THE MARCH OF PORTOLÁ AND THE DISCOVERY OF THE BAY OF SAN FRANCISCO

By Zoeth S. Eldredge

Log of the San Carlos and Original Documents Translated and Annotated

By E. J. Molera

Published by the Reception Committee of The California PromotionCommittee

This Book is published with the approval and endorsement of theExecutive Committee of the Portolá Festival. 

The March of Portolá

and

The Log of the San Carlos

 San Francisco

 "Serene, indifferent of fate, Thou sittest at the Western Gate;

 Upon thy heights so lately won, Still slant the banners of the sun;

 Thou seest the white seas strike their tents, O warder of two continents, And scornful of the peace that flies, Thy angry winds and sullen skies, Thou drawest all things, small or great, To thee beside the Western Gate. "

Table of Contents

 Introduction The March of Portolá and Discovery of the Bay of San Francisco Data regarding Portolá after he left California Letter of the Viceroy of New Spain to Don Julian de Arriaga Causes that led to the Expedition of the San Carlos Log of the San Carlos Report of the Commander of the San Carlos Description of the Bay of San Francisco Report of the Pilot of the San Carlos

Illustrations

 The March to Monterey (Frontispiece) Carrying the Sick Discovery of the Bay of San Francisco Departure of the San Carlos from La Paz Facsimile of signature of Governor Portolá First Survey and Map of the Bay of San Francisco

Introduction

In the annals of adventure, there are no more thrilling narrativesof heroic perseverance in the performance of duty than the recordof Spanish exploration in America. To those of us who have come intopossession of the fair land opened up by them, the story of theirtravels and adventures have the most profound interest. The accountof the expedition of Portolá has never been properly presented. Manywriters have touched on it, and H. H. Bancroft, in his History ofCalifornia, gives a brief digest of Crespi's diary. Most writers onCalifornia history have drawn on Palou's Vida del V. P. F. JuniperoSerra and Noticias de la Nueva California, and without looking further, have accepted the ecclesiastical narrative. We have endeavored inthis sketch to give, in a clear and concise form, the conditions whichpreceded and led up to the occupation of California. 

The importance of California in relation to the control of the Pacificwas early recognized by the great European powers, some of whom had butsmall respect for the Bull of Pope Alexander VI dividing the New Worldbetween Spain and Portugal. England, France, and Russia sent repeatedexpeditions into the Pacific. In 1646 the British Admiralty sent twoships to look in Hudson's Bay for a northwest passage to the South Sea, one of which bore the significant name of California. The voyage ofFrancis Drake, 1577-1580, was a private venture, but at Drake's Bayhe proclaimed the sovereignty of Elizabeth, and named the country NewAlbion. Two hundred years later (1792-1793) Captain George Vancouverexplored the coast of California down to thirty degrees of northlatitude (Ensenada de Todos Santos), which, he says, "is thesouthernmost limit of New Albion, as discovered by Sir Francis Drake, or New California, as the Spaniards frequently call it. " Even afterthe occupation and settlement by the Spaniards, so feeble were theirestablishments that, as Vancouver reports to the Admiralty, itwould take but a small force to wrest from Spain this most valuablepossession. But though the growing feebleness of Spain presaged the timewhen her hold upon America would be loosened, the standard of individualheroism was not lowered, and the achievements of Portolá and of Anzarank with those of De Soto and Coronado. The California explorer didnot, it is true, have to fight his way through hordes of fierce natives. The California Indians, as a rule, received the white adventurersgladly, and entertained them with such hospitality as they had to offer, but the Indians north of the Santa Barbara Channel were but a poor lot. In a country abounding in game of all kinds, a sea swarming with fish, a soil capable of growing every character of foodstuff, these miserablenatives lived in a chronic state of starvation. 

As in heroic qualities, so also in skill and judgment, Portolá upholdsthe best traditions of Spain. The success of an expedition depends uponthe character of the leader. Pánfilo de Narváez landed on the coast ofFlorida in April, 1528, with a well-equipped army of three hundred menand forty horses, just half the force he sailed with from Spain theprevious June, and of the three hundred men whom he led into Florida, only four lived to reach civilization--the rest perished. That isbut one example of incompetent leadership. When Portolá organized hisexpedition for the march from San Diego Bay to Monterey, many of hissoldiers were ill from scurvy, and at one time on the march the sicklist numbered nineteen men, including the governor and Rivera, his chiefofficer. Sixteen men had to be carried, and to three, in extremis, theviaticum was administered; but he brought them all through, and returnedto San Diego without the loss of a man. 

There are two full diaries of this expedition, one by Father Crespi andthe other by Alférez Costansó. There is, besides, a diary of JuníperoSerra of the march from Velicatá to San Diego Bay, a translation ofwhich is printed in Out West magazine (Los Angeles), March-July, 1902. It is of small value to the student of history. There is a diary byPortolá, quoted by Bancroft, and a Fragmento by Ortega, also used byBancroft. These we have not seen. There are letters from FranciscoPalou, Juan Crespi and Miguel Costansó, printed in Out West for January1902. The diary of Father Crespi is printed in Palou's Noticias de laNueva California. Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, re-printed SanFrancisco, 1874. The diary of Miguel Costansó is in the Sutro library. It has never been printed. It is prefaced by an historical narrative, apoor translation of which was published by Dalrymple, London, 1790, and a better one by Chas. F. Lummis in Out West, June-July, 1901. InPublications of the Historical Society of Southern California, Vol. II, Part 1, Los Angeles, 1891, a number of documents of the Sutro collectionare printed, with translations by George Butler Griffin. These relate tothe explorations of the California coast by ships from the Philippines, the two voyages of Vizcaino, with some letters of Junípero Serra, anddiaries of the voyage of the Santiago to the northern coast in 1774. 

The sketch here submitted is the result of much study of originaldocuments, and the route of the expedition is laid down after carefulsurvey of the physical geography where possible, and in other cases, bythe contoured maps of the Geological Survey, following the directionsand language as given by the diarists. Among the printed books consultedare Palou's Vida del Padre Junipero Serra and his Noticias de la NuevaCalifornia, above noted. The Conquest of the Great Northwest, Agnes C. Laut, New York, 1908; History of California by H. H. Bancroft; Treatiesof Navigation, Cabrera Bueno, Translation, Dalrymple, London, 1790; TheDiscovery of San Francisco Bay, George Davidson, and Francis Drake onthe Northwest Coast of America in 1579, the same author; Proceedings ofthe Geographical Society of the Pacific. 

In view of the forthcoming Portolá Festival, The California PromotionCommittee, through its Reception Committee, appointed three of itsmembers to compile a history of the first expedition for the settlementof California. In the endeavor to obtain further knowledge of the lifeand character of Portolá, the committee has been enabled, through theefforts of one of its members, to have careful search made among thearchives of Madrid, of the India Office at Saville, of the City ofMexico, and of Puebla, and while we have little to show, as yet, concerning Portolá, we have received other documents of the utmostimportance to the history of San Francisco: a chronicle of the eventsfollowing the discovery of the Bay. 

By royal edict, a maritime expedition for the exploration of thenorthwestern coasts of America sailed from San Blas early in theyear 1775. This consisted of the frigate Santiago, under thecommander-in-chief, Don Bruno de Heceta; the packet boat San Carlos, under Lieutenant Ayala, and schooner Sonora, under Lieutenant Bodega. To Lieutenant Ayala was assigned the exploration of the Bay of SanFrancisco, while the Santiago and the Sonora sailed for the north. Bodega discovered the Bay which bears his name, and Heceta (to spell hisname as it is usually written) discovered the Columbia River. Bancroft(History of California), in giving Palou's Vida as authority for hisshort and incorrect account of Ayala's survey, says: "It is unfortunatethat neither map nor diary of this earliest survey is extant. " It iswith pleasure we are permitted to present to the public these importantdocuments, now printed for the first time, and only regret that theshortness of time allowed for their study may perhaps necessitate latersome minor corrections. 

We have also received from the Minister of Marine of Spain, Don JoséFerrano, under date of July 14, 1909, a drawing of the paquebot, SanCarlos, together with the record of her gallant commander, Don JuanManuel de Ayala. 

Ayala was born in Osuna, Andalucia, on the 28th of December, 1745. Heentered the Marine Corps on the 19th of September, 1760, and was madeAlférez de Fragata, October 10, 1767; Alférez de Navio, June 15, 1769;Teniente de Fragata, April 28, 1774; Teniente de Navio, February, 1776;and Capitan de Fragata, December 21, 1782. 

When the order for the exploration of the northern coast was made, Ayalawas one of the officers assigned to the work. He arrived in Vera Cruzin August, 1774, proceeded to the City of Mexico, and was ordered byViceroy Bucareli to San Blas, where he was given command of the schoonerSonora. The squadron under Heceta had hardly got under way, when thecommander of the San Carlos, Don Miguel Manrique, suddenly went mad. Ayala was ordered to the command of the packet-boat, and returned toSan Blas with the unfortunate officer, to follow the squadron a few dayslater. 

In December, 1775, Ayala conducted a reconnaissance on the coast of NewSpain, and at its conclusion was placed in command of the Santiago, anduntil October, 1778, served the new establishments of California. InAugust, 1779, he was sent to the Philippine Islands in command of theSan Carlos, returning to San Blas in 1781. In July, 1784, he returned toSpain, and on March 14, 1785, was retired, at his own request, the royalorder granting him full pay as captain of frigate in consideration ofhis services to California. He died December 30, 1797. 

 Zoeth S. Eldredge, E. J. Molera, Charles H. Crocker, San Francisco, August, 1909. --Committee. 

THE MARCH OF PORTOLÁ AND THE DISCOVERY OF THE BAY OF SAN FRANCISCO

By Zoeth S. Eldredge

The popular mind accepts the oft-repeated statement that the settlementof California was due to the pious zeal of a devoted priest, eager tosave the souls of the heathen, supplemented by the paternal care ofa monarch solicitous for the welfare of his subjects. The politicalexigencies of the day are forgotten; military commanders and civilgovernors sink into insignificance and become mere executives of thepriestly will, while the heroic efforts of Junípero Serra to convert thenatives, his courage in the face of danger, his sublime zeal, and hisunwearied devotion, make him the impelling factor in the colonization ofCalifornia. 

Nor is the popular conception that the church led the way intoCalifornia strange, when we understand that it is to the writings ofFray Francisco Palou, friend, disciple, and successor of Junípero, that all historians turn for the account of the occupation. FrayPalou details the glorious life of the leader with whom he toiled; heeulogizes the worthy priest, the ardent missionary, as he passed up anddown the length of the land, founding missions, planting the vine, theolive, and the fruit tree in a land whose inhabitants had oftensuffered from hunger; giving aid and comfort to the sick and wearyand consolation to the dying. Indeed, the pictures of the padres arefascinating. The infant establishments planted by the church grew richand powerful, but so wise and gentle was the administration of thepriests and so generous their hospitality, that life in California inthe first quarter of the nineteenth century was an almost dolce farniente existence. 

Radiant as is the priestly figure of Junípero drawn by Palou, thecareful investigator will find that the impelling factor in theoccupation of California was stern military necessity, not missionaryzeal. From the time of Cabrillo, Spain had claimed the coasts of thePacific up to forty-two degrees north latitude by right of discovery, but more than two hundred years had passed and she had done nothingtowards making good this right by settlement. The country was open tocolonization by any nation strong enough to maintain and protect itscolonies. 

Before relating the story of Portolá's march, let us consider for amoment the situation of California in its relation to Spain and otherEuropean nations, and we will then understand why Spain found itnecessary to occupy the country. 

