three thousandseven hundred dollars in money, had appropriated it to his own use, and had pledged another good note taken in part payment of threethousand and fifty-three dollars. He pretended to be insane. Ihad to make two visits to Downieville on this business, and there, made the acquaintance of Mr. Stewart, now a Senator from Nevada. He was married to a daughter of Governor Foote; was living in asmall frame house on the bar just below the town; and his littledaughter was playing about the door in the sand. Stewart was thena lawyer in Downieville, in good practice; afterward, by some luckystroke, became part owner of a valuable silver-mine in Nevada, andis now accounted a millionaire. I managed to save something out ofSpears, and more out of his partner Thornton. This affair ofSpears ruined him, because his insanity was manifestly feigned. 

I remained in San Francisco till July 3d, when, having collectedand remitted every cent that I could raise, and got all theproperty in the best shape possible, hearing from St. Louisthat business had revived, and that there was no need offurther sacrifice; I put all the papers, with a full letter ofinstructions, and power of attorney, in the hands of WilliamBlending, Esq. , and took passage on the good steamer Golden Gate, Captain Whiting, for Panama and home. I reached Lancaster on July28, 1858, and found all the family well. I was then perfectlyunhampered, but the serious and greater question remained, what wasI to do to support my family, consisting of a wife and fourchildren, all accustomed to more than the average comforts of life?

I remained at Lancaster all of August, 1858, during which time Iwas discussing with Mr. Ewing and others what to do next. MajorTurner and Mr. Lucas, in St. Louis, were willing to do any thing toaid me, but I thought best to keep independent. Mr. Ewing hadproperty at Chauncey, consisting of salt-wells and coal-mines, butfor that part of Ohio I had no fancy. Two of his sons, Hugh and T. E. , Jr. , had established themselves at Leavenworth, Kansas, wherethey and their father had bought a good deal of land, some near thetown, and some back in the country. Mr. Ewing offered to confideto me the general management of his share of interest, and Hugh andT. E. , Jr. , offered me an equal copartnership in their law-firm. 

Accordingly, about the 1st of September, I started for Kansas, stopping a couple of weeks in St. Louis, and reached Leavenworth. I found about two miles below the fort, on the river-bank, where in1851 was a tangled thicket, quite a handsome and thriving city, growing rapidly in rivalry with Kansas City, and St. Joseph, Missouri. After looking about and consulting with friends, amongthem my classmate Major Stewart Van Vliet, quartermaster at thefort, I concluded to accept the proposition of Mr. Ewing, andaccordingly the firm of Sherman & Ewing was duly announced, and ourservices to the public offered as attorneys-at-law. We had anoffice on Main Street, between Shawnee and Delaware, on the secondfloor, over the office of Hampton Denman, Esq. , mayor of the city. This building was a mere shell, and our office was reached by astairway on the outside. Although in the course of my militaryreading I had studied a few of the ordinary law-books, such asBlackstone, Kent, Starkie, etc. , I did not presume to be a lawyer;but our agreement was that Thomas Ewing, Jr. , a good and thoroughlawyer, should manage all business in the courts, while I gaveattention to collections, agencies for houses and lands, and suchbusiness as my experience in banking had qualified me for. Yet, asmy name was embraced in a law-firm, it seemed to me proper to takeout a license. Accordingly, one day when United States JudgeLecompte was in our office, I mentioned the matter to him; he toldme to go down to the clerk of his court, and he would give me thelicense. I inquired what examination I would have to submit to, and he replied, "None at all;" he would admit me on the ground ofgeneral intelligence. 

During that summer we got our share of the business of theprofession, then represented by several eminent law-firms, embracing names that have since flourished in the Senate, and inthe higher courts of the country. But the most lucrative singlecase was given me by my friend Major Van Vliet, who employed me togo to Fort Riley, one hundred and thirty-six miles west of FortLeavenworth, to superintend the repairs to the military road. Forthis purpose he supplied me with a four-mule ambulance and driver. The country was then sparsely settled, and quite as many Indianswere along the road as white people; still there were embryo townsall along the route, and a few farms sprinkled over the beautifulprairies. On reaching Indianola, near Topeka, I found everybodydown with the chills and fever. My own driver became so shaky thatI had to act as driver and cook. But in due season I reconnoitredthe road, and made contracts for repairing some bridges, and forcutting such parts of the road as needed it. I then returned toFort Leavenworth, and reported, receiving a fair compensation. Onmy way up I met Colonel Sumner's column, returning from theirsummer scout on the plains, and spent the night with the officers, among whom were Captains Sackett, Sturgis, etc. Also at Fort RileyI was cordially received and entertained by some old army-friends, among them Major Sedgwick, Captains Totted, Eli Long, etc. 

Mrs. Sherman and children arrived out in November, and we spent thewinter very comfortably in the house of Thomas Ewing, Jr. , on thecorner of Third and Pottawottamie Streets. On the 1st of January, 1859, Daniel McCook, Esq. , was admitted to membership in our firm, which became Sherman, Ewing & McCook. Our business continued togrow, but, as the income hardly sufficed for three such expensivepersonages, I continued to look about for something more certainand profitable, and during that spring undertook for the Hon. Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to open a farm on a large tract of land heowned on Indian Creek, forty miles west of Leavenworth, for thebenefit of his grand-nephew, Henry Clark, and his grand-niece, Mrs. Walker. These arrived out in the spring, by which time I hadcaused to be erected a small frame dwelling-house, a barn, andfencing for a hundred acres. This helped to pass away time, butafforded little profit; and on the 11th of June, 1859, I wrote toMajor D. C. Buel, assistant adjutant-general, on duty in the WarDepartment with Secretary of War Floyd, inquiring if there was avacancy among the army paymasters, or any thing in his line that Icould obtain. He replied promptly, and sent me the printedprogramme for a military college about to be organized inLouisiana, and advised me to apply for the superintendent's place, saying that General G. Mason Graham, the half-brother of my oldcommanding-general, R. B. Mason, was very influential in thismatter, and would doubtless befriend me on account of the relationsthat had existed between General Mason and myself in California. Accordingly, I addressed a letter of application to the Hon. R. C. Wickliffe, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, asking the answer to be sent tome at Lancaster, Ohio, where I proposed to leave my family. But, before leaving this branch of the subject, I must explain a littlematter of which I have seen an account in print, complimentary orotherwise of the firm of Sherman, Ewing & McCook, more especiallyof the senior partner. 

One day, as I sat in our office, an Irishman came in and said hehad a case and wanted a lawyer. I asked him to sit down and giveme the points of his case, all the other members of the firm beingout. Our client stated that he had rented a lot of an Irishlandlord for five dollars a month; that he had erected thereon asmall frame shanty, which was occupied by his family; that he had, paid his rent regularly up to a recent period, but to his house hehad appended a shed which extended over a part of an adjoiningvacant lot belonging to the same landlord, for which he was chargedtwo and a half dollars a month, which he refused to pay. Theconsequence was, that his landlord had for a few months declinedeven his five dollars monthly rent until the arrears amounted toabout seventeen dollars, for which he was sued. I told him wewould undertake his case, of which I took notes, and a fee of fivedollars in advance, and in due order I placed the notes in thehands of McCook, and thought no more of it. 

A month or so after, our client rushed into the office and said hiscase had been called at Judge Gardner's (I think), and he wantedhis lawyer right away. I sent him up to the Circuit Court, JudgePettit's, for McCook, but he soon returned, saying he could notfind McCook, and accordingly I hurried with him up to JudgeGardner's office, intending to ask a continuance, but I found ourantagonist there, with his lawyer and witnesses, and Judge Gardnerwould not grant a continuance, so of necessity I had to act, hopingthat at every minute McCook would come. But the trial proceededregularly to its end; we were beaten, and judgment was enteredagainst our client for the amount claimed, and costs. As soon asthe matter was explained to McCook, he said "execution" could notbe taken for ten days, and, as our client was poor, and had nothingon which the landlord could levy but his house, McCook advised himto get his neighbors together, to pick up the house, and carry iton to another vacant lot, belonging to a non-resident, so that eventhe house could not be taken in execution. Thus the graspinglandlord, though successful in his judgment, failed in theexecution, and our client was abundantly satisfied. 