When Legaspi completed the conquest of the Philippines in 1565, he senthis flagship, the San Pedro, back to New Spain under command of hisgrandson, Felipe Salcedo, with orders to survey and chart a practicableroute for ships returning from the Islands. The San Pedro sailed fromCebu, June 1, 1565, and took her course east-northeast to the Ladrones, thence northward to latitude thirty-eight, thence sailing eastward, following the Kuroshiwo, the Black Current of Japan, they madea landfall on the coast of California about the latitude of CapeMendocino. A sail of two thousand five hundred miles down the coasts ofCalifornia and New Spain brought the voyagers to the port of Acapulco. This route was charted by the priests on board the San Pedro, and fornearly three centuries was the one followed by the galleons of Spainsailing from Manila to Acapulco. The voyage across the Pacific was along one and ships in distress were obliged to put about and make forJapan. A harbor on the coast of California in which ships could findshelter and repair damages was greatly desired. A survey of the unknowncoasts of the South Sea, as it was called, was ordered, and it was alsosuggested that the explorations be extended beyond the forty-seconddegree of north latitude, it being held that the coast was a part ofthe same continent as that of China, or only separated therefrom bythe narrow strait of Anian, which was believed to open in latitudeforty-two. 

Up to this time the only exploration of the northern coast of Californiawas that of Juan Rodrigues Cabrillo, and continued after his death byhis chief pilot, Bartolomé Ferrelo, in 1542-1543. Cabrillo sailed asfar north as Fort Ross, anchored in the Gulf of the Farallones, off theentrance to the Golden Gate, and then sought refuge from the terriblestorms in San Miguel Island, Santa Barbara Channel, where he died. Ferrelo took command and sailed up to Cape Mendocino, which he named inhonor of Don Antonio de Mendoza, first viceroy of New Spain. 

On the 17th of June, 1579, Francis Drake, in command of the GoldenHinde, took refuge in the bay under Point Reyes, now known as Drake'sBay. He took possession of the country in the name of Queen Elizabeth, and named it New Albion, because of the white cliffs which, ChaplainFletcher writes, "lie towards the sea, " and also "that it might havesome affinity with our own country. " It was in this place and at thistime that the first English service was held in America, by MasterFrancis Fletcher, chaplain to Francis Drake. The "Prayer Book Cross" inGolden Gate Park, San Francisco, commemorates the event. 

Drake remained in this bay thirty-seven days, refitted his ship, supplied himself with wood and water, and sailed on July 23d to theSoutheast Farallones, where he laid in a store of seal meat, and on the25th sailed across the Pacific for England by way of the Cape of GoodHope. 

In 1585, Captain Francisco de Gali, sailing for the Philippines, wasdirected to sail, on the return voyage, as far north as the weatherwould permit, and on reaching the coast of California, examine the landand the harbors on his way homeward, make maps of all, and report allthat he accomplished. It does not appear from Gali's report that heaccomplished anything in particular. He reached the coast in latitude37° 30' (Pillar Point), and noted that the land was high and fair; thatthe mountains[1] were without snow, and that there were many indicationsof rivers, bays, and havens along the coast. 

In 1594, Captain Sebastian Cermeñon, a Portuguese sailor in the serviceof Spain, sailed for the Philippines with orders similar to those ofGali. In an attempt to survey the coast, he lost his ship, the SanAgustin. It is supposed she struck on one of the Farallones and wasbeached in Drake's Bay. From the trunk of a tree they constructed aboat, called a viroco, and in this the ship's company of more thanseventy persons continued the homeward voyage. The little vessel reachedPuerto de Navidad in safety, and here the commander and part of thecompany left it in charge of the pilot, Juan de Morgana, with a crew often men, who brought it into Acapulco on the 31st of January, 1596;a most remarkable voyage of nearly twenty-five hundred miles byshipwrecked, sick, and hungry men, crowded into an open boat. With theloss of the San Agustin, explorations of the California coast by ladenships from the Philippines came to an end. 

Sometime prior to the summer of 1595, the viceroy of New Spain, Don Luisde Velasco, entered into an agreement with certain persons looking tothe exploration of the coasts of the Californias and the settlement ofthe land. The consideration for this undertaking, which was to be atthe expense of the adventurers, was the privilege of pearl fishing andtrade, together with all the honors, favors, and exemptions usuallygiven to the pacifiers and settlers of new provinces. Preparations forthe expedition were under way, when a dispute arose between the leaderand his partners in the enterprise, and the matter was carried into thecourts. Before a decision was reached, the leader died, and the judgeordered the other partners, among whom was one Sebastian Vizcaino, tobegin the voyage to the Californias within three months. Under thisorder, Vizcaino applied to Viceroy Velasco, and received his permissionto make the journey. This was the condition of affairs when, on October5, 1596, Velasco was relieved and a new viceroy, Don Gaspar de Zúñiga yAzevedo, Count of Monterey, took command. At Velasco's request, Zúñigamade a careful examination of all matters pertaining to the expeditionto the Californias, and the result was not favorable to Vizcaino. Thenew viceroy did not think that an enterprise which might involve resultsof such vast importance should be entrusted to the leadership of aperson of such obscure position and limited capital. He also doubtedif Vizcaino had the resolution and capacity necessary for so great anundertaking, and it appeared to him that if disorders should arise amonghis men through lack of discipline, or if the natives of the country towhich he was going should repel him, the repute and royal authority ofthe king would be in danger. On the other hand, there was the decisionof the court, the concession of the viceroy, and the fact that Vizcainohad already been at expense in the matter. Zúñiga communicated hisdoubts to the former viceroy, who, in his perplexity, submitted thequestion to a theologian and a jurist, selected as the viceroy writes, from the number of those whose opinions were entitled to the greatestconsideration. Their decision was that the concession of the viceroy hadthe force of an agreement and contract; that what was at first afavor had become a right, and that, as the captain had manifested noincapacity and had been guilty of no offense, the compact could not bevaried. The audiencia[2], before whom Zúñiga also laid the matter, wasof like opinion. In view, therefore, of the length to which the affairhad gone, the viceroy resolved not to annul the contract but to do allin his power to insure the success of the expedition. That Vizcaino'ssoldiers might respect and esteem him, the viceroy clothed him withauthority and showed him the greatest honor. He required Vizcaino tofurnish him with complete memorandums and inventories of the ships andlanchas he intended to take with him, with their sails and tackle, thenumber of people, and the provisions for them, arms, ammunition, and allother property, and he instructed the royal officers at Acapulco thatthe expedition must not be permitted to sail until it was fully providedwith everything necessary for the voyage and the safety of the people. The Council of the Indies, on receiving Zúñiga's report, ordered himto cancel Vizcaino's commission and select another leader for theexpedition, but before this order could reach the viceroy, Vizcainohad sailed. The expedition consisted of the flagship San Francisco, sixhundred tons; the San José, a smaller ship, under command of CaptainRodrigo de Figueroa, and a lancha. Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco inMarch, 1596. His first stop was at the port of Calagua on the coastof Colima, where he took on some of his people and stores, and to thispoint the watchful viceroy sent a personal representative to see thatVizcaino complied with all of his requirements, and to report on theconduct of his soldiers. From here Vizcaino sailed northwest to CapeCorrientes, thence northerly to the Islands of San Juan de Mazatlan. From Mazatlan he bore west-northwest across the Gulf of California andlanded in a large bay which he named San Felipe, afterwards known asthe Bay of Cerralbo. From here he went to La Paz bay, which he so namedbecause of the peaceful character of the Indians, who received himhospitably with presents of fish, game, and fruits. This was, it issupposed, the place where Jimenez, the discoverer of California, losthis life in 1533, and where Córtez planted his ill-fated colony twoyears later. In entering the bay, the flagship ran on a shoal, andthey were obliged to cut away her masts and lighten her of her cargo ofprovisions, a great part of which was wet and lost. Here Vizcaino landedand built a stockade fort, and leaving the dismantled flagship and themarried men of his company under command of his lieutenant, Figueroa, hesailed on October 3rd, with the San José and the lancha and eighty mento explore the gulf. He encountered severe storms which separated hisvessels, and not having proper discipline among his men, had troublewith the Indians of the coast, during which nineteen men were lost bythe overturning of the ship's long boat. He turned back to La Paz, wherehis men, disheartened by the storms and the loss of their comrades, demanded to be returned to New Spain. His stock of provisions wasrunning low, and putting the disaffected on the flagship and thelancha, he sent them back, and with the San José and forty of themore adventurous of the men, again sailed, on October 28th, for theheadwaters of the gulf. For sixty-six days he battled against strongnorth winds, and only succeeded in reaching latitude twenty-nine; thenyielding to the demands of his men, he sailed for the port of the Islesof Mazatlan. 

The results of the expedition did not add to Vizcaino's reputation, but he made a most glowing report of his discoveries. He told of a landdouble the extent of New Spain and in situation much preferable; itsseas abounding in pearls of excellent quality and in fish of all kinds, in quantity greater than was contained in any other discovered sea;while in the interior of the land, some twenty days' journey to thenorthwest, were people who lived in towns, wore clothes, had gold andsilver ornaments, cloaks of cotton, maize and provisions, fowls of thecountry (turkeys), and of Castile (chickens); thus the Indians toldhim--not only in one place but in many. He desired permission tomake another voyage, and as the late expedition had exhausted his ownresources, asked that he be granted thirty-five thousand dollars fromthe royal treasury and outfitting for his ships. These advances heagreed to repay from the first gain received by him during the voyage. He also asked, on behalf of those who accompanied him, that thecountries brought by him into subjection to the crown be given to themencomienda for five lives[3]; that they be made gentlemen and grantedall the favors, exemptions, and liberties that other gentlemen enjoy, not only in the provinces of the Indies but also in Spain. For theseand for other favors asked, Vizcaino agreed to sail with five ships, equipped with proper artillery, one hundred and fifty men, arms andammunition, provisions, etc. --all things necessary for the voyage. He would pay the king one-fifth part of all gold, precious stones andvaluable mineral substances obtained, one-tenth part of the fish taken, and one-twentieth part of the salt obtained. He also agreed to makediscovery of the whole ensenada and gulf of the Californias, takepossession of the land in the name of his majesty, make settlements, build forts, and explore the country inland for a distance of onehundred leagues. 

Vizcaino's rose-colored report did not deceive the authorities, but ashe had the necessary outfit and had had some experience, the Councildecided that he was the best man to head the expedition, though Zúñigafavored Don Gabriel Maldonado, of Saville, for commander. The Councilordered that Vizcaino be supplied from the royal treasury with allnecessary funds; it granted the boon of encomienda for three lives, and that the discoverers should have all the privileges of gentlementhroughout the Indies. It also granted other minor privileges and boonsasked for. Vizcaino was made captain-general of the expedition, andsailed from Acapulco May 5, 1602, with orders to explore the coasts ofthe Californias from Cape San Lucas to Cape Mendocino, or as far northas latitude forty-two. His ships were the San Diego, flagship, the SantoTomas, under Toríbio Gomez de Corvan, the Tres Reyes, a small fragataor tender, under Alférez Martin Aguilar, and a barcolongo for exploringrivers and bays[4]. The chief pilot of the expedition was FranciscoBolaños who had been one of the pilots with Cermeñon on the lost SanAgustin. Three barefooted Carmelites looked after the spiritual needsof the adventurers. The story of this second voyage of Vizcaino is wellknown. On the 10th of November, they were in the Bay of San Diego, whichVizcaino named for San Diego de Alcalá, whose day, November 14th, theyspent in the bay, ignoring the name, San Miguel, given it by Cabrillosixty years before. Later in the month he entered and named San Pedrobay, for Saint Peter, bishop of Alexandria, whose day, November 26th, it was. He also named the islands still known as Santa Catalina and SanClemente. He next sailed through and named the Canal de Santa Barbara, which saint's day, December 4th, was observed while in the channel, andalso named Isla de Santa Barbara and Isla de San Nicolas. Passing Puntade la Concepcion, which he named[5], Vizcaino sailed up the coast in athick fog, which lifting on December 14th, revealed to the voyagersthe lofty coast range usually sighted by the ships coming from thePhilippines. Four leagues beyond they saw a river flowing from highhills through a beautiful valley to the sea. To the mountains he gavethe name of Sierra de la Santa Lucia, in honor of the Saint whose day(December 13th) they had just celebrated, and the stream he named Riodel Cármelo, in honor of the Carmelite friars. Rounding a high woodedpoint, which he named Punta de los Pinos, he dropped anchor in Montereybay, December 16th, 1602. Here Vizcaino found the much desired harbor ofrefuge, and he named it for his patron, the Conde de Monterey. Vizcainomade the most of his discovery, and in a letter to the king, written inMonterey Bay, December 28, 1602[6], he gives a most glowing descriptionof the bay, which is, at best, but an open roadstead. The Indians, asusual, told him of large cities in the interior, which they invited himto visit, but Vizcaino could not tarry. His provisions were almost gone, his men were sick with scurvy, of which many had died, and putting themost helpless on board the Santo Tomas, he sent her to Acapulco foraid, and sailed, January 3, 1603, with the flagship and fragata, forthe north. A storm soon separated the vessels and they did not see eachother again until they met in the harbor of Acapulco. Vizcaino was toldby the pilot, Bolaños, that Cermeñon had left in Drake's Bay a largequantity of wax and several chests of silk, and he entered the bay onJanuary 8th to see if any vestiges remained of ship or cargo. He did notland, but awaited the arrival of the fragata. As she did not appear, he became uneasy, and sailed the next morning in search of her. On the13th, a violent gale from the southeast drove him northward. Thiswas followed by a dense fog, and when it lifted, he found himself inlatitude forty-two--the limit of his instructions--with Cape Blanco insight, "and the trend of the coast line onward, " he writes, "towardsJapan and Great China, which are but a short run away. " Only six of hismen were now able to keep the deck, and he bore away for Acapulco, where he arrived March 21, 1603. Of the company that sailed with him, forty-two had died. 