In due time I closed up my business at Leavenworth, and went toLancaster, Ohio, where, in July, 1859, I received notice fromGovernor Wickliffe that I had been elected superintendent of theproposed college, and inviting me to come down to Louisiana asearly as possible, because they were anxious to put the collegeinto operation by the 1st of January following. For this honorableposition I was indebted to Major D. C. Buell and General G. MasonGraham, to whom I have made full and due acknowledgment. Duringthe civil war, it was reported and charged that I owed my positionto the personal friendship of Generals Bragg and Beauregard, andthat, in taking up arms against the South, I had been guilty of abreach of hospitality and friendship. I was not indebted toGeneral Bragg, because he himself told me that he was not evenaware that I was an applicant, and had favored the selection ofMajor Jenkins, another West Point graduate. General Beauregard hadnothing whatever to do with the matter. 

CHAPTER VII. 

LOUISIANA

1859-1861. 

In the autumn of 1859, having made arrangements for my family toremain in Lancaster, I proceeded, via Columbus, Cincinnati, andLouisville, to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, where I reported for duty toGovernor Wickliffe, who, by virtue of his office, was the presidentof the Board of Supervisors of the new institution over which I wascalled to preside. He explained to me the act of the Legislatureunder which the institution was founded; told me that the buildingwas situated near Alexandria, in the parish of Rapides, and wassubstantially finished; that the future management would rest witha Board of Supervisors, mostly citizens of Rapides Parish, wherealso resided the Governor-elect, T. O. Moore, who would soonsucceed him in his office as Governor and president ex officio; andadvised me to go at once to Alexandria, and put myself incommunication with Moore and the supervisors. Accordingly I took aboat at Baton Rouge, for the mouth of Red River. 

The river being low, and its navigation precarious, I there tookthe regular mail-coach, as the more certain conveyance, andcontinued on toward Alexandria. I found, as a fellow-passenger inthe coach, Judge Henry Boyce, of the United States District Court, with whom I had made acquaintance years before, at St. Louis, and, as we neared Alexandria, he proposed that we should stop atGovernor Moore's and spend the night. Moore's house and plantationwere on Bayou Robert, about eight miles from Alexandria. We foundhim at home, with his wife and a married daughter, and spent thenight there. He sent us forward to Alexandria the next morning, inhis own carriage. On arriving at Alexandria, I put up at an inn, or boarding-house, and almost immediately thereafter went about tenmiles farther up Bayou Rapides, to the plantation and house ofGeneral G. Mason Graham, to whom I looked as the principal man withwhom I had to deal. He was a high-toned gentleman, and his wholeheart was in the enterprise. He at once put me at ease. We actedtogether most cordially from that time forth, and it was at hishouse that all the details of the seminary were arranged. We firstvisited the college-building together. It was located on an oldcountry place of four hundred acres of pineland, with numeroussprings, and the building was very large and handsome. Acarpenter, named James, resided there, and had the general chargeof the property; but, as there was not a table, chair, black-board, or any thing on hand, necessary for a beginning, I concluded toquarter myself in one of the rooms of the seminary, and board withan old black woman who cooked for James, so that I might personallypush forward the necessary preparations. There was an oldrail-fence about the place, and a large pile of boards in front. Iimmediately engaged four carpenters, and set them at work to makeout of these boards mess-tables, benches, black-boards, etc. Ialso opened a correspondence with the professors-elect, and withall parties of influence in the State, who were interested in ourwork: At the meeting of the Board of Supervisors, held atAlexandria, August 2, 1859, five professors had been elected:1. W. T. Sherman, Superintendent, and Professor of Engineering, etc. ;2. Anthony Vallas, Professor of Mathematics, Philosophy, etc. ;3. Francis W. Smith, Professor of Chemistry, etc. ;4. David F. Boyd, Professor of Languages, English and Ancient;5. E. Berti St. Ange, Professor of French and Modern Languages. 

These constituted the Academic Board, while the general supervisionremained in the Board of Supervisors, composed of the Governor ofthe State, the Superintendent of Public Education, and twelvemembers, nominated by the Governor, and confirmed by the Senate. The institution was bound to educate sixteen beneficiary students, free of any charge for tuition. These had only to pay for theirclothing and books, while all others had to pay their entireexpenses, including tuition. 

Early in November, Profs. Smith, Yallas, St. Ange, and I, met acommittee of the Board of Supervisors, composed of T. C. Manning, G. Mason Graham, and W. W. Whittington, at General Graham's house, and resolved to open the institution to pupils on the 1st day ofJanuary, 1860. We adopted a series of bylaws for the government ofthe institution, which was styled the "Louisiana Seminary ofLearning and Military Academy. " This title grew out of theoriginal grant, by the Congress of the United States, of a certaintownship of public land, to be sold by the State, and dedicated tothe use of a "seminary of learning. " I do not suppose thatCongress designed thereby to fix the name or title; but the subjecthad so long been debated in Louisiana that the name, thoughawkward, had become familiar. We appended to it "MilitaryAcademy, " as explanatory of its general design. 

On the 17th of November, 1859, the Governor of the State, Wickliffe, issued officially a general circular, prepared by us, giving public notice that the "Seminary of Learning" would open onthe 1st day of January, 1860; containing a description of thelocality, and the general regulations for the proposed institution;and authorizing parties to apply for further information to the"Superintendent, " at Alexandria, Louisiana. 

The Legislature had appropriated for the sixteen beneficiaries atthe rate of two hundred and eighty-three dollars per annum, towhich we added sixty dollars as tuition for pay cadets; and, thoughthe price was low, we undertook to manage for the first year onthat basis. 

Promptly to the day, we opened, with about sixty cadets present. Major Smith was the commandant of cadets, and I the superintendent. I had been to New Orleans, where I had bought a supply ofmattresses, books, and every thing requisite, and we started verymuch on the basis of West Point and of the Virginia MilitaryInstitute, but without uniforms or muskets; yet with roll-calls, sections, and recitations, we kept as near the standard of WestPoint as possible. I kept all the money accounts, and gave generaldirections to the steward, professors, and cadets. The otherprofessors had their regular classes and recitations. We all livedin rooms in the college building, except Vallas, who had a family, and rented a house near by. A Creole gentleman, B. Jarrean, Esq. , had been elected steward, and he also had his family in a house notfar off. The other professors had a mess in a room adjoining themess-hall. A few more cadets joined in the course of the winter, so that we had in all, during the first term, seventy-three cadets, of whom fifty-nine passed the examination on the 30th of July, 1860. During our first term many defects in the original act ofthe Legislature were demonstrated, and, by the advice of the Boardof Supervisors, I went down to Baton Rouge during the session ofthe Legislature, to advocate and urge the passage of a new bill, putting the institution on a better footing. Thomas O. Moors wasthen Governor, Bragg was a member of the Board of Public Works, andRichard Taylor was a Senator. I got well acquainted with all ofthese, and with some of the leading men of the State, and wasalways treated with the greatest courtesy and kindness. Inconjunction with the proper committee of the Legislature, weprepared a new bill, which was passed and approved on the 7th ofMarch, 1860, by which we were to have a beneficiary cadet for eachparish, in all fifty-six, and fifteen thousand dollars annually fortheir maintenance; also twenty thousand dollars for the general useof the college. During that session we got an appropriation offifteen thousand dollars for building two professors' houses, forthe purchase of philosophical and chemical apparatus, and for thebeginning of a college library. The seminary was made a StateArsenal, under the title of State Central Arsenal, and I wasallowed five hundred dollars a year as its superintendent. Thesematters took me several times to Baton Rouge that winter, and Irecall an event of some interest, which most have happened inFebruary. At that time my brother, John Sherman, was a candidate, in the national House of Representatives, for Speaker, againstBocock, of Virginia. In the South he was regarded as an"abolitionist, " the most horrible of all monsters; and many peopleof Louisiana looked at me with suspicion, as the brother of theabolitionist, John Sherman, and doubted the propriety of having meat the head of an important State institution. By this time I waspretty well acquainted with many of their prominent men, wasgenerally esteemed by all in authority, and by the people ofRapides Parish especially, who saw that I was devoted to myparticular business, and that I gave no heed to the politicalexcitement of the day. But the members of the State Senate andHouse did not know me so well, and it was natural that they shouldbe suspicions of a Northern man, and the brother of him who was the"abolition" candidate for Speaker of the House. 

One evening, at a large dinner-party at Governor Moore's, at whichwere present several members of the Louisiana Legislature, Taylor, Bragg, and the Attorney-General Hyams, after the ladies had leftthe table, I noticed at Governor Moore's end quite a livelydiscussion going on, in which my name was frequently used; atlength the Governor called to me, saying: "Colonel Sherman, you canreadily understand that, with your brother the abolitionistcandidate for Speaker, some of our people wonder that you should behere at the head of an important State institution. Now, you areat my table, and I assure you of my confidence. Won't you speakyour mind freely on this question of slavery, that so agitates theland? You are under my roof, and, whatever you say, you have myprotection. "

I answered: "Governor Moors, you mistake in calling my brother, John Sherman, an abolitionist. We have been separated sincechildhood--I in the army, and he pursuing his profession oflaw in Northern Ohio; and it is possible we may differ ingeneral sentiment, but I deny that he is considered at home anabolitionist; and, although he prefers the free institutions underwhich he lives to those of slavery which prevail here, he would notof himself take from you by law or force any property whatever, even slaves. "

Then said Moore: "Give us your own views of slavery as you see ithere and throughout the South. "

I answered in effect that "the people of Louisiana were hardlyresponsible for slavery, as they had inherited it; that I found twodistinct conditions of slavery, domestic and field hands. Thedomestic slaves, employed by the families, were probably bettertreated than any slaves on earth; but the condition of thefield-hands was different, depending more on the temper anddisposition of their masters and overseers than were those employedabout the house;" and I went on to say that, "were I a citizen ofLouisiana, and a member of the Legislature, I would deem it wise tobring the legal condition of the slaves more near the status ofhuman beings under all Christian and civilized governments. In thefirst place, I argued that, in sales of slaves made by the State, Iwould forbid the separation of families, letting the father, mother, and children, be sold together to one person, instead ofeach to the highest bidder. And, again, I would advise the repealof the statute which enacted a severe penalty for even the owner toteach his slave to read and write, because that actually qualifiedproperty and took away a part of its value; illustrating theassertion by the case of Henry Sampson, who had been the slave ofColonel Chambers, of Rapides Parish, who had gone to California asthe servant of an officer of the army, and who was afterwardemployed by me in the bank at San Francisco. At first he could notwrite or read, and I could only afford to pay him one hundreddollars a month; but he was taught to read and write by Reilley, our bank-teller, when his services became worth two hundred andfifty dollars a month, which enabled him to buy his own freedom andthat of his brother and his family. "

What I said was listened to by all with the most profoundattention; and, when I was through, some one (I think it was Mr. Hyams) struck the table with his fist, making the glasses jingle, and said, "By God, he is right!" and at once he took up the debate, which went on, for an hour or more, on both sides with ability andfairness. Of course, I was glad to be thus relieved, because atthe time all men in Louisiana were dreadfully excited on questionsaffecting their slaves, who constituted the bulk of their wealth, and without whom they honestly believed that sugar, cotton, andrice, could not possibly be cultivated. 

On the 30th and 31st of July, 1860, we had an examination at theseminary, winding up with a ball, and as much publicity as possibleto attract general notice; and immediately thereafter we allscattered--the cadets to their homes, and the professors whereverthey pleased--all to meet again on the 1st day of the nextNovember. Major Smith and I agreed to meet in New York on acertain day in August, to purchase books, models, etc. I wentdirectly to my family in Lancaster, and after a few days proceededto Washington, to endeavor to procure from the General Governmentthe necessary muskets and equipments for our cadets by thebeginning of the next term. I was in Washington on the 17thday of August, and hunted up my friend Major Buell, of theAdjutant-General's Department, who was on duty with the Secretary ofWar, Floyd. I had with me a letter of Governor Moore's, authorizingme to act in his name. Major Buell took me into Floyd's room at theWar Department, to whom I explained my business, and I was agreeablysurprised to meet with such easy success. Although the State ofLouisiana had already drawn her full quota of arms, Floyd promptlypromised to order my requisition to be filled, and I procured thenecessary blanks at the Ordnance-Office, filled them with twohundred cadet muskets, and all equipments complete, and was assuredthat all these articles would be shipped to Louisiana in season forour use that fall. These assurances were faithfully carried out. 

I then went on to New York, there met Major Smith according toappointment, and together we selected and purchased a good supplyof uniforms, clothing, and text books, as well as a fair number ofbooks of history and fiction, to commence a library. 

When this business was completed, I returned to Lancaster, andremained with my family till the time approached for me to returnto Louisiana. I again left my family at Lancaster, until assuredof the completion of the two buildings designed for the marriedprofessors for which I had contracted that spring with Mr. Mills, of Alexandria, and which were well under progress when I left inAugust. One of these was designed for me and the other for Vallas. Mr. Ewing presented me with a horse, which I took down the riverwith me, and en route I ordered from Grimsley & Co. A fullequipment of saddle, bridle, etc. , the same that I used in the war, and which I lost with my horse, shot under me at Shiloh. 

Reaching Alexandria early in October, I pushed forward theconstruction of the two buildings, some fences, gates, and allother work, with the object of a more perfect start at the openingof the regular term November 1, 1860. 

About this time Dr. Powhatan Clark was elected Assistant Professorof Chemistry, etc. , and acted as secretary of the Board ofSupervisors, but no other changes were made in our small circle ofprofessors. 

November came, and with it nearly if not quite all our first set ofcadets, and others, to the number of about one hundred and thirty. We divided them into two companies, issued arms and clothing, andbegan a regular system of drills and instruction, as well as theregular recitations. I had moved into my new house, but prudentlyhad not sent for my family, nominally on the ground of waitinguntil the season was further advanced, but really because of thestorm that was lowering heavy on the political horizon. Thepresidential election was to occur in November, and the nominationshad already been made in stormy debates by the usual conventions. Lincoln and Hamlin (to the South utterly unknown) were the nomineesof the Republican party, and for the first time both thesecandidates were from Northern States. The Democratic partydivided--one set nominating a ticket at Charleston, and the otherat Baltimore. Breckenridge and Lane were the nominees of theSouthern or Democratic party; and Bell and Everett, a kind ofcompromise, mostly in favor in Louisiana. Political excitement wasat its very height, and it was constantly asserted that Mr. Lincoln's election would imperil the Union. I purposely kept alooffrom politics, would take no part, and remember that on the day ofthe election in November I was notified that it would be advisablefor me to vote for Bell and Everett, but I openly said I would not, and I did not. The election of Mr. Lincoln fell upon us all like aclap of thunder. People saw and felt that the South had threatenedso long that, if she quietly submitted, the question of slavery inthe Territories was at an end forever. I mingled freely with themembers of the Board of Supervisors, and with the people of RapidesParish generally, keeping aloof from all cliques and parties, and Icertainly hoped that the threatened storm would blow over, as hadso often occurred before, after similar threats. At our seminarythe order of exercises went along with the regularity of theseasons. Once a week, I had the older cadets to practise reading, reciting, and elocution, and noticed that their selections werefrom Calhoun, Yancey, and other Southern speakers, all treating ofthe defense of their slaves and their home institutions as the veryhighest duty of the patriot. Among boys this was to be expected;and among the members of our board, though most of them declaimedagainst politicians generally, and especially abolitionists, aspests, yet there was a growing feeling that danger was in the wind. I recall the visit of a young gentleman who had been sent fromJackson, by the Governor of Mississippi, to confer with GovernorMoore, then on his plantation at Bayou Robert, and who had comeover to see our college. He spoke to me openly of secession as afixed fact, and that its details were only left open fordiscussion. I also recall the visit of some man who was said to bea high officer in the order of "Knights of the Golden Circle, " ofthe existence of which order I was even ignorant, until explainedto me by Major Smith and Dr. Clark. But in November, 1860, no manever approached me offensively, to ascertain my views, or myproposed course of action in case of secession, and no man in orout of authority ever tried to induce me to take part in stepsdesigned to lead toward disunion. I think my general opinions werewell known and understood, viz. , that "secession was treason, waswar;" and that in no event would the North and West permit theMississippi River to pass out of their control. But some men atthe South actually supposed at the time that the NorthwesternStates, in case of a disruption of the General Government, would bedrawn in self-interest to an alliance with the South. What I nowwrite I do not offer as any thing like a history of the importantevents of that time, but rather as my memory of them, the effectthey had on me personally, and to what extent they influenced mypersonal conduct. 