In 1606, Philip III, King of Spain, ordered that Monterey be occupiedand provision made there to succor and refit the Philippine ships. Hedirected that to Vizcaino should be given the command of the expedition. His orders were not carried out and Vizcaino sailed instead for Japan, whence he returned in 1613, and died three years later. 

For over one hundred and sixty years, no steps were taken for thepacification and settlement of Alta California. The galleons continuedto make their yearly voyages to the Philippines, and returning, saildown the coast within sight of the fair land; but no harbor of refugewas established and no attempt was made to colonize the country. 

At last the Spanish king began to realize that if he would retain hispossessions in America, some action was necessary for their protection. Spanish sovereignty in the Pacific was threatened. The Russians hadcrossed Bering Sea, had established themselves on the coast of Alaska, and their hunters were extending their pursuit of the sea otter intomore southern waters. England had wrested Canada from France and wasready to turn her attention to the American possessions of Spain. TheFamily Compact of the Bourbon princes of France, Spain, and Italy hadaroused the ire of Pitt, then at the zenith of his fame, and he resolvedto demand an explanation from Spain, and, failing to receive it, attackher at home and abroad before she was prepared, declaring that it wastime for humbling the whole house of Bourbon. A check in the cabinetcaused Pitt's resignation, but in 1766 he was again restored to powerwith vigor and arrogance unabated. 

On February 27, 1767, Don Carlos III of Spain issued his famous decreeexpelling the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions. This society hadestablished a number of missions in Lower California, and Don Gaspar dePortolá, a captain of dragoons of the Regiment of Spain, was appointedgovernor of the Californias and sailed from Tepic with twenty-fivedragoons, twenty-five infantry, and fourteen Franciscan friars todispossess the Jesuits and turn the California missions over to theFranciscans. 

The king having been warned of the advance of the Russians upon thenorthern coasts of California, ordered the viceroy of New Spain to takeeffective measures to guard that part of his dominions from dangerof invasion and insult. While the viceroy was casting about to find aperson of sufficient importance and ability to organize and carry outso great an undertaking, Don José de Galvez, visitador-general of thekingdom and member of the Council of the Indies, offered his servicesand volunteered to go to Lower California and effect the organizationand equipment of the expedition. His services were eagerly accepted, andGalvez set out from the City of Mexico, April 9, 1768, for San Blas, onthe coast of New Galicia. Before arriving at that port, he was overtakenby a courier from the viceroy bringing orders just received from thecourt directing that a maritime expedition should be at once dispatchedto Monterey and that port fortified. Convening the Junta at San Blason the 16th of May, 1768, the señor visitador laid before them thesituation and the wishes of the king. He stated that on the exterior oroccidental coasts of the Californias, Spain claimed from Cape San Lucason the south to the Rio de los Reyes[7] in 43 degrees, though the onlyportion occupied was from Cape San Lucas up to 30° 30'. [8] The civilizedor Christian portion of the community (gente de razon--people of reason)did not, he said, number more than four hundred souls, including thefamilies of the soldiers of the garrison of Loreto and those of theminers in the south; that if foreigners of any nation were to establishthemselves in the celebrated ports of San Diego and Monterey, they mightfortify themselves there before the government could receive noticeof it. In all the Sea of the South that washes the shores of New Spainthere were no other vessels than the two packet-boats recently built inSan Blas, the San Carlos and the San Antonio, and two others of smalltonnage which served the Jesuit missionaries in their communicationsbetween California and the coast of Sonora. In these few ships consistedall the maritime forces which could have been opposed to foreigninvasion. All this Galvez laid before the Junta, there being presentthe commandant of the department and the army officers and pilots whochanced to be there. It was resolved to send an expedition by sea in theSan Carlos and San Antonio, and orders were made to prepare the ships, while Galvez proceeded to the peninsula to attend to the gathering ofsupplies and provisions. All the missions of Lower California were laidunder contribution of vestments and sacred vessels for the new missionsto be established, also dried fruits, wine, oil, riding horses and muleherd; for Galvez had decided to supplement the maritime expeditionby one by land, lest the infinite risks and dangers attending a longsea-voyage should render the attempt abortive. The governor, DonGaspar de Portolá, volunteered to lead the expedition, and he was namedcommander-in-chief. Don Fernando de Rivera y Moncado, captain of thepresidio of Loreto, was appointed second in command. The troops werecomposed of forty cavalrymen from the presidio of Loreto in LowerCalifornia, under Rivera, and twenty-five infantrymen of the companiafranca of Catalonia, under Lieutenant Don Pedro Fages. To the presidialtroops were joined thirty Christian Indians from the missions, armedwith bows and arrows. These were intended for the land expedition. Themission of Santa Maria, the northernmost mission on the peninsula, wasthe rendezvous of the land forces, and from Loreto four lighters loadedwith provisions for the land expedition were sent up the gulf to the bayof San Luis Gonzaga, the nearest point to the mission of Santa Maria, whither also went by land the troops, muleteers, and vaqueros, with theherd of every sort. Finding insufficient pasturage for the cattle atSanta Maria, they advanced to Velicatá, some thirty miles distant, andhere was assembled the land expedition. In addition to the officersnamed, Don Miguel Costansó, ensign of royal engineers, was ordered tojoin the expedition as cosmographer and diarist, and Don Pedro Prat wasappointed physician. To minister to the soldiers and take charge of themissions to be established in the new land, the following missionarypriests, all of the college of San Fernando in Mexico, were named toaccompany the expedition. Fray Junípero Serra, appointed president ofthe missions of Alta California, Fray Juan Crespi, Fray Fernando Parron, Fray Juan Vizcaino, and Fray Francisco Gomez. 

On the 6th of January, 1769, at the port of La Paz, the San Carlos wasloaded and ready for sea. The venerable Father Junípero Serra sang massaboard her, and with other devotional exercises blessed the ship andthe standards. The visitador named the Señor San José patron of theexpedition, and in a fervent exhortation, kindled the spirits of thoseabout to sail. These were Don Pedro Fages, with his twenty-five Catalansof the 1st batallion 2d regiment, Voluntarios de Cataluna, AlférezMiguel Costansó, Surgeon Don Pedro Prat, and Padre Fernando Parron. Theship was commanded by Don Vicente Vila, lieutenant of the royal navy;the mate was Don Jorge Estorace, and twenty-three sailors, twoboys, four cooks, and two blacksmiths made up the rest of the ship'scompany--sixty-two in all. They embarked on the night of January 9th andsailed on the 10th. Galvez appointed Fages gefe de las armas--chief ofthe military expedition at sea, and instructed him to retain command ofthe soldiers on land until the arrival of the governor at Monterey[9]. On the 15th of February, Father Junípero performed like offices forthe San Antonio, and she sailed the same day under command of Don JuanPerez, "of the navigation of the Philippines, " carrying Frays Vizcainoand Gomez, some carpenters, blacksmiths, and cooks, that, with thesailors, made some ninety persons, all told, on both ships. Therendezvous was San Diego bay, where all were to meet. 

The land expedition was divided into two parts. The first division, under Rivera, started from Velicatá March 24th, and the second, undercommand of the governor, started May 15th. With Rivera were PadreCrespi, Pilotin (Mate) Jose Cañizares. Twenty-five soldados decuera[10], three muleteers, and eleven Christian Indians--forty-two men. With the governor marched Junípero Serra, fifteen soldados de cuera, under Sergeant Jose Francisco de Ortega, two servants, muleteers andIndians--forty-four in all. The previous day, May 14, 1769, being EasterSunday, Junípero established the Mission of San Fernando with FrayMiguel de la Campa as Minister. For the succor and relief of the forces, both sea and land, Galvez built, at San Blas, a ship which he named inhonor of the protector of the expedition, the San Jose, and loadingher with supplies and provisions, sent her with orders to meet theexpedition at Monterey. She was lost at sea. 

There is very little of interest in this march of some two hundred milesthrough a barren country to the bay of San Diego. Junípero's diary liesbefore me[11]; it is a dreary recital of small incidents of the march, the Indians they met, the barrancas they crossed, with pious comments, etc. ; no course, no distances traveled, or other like informationnecessary to an understanding of the route and country. As a diarist, heis not to be compared with Crespi. On June 20th they came first in sightof the sea at the Ensenada de Todos Santos; thence their journey wasby the sea until they came to the rendezvous. As they drew near to SanDiego, their Indian allies began to desert, evidently in fear of theDiegueños, whom they began to meet in numbers and who proved a rascallylot. They thronged the camp and became a perfect nuisance with theirbegging and stealing. They begged from Junípero his robe and from thegovernor his cuera, waistcoat, breeches, and all he had on. One of themsucceeding in inducing Junípero to take off his spectacles to showthem to him and as soon as he got them in his hands made off with them, causing the priest a thousand difficulties to recover them. On the 27thof June Sergeant Ortega, with his scouts, pushed on to San Diego andannounced to the anxious camp the proximity of the governor. Rivera sentten of his soldiers with fresh horses back with Ortega, and Portolá, in advance of his command, reached the camp June 29th, and the entiredivision arrived, June 30th, in good order and condition, forty-six daysfrom Velicatá. 

Let us anticipate their arrival and ascertain the fate of the otherdivisions of the expedition. For more than a century and a half theplacid waters of San Diego bay had lain undisturbed by any craft moreformidable than the tule rafts (balsas de enea) of the natives, whenon the 11th of April, 1769, a silent ship slowly entered the bay anddropped her anchor not far from the point where now the ferry boat forCoronado leaves the slip. It was the San Antonio, the first arrival atthe rendezvous. No attempt was made to land, for they were alone anddread scurvy had them in its grip. Two had died, and most of the ship'scompany were sick. On the 29th, the San Carlos arrived, 110 days from LaPaz, with her company in even worse condition. All were sick, some haddied, and only four sailors remained on their feet, aided in working theship by such of the soldiers as were able to help. She had been drivenfar out of her course; had found herself short of water, and had toput into the island of Cedros to supply herself, and it was with thegreatest difficulty she reached the bay of San Diego. The first thingto be done was to find good water and to minister to the sick. For thispurpose there landed, on May 1st, Don Pedro Fages, Don Miguel Costansó, and Don Jorge Estorace, with twenty-five men-soldiers, sailors, etc. , all who were able to do duty, and, proceeding up the shore, found, bydirection of some Indians, a river of good mountain water at a distanceof three leagues to the northeast. Moving their ships as near as theycould, they prepared on the beach a camp, which they surrounded with aparapet of earth and fascines, and mounted two cannon. Within they madetwo large hospital tents from the sails and awnings of the ships, andset up the tents of the officers and priests. Then they transferred thesick. The labor was immense, for all were sick, and the list of thoseable to perform duty daily grew smaller. The difficulties of theirsituation were very great. Nearly all the medicines and food had beenconsumed during the long voyage, and Don Pedro Prat, the surgeon, himself sick with scurvy, sought in the fields with a thousand anxietiessome healing herbs, of which he himself was in as sore need as theothers. The cold made itself felt with vigor at night and the sun burnedthem by day--alternations which made the sick suffer cruelly, two orthree of them dying every day, until the whole sea expedition which hadbeen composed of more than ninety men, found itself reduced to eightsoldiers and as many sailors in a state to attend to the safeguarding ofthe ships, the working of the launches, the custody of the camp, and thecare of the sick. 