South Carolina seceded December 20, 1860, and Mississippi soonafter. Emissaries came to Louisiana to influence the Governor, Legislature, and people, and it was the common assertion that, ifall the Cotton States would follow the lead of South Carolina, itwould diminish the chances of civil war, because a bold anddetermined front would deter the General Government from anymeasures of coercion. About this time also, viz. , early inDecember, we received Mr. Buchanan's annual message to Congress, inwhich he publicly announced that the General Government had noconstitutional power to "coerce a State. " I confess this staggeredme, and I feared that the prophecies and assertions of Alison andother European commentators on our form of government were right, and that our Constitution was a mere rope of sand, that would breakwith the first pressure. 

The Legislature of Louisiana met on the 10th of December, andpassed an act calling a convention of delegates from the people, tomeet at Baton Rouge, on the 8th of January, to take intoconsideration the state of the Union; and, although it wasuniversally admitted that a large majority of the voters of theState were opposed to secession, disunion, and all the steps of theSouth Carolinians, yet we saw that they were powerless, and thatthe politicians would sweep them along rapidly to the end, prearranged by their leaders in Washington. Before the ordinanceof secession was passed, or the convention had assembled, on thefaith of a telegraphic dispatch sent by the two Senators, Benjaminand Slidell, from their seats in the United States Senate atWashington, Governor Moore ordered the seizure of all the UnitedStates forts at the mouth of the Mississippi and LakePontchartrain, and of the United States arsenal at Baton Rouge. The forts had no garrisons, but the arsenal was held by a smallcompany of artillery, commanded by Major Haskins, a most worthy andexcellent officer, who had lost an arm in Mexico. I remember wellthat I was strongly and bitterly impressed by the seizure of thearsenal, which occurred on January 10, 1861. 

When I went first to Baton Rouge, in 1859, en route to Alexandria, I found Captain Rickett's company of artillery stationed in thearsenal, but soon after there was somewhat of a clamor on the Texasfrontier about Brownsville, which induced the War Department toorder Rickett's company to that frontier. I remember that GovernorMoore remonstrated with the Secretary of War because so muchdangerous property, composed of muskets, powder, etc. , had beenleft by the United States unguarded, in a parish where the slavepopulation was as five or six to one of whites; and it was on hisofficial demand that the United States Government ordered Haskinsscompany to replace Rickett's. This company did not number fortymen. In the night of January 9th, about five hundred New Orleansmilitia, under command of a Colonel Wheat, went up from New Orleansby boat, landed, surrounded the arsenal, and demanded itssurrender. Haskins was of course unprepared for such a step, yethe at first resolved to defend the post as he best could with hissmall force. But Bragg, who was an old army acquaintance of his, had a parley with him, exhibited to him the vastly superior forceof his assailants, embracing two field-batteries, and offered toprocure for him honorable terms, to march out with drums andcolors, and to take unmolested passage in a boat up to St. Louis;alleging, further, that the old Union was at an end, and that ajust settlement would be made between the two new fragments for allthe property stored in the arsenal. Of course it was Haskins'sduty to have defended his post to the death; but up to that timethe national authorities in Washington had shown suchpusillanimity, that the officers of the army knew not what to do. The result, anyhow, was that Haskins surrendered his post, and atonce embarked for St. Louis. The arms and munitions stored in thearsenal were scattered--some to Mississippi, some to New Orleans, some to Shreveport; and to me, at the Central Arsenal, wereconsigned two thousand muskets, three hundred Jager rifles, and alarge amount of cartridges and ammunition. The invoices weresigned by the former ordnance-sergeant, Olodowski, as a captain ofordnance, and I think he continued such on General Bragg's staffthrough the whole of the subsequent civil war. These arms, etc. , came up to me at Alexandria, with orders from Governor Moore toreceipt for and account for them. Thus I was made the receiver ofstolen goods, and these goods the property of the United States. This grated hard on my feelings as an ex-army-officer, and oncounting the arms I noticed that they were packed in the oldfamiliar boxes, with the "U. S. " simply scratched off. General G. Mason Graham had resigned as the chairman of the ExecutiveCommittee, and Dr. S. A. Smith, of Alexandria, then a member of theState Senate, had succeeded him as chairman, and acted as head ofthe Board of Supervisors. At the time I was in most intimatecorrespondence with all of these parties, and our letters must havebeen full of politics, but I have only retained copies of a few ofthe letters, which I will embody in this connection, as they willshow, better than by any thing I can now recall, the feelings ofparties at that critical period. The seizure of the arsenal atBaton Rouge occurred January 10, 1861, and the secession ordinancewas not passed until about the 25th or 26th of the same month. Atall events, after the seizure of the arsenal, and before thepassage of the ordinance of secession, viz. , on the 18th ofJanuary, I wrote as follows:

Louisiana State Seminary of Learning and Military AcademyJanuary 18, 1861

Governor THOMAS O. MOORE, Baton, Rouge, Louisiana. 

Sir: As I occupy a quasi-military position under the laws of theState, I deem it proper to acquaint you that I accepted suchposition when Louisiana was a State in the Union, and when themotto of this seminary was inserted in marble over the main door:"By the liberality of the General Government of the United States. The Union--esto perpetua. "

Recent events foreshadow a great change, and it becomes all men tochoose. If Louisiana withdraw from the Federal Union, I prefer tomaintain my allegiance to the Constitution as long as a fragment ofit survives; and my longer stay here would be wrong in every senseof the word. 

In that event, I beg you will send or appoint some authorized agentto take charge of the arms and munitions of war belonging to theState, or advise me what disposition to make of them. 

And furthermore, as president of the Board of Supervisors, I begyou to take immediate steps to relieve me as superintendent, themoment the State determines to secede, for on no earthly accountwill I do any act or think any thought hostile to or in defiance ofthe old Government of the United States. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Superintendent. 

[PRIVATE. ]

January 18, 1861. 

To Governor Moore:

My Dear Sir: I take it for granted that you have been expecting forsome days the accompanying paper from me (the above officialletter). I have repeatedly and again made known to General Grahamand Dr. Smith that, in the event of a severance of the relationshitherto existing between the Confederated States of this Union, Iwould be forced to choose the old Union. It is barely possible allthe States may secede, South and North, that new combinations mayresult, but this process will be one of time and uncertainty, and Icannot with my opinions await the subsequent development. 

I have never been a politician, and therefore undervalue theexcited feelings and opinions of present rulers, but I do think, ifthis people cannot execute a form of government like the present, that a worse one will result. 

I will keep the cadets as quiet as possible. They are nervous, butI think the interest of the State requires them here, guarding thisproperty, and acquiring a knowledge which will be useful to yourState in after-times. 

When I leave, which I now regard as certain, the present professorscan manage well enough, to afford you leisure time to find asuitable successor to me. You might order Major Smith to receiptfor the arms, and to exercise military command, while the academicexercises could go on under the board. In time, some gentlemanwill turn up, better qualified than I am, to carry on the seminaryto its ultimate point of success. I entertain the kindest feelingstoward all, and would leave the State with much regret; only ingreat events we must choose, one way or the other. 

Truly, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN

January 19, 1881--Saturday. 

Dr. S. A. Smith, President Board of Supervisors, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. 

Dear Sir: I have just finished my quarterly reports to the parentsof all the cadets here, or who have been here. All my books ofaccount are written up to date. All bills for the houses, fences, etc. , are settled, and nothing now remains but the daily tontine ofrecitations and drills. I have written officially and unofficiallyto Governor Moore, that with my opinions of the claimed right ofaccession, of the seizure of public forts, arsenals, etc. , and theignominious capture of a United States garrison, stationed in yourmidst, as a guard to the arsenal and for the protection of your ownpeople, it would be highly improper for me longer to remain. Nogreat inconvenience can result to the seminary. I will be thechief loser. I came down two months before my pay commenced. Imade sacrifices in Kansas to enable me thus to obey the call ofGovernor Wickliffe, and you know that last winter I declined a mostadvantageous offer of employment abroad; and thus far I havereceived nothing as superintendent of the arsenal, though I went toWashington and New York (at my own expense) on the faith of thefive hundred dollars salary promised. 

These are all small matters in comparison with those involved inthe present state of the country, which will cause sacrifices bymillions, instead of by hundreds. The more I think of it, the moreI think I should be away, the sooner the better; and therefore Ihope you will join with Governor Moors in authorizing me to turnover to Major Smith the military command here, and to the academicboard the control of the daily exercises and recitations. 

There will be no necessity of your coming up. You can let MajorSmith receive the few hundreds of cash I have on hand, and I canmeet you on a day certain in New Orleans, when we can settle thebank account. Before I leave, I can pay the steward Jarrean hisaccount for the month, and there would be no necessity for otherpayments till about the close of March, by which time the board canmeet, and elect a treasurer and superintendent also. 

At present I have no class, and there will be none ready till aboutthe month of May, when there will be a class in "surveying. " Evenif you do not elect a superintendent in the mean time, Major Smithcould easily teach this class, as he is very familiar with thesubject-matter: Indeed, I think you will do well to leave thesubject of a new superintendent until one perfectly satisfactoryturns up. 

There is only one favor I would ask. The seminary has plenty ofmoney in bank. The Legislature will surely appropriate for mysalary as superintendent of this arsenal. Would you not let memake my drafts on the State Treasury, send them to you, let theTreasurer note them for payment when the appropriation is made, andthen pay them out of the seminary fund? The drafts will be paid inMarch, and the seminary will lose nothing. This would be just tome; for I actually spent two hundred dollars and more in going toWashington and New York, thereby securing from the United States, in advance, three thousand dollars' worth of the very best arms;and clothing and books, at a clear profit to the seminary of overeight hundred dollars. I may be some time in finding newemployment, and will stand in need of this money (five hundreddollars); otherwise I would abandon it. 

I will not ask you to put the Board of Supervisors to the troubleof meeting, unless you can get a quorum at Baton Rouge. 

With great respect, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN. 

By course of mail, I received the following answer from GovernorMoore, the original of which I still possess. It is all in GeneralBraggs handwriting, with which I am familiar--

Executive Office, BATON ROUGE, LOUISIANA, January 23, 1861

MY DEAR SIR: It is with the deepest regret I acknowledge receipt ofyour communication of the 18th inst. In the pressure of officialbusiness, I can now only request you to transfer to Prof. Smith thearms, munitions, and funds in your hands, whenever you conclude towithdraw from the position you have filled with so muchdistinction. You cannot regret more than I do the necessity whichdeprives us of your services, and you will bear with you therespect, confidence, and admiration, of all who have beenassociated with you. Very truly, your friend, Thomas O. Moore. 

Colonel W. T. SHERMAN, Superintendent Military Academy, Alexandria. 

I must have received several letters from Bragg, about this time, which have not been preserved; for I find that, on the 1st ofFebruary, 1861, I wrote him thus:

Seminary of LearningAlexandria, LOUISIANA, February 1, 1881. 

Colonel Braxton BRAGG, Baton, Rouge, Louisiana. 

Dear Sir: Yours of January 23d and 27th are received. I thank youmost kindly, and Governor Moors through you, for the kind manner inwhich you have met my wishes. 

Now that I cannot be compromised by political events, I will soshape my course as best to serve the institution, which has astrong hold on my affections and respect. 

The Board of Supervisors will be called for the 9th instant, and Iwill cooperate with them in their measures to place matters here ona safe and secure basis. I expect to be here two weeks, and willmake you full returns of money and property belonging to the StateCentral Arsenal. All the arms and ammunition are safely storedhere. Then I will write you more at length. With sincere respect, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN. 

Major Smith's receipt to me, for the arms and property belongingboth to the seminary and to the arsenal, is dated February 19, 1861. I subjoin also, in this connection, copies of one or twopapers that may prove of interest

BATON ROUGE, January 28, 1881. To Major SHERMAN, Superintendent, Alexandria. 

My DEAR SIR: Your letter was duly receive, and would have beenanswered ere this time could I have arranged sooner the matter ofthe five hundred dollars. I shall go from here to New Orleansto-day or tomorrow, and will remain there till Saturday after next, perhaps. I shall expect to meet you there, as indicated in yournote to me. 

I need not tell you that it is with no ordinary regret that I viewyour determination to leave us, for really I believe that thesuccess of our institution, now almost assured, is jeopardizedthereby. I am sore that we will never have a superintendent withwhom I shall have more pleasant relations than those which haveexisted between yourself and me. 

I fully appreciate the motives which have induced you to give up aposition presenting so many advantages to yourself, and sincerelyhope that you may, in any future enterprise, enjoy the successwhich your character and ability merit and deserve. 

Should you come down on the Rapides (steamer), please look after mywife, who will, I hope, accompany you on said boat, or some othergood one. 

Colonel Bragg informs me that the necessary orders have been givenfor the transfer and receipt by Major Smith of the public property. 

I herewith transmit a request to the secretary to convene the Boardof Supervisors, that they may act as seems best to them in thepremises. 

In the mean time, Major Smith will command by seniority the cadets, and the Academic Board will be able to conduct the scientificexercises of the institution until the Board of Supervisors canhave time to act. Hoping to meet you soon at the St. Charles, Iam, Most truly, your friend and servant, S. A. Smith

P. S. Governor Moors desires me to express his profound regret thatthe State is about to lose one who we all fondly hoped had cast hisdestinies for weal or for woe among us; and that he is sensiblethat we lose thereby an officer whom it will be difficult, if notimpossible, to replace. 

S. A. S. 

BATON ROUGE, February 11, 1881. To Major Sherman, Alexandria. 

Dear Sir: I have been in New Orleans for ten days, and on returninghere find two letters from you, also your prompt answer to theresolution of the House of Representatives, for which I am muchobliged. 

The resolution passed the last day before adjournment. I waspurposing to respond, when your welcome reports came to hand. Ihave arranged to pay you your five hundred dollars. 

I will say nothing of general politics, except to give my opinionthat there is not to be any war. 

In that event, would it not be possible for you to become a citizenof our State? Everyone deplores your determination to leave us. Atthe same time, your friends feel that you are abandoning a positionthat might become an object of desire to any one. 

I will try to meet you in New Orleans at any time you may indicate;but it would be best for you to stop here, when, if possible, Iwill accompany you. Should you do so, you will find me just abovethe State-House, and facing it. 

Bring with you a few copies of the "Rules of the Seminary. "

Yours truly, S. A. Smith

Colonel W. T. SHERMAN. 

Sir: I am instructed by the Board of Supervisors of thisinstitution to present a copy of the resolutions adopted by them attheir last meeting. 

"Resolved, That the thanks of the Board of Supervisors are due, andare hereby tendered, to Colonel William T. Sherman for the able andefficient manner in which he has conducted the affairs of theseminary during the time the institution has been under hiscontrol--a period attended with unusual difficulties, requiring onthe part of the superintendent to successfully overcome them a highorder of administrative talent. And the board further bear willingtestimony to the valuable services that Colonel Sherman hasrendered them in their efforts to establish an institution oflearning in accordance with the beneficent design of the State andFederal Governments; evincing at all times a readiness to adapthimself to the ever-varying requirements of an institution oflearning in its infancy, struggling to attain a position of honorand usefulness. 

"Resolved, further, That, in accepting the resignation of ColonelSherman as Superintendent of the State Seminary of Learning andMilitary Academy, we tender to him assurances of our high personalregard, and our sincere regret at the occurrence of causes thatrender it necessary to part with so esteemed and valued a friend, as well as co-laborer in the cause of education. "

Powhatan Clarke, Secretary of the Board. 