There was no news whatever of the land divisions. The neighborhood ofthe fort was diligently searched for tracks of a horse herd, but nonewere discovered. They did not know what to think of this delay. Atlength, on the 14th of May, the Indians gave notice to some soldiers onthe beach that from the direction of the south men mounted on horses andarmed as they, were coming. It was the first land division under Rivera, fifty days from Velicatá, without the loss of a man or having a sickone; but they were on half rations; they had only three sacks of flourleft and were issuing two tortillas[12] per day to each man. Greatwas the rejoicing in the camp of the sick over the arrival of Rivera'sforce. It was now resolved to remove the camp near to the river. Thiswas done, and a new camp established on a hill in what is now knownas "Old Town, " where a stockade was made and the cannon mounted. The surgeon, Pedro Prat, devoted himself to the sick, but the deathscontinued, until of the ninety and more who had sailed from La Paz, two-thirds were laid under the sand of Punta de los Muertos[13]. It wasnow thought best to send one of the packets to San Blas to inform theviceroy and the visitador of the state of the expedition, and it wasfeared that if this were longer delayed, the ship would be unable toput to sea for lack of mariners. The San Antonio was selected for thispurpose, and was prepared for sea, but as she was about to sail, thecamp was thrown into an ecstasy of joy by the arrival of Portolá andthe second division, sound in body, and with 163 mules laden withprovisions. The governor promptly informed himself of the condition ofaffairs, and desirous that the señor visitador's orders concerning thesea expedition should be carried out, offered to Captain Vila of the SanCarlos sixteen men of his command to work the ship, that he mightpursue the voyage to Monterey. As Vila had lost all his ship's officers, boatswain, storekeeper, coxswain of the launch, and there was not asailor among the men offered by Portolá, he declined to go to sea undersuch conditions. All the available sailors were therefore placed onboard the San Antonio, and she sailed for San Blas, June 8th, with eightmen only for a crew. 

The governor now proceeded to organize his force for the march toMonterey. He determined to move at once, lest the advancing seasonshould expose them to the danger of having the passes of the sierraclosed by snow, as even at San Diego those who came by sea reported thesierras covered with snow on their arrival in April. 

On the 14th of July, Portolá began his march to Monterey, distant onehundred and fifty-nine leagues. His force consisted of Sergeant Ortega, with twenty-seven soldados de cuera under Rivera, Fages with six Catalanvolunteers--all that could travel, Ensign Costansó, the priests, Crespiand Gomez, seven muleteers, fifteen Christian Indians from the missionsof Lower California, and two servants--sixty-four in all. Both Fages andCostansó were sick with scurvy, but joined the command notwithstanding. The personnel of this expedition contains some of the best known namesin California. Portolá, the first governor; Rivera, comandante ofCalifornia from 1773 to 1777, killed in the Yuma revolt on the Coloradoin 1781; Fages, first comandante of California, 1769-1773, governor, 1782-1790; Ortega, pathfinder, explorer, discoverer of the Golden Gateand of Carquines Strait[14]; lieutenant and brevet captain, comandanteof the presidio of San Diego, of Santa Barbara, and of Monterey;founder of the presidio of Santa Barbara and of the missions of San JuanCapistrano and San Buenaventura. Among the rank and file were men whosenames are not less known: Pedro Amador, who gave his name to Amadorcounty; Juan Bautista Alvarado, grandfather of Governor Alvarado; JoséRaimundo Carrillo, later alférez, lieutenant, and captain, comandanteof the presidio of Monterey, of Santa Barbara, and of San Diego, andfounder of the great Carrillo family; José Antonio Yorba, sergeant ofCatalonia volunteers, founder of the family of that name and grantee ofthe Rancho Santiago de Santa Ana; Pablo de Cota, José Ignacio Oliveras, José Maria Soberanes, and others. 

At San Diego, Portolá left the sick under the care of the faithfulsurgeon, Prat, and a guard of ten cuera soldiers; Captain Vila of theSan Carlos, with a few seamen; Frays Junípero Serra, Juan Vizcaino, andFernando Parron, a carpenter, a blacksmith, and a few Lower CaliforniaIndians, some forty persons in all. The governor also left with thema sufficient number of horses and mules and about sixty loads[15] ofprovisions. On July 16th, two days after the Portolá expedition started, Junípero founded, with appropriate ceremonies, the mission of San Diegode Alcalá, the first mission established in Alta California. The deathscontinued, and before Portolá's return in January, eight soldiers, foursailors, one servant, and eight Indians died, leaving but about twentypersons at the camp. 

We will now follow the governor. Relying somewhat on the supply ship, San Jose, which was to meet him at Monterey, but which, as we haveseen, was lost at sea, and also on the supplies to be brought by the SanAntonio, the governor, knowing the uncertainties of a sea voyage, took with him one hundred mules loaded with provisions, sufficient, heconcluded, to last him for six months. 

On the march the following order was observed. Sergeant Ortega, withsix or eight soldiers, went in advance, laid out the route, selectedthe camping place, and cleared the way of hostile Indians by whom he wasfrequently surrounded. At the head of the column rode the comandante, with Fages, Costansó, the two priests, and an escort of six Cataloniavolunteers; next came the sappers and miners, composed of Indians, withspades, mattocks, crowbars, axes, and other implements used by pioneers;these were followed by the main body divided into four bands ofpack-animals, each with its muleteers and a guard of presidial soldiers. The last was the rear guard, commanded by Captain Rivera, convoying thespare horses and mules (caballada y mulada). 

The presidial soldiers were provided with two kinds of arms, offensiveand defensive. The defensive consisted of the cuera (leather jacket)and the adarga (shield)[16]. The first, being made in the form of a coatwithout sleeves, was composed of six or seven thicknesses of dresseddeer skins impervious to the Indian arrows, except at very short range. The adarga was of two thicknesses of raw bulls-hide, borne on the leftarm, and so managed by the trooper as to defend himself and his horseagainst the arrows and spears of the Indians; in addition, they used aspecies of apron of leather, fastened to the pommel of the saddle, witha fall to each side of the horse down to the stirrup, wide enough tocover the thigh and a leg of the horseman, and protect him when ridingthrough the brush. This apron was called the armas. Their offensive armswere the lance, which they managed with great dexterity on horseback, the broadsword, and a short musket, carried in a case. Costansó, who wasan officer of the regular army, bears testimony to the unceasing laborof the presidial soldiers of California on this march, and says theywere men capable of enduring much fatigue, obedient, resolute, andactive; "and it is not too much to say that they are the best horsemenin the world, and among the best soldiers who gain their bread in theservice of the king. "[17]

It must be understood that the marches of these troops with such a trainthrough an unknown country and by unused paths, could not be long ones. It was necessary to explore the land one day for the march of the next, and the camp for the day was sometimes regulated by the distance to betraveled to the next place where water, fuel, and pastures could behad. The distance made was from two to four leagues[18], and the commandrested every four days, more or less, according to the fatigue caused bythe roughness of the road, the toil of the pioneers, the wandering offof the beasts, or the necessities of the sick. Costansó says that oneof their greatest difficulties was in the control of their caballada(horse-herd), without which the journey could not be made. In a countrythey do not know, horses frighten themselves by night in the mostincredible manner. To stampede them, it is enough for them to discovera coyote or fox. The flight of a bird, the dust flung by the wind-anyof these are capable of terrifying them and causing them to run manyleagues, precipitating themselves over barrancas and precipices, withoutany human effort availing to restrain them. Afterwards it costs immensetoil to gather them again, and those that are not killed or crippled, remain of no service for some time. In the form and manner stated, theSpaniards made their marches, traversing immense lands, which grew morefertile and pleasing as they progressed northward. 

The expedition followed practically the route which afterwards becamethe Camino Real. Its fourth jornada (day's journey) brought it to thepretty valley where later was established the mission of San LuisRey. They called it San Juan Capistrano, but that name was afterwardstransferred to a mission forty miles north of this place. The commandrested here, July 19th. Resuming the march on the 20th, the sierra (SanOnofre), whose base they were skirting, drew so near the sea that itseemed to threaten their advance, but by keeping close to the shore, they held their way, and on the 24th they encamped on a fine stream ofwater running through a mesa at the foot of a sierra, whence lookingacross the sea, they could descry Santa Catalina Island. This was SanJuan Capistrano, and here they rested on the 25th. On the 28th theyreached the Santa Ana river, near the present town of that name; aviolent shock of earthquake which they experienced caused them to namethe river Jesus de los Temblores[19]. July 30th and 31st they were inthe San Gabriel valley, which they called San Miguel, and on August 1stthey rested near the site of the present city of Los Angeles. Thestop this day, in addition to the needed rest and the necessity forexploration, was to give opportunity for the soldiers and people of theexpedition to gain the great indulgence of Porciúncula. [20] The priestssaid mass and the sacrament was administered. In the afternoon thesoldiers went to hunt and brought in an antelope (barrendo), with whichthe land seemed to abound. The next day they crossed the Los Angelesriver by the site of the present city, and named it Rio de NuestraSeñora de Los Angeles de Porciúncula[21]. Passing up the river, theywent through the cañon and came into the San Fernando valley, which theycalled Valle de Santa Catalina de los Encinos--Valley of St. Catherineof the Oaks. Five days they spent in the valley, and crossing the SantaSusana mountains, perhaps by the Tapo cañon, they came to the SantaClara river near the site of Camulos, and there rested, August 9th. Portolá named the river Santa Clara, which name it still bears, in honorof the saint, whose day, August 12th, was observed by them. Five days, by easy jornadas, they traveled down the river, and arrived on the 14that the first rancheria[22] of the Channel Indians. It being the vespersof the feast of La Asuncion de Nuestra Señora, Portolá named the villageLa Asuncion. It contained about thirty large, well-constructed housesof clay and rushes, and each house held three or four families. TheseIndians were of good size, well-formed, active, industrious, and veryskillful in constructing boats, wooden bowls, and other articles. Portolá thought this pueblo must be the one named by Cabrillo, Pueblo deCanoas (Pueblo of the Boats). This was the site selected for the missionof San Buenaventura, founded March 31, 1782. The natives received themkindly, gave them an abundance of food, and showed them their well-madeboats, twenty-four feet long, made of pine boards tied together withcords and covered with asphaltum, and capable of carrying ten men each. The next four days they followed the beach and camped, on August 18th, at a large laguna, called by them La Laguna de la Concepcion. This wasthe site of the future presidio and mission of Santa Barbara. Everywherewere large populous rancherías of the Indians, and everywhere they werereceived in the most hospitable manner and provided with more food thanthey could eat. The next stop was three leagues beyond, on the shore ofa large lagoon and marsh, containing a good-sized island on which wasa large ranchería, while four others lined the banks of the lagoon. Portolá gave to this group the name In Mediaciones de las Rancheríasde Mescaltitan--The Contiguous Rancherías of Mescaltitan. The name ofMescaltitan is still attached to the island, though the marsh is mostlydrained and contains some of the finest walnut groves in California. Onthe 28th, they turned Point Concepcion and camped just north at a placecalled by them Paraje de los Pedernales. Point Pedernales, about fivemiles beyond, preserves the name. On the 30th they crossed a largeriver, which they named the Santa Rosa, in honor of that saint, whoseday it was. This is now the Santa Inez, so called from the mission ofthat name, established on its bank in 1804. Passing northward along thebeach, a sharp spur of the sierra jutting out at Point Sal turned theminland through the little pass followed by the Southern Pacific CoastLine, and they came, on September 10th, to a large lake in the northwestcorner of Santa Barbara county, to which was given the name of LagunaLarga, now known as Guadalupe Lake. Three leagues beyond, they camped ata lake named by Costansó, Laguna Redonda, but which the soldiers calledEl Oso Flaco--The Thin Bear--and it is still known by that name. HereSergeant Ortega was taken ill, and ten of the soldiers complained ofsore feet. They rested on the 3d, and on the 4th reached the mouth ofthe San Luis cañon. Here they were hospitably received by the chief ofa large ranchería, whose appearance caused the soldiers to apply to himthe name of "El Buchon, " he having a large tumor hanging from his neck. Father Crespi did not approve of the name which the soldiers appliedto the chief, his ranchería, and to the cañon leading up to San LuisObispo, and he named the village San Ladislao. As in so many cases thegood father was unable to make the name he gave stick, the saint hasbeen ignored, but Point Buchon, just above Point Harford and MountBuchon, otherwise known as Bald Knob, bear witness to the stayingqualities of the tumor on the chief's neck. Passing up the narrow cañonof San Luis creek, they camped at or near the site of the mission andcity of San Luis Obispo. From here, instead of proceeding over theSierra de Santa Lucia by the Cuesta pass into the upper Salinas valley, whence the march to Monterey would have been easy, they turned to thewest and followed the Cañada de los Osos to the sea at Morro Bay, whichthey called El Estero de San Serafin. The Cañada de los Osos[23], stillso called, they named because of a fight with some very fierce bears, one of which they succeeded in killing after it had received nine balls. Another wounded the mules, and the hunters with difficulty saved theirlives. 