A copy of the resolution of the Academic Board, passed at theirsession of April 1, 1861:

"Resolved, That in the resignation of the late superintendent, Colonel W. T. Sherman, the Academic Board deem it not improper toexpress their deep conviction of the loss the institution hassustained in being thus deprived of an able head. They cannot failto appreciate the manliness of character which has always markedthe actions of Colonel Sherman. While he is personally endeared tomany of them as a friend, they consider it their high pleasure totender to him in this resolution their regret on his separation, and their sincere wish for his future welfare. "

I have given the above at some length, because, during the civilwar, it was in Southern circles asserted that I was guilty of abreach of hospitality in taking up arms against the South. Theywere manifestly the aggressors, and we could only defend our own byassailing them. Yet, without any knowledge of what the future hadin store for me, I took unusual precautions that the institutionshould not be damaged by my withdrawal. About the 20th ofFebruary, having turned over all property, records, and money, onhand, to Major Smith, and taking with me the necessary documents tomake the final settlement with Dr. S. A. Smith, at the bank in NewOrleans, where the funds of the institution were deposited to mycredit, I took passage from Alexandria for that city, and arrivedthere, I think, on the 23d. Dr. Smith met me, and we went to thebank, where I turned over to him the balance, got him to audit allmy accounts, certify that they were correct and just, and thatthere remained not one cent of balance in my hands. I charged inmy account current for my salary up to the end of February, at therate of four thousand dollars a year, and for the five hundreddollars due me as superintendent of the Central Arsenal, all ofwhich was due and had been fairly earned, and then I stood free anddischarged of any and every obligation, honorary or business, thatwas due by me to the State of Louisiana, or to any corporation orindividual in that State. 

This business occupied two or three days, during which I staid atthe St. Louis Hotel. I usually sat at table with Colonel and Mrs. Bragg, and an officer who wore the uniform of the State ofLouisiana, and was addressed as captain. Bragg wore a colonel'suniform, and explained to me that he was a colonel in the Stateservice, a colonel of artillery, and that some companies of hisregiment garrisoned Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and the arsenalat Baton Rouge. 

Beauregard at the time had two sons at the Seminary of Learning. Ihad given them some of my personal care at the father's request, and, wanting to tell him of their condition and progress, I went tohis usual office in the Custom-House Building, and found him in theact of starting for Montgomery, Alabama. Bragg said afterward thatBeauregard had been sent for by Jefferson Davis, and that it wasrumored that he had been made a brigadier-general, of which fact heseemed jealous, because in the old army Bragg was the senior. 

Davis and Stephens had been inaugurated President andVice-President of the Confederate States of America, February 18, 1860, at Montgomery, and those States only embraced the sevencotton States. I recall a conversation at the tea-table, oneevening, at the St. Louis Hotel. When Bragg was speaking ofBeauregard's promotion, Mrs. Bragg, turning to me, said, "You knowthat my husband is not a favorite with the new President. " My mindwas resting on Mr. Lincoln as the new President, and I said I didnot know that Bragg had ever met Mr. Lincoln, when Mrs. Bragg said, quite pointedly, "I didn't mean your President, but our President. "I knew that Bragg hated Davis bitterly, and that he had resignedfrom the army in 1855, or 1856, because Davis, as Secretary of War, had ordered him, with his battery, from Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, to Fort Smith or Fort Washita, in the Indian country, asBragg expressed it, "to chase Indians with six-pounders. "

I visited the quartermaster, Colonel A. C. Myers, who had resignedfrom the army, January 28, 1861, and had accepted service under thenew regime. His office was in the same old room in the LafayetteSquare building, which he had in 1853, when I was there acommissary, with the same pictures on the wall, and the letters "U. S. " on every thing, including his desk, papers, etc. I asked himif he did not feel funny. "No, not at all. The thing wasinevitable, secession was a complete success; there would be nowar, but the two Governments would settle all matters of businessin a friendly spirit, and each would go on in its allotted sphere, without further confusion. " About this date, February 16th, General Twiggs, Myers's father-in-law, had surrendered his entirecommand, in the Department of Texas, to some State troops, with allthe Government property, thus consummating the first serious stepin the drama of the conspiracy, which was to form a confederacy ofthe cotton States, before working upon the other slave or borderStates, and before the 4th of March, the day for the inaugurationof President Lincoln. 

I walked the streets of New Orleans, and found business going alongas usual. Ships were strung for miles along the lower levee, andsteamboats above, all discharging or receiving cargo. The Pelicanflag of Louisiana was flying over the Custom House, Mint, CityHall, and everywhere. At the levee ships carried every flag onearth except that of the United States, and I was told that duringa procession on the 22d of February, celebrating their emancipationfrom the despotism of the United States Government, only onenational flag was shown from a house, and that the houses ofCuthbert Bullitt, on Lafayette Square. He was commanded to take itdown, but he refused, and defended it with his pistol. 

The only officer of the army that I can recall, as being there atthe time, who was faithful, was Colonel C. L. Kilburn, of theCommissary Department, and he was preparing to escape North. 

Everybody regarded the change of Government as final; thatLouisiana, by a mere declaration, was a free and independent State, and could enter into any new alliance or combination she chose. 

Men were being enlisted and armed, to defend the State, and therewas not the least evidence that the national Administrationdesigned to make any effort, by force, to vindicate the nationalauthority. I therefore bade adieu to all my friends, and about the25th of February took my departure by railroad, for Lancaster, viaCairo and Cincinnati. 

Before leaving this subject, I will simply record the fate of someof my associates. The seminary was dispersed by the war, and allthe professors and cadets took service in the Confederacy, exceptYallas, St. Ange, and Cadet Taliaferro. The latter joined a Unionregiment, as a lieutenant, after New Orleans was retaken by theUnited States fleet under Farragut. I think that both Yallas andSt. Ange have died in poverty since the war. Major Smith joinedthe rebel army in Virginia, and was killed in April, 1865, as hewas withdrawing his garrison, by night, from the batteries atDrury's Bluff, at the time General Lee began his final retreat fromRichmond. Boyd became a captain of engineers on the staff ofGeneral Richard Taylor, was captured, and was in jail at Natchez, Mississippi, when I was on my Meridian expedition. He succeeded ingetting a letter to me on my arrival at Vicksburg, and, on my waydown to New Orleans, I stopped at Natchez, took him along, andenabled him to effect an exchange through General Banks. As soonas the war was over, he returned to Alexandria, and reorganized theold institution, where I visited him in 1867; but, the next winter, the building took fire end burned to the ground. The students, library, apparatus, etc. , were transferred to Baton Rouge, wherethe same institution now is, under the title of the LouisianaUniversity. I have been able to do them many acts of kindness, andam still in correspondence, with Colonel Boyd, its president. 

General G. Mason Graham is still living on his plantation, on BayouRapides, old and much respected. 

Dr. S. A. Smith became a surgeon in the rebel army, and at theclose of the war was medical director of the trans-MississippiDepartment, with General Kirby Smith. I have seen him since thewar, at New Orleans, where he died about a year ago. 

Dr. Clark was in Washington recently, applying for a place asUnited States consul abroad. I assisted him, but with no success, and he is now at Baltimore, Maryland. 

After the battle of Shiloh, I found among the prisoners CadetBarrow, fitted him out with some clean clothing, of which he was inneed, and from him learned that Cadet Workman was killed in thatbattle. 

Governor Moore's plantation was devastated by General Banks'stroops. After the war he appealed to me, and through theAttorney-General, Henry Stanbery, I aided in having hisland restored to him, and I think he is now living there. 

Bragg, Beauregard, and Taylor, enacted high parts in the succeedingwar, and now reside in Louisiana or Texas. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

MISSOURI

APRIL AND MAY, 1861. 

During the time of these events in Louisiana, I was in constantcorrespondence with my brother, John Sherman, at Washington; Mr. Ewing, at Lancaster, Ohio; and Major H. S. Turner, at St. Louis. Ihad managed to maintain my family comfortably at Lancaster, but wasextremely anxious about the future. It looked like the end of mycareer, for I did not suppose that "civil war" could give me anemployment that would provide for the family. I thought, and mayhave said, that the national crisis had been brought about by thepoliticians, and, as it was upon us, they "might fight it out"Therefore, when I turned North from New Orleans, I felt moredisposed to look to St. Louis for a home, and to Major. Turner tofind me employment, than to the public service. 