The travelers now marched up the coast until, on the 13th, they cameto a point where further progress was disputed by the Sierra de SantaLucia. This was where a spur from the sierra terminating in Mount Mars, blocks the passage by the beach and presents a bold front, rising threethousand feet from the water. Camping at the foot of the sierra, Portolásent out the explorers under Rivera to find a passage through themountains. During the 14th and 15th, the pioneers labored to open a wayinto the sierra through San Carpóforo cañon, and on the 16th the commandmoved up the steep and narrow gulch, with inaccessible mountains oneither side. It is impossible to follow their route through this ruggedmountain range with any degree of accuracy. Their progress was slow andpainful. On the 20th, they toiled up an exceedingly high ridge to thenorth, and from its summit the Spaniards looked upon a boundless seaof mountains, "presenting, " writes Crespi, "a sad prospect to us poortravelers worn out with the fatigue of the journey. " The cold wasbeginning to be severe, and many of the men were suffering from scurvyand unfit for service, which increased the hardship for all; yet theydid not falter but pressed bravely on, and on the 26th emerged fromthe mountains by the Arroyo Seco, which they named the Cañada del PaloCaido[24] (Valley of the Fallen Tree), and camped on the Salinas river, which they christened Rio de San Elizario. From now on the march is aneasy one down the Salinas valley to the sea. 

On the last day of September, the command halted near the mouth of theSalinas river, within sound of the ocean, though they could not seeit. They were persuaded that they were not far from the desired port ofMonterey and that the mountain range they had crossed was unquestionablythat of the Santa Lucia, described by Torquemada in his history of thevoyage of Vizcaino, and shown on the chart of the pilot Cabrera Bueno. The governor ordered the explorers to go out and ascertain on what partof the coast they were. On the morrow, Rivera, with eight soldiers, explored the coast to the southward, marching along the shore of thevery port they were seeking, while Portolá, with Costansó, Crespi, andfive soldiers, climbed a hill from whose top they saw a great ensenada, the northern point of which extended a long way into the sea, and borenorthwest at a distance of eight maritime leagues, while on the southa hill ran out into the sea in the form of a point, and appeared to bewooded with pines. They recognized the one on the north as the Punta deAño Nuevo and that on the south as Punta de Pinos, while between the twolay the great ensenada[25], with its dreary sand dunes. This was as laiddown in the coast pilot (derretero) of Cabrera Bueno, but where was thefamous port of Monterey?

They thought that perhaps they had passed Monterey in the great circuitthey had made through the mountain ranges. For three days the search wascontinued. Rivera reported that south of the Point of Pines and betweenit and another point to the south (Point Cármelo) was a small ensenada, where a stream of water came down from the mountains and emptied intoan estero; that beyond this the coast was so high and impenetrable theywere obliged to turn back, and he believed that it was the same sierrawhich compelled them to leave the coast on the 16th of September. 

Much perplexed by these reports, the governor called a council ofofficers to deliberate as to the best course to pursue. On Wednesday, October 4th, the council met and after hearing mass, the commander laidthe matter before them. He set forth the shortness of their store ofprovisions, the seventeen men on the sick list, unfit for duty, theexcessive burden of labor imposed on the rest in sentinel duty, careof the animals, and continual explorations, and to the lateness of theseason. In view of these circumstances, and of the fact that the port ofMonterey could not be found where it was said to be, each person presentwas called upon to express freely his opinion. 

Costansó spoke first; Vizcaino had put Monterey in 37°; they had onlyreached 36° 42'; they should not fail to explore up to 37° 30', so aseither to find the port or decide it did not exist. Fages was forgoing up to 37° or a little more. Rivera thought they should establishthemselves somewhere. Then the resolute commander determined to goforward and put his trust in God. If they found the desired port ofMonterey and therein the supply-ship San Jose, all would be well. IfMonterey did not appear, they would find a place for a settlement; butif it should be the will of God that all were to perish, they would havedischarged their duty to God and man in laboring until death in theirendeavor to accomplish the enterprise on which they had been sent. Tothis decision all agreed, and signed their names to the compact. 

Ortega and his scouts were now dispatched to lay out the route andlocate camping places for several days in advance, and on the 7th ofOctober, the march was resumed. Sixteen sick men had now lost use oftheir limbs. Each night they were rubbed with oil, and each morning theywere put into hammocks swung between two mules, tandem, and thus carriedin the mode of travel used by the women of Andalusia[26]. The marchwas slow and painful. Some of the sick were believed to be in the lastextremity, and on October 8th, the holy viaticum was administered tothree, who were thought to be dying. 

On this day they crossed the Rio del Pájaro, which they named becauseof a great bird the Indians had killed and stuffed with straw, and whichmeasured seven feet and four inches from the tip of one wing to that ofthe other. It was thought to be a royal eagle, and that the natives werepreparing it for some ceremony when they were frightened away by theapproach of the Spaniards. Crespi, who still had a supply of saints onhand, gave the river the name La Señora Santa Ana, but again the saintwas ignored, and the river is known as the Pájaro (Bird). On the 17ththey crossed and named the Rio de San Lorenzo, at the site of thepresent city of Santa Cruz. On the 20th they were at Punta de AñoNuevo, and camped at the entrance of the cañon of Waddell creek. Theyrecognized Point Año Nuevo from the description given by Cabrera Bueno, and Crespi estimated that it was one league distant from the camp. Withgood water and fuel, the command rested here the 21st and 22d. BothPortolá and Rivera were now added to the sick list. Meat and vegetableshad given out and the rations were reduced to five tortillas of branand flour per day. Crespi named the camp San Luis Beltran, while thesoldiers called it La Cañada de Salud. On the 23d, they again movedforward, passing Punta de Año Nuevo and, traveling two leagues, campedprobably on Gazos creek, where was a large Indian ranchería, whoseinhabitants received them kindly. This camp, which was about oppositePigeon Point, they named Casa Grande, also San Juan Nepomuceno[27]. Thenext jornada was a long one of four leagues, and their camp was on SanGregoria creek. It began to rain and the command was prostrated by anepidemic of diarrhoea which spared no one. They now thought they sawtheir end, but the contrary appeared to be the case. The diarrhoeaseemed to relieve the scurvy, and the swollen limbs of the sufferersbegan to be less painful. They named the camp Vane de los Soldados delos Cursos, and Crespi applied the name of Santo Domingo to it. Unableto travel on the 25th and 26th, but resuming the march October 27th, they pressed forward. The next stop was Purisima creek, two shortleagues distant, but the way was rough, and the pioneers had to makeroads across three arroyos where the descents were steep and difficultfor the transportation of the invalids. On the bank of the stream was anIndian ranchería, apparently deserted. The Spaniards took possessionof the huts, but soon came running forth with cries of "las pulgas! laspulgas![28]" They preferred to camp in the open. The soldiers calledthe camp Ranchería de las Pulgas, while Crespi named it San Ibon. On the28th they camped on Pilarcitos creek, site of Spanish town or Half MoonBay. They named the camp El Llano de los Ansares--The Plain of the WildGeese--and Crespi called it San Simon y San Judas. Every man in thecommand was ill; the medicines were nearly gone and the supply of foodvery short. They contemplated killing some of the mules. That night itrained heavily and Portolá, who was very ill, decided to rest on the29th. On Monday, October 30th, they moved forward. Half Moon Bay andPillar Point were noted but no names given. Several deep arroyos werecrossed, some of which required the building of bridges to get theanimals over. They proceeded up the shore until a barrier of rockconfronted them and disputed the passage. Here in a rincon (corner)formed by the sierra and sheltered from the north wind they campedwhile Ortega and his men were sent out to find a passage over theMontara mountains. A little stream furnished them with water and theynamed the camp El Rincon de las Almejas, on account of the mussels andother shell fish they found on the rocks. Crespi calls it La Puntadel Angel Custodia. The site of the camp is about a mile north of theMontara fog signal. By noon of the next day, October 31st, the pioneershad prepared a passage over the bold promontory of Point San Pedro, andat ten o'clock in the morning the company set out on the trail of theexploradores and made their painful way to the summit. Here a wondroussight met their eyes and quickened their flagging spirits. Before them, bright and beautiful, was spread a great ensenada, its waters dancingin the sunlight. Far to the northwest a point reached out into the sea, rising abruptly before them, high above the ocean. Further to the left, west-northwest, were seen six or seven white Farallones and finallyalong the shore northward they discerned the white cliffs and whatappeared to be the mouth of an inlet. There could be no mistake. Thedistant point was the Punta de los Reyes and before them lay the Bahía óPuerto de San Francisco. The saint had been good to them and with joy intheir hearts they made the steep and difficult descent and camped in theSan Pedro valley[29] at the foot of the Montara mountains. 

Some of the company thought they had left the Port of Monterey behindbut would not believe they had reached the Port of San Francisco. Tosettle the matter, the governor ordered Ortega and his men to examinethe country as far as Point Reyes, giving them three days in which toreport, while the command remained in camp in the Vallecito de la Puntade las Almejas del Angel de la Guarda, as Crespi calls it, combining thetwo names of the camp of October 30th and transferring them to the campin San Pedro valley. 

The next day, Thursday, November 2nd, being All Souls day, after masssome of the soldiers asked permission to go and hunt for deer. Theyclimbed the mountains east of the camp and returning after nightfallreported that they had seen from the top of the mountain an immenseestero or arm of the sea, which thrust itself into the land as far asthe eye could reach, stretching to the southeast; that they had seensome beautiful plains thickly covered with trees, while the many columnsof smoke rising over them showed that they were well stocked with Indianvillages. This story confirmed them in the belief that they were at thePort of San Francisco, and that the estero described was that spoken ofby Cabrera Bueno, the mouth of which they imagined they had seen fromthe Montara mountains[30]. They were now satisfied that Ortega would beunable to reach Point Reyes, and that three days was not sufficient timeto go around the head of such an estero. The exploring party returnedin the night of November 3d, discharging their fire-arms as theyapproached. They reported that they found themselves obstructed byimmense estuaries which ran extraordinarily far back into the land[31], but what caused their rejoicing was that they understood from the signsof the Indians that at two days journey from where they were there wasa port in which a ship was anchored. On this announcement, some thoughtthat they were at the port of Monterey, and that the supply ship SanJose or the San Carlos was waiting for them. Crespi says that if theywere not in Monterey, they were certainly in San Francisco. 

On Saturday, November 4th, being the day of San Carlos Borromeo, inwhose honor they had come to establish a royal presidio and mission inthe Port of Monterey, and also the day of the king, Don Carlos III (queDios guarde), the holy sacrifice of the mass was celebrated "in thislittle valley, beach of the Port (without the least doubt) of my fatherSan Francisco. " The men feasted liberally on the mussels which aboundedon the nearby rocks, and which were pronounced large and good, and, in better spirits than they had been for some time, they took up theirmarch at one o'clock in the afternoon. Proceeding a short distance upthe beach, they turned into the mountains on their right, and from thesummit beheld the immense estero o brazo del mar. Then descending intothe Cañada de San Andres, they turned to the south and southeast, andtraveling two leagues camped in the cañada at the foot of a hill, verygreen with low brush, and having a cluster of oaks at its base. The nexttwo days they traveled down the cañada, coasting the estero, which theycould not see for the low hills (lomeria) on their left, noting thepleasant land with its groves of oak, redwood (palo colorado), andmadroño. They saw the tracks of many deer and also of bears. The Indiansmet them with friendly offers of black tamales and atole, which weregladly received by the half-starved Spaniards. They begged the strangersto go to their rancherías, but the governor excused himself, sayingthat he must go forward, and dismissed them with presents of beads andtrinkets. On the 6th, they reached the end of the cañada, which suddenlyturned to the east, and saw that the estero[32] was finished in aspacious valley. To the cañada they gave the name of San Francisco[33]. Traveling a short distance towards the east, they camped on a deeparroyo, whose waters came down from the sierra and flowed precipitatelyinto the estero. They were on the San Francisquito creek, near the siteof Stanford University[34]. 

Having failed to get through to Point Reyes by the ocean beach route, Portolá now sent Ortega around by the contra costa giving him fourdays in which to explore the country and find the port containing thesupply-ship. 

Ortega with his exploradores, guided by some friendly Indians from theneighboring rancherías, set out after noon on November 7th and returnedin the night of the 10th. He reported that he had seen no sign of portor ship, and was convinced he had not understood the information theIndians had tried to convey to him, and that the port of Monterey couldnot be in advance. They also reported that the country they had seentowards the north and northeast was impassable for the expedition, forthe reason that the Indians had burned the grass and, in addition, were hostile and would dispute the passage. They said that they hadencountered another immense estero on the northeast (Carquinez Strait), which also ran far inland and connected with the one on the southeast, and that to double it would take many leagues of travel[35]. 

During the absence of the explorers, the people of the expedition werecompelled for want of meat to eat oak acorns, which caused them muchsuffering from indigestion and fever. 

Portolá called a council of officers, on November 11th, to determine thebest course to pursue. The decision was unanimous to return to the Pointof Pines and renew the search for the elusive Puerto de Monterey, whichthey believed they had left behind. This was at once acted upon, and thecommand took up the march in the afternoon of that day, returning bythe route of its coming, and on the 27th camped in sight of the Point ofPines at a little lake of muddy water. They had partly subsisted on wildgeese which they shot, and on mussels gathered from the rocks of thecoast. The following day, November 28th, they moved across the Point ofPines and camped in the cañada of the Cármelo, where was plenty of woodand good water from the river. After giving his men a rest, the governorsent ten soldiers, under command of Rivera, with six of the Indianpioneers, who undertook to guide them by the coast trails, withinstructions to thoroughly explore the coast to the south and see if thePort of Monterey was concealed in some "rincon" of the Sierra de SantaLucia. 

The exploring party returned on Monday, December 4th, at night. Theywere tired out with their travels over the rough mountain trails, andthey reported that no port of Monterey existed south of their camp; thatthe mountains belonged to the Sierra de Santa Lucia, and that there wasno passage along the shore. 

Vizcaino had said that Monterey was just north of the Sierra de SantaLucia. "It is all that can be desired for commodiousness and as astation for ships making the voyage to the Philippines, sailing whencethey make a landfall on this coast. This port is sheltered from allwinds * * * and is thickly settled with people, whom I found to be ofgentle disposition, peaceable, and docile; * * * they have flax likethat of Castile, and hemp, and cotton, "[36] etc. 

The commander knew not what to think. What should be a great port, protected from all winds, was but an ensenada; what should be theRio Cármelo was but an arroyo; what should be great lakes were butlagunillas; "and where, too, were the people, so intelligent and docile, who raised flax and hemp and cotton?" Costansó says that in their entirejourney, they found no country so thinly populated, nor any peoplemore wild and savage than the few natives whom they met here. It isnot strange that Portolá failed to recognize, in the broad ensenada, Vizcaino's Famoso Puerte de Monterey. 

The situation of the command was becoming very grave. The food supplywas almost gone. They had killed a mule, but only the Indians and theCatalonians would eat it. The commander called a council of officers, onDecember 6th, and told them the condition of affairs. They had not foundthe port they had come in search of, he said, and had no hope of findingit or the vessel that should have succored them; they had but fourteenhalf sacks of flour left; winter was upon them, the cold was becomingexcessive, and snow was beginning to fall in the mountains. He invitedfree discussion, but postponed the decision until the next day, that allmight have time for reflection. On December 7th, after hearing mass, the junta again met. Some were for remaining where they were until theprovisions were entirely consumed, and then retreat, relying on themules for food during the journey to San Diego; others thought it betterto divide the party, one-half to remain and the other return to SanDiego. Both projects were carefully discussed, and both presenteddifficulties. The prevailing sentiment seemed to favor a return, and thegovernor announced his determination. They would return to San Diegoat once, he said, for if the snow should close the mountain passes, thewhole expedition would be lost. 

A violent storm arose in the afternoon, which lasted until the night ofDecember 9th, delaying the march. 

On Sunday, December 10th, they began the retreat from Monterey. Beforeleaving Cármelo Bay, they set up a large cross on a little hill on theshore of the ensenadita, and on it, cut into the wood, the legend: "Dig;at the foot you will find a writing. " A message was put into abottle and buried at the foot of the cross. It gave the facts of theexpedition, its commander, date of starting, the dates of entering thechannel of Santa Barbara, of passing Point Concepcion, of the passageof the Santa Lucia mountains, of the sight of Punta de Pinos, of PointReyes, etc. 

"The expedition desired to reach Point Reyes, but some esterosintervened which ran far inland, which required a long journey to goaround, and other difficulties (the chief of which was the want ofprovisions), made it necessary for us to return, believing that thePort of Monterey might perhaps be near the Sierra de Santa Lucia, andthinking that we might have passed it without observing it. We left theestero of San Francisco on our return on the 11th of November. We passedthe Punta de Año Nuevo on the 19th of said month, and reached the secondtime this Port and Ensenada de Pinos on the 27th of the same. "

It states that from that day to this they have made diligent search forthe port of Monterey, but in vain, and now, despairing of finding it, their provisions nearly gone, they return to San Diego. Then followsthe latitude at various points as observed by Costansó. It requests thecommanders of the San Jose or San Antonio, if they, or either of them, should be informed of the contents of the letter and the condition ofthe expedition, to sail down the coast as near the land as possible, that the expedition might sight and obtain succor from them. 

The march that day was across the Point of Pines, one league and a half, and they camped on the shore of Monterey Bay, where they erected anothercross with an inscription announcing their departure. On the 11th, theyascended the Salinas and began to retrace the route of their coming. They killed many geese, which relieved their necessities somewhat, andon the 21st were clear of the Santa Lucia mountains. The hungry soldiersstole flour, and to prevent further theft, the comandante dividedthe remainder among them. On the 28th the command was stuck fast in amudhole near San Luis Obispo, and were unable to say mass, though itwas a feast day[37]. On January 3d, they passed Point Concepcion. Here, among the Channel Indians, food was abundant, their severe trials wereover, and the health of the command improved daily. Instead of followingup the Santa Clara river, they crossed the Santa Susana mountains, into the San Fernando valley, and followed down the Los Angeles river, crossed the Santa Ana, January 18th, and reached San Diego, January 24, 1770, with the command in good health and without the loss of a man, "with the merit of having been compelled to eat the flesh of male andfemale mules, and with not having found the Port of Monterey, which wejudged to have been filled up by the great sand dunes which were in theplace where we had expected to find it. "[38]

Portolá found a joyful welcome at the little camp at San Diego. Many haddied, and Junípero and Father Parron were just recovering from scurvy. No tidings were yet received from the San Antonio. The commander made acareful inventory of supplies, and reserved enough to march to Velicatáin case the San Antonio did not appear when the remainder should beexhausted. This, he calculated, would be a little after the middle ofMarch, and the 20th of that month was fixed as the date of departure, very much to the disappointment of the priests. On February 11th Riverawas sent to Velicatá with a guard of nineteen or twenty soldiers, tobring up the cattle and supplies that had been left there. 

After sundown of the day before that appointed for the departure, asail appeared in the distance. It was the San Antonio, just in time toprevent the abandonment of San Diego. She brought abundant supplies, and Portolá prepared for a second expedition in search of the Port ofMonterey. Captain Vila of the San Carlos declared, when the details ofthe search were related to him, that the place where they erected thesecond cross was the long-lost Port of Monterey. 

On April 16th the San Antonio sailed for Monterey, carrying Junípero, Costansó, Prat, and a cargo of stores for the new mission. On the 17th, Portolá set out by land with Fages, twelve Catalan volunteers, sevensoldados de cuera, Crespi, two muleteers, and five natives. At San Diegowas left Vila with his mate and five sailors on the San Carlos, FathersParron and Gomez, with Sergeant Ortega and eight soldados de cuera asguard, and Rivera arrived in July with over eighty mules laden withsupplies, and one hundred and sixty head of cattle. 

Portolá followed the same route that he took on the retreat fromMonterey, and on May 24th arrived at the Ensenada Grande under Punta dePinos, near the cross they had erected, December 10th. Selecting a placefor the camp, Portolá took Fages, Crespi, and a soldier for guard, andwent to the cross to see if any vessel had visited the spot. They foundaround the cross a ring of arrows stuck in the ground, some of whichwere decked with feathers; others had fish and meat attached to them, while at the foot of the cross was a small pile of shell-fish. AsPortolá, Fages, and Crespi walked along the beach and looked out overthe bay and noted its calm and placid waters, with its swimming sealsand spouting whales, they broke forth with one voice, "This is the Portof Monterey which we have sought. It is exactly as reported by SebastianVizcaino and Cabrera Bueno. "[39]

Remembering the good water at the camp on the Rio del Cármelo, Portoláordered the expedition to Cármelo Bay by direct line, while he, withFages and Crespi, proceeded around the Point of Pines. They found itwell covered with pine trees, many of them large enough for masts of aship. They also came upon a grove of cypress at a point beyond (CypressPoint), and arrived at camp after a walk of four good leagues. Here theyawaited the arrival of the San Antonio. 

On May 31st the paquebot was sighted near Point Pinos. The soldiers madesignals, to which the ship replied with her guns, and before night haddropped her anchor in Monterey Bay, which was pronounced by the sailorsto be a most famous port. 

On the 3d of June, 1770, under a shelter of branches near the oak where, in 1602, Vizcaino's Cármelite friars had celebrated mass, Don Gaspar dePortolá, with his officers, soldiers, and people of the land expedition, Fray Junípero Serra and Fray Juan Crespi, Don Juan Perez, captain of theSan Antonio, Don Miguel del Pino, his second in command, together withthe crew, assembled to establish a presidio and mission. The fatherpresident chanted the mass and preached from the Gospel, while themusical deficiency was made good by repeated discharges from the gunsof the San Antonio and volleys from the muskets of the soldiers. At theconclusion of the religious ceremonies, Don Gaspar de Portolá, governorof the Californias, took possession of the country in the name of hismajesty Don Carlos III, King of Spain, and the presidio and mission ofSan Carlos de Borromeo de Monterey were founded and established, thefirst presidio and second mission in California. 

In accord with the orders of the visitador-general, Portolá nowdelivered to Lieutenant Fages, as comandante of California, the commandof the new establishments, sailed on the San Antonio, July 9th, for SanBlas, and California knew him no more. 