I left New Orleans about the 1st of March, 1861, by rail to Jacksonand Clinton, Mississippi, Jackson, Tennessee, and Columbus, Kentucky, where we took a boat to Cairo, and thence, by rail, toCincinnati and Lancaster. All the way, I heard, in the cars andboats, warm discussions about polities; to the effect that, if Mr. Lincoln should attempt coercion of the seceded States, the otherslave or border States would make common cause, when, it wasbelieved, it would be madness to attempt to reduce them tosubjection. In the South, the people were earnest, fierce andangry, and were evidently organizing for action; whereas, inIllinois, Indiana, and Ohio, I saw not the least sign ofpreparation. It certainly looked to me as though the people of theNorth would tamely submit to a disruption of the Union, and theorators of the South used, openly and constantly, the expressionsthat there would be no war, and that a lady's thimble would holdall the blood to be shed. On reaching Lancaster, I found lettersfrom my brother John, inviting me to come to Washington, as hewanted to see me; and from Major Tamer, at St. Louis, that he wastrying to secure for me the office of president of the Fifth StreetRailroad, with a salary of twenty-five hundred dollars; that Mr. Lucas and D. A. January held a controlling interest of stock, wouldvote for me, and the election would occur in March. This suited meexactly, and I answered Turner that I would accept, with thanks. But I also thought it right and proper that I should first go toWashington, to talk with my brother, Senator Sherman. 

Mr. Lincoln had just been installed, and the newspapers were filledwith rumors of every kind indicative of war; the chief act ofinterest was that Major Robert Anderson had taken by night intoFort Sumter all the troops garrisoning Charleston Harbor, and thathe was determined to defend it against the demands of the State ofSouth Carolina and of the Confederate States. I must have reachedWashington about the 10th of March. I found my brother there, justappointed Senator, in place of Mr. Chase, who was in the cabinet, and I have no doubt my opinions, thoughts, and feelings, wrought upby the events in Louisiana; seemed to him gloomy and extravagant. About Washington I saw but few signs of preparation, though theSouthern Senators and Representatives were daily sounding theirthreats on the floors of Congress, and were publicly withdrawing tojoin the Confederate Congress at Montgomery. Even in the WarDepartment and about the public offices there was open, unconcealedtalk, amounting to high-treason. 

One day, John Sherman took me with him to see Mr. Lincoln. Hewalked into the room where the secretary to the President now sits, we found the room full of people, and Mr. Lincoln sat at the end ofthe table, talking with three or four gentlemen, who soon left. John walked up, shook hands, and took a chair near him, holding inhis hand some papers referring to, minor appointments in the Stateof Ohio, which formed the subject of conversation. Mr. Lincolntook the papers, said he would refer them to the proper heads ofdepartments, and would be glad to make the appointments asked for, if not already promised. John then turned to me, and said, "Mr. President, this is my brother, Colonel Sherman, who is just up fromLouisiana, he may give you some information you want. " "Ah!" saidMr. Lincoln, "how are they getting along down there?" I said, "Theythink they are getting along swimmingly--they are preparing forwar. " "Oh, well!" said he, "I guess we'll manage to keep house. "I was silenced, said no more to him, and we soon left. I was sadlydisappointed, and remember that I broke out on John, d--ning thepoliticians generally, saying, "You have got things in a hell of afig, and you may get them out as you best can, " adding that thecountry was sleeping on a volcano that might burst forth at anyminute, but that I was going to St. Louis to take care of myfamily, and would have no more to do with it. John begged me to bemore patient, but I said I would not; that I had no time to wait, that I was off for St. Louis; and off I went. At Lancaster I foundletters from Major Turner, inviting me to St. Louis, as the placein the Fifth Street Railroad was a sure thing, and that Mr. Lucaswould rent me a good house on Locust Street, suitable for myfamily, for six hundred dollars a year. 

Mrs. Sherman and I gathered our family and effects together, started for St. Louis March 27th, where we rented of Mr. Lucas thehouse on Locust Street, between Tenth and Eleventh, and occupied iton the 1st of April. Charles Ewing and John Hunter had formed alaw-partnership in St. Louis, and agreed to board with us, takingrooms on the third floor In the latter part of March, I was dulyelected president of the Fifth Street Railroad, and entered on thedischarge of my duties April 1, 1861. We had a central office onthe corner of Fifth and Locust, and also another up at the stablesin Bremen. The road was well stocked and in full operation, andall I had to do was to watch the economical administration ofexisting affairs, which I endeavored to do with fidelity and zeal. But the whole air was full of wars and rumors of wars. Thestruggle was going on politically for the border States. Even inMissouri, which was a slave State, it was manifest that theGovernor of the State, Claiborne Jackson, and all the leadingpoliticians, were for the South in case of a war. The house on thenorthwest corner of Fifth and Pine was the rebel headquarters, where the rebel flag was hung publicly, and the crowds about thePlanters' House were all more or less rebel. There was also a campin Lindell's Grove, at the end of Olive, Street, under command ofGeneral D. M. Frost, a Northern man, a graduate of West Point, inopen sympathy with the Southern leaders. This camp was nominally aState camp of instruction, but, beyond doubt, was in the interestof the Southern cause, designed to be used against the nationalauthority in the event of the General Government's attempting tocoerce the Southern Confederacy. General William S. Harvey was incommand of the Department of Missouri, and resided in his ownhouse, on Fourth Street, below Market; and there were five or sixcompanies of United States troops in the arsenal, commanded byCaptain N. Lyon; throughout the city, there had been organized, almost exclusively out of the German part of the population, fouror five regiments of "Home Guards, " with which movement FrankBlair, B. Gratz Brown, John M. Schofield, Clinton B. Fisk, andothers, were most active on the part of the national authorities. Frank Blair's brother Montgomery was in the cabinet of Mr. Lincolnat Washington, and to him seemed committed the general managementof affairs in Missouri. 

The newspapers fanned the public excitement to the highest pitch, and threats of attacking the arsenal on the one hand, and the mobof d--d rebels in Camp Jackson on the other, were bandied about. Itried my best to keep out of the current, and only talked freelywith a few men; among them Colonel John O'Fallon, a wealthygentleman who resided above St. Louis. He daily came down to myoffice in Bremen, and we walked up and down the pavement by thehour, deploring the sad condition of our country, and the seemingdrift toward dissolution and anarchy. I used also to go down tothe arsenal occasionally to see Lyon, Totten, and other of my armyacquaintance, and was glad to see them making preparations todefend their post, if not to assume the offensive. 

The bombardment of Fort Sumter, which was announced by telegraph, began April 12th, and ended on the 14th. We then knew that the warwas actually begun, and though the South was openly, manifestly theaggressor, yet her friends and apologists insisted that she wassimply acting on a justifiable defensive, and that in the forcibleseizure of, the public forts within her limits the people wereacting with reasonable prudence and foresight. Yet neither partyseemed willing to invade, or cross the border. Davis, who orderedthe bombardment of Sumter, knew the temper of his people well, andforesaw that it would precipitate the action of the border States;for almost immediately Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, andTennessee, followed the lead of the cotton States, and conventionswere deliberating in Kentucky and Missouri. 

On the night of Saturday, April 6th, I received the following, dispatch:

Washington, April 6, 1861. 

Major W. T. Sherman:

Will you accept the chief clerkship of the War Department? We willmake you assistant Secretary of War when Congress meets. 

M. Blair, Postmaster-General. 

To which I replied by telegraph, Monday morning; "I cannot accept;"and by mail as follows:

Monday, April 8, 1861. Office of the St. Louis Railroad Company. 

Hon. M. Blair, Washington, D. C. 

I received, about nine o'clock Saturday night, your telegraphdispatch, which I have this moment answered, "I cannot accept. "

I have quite a large family, and when I resigned my place inLouisiana, on account of secession, I had no time to lose; and, therefore, after my hasty visit to Washington, where I saw nochance of employment, I came to St. Louis, have accepted a place inthis company, have rented a house, and incurred other obligations, so that I am not at liberty to change. 

I thank you for the compliment contained in your offer, and assureyou that I wish the Administration all success in its almostimpossible task of governing this distracted and anarchical people. 

Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN

I was afterward told that this letter gave offense, and that someof Mr. Lincoln's cabinet concluded that I too would prove false tothe country. 

Later in that month, after the capture of Fort Sumter by theConfederate authorities, a Dr. Cornyn came to our house on LocustStreet, one night after I had gone to bed, and told me he had beensent by Frank Blair, who was not well, and wanted to see me thatnight at his house. I dressed and walked over to his house onWashington Avenue, near Fourteenth, and found there, in thefront-room, several gentlemen, among whom I recall Henry T. Blow. Blair was in the back-room, closeted with some gentleman, who soonleft, and I was called in. He there told me that the Governmentwas mistrustful of General Harvey, that a change in the command ofthe department was to be made; that he held it in his power toappoint a brigadier-general, and put him in command of thedepartment, and he offered me the place. I told him I had onceoffered my services, and they were declined; that I had madebusiness engagements in St. Louis, which I could not throw off atpleasure; that I had long deliberated on my course of action, andmust decline his offer, however tempting and complimentary. Hereasoned with me, but I persisted. He told me, in that event, heshould appoint Lyon, and he did so. 

Finding that even my best friends were uneasy as to my politicalstatus, on the 8th of May I addressed the following official letterto the Secretary of War:

Office of the St. Louis Railroad Company, May 8, 1881. 

Hon. S. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Sir: I hold myself now, as always, prepared to serve mycountry in the capacity for which I was trained. I did not andwill not volunteer for three months, because I cannot throw myfamily on the cold charity of the world. But for the three-yearscall, made by the President, an officer can prepare his command anddo good service. 

I will not volunteer as a soldier, because rightfully or wrongfullyI feel unwilling to take a mere private's place, and, having formany years lived in California and Louisiana, the men are not wellenough acquainted with me to elect me to my appropriate place. 

Should my services be needed, the records of the War Departmentwill enable you to designate the station in which I can render mostservice. 

Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN. 

To this I do not think I received a direct answer; but, on the 10thof the same month, I was appointed colonel of the ThirteenthRegular Infantry. 

I remember going to the arsenal on the 9th of May, taking mychildren with me in the street-cars. Within the arsenal wall weredrawn up in parallel lines four regiments of the "Home Guards, " andI saw men distributing cartridges to the boxes. I also saw GeneralLyon running about with his hair in the wind, his pockets full ofpapers, wild and irregular, but I knew him to be a man of vehementpurpose and of determined action. I saw of course that it meantbusiness, but whether for defense or offense I did not know. Thenext morning I went up to the railroad-office in Bremen, as usual, and heard at every corner of the streets that the "Dutch" weremoving on Camp Jackson. People were barricading their houses, andmen were running in that direction. I hurried through my businessas quickly as I could, and got back to my house on Locust Street bytwelve o'clock. Charles Ewing and Hunter were there, and insistedon going out to the camp to see "the fun. " I tried to dissuadethem, saying that in case of conflict the bystanders were morelikely to be killed than the men engaged, but they would go. Ifelt as much interest as anybody else, but staid at home, took mylittle son Willie, who was about seven years old, and walked up anddown the pavement in front of our house, listening for the sound ofmusketry or cannon in the direction of Camp Jackson. While soengaged Miss Eliza Dean, who lived opposite us, called me acrossthe street, told me that her brother-in-law, Dr. Scott, was asurgeon in Frost's camp, and she was dreadfully afraid he would bekilled. I reasoned with her that General Lyon was a regularofficer; that if he had gone out, as reported, to Camp Jackson, hewould take with him such a force as would make resistanceimpossible; but she would not be comforted, saying that the campwas made up of the young men from the first and best families ofSt. Louis, and that they were proud, and would fight. I explainedthat young men of the best families did not like to be killedbetter than ordinary people. Edging gradually up the street, I wasin Olive Street just about Twelfth, when I saw a man running fromthe direction of Camp Jackson at full speed, calling, as he went, "They've surrendered, they've surrendered!" So I turned back andrang the bell at Mrs. Dean's. Eliza came to the door, and Iexplained what I had heard; but she angrily slammed the door in myface! Evidently she was disappointed to find she was mistaken inher estimate of the rash courage of the best families. 

I again turned in the direction of Camp Jackson, my boy Willie withme still. At the head of Olive Street, abreast of Lindell's Grove, I found Frank Blair's regiment in the street, with ranks opened, and the Camp Jackson prisoners inside. A crowd of people wasgathered around, calling to the prisoners by name, some hurrahingfor Jeff Davis, and others encouraging the troops. Men, women, andchildren, were in the crowd. I passed along till I found myselfinside the grove, where I met Charles Ewing and John Hunter, and westood looking at the troops on the road, heading toward the city. A band of music was playing at the head, and the column made one ortwo ineffectual starts, but for some reason was halted. Thebattalion of regulars was abreast of me, of which Major RufusSaxton was in command, and I gave him an evening paper, which I hadbought of the newsboy on my way out. He was reading from it somepiece of news, sitting on his horse, when the column again began tomove forward, and he resumed his place at the head of his command. At that part of the road, or street, was an embankment about eightfeet high, and a drunken fellow tried to pass over it to the peopleopposite. 

One of the regular sergeant file-closers ordered him back, but heattempted to pass through the ranks, when the sergeant barred hisprogress with his musket "a-port. " The drunken man seized hismusket, when the sergeant threw him off with violence, and herolled over and over down the bank. By the time this man hadpicked himself up and got his hat, which had fallen off, and hadagain mounted the embankment, the regulars had passed, and the headof Osterhaus's regiment of Home Guards had come up. The man had inhis hand a small pistol, which he fired off, and I heard that theball had struck the leg of one of Osterhaus's staff; the regimentstopped; there was a moment of confusion, when the soldiers of thatregiment began to fire over our heads in the grove. I heard theballs cutting the leaves above our heads, and saw several men andwomen running in all directions, some of whom were wounded. Ofcourse there was a general stampede. Charles Ewing threw Willie onthe ground and covered him with his body. Hunter ran behind thehill, and I also threw myself on the ground. The fire ran backfrom the head of the regiment toward its rear, and as I saw the menreloading their pieces, I jerked Willie up, ran back with him intoa gully which covered us, lay there until I saw that the fire hadceased, and that the column was again moving on, when I took upWillie and started back for home round by way of Market Street. Awoman and child were killed outright; two or three men were alsokilled, and several others were wounded. The great mass of thepeople on that occasion were simply curious spectators, though menwere sprinkled through the crowd calling out, "Hurrah for JeffDavis!" and others were particularly abusive of the "damned Dutch"Lyon posted a guard in charge of the vacant camp, and marched hisprisoners down to the arsenal; some were paroled, and others held, till afterward they were regularly exchanged. 

A very few days after this event, May 14th, I received a dispatchfrom my brother Charles in Washington, telling me to come on atonce; that I had been appointed a colonel of the Thirteenth RegularInfantry, and that I was wanted at Washington immediately. 

Of course I could no longer defer action. I saw Mr. Lucas, MajorTurner, and other friends and parties connected with the road, whoagreed that I should go on. I left my family, because I was underthe impression that I would be allowed to enlist my own regiment, which would take some time, and I expected to raise the regimentand organize it at Jefferson Barracks. I repaired to Washington, and there found that the Government was trying to rise to a levelwith the occasion. Mr. Lincoln had, without the sanction of law, authorized the raising of ten new regiments of regulars, eachinfantry regiment to be composed of three battalions of eightcompanies each; and had called for seventy-five thousand Statevolunteers. Even this call seemed to me utterly inadequate; stillit was none of my business. I took the oath of office, and wasfurnished with a list of officers, appointed to my regiment, whichwas still, incomplete. I reported in person to General Scott, athis office on Seventeenth Street, opposite the War Department, andapplied for authority to return West, and raise my regiment atJefferson Barracks, but the general said my lieutenant-colonel, Burbank, was fully qualified to superintend the enlistment, andthat he wanted me there; and he at once dictated an order for me toreport to him in person for inspection duty. 

Satisfied that I would not be permitted to return to St. Louis, Iinstructed Mrs. Sherman to pack up, return to Lancaster, and trustto the fate of war. 

I also resigned my place as president of the Fifth Street Railroad, to take effect at the end of May, so that in fact I received payfrom that road for only two months' service, and then began my newarmy career.