DATA REGARDING DON GASPAR DE PORTOLÁ AFTER HE LEFT CALIFORNIA

By E. J. Molera

Portolá and Costansó sailed, on July 9, 1770, for Mexico, to give tothe viceroy an account of their discoveries. Costansó remained in thecapital and took part in several engineering works, among others, themap of the Valley of Mexico and its drainage. Diligent search institutedby the writer in Mexico and Spain regarding Portolá's further history, has so far discovered little beyond the fact that the commander'sreturn to the capital was followed by promotion from Captain toLieutenant-Colonel in the Royal Spanish Army, and his appointment asGovernor of Puebla, February 23, 1777. 

In the municipal archives of the city of Puebla, on page 33 of the foliocovering the years 1776-1783, is the following description of Portolá'staking possession of the office as Governor of that city and state:

"Possession of Governor Portolá. "

"In the session (meeting of February 23d, 1777), the council saw a royaltitle of Political and Military Governor of this city granted by hisMajesty to Señor Don Gaspar de Portolá, Lieutenant-Colonel of the RoyalArmy, and also a superior order of his Excellency the Viceroy, Governor, and Captain General of this New Spain, in which is stated that saidtitle has been forwarded. "

"The President of the Council, standing and uncovered, took the title inhis hand and kissed it and put it over his head, being a letter fromthe king, our master, and said that he would obey and he did obey itscontents and in its provisions it was ordered that Lieutenant-ColonelDon Gaspar de Portolá be given possession of said office, and for thatpurpose, said noble corporation went out with the heralds to bring himto this hail of sessions, and when he was in, a notary-public havingcertified to his identity, he swore to use faithfully and well theoffice of Governor, doing justice, punishing, and not burdening thepoor with excessive taxes; to keep and cause to be kept, the rights, privileges, royal decrees and ordinances, etc. "

"Having signed the oath, the president gave him the cane of Royaljustice, by which the act of possession was completed. "

In the same volume many decrees and ordinances are signed by Portolá asGovernor of Puebla. 

That in the year 1779, Portolá was still Governor of Puebla is proved bytwo original manuscripts in possession of the writer. One is a circularofficial notice to all the head authorities of Mexico, announcing thedeath of Viceroy Frey Don Antonio Bucareli y Ursua, and shown herewith;the other is a letter of Don Gaspar de Portolá, dated April 17th, 1779. 

Letter from the Viceroy of New Spain to Don Julian de Arriaga, Givingan Account of the arrival at San Blas of the Packet Boat San Carlos, Returning from the Survey of the Port of San Francisco. DocumentObtained from the Archives of the Indies, Seville. 

"My Dear Sir:"

"By courier sent to me from San Blas, I have just learned that the royalpacket-boat San Carlos, under command of Lieutenant of the frigate DonJuan Manual Ayala, which with provisions and goods sailed for the harborof Monterey, thence to the port of San Francisco, anchoring on the 6thinst. At San Blas. "

"In the copies which I send herewith, of the extensive examination madeby this officer and his pilot, Don José Cañizares, your Excellency willsee, in detail, all that was found advantageous, and the news obtainedgives knowledge of all that that vast port contains and the facilitiesthat is has to invernate[40] vessels. The docility and gentle mannersof the heathen that live in its vicinity inspire hopes in the utilityof the plan, on which I had previously determined, of colonizing thisland. "

"The letter of this officer, a copy of which is also enclosed, confirmseverything, extolling the grandeur of the view of the port, the water, wood, and ballast with which it abounds, and although the climate israther cold, it is healthy and free from the fogs found in Monterey. "

"He gives an account of what happened on his return, and praises themerit of the pilot, Don José Cañizares, in discharging the commissionentrusted to him, and he recommends him to my attention, which I reserveto that of the King; at the same time recommending to Your Excellencythat you remind His Majesty that this pilot is one of the most usefulthat the Department of San Blas has, and that in the voyages he has madehas always shown the same honor, conduct, and intelligence as on theone just finished with such advantage to the service, because of theinformation and knowledge he has shown in the discharge of his duty. "

"For his reward, I consider him worthy of the royal bounty, as well asLieutenant of frigate, Don Juan Manuel de Ayala, for his part in suchimportant work. "

"That the Lord may keep you from harm for many years is my wish. "

"Exm°. Sr. "

"Your most obedient servant who kisses Your Excellency's hands, "

"Bailio Frey D. Antonio Bucareli y Ursua. "

"Mexico, November 26th, 1775. "

"To His Excellency Sr. Bailio Frey Don Julian de Arriaga. "

Causes that Decided the Government of Spain to Send an Expedition bySea to Ascertain if there were any Russian Settlements on the Coast ofCalifornia, and to Examine the Port of San Francisco. 

Father Junípero Serra had difficulty in obtaining from Commandant Fagesthe soldiers necessary to found the missions that were projected andnotwithstanding his old age, he decided to go to the capital of Mexicoto lay before the authorities his troubles. He sailed from San Diegoin the mail boat San Carlos October 19, 1772, but, stricken by fever inGuadalajara, did not reach Mexico till February 16, 1773. 

Viceroy Bucareli, then in command of the colony, made the orders heconsidered necessary for California, but his orders would have had butlittle effect or would have followed the slow process of all officialbusiness, had not an outside incident given them force. 

Count de Lacy, then Minister Plenipotentiary of Spain to St. Petersburg, communicated to the court in Madrid, that the Russians were exploringthe coast of America. He corroborated his statement with copies of thenewspapers of the Russian capital[41]. This news with the corroboratingproofs was sent to Bucareli with the Royal edicts of April 11th andSeptember 23, 1773. 

The result of this information was to give a better organization to themaritime department of San Blas and better regulations for California. It was also ordered that a settlement should be made at San Francisco;that better means of communication be established between San Diegoand Monterey, and that an expedition should be sent to ascertain if theRussians had made settlements on the coast of California. 

THE LOG OF THE SAN CARLOS

Alias Toison De Oro (Golden Fleece)

Under Command of Lieutenant of Frigate of the Royal Navy Don Juan Manuelde Ayala

From the Port of San Blas to the Port of San Francisco

The First Ship to Enter the Port of San Francisco. Transcript of aCertified Copy of the Original, now in the Archives of the Indies, atSeville, Spain[42]. 

On the 19th of March, 1775, Lieutenant of Frigate, Don Juan Manuel deAyala had the schooner under his command anchored near the white rock inthe harbor of San Blas, waiting the sailing of the frigate Santiago tothe west coast of California, when the commander of the expedition, DonBruno de Ezeta, ordered him to deliver to Lieutenant of Frigate, DonJuan de la Bodega y Cuadra, the command of his schooner and take commandof the packet boat, San Carlos, as her captain, Don Miguel Manríque, wassick and unable to make the voyage. Ayala obeyed the order and waiteduntil the morning of the 21st, for the return of the launch whichcarried his predecessor to San Blas. He made everything ready on boardto follow the frigate and schooner and he asked the commander of theexpedition, Don Bruno de Ezeta, to take in his frigate some brown sugarand provisions which he could not accommodate in his boat except on deckwhere they were liable to be damaged. 

At 3 p. M. Of the 21st he sailed from the anchorage of San Blas with thewind east-northeast and on the following day came in sight of IsabelaIsland, lying about five miles to the west. On the 23rd he came insight of the Maria Islands and saw the frigate and schooner going to thesoutheast of the islands, where he lost sight of them. Contrary windsand calm weather prevented the San Carlos from making any considerableprogress. On the 26th, Ayala sent his pilot to see if he could obtainsome water to replace that which had been consumed[43]. The pilot couldnot make a landing and consequently did not obtain any water. On April2d, he saw Mazatlan and the packetboat Concepcion. The following day hecame near the Concepcion, and the captain informed him that he had onboard the governor of California[44]. From the Concepcion Ayala obtainedsix kegs of water. On the 4th of April a serious accident happened tothe commander. When his predecessor was taken sick, he had a number ofloaded pistols. Ayala ordered them placed where they could not injureanyone. In doing this, one fell and was discharged, the bullet enteringthe commander's foot between the second and third toes, coming out underthe big toe. This accident caused him to keep his bed. 

On the 7th of April, Cape San Lucas was seen to the north, distant abouttwo leagues. On the 8th, Cape San Lucas was seen to the west, abouttwelve leagues distant. On account of contrary winds, the progressnorthward was very slow. On June 22d, while they were warming some pitchto calk the launch, it took fire, but was extinguished before greatdamage was done. On the same day indications of land were noted and somewhales were seen, which the sailors say is the first sign of land. Onthe following day they saw some seals, which, according to the sailors, was the second sign of land. On the 24th, they saw some ducks, which, they say, is proof positive of land being near. On the same day land wassighted at 4 p. M. ; the North Farallones of San Francisco were seen tothe north and Point Año Nuevo to the southeast. At 7 p. M. , theSouth Farallones were seen at a distance of about two leagues to thenortheast. The variation of the needle was observed and found to be 13°E. 

Next day, at 9 a. M. , the fog having lifted, land was seen and Point AñoNuevo was recognized to the northwest about three leagues distant. Atnoon the sun's altitude was taken, and the latitude found to be 36° 58'. At 3 p. M. They took bearings to make Point Pinos, but this point couldnot be seen on account of the fog. At 4 p. M. The fog lifted, and at5 p. M. They saw the point which protects the harbor of Monterey. Thevariation of the needle was observed and found to be 12° 58' E. They hadsome difficulty in finding good anchorage, but finally did so on a sandybottom. 

On the 26th of June, Commander Ayala sent his launch on shore with mailand documents, and on its return the vessel was made fast. 

Ayala remained in the harbor of Monterey till July 26th, during whichtime he unloaded his cargo, took ballast, water, and fuel, mended sailsand repaired the ship, which needed it badly, the sixth board underwater at the poop having to be replaced for a length of one and one-halfyards. 

He got ready to start for the newly-discovered Port of San Francisco. 

Starting from the shelter of Monterey, situated at latitude 36°° 33', longitude 16° 45' W. Of San Blas to the newly-discovered Port of SanFrancisco, July 26, 1775. 

That day it was impossible to sail on account of the wind coming from acontrary direction. 

On July 27th, the launch towed the San Carlos until she came to therange of a southwest wind and sailed in a northwest direction[45]. Atnoon Point Pinos was seen bearing south 13° distant five miles; at 3 p. M. It had disappeared from view. Very soon after, Point Año Nuevo camein sight and the land adjoining it, about four or five miles distant. From July 28th to August 3d, little progress was made on account ofcontrary winds from the northwest. On August 3d, at 1 p. M. , land wasseen to the east 1/4 northeast, distant about twelve leagues. It wasfound to be Point Año Nuevo. At 7 p. M. Another point came into viewbearing north 1/4 northeast, distant about twelve leagues, which wasconsidered to be Point Reyes. At 10 p. M. , the wind being northwest, theSan Carlos steered west-southwest and continued in that course until 8a. M. Of the 4th, when the bearing was changed to the north-northeast. At noon the sun's altitude was taken and the latitude was found to be37° 11', and longitude 17° 51' W. Of San Blas. At 6 p. M. , August 4th, the southernmost Farallon of the Port of San Francisco was seen to thenorthwest, distant about eight leagues. The land to the north was PointReyes, bearing 4° W. , distant about fourteen leagues. At half pasteleven, considering the coast was near, the course was changed to thesouth-southwest, until 3 a. M. Of August 5th, when it was changed againto the north-northeast 5° north to bring the ship at sunrise to thepoint it was at sunset of the day before. At 5 a. M. Four of theFarallones of San Francisco were seen to the north-northwest, distantfour leagues. Point Año Nuevo was southeast 1/4 east from twelve tofourteen leagues and Point Almejas northeast 4° east, distant threeleagues. At 8 a. M. , being near land, commander Ayala lowered thelaunch, and in it Pilot Cañizares was sent with ten men to search for ananchorage, while the San Carlos continued along the coast. At 9 a. M. Astrong current was felt, which drove them to sea, but at eleven it wasobserved that the vessel was nearing the coast, which convinced thecommander that it was due to the tide, and this was confirmed by thesoundings; in entering the port, as on the first occasion, the tide wasgoing out, and on the second one the tide was coming in. The altitudeof the sun was taken at noon of that day, with the utmost care, and thelatitude was found to be 37° 42' and the longitude 17° 14' W. Of SanBlas. At this time Point Año Nuevo was about fourteen leagues distantto the southeast south; the Farallones to the northwest, distant fourleagues, and Point Reyes north 1/4 northeast, distant four leagues. The wind was from the west. At 4 p. M. The vessel was steered to thenorth-northeast, and half an hour later soundings were taken and bottomfound at sixteen brazas[46] of mud and sand mixed, and distant from themouth about two leagues. At 5 p. M. Bottom was found at fifteen brazas, with the same kind of bottom material. Sounding was continued and thebottom was found to be as noted in the large map. The current was sogreat at the mouth of this port that at 8:30 p. M. , with a strong windfrom the west-southwest with full sails, the current allowed them to gonot more than a mile and a half per hour, which shows that the currentmust go at least six miles at the middle of the channel. The swiftnessof the current, the fact that the launch had not returned and that nightwas coming on, made it necessary to seek for an anchorage; this wasdone with great care and precaution; as the force of the wind made itnecessary to have full sail, it was feared that some of the riggingmight give way. For that reason, soundings were taken continually witha 20-lb. Lead, and a line of sixty brazas could not reach bottom, eitherin the channel or near the point. This seemed very strange until it wasrealized that the current was carrying the lead and it did not strikebottom. They continued thus until they were one league inside themouth of the bay and a quarter of a mile from the shore, when the windsuddenly stopped. Finding that the current was carrying the ship towardsthe mouth, an anchor was thrown overboard, after having made it fastto the big mast so that if it did not catch the bottom it would notbe lost. It was found that the anchor held. Two more anchors were madeready to drop in case the big one should drag. When the wind stoppedand the current ceased, the vessel was found to be in twenty-two brazas, with sandy bottom[47]. 

At 6 a. M. Of August 6, the launch, which had not been seen since sunsetthe day before, came to the vessel. The pilot was asked why he had notcome to meet the ship when he saw her sailing shoreward looking for theentrance of the bay, answered that at 6 p. M. He had seen a suitableharbor for the packet-boat to the east of the entrance, and when heattempted to go out the whirlpools and eddies caused by the current weresuch that it was impossible to make any progress, as the current carriedhim back towards the shore, so that he determined to stay in the harborhe had attempted to leave. This, and the fact that the men were firedout, made him wait until 4 a. M. , when he again attempted to go out, with the same result as before. During his efforts to get out, he sawthe packet-boat, and putting the bow towards her he had no difficulty inreaching her. 

At 7 a. M. , the commander sent the pilot to examine a harbor whichwas to the west-northwest. He found it useless, because, though it hadsufficient water, the bottom was sticky mud. As Ayala was not in need ofshelter then, he did not enter that harbor, as he was afraid of losinghis anchor in the mud, and also because it was open from the south tothe east, although the wind came from the landward which was about twoleagues from the harbor[48]. He called this harbor "Carmeita, " becausein it was a rock resembling a friar of that order. There was in itsvicinity an Indian village, the inhabitants of which came out from theirhuts and cried out and made signs for the vessel to go near them. Asthe sailors were taking soundings and came near the shore, the Indianserected a pole, at the top of which was a large number of feathers. Thesailors having no orders to answer them, remained at a distance from theshore. The Indians, thinking, no doubt, that the sailors were afraid ofthem, endeavored to assure them by dropping their bows to the ground, and after describing a circle in the air with the arrows stuck them inthe sand. The launch came on board again, and soon after, the Indians, from a point of land near the vessel, talked to the sailors with loudcries, and although their voices were heard distinctly, they could notbe understood for want of an interpreter. At 9 the launch was sent againto another harbor to the north, which seemed to be better sheltered andto have better anchorage[49]. It was so, and when the launch returned at10, the pilot stated that he found bottom at eight to fourteen brazas, and the bottom was sticky with mud. At 3 p. M. The vessel sailed towardsthe place examined, but a strong current prevented her reaching it. Itwas then decided to anchor in fifteen brazas, sandy bottom, and theystayed there all night, during which time the vessel moved on account ofthe bad quality of the anchors. 

On the 7th, at 9 a. M. , the vessel was started towards a large andfine-looking harbor which seemed commodious. Soundings were taken, andthe bottom was found at twelve to fourteen brazas. It had been decidedto go to the end of it, but the tide was contrary and it was necessaryto return to the vessel at 1 p. M. Indians from the shore were callingto the men with loud cries, and the commander decided to send the launchwith the priest, the pilot, and armed men, with orders that they mustnot molest the Indians but treat them well and make them presents, forwhich purpose the commander gave the men beads and other trinkets andordered them to observe good precaution, so that in case the Indiansshowed fight they could easily return to the launch, where four armedmen must always remain to protect the retreat. It is true that from theday when intercourse was first had with the Indians, it was seen howaffable and hospitable they were, showing the greatest desire for theSpaniards to go to their village, where, they said, they could eat andsleep. They had already prepared on shore a meal of pinole, bread fromtheir corn, and tomales of the same. During the time the Spaniards werewith the Indians, they found that the latter repeated the Spanish wordswith great facility, and by signs the Spaniards asked the Indians to goon board the packet boat, but the Indians, also by signs, signified thatuntil the Spaniards should visit their village, they could not go onboard. After a little while the Spaniards returned to the boat and theIndians disappeared. 

On the 8th, the pilot, with men, was sent in the launch to explore thebay, and on the 9th returned and made his report. 

On the 12th the launch was lowered to look for a better anchorage nearAngel Island, which is the largest in this bay, and many good placeswere found. It was also thought a good idea to examine another island, which was found to be very steep and barren and would not afford sheltereven for the launch. This island was called "Alcatraz"[50] on account ofthe abundance of those birds that were on it. 

On the 13th the vessel moved to another anchorage with nine brazas ofwater at pistol shot of the land. On the 21st, the first pilot, Don Joséde Cañizares, returned from an expedition on which he had been sent afew days before and made his report. On the same day, the second pilot, Don Juan B. Aguirre, went, with fresh men, in the launch to try to findthe party which the commander of the presidio had promised to sendto San Francisco by land. The second pilot did not see the party, butexplored an estero which enters the land about twelve leagues[51]. 

On the 23d fifteen Indians came on a raft and were taken on board, wherethey were entertained and given something to eat. They learned how toask for bread in Spanish. 

From this day to the 6th of September, the explorations of the Bayof San Francisco continued, and first pilot Don José de Cañizares wasinstructed to make his report and the map of the bay. 

On September 7th an attempt was made to go to sea for the return voyage, but the rudder was injured by a submerged rock on which the current hadcarried the vessel. 

From this day to September 18th, the time was passed in repairing therudder and making preparations for the return voyage, which took placeon that day, going to Monterey, where they arrived the following day. 

In order to make the necessary repairs to the ship and pass the equinoxin good shelter, the San Carlos remained in the harbor of Monterey tillOctober 13, 1775, when she started for San Blas, where she arrived onNovember 6th of the same year. 

Report of Don Juan Manuel de Ayala Commander of the Packet Boat SanCarlos to Don Antonio Maria Bucareli Viceroy of New Spain On theExamination of the Port of San Francisco

Your Excellency:--I have finished the orders under which I took commandof the San Carlos, returning to this port of San Blas today, November6th, after having visited the ports of Monterey and San Francisco. 

Although Your Excellency will see in the account of my examination, together with the pilot, Don José Cañizares' report of his examinationand the map he made of this port, the nature of the work done. I will, notwithstanding in this, give a brief account, that shows the port ofSan Francisco to be one of the best that I have seen on this coast fromCape Horn. 

After one hundred and one days of navigation, I arrived at the harborof Monterey, where I had to remain till July 27th, discharging the cargoand making some repairs necessary for the safety of my vessel. On July27th, I started in search of the Port of San Francisco, where I arrivedon the night of August 5th. I remained there forty-four days, inspectingby myself, or by my pilot, with all possible accuracy, everything thatpertains to this matter. 

It is true that this port is good, not only for the beautiful harmonythat offers to the view, but because it does not lack very good freshwater, wood, and ballast in abundance. Its climate though cold, ishealthful and free from those troublesome fogs which we had daily inMonterey, because the fogs here hardly reach the entrance of the port, and once inside the harbor, the weather is very clear. To these manyadvantages is to be added the best: and this is that the heathen Indiansaround this port are so constant in their good friendship and so gentlein their manners, that I received them with pleasure on board severaltimes, and I had the sailors frequently visit with them on land; sothat from the first to the last day, they remained the same in theirbehavior. This made me present them with trinkets, beads, and biscuit;the last they learned to ask for clearly in our language. 

There is no doubt that this good friendship was a great comfort to us, enabling us to make with less fear the reconnaissance that wasordered of me. Although in a letter written by Your Excellency to mypredecessor, Don Miguel Manrique, dated January 2d, I read that it waspossible we might find in San Francisco the land expedition undertakenby Captain Don Juan de Anza; I did not on that account refuse the offerof another small land expedition which the Captain of Monterey, DonFernando de Rivera, made me. I did not see either of them while Iremained in that port, but I did not, on that account, postpone thereconnaissance. I could not do all of this in person, because I wasconvalescing from a serious wound in my right foot, received April 3dby the accidental discharge of a double-barrel pistol, which Don MiguelManrique had left loaded in the cabin. Notwithstanding this, I amsatisfied that Don José Cañizares executed with his usual abilityeverything I entrusted to his care. I therefore state to Your Excellency(in order that the merit of his work may not be ignored), that as longas he was with me, he acted not only with his usual honesty, but showedsuch great talent in his profession that in the midst of my troubles Ifound him one to entrust with the more delicate points of my duty. 

On September 7th, I decided to leave the Port of San Francisco, as Iconsidered the reconnaissance completed, and in doing this, having nowind, I was carried by the strong current against some rocks, injuringthe rudder and breaking two female and one male bolts. This obliged meto enter a cove, where I repaired as well as possible the accident, andagain tried to sail forth, a light breeze from the north (the only one Inoticed in the forty-four days) aiding the sailing. On the 18th, becausethe rudder was injured, and those who had been on this coast beforehad warned me that at this time of year the weather was very severe, I determined to pass the Equinox at Monterey, and arrived there onthe 19th. At this port I found the frigate Santiago. The schooner cameOctober 7th, and I left for San Blas on the 13th, where I am sick of myfoot, but always desirous to obey Your Excellency. 

I pray the Lord to keep the life of Your Excellency many years. 

San Blas, November 9, 1775. 

Juan Manuel de Ayala. 

To His Excellency, Bailio Frey Don Antonio Maria Bucareli. 

Description of the Newly-discovered Port of San Francisco

Situated in Latitude 37° 53' North, Longitude 17° 10' West of San Blas

By Lieutenant Don Juan Manuel Ayala

Placed about two leagues west-southwest of Point Almejas[52], latitude37° 42', the following is to be seen: First that it[53] is large, withtwo red barrancas[54], and second, that to the north there are threewhite rocks at a stone's throw[55]. From that point the coast runsnorth-northeast, forming a small harbor in which there are fivesubmerged rocks close to its shore; above it some white barrancas[56], ending in a sloping bill which top, to the north, is what is calledAngel Point[57]. This has near it several rocks[58], the furtherestone a gunshot distant. From this point there is a harbor sufficientto accommodate any vessel[59], not only on account of its bottom, but because it is sheltered from all winds excepting those from thewest-southwest. The middle of this harbor is to the northwest, wherea copious creek empties[60]; the point runs northeast 1/4 east. Thisharbor, with the one inside of it, which I called San Jose[61], hasbeen found very good, with the prevailing winds from the south to thenorthwest. 

From Pt. Almejas to the northwest 1/4 west, four Farallones areseen, distant about four leagues. The one southernmost looks like asugar-loaf. To the northwest 1/4 north, at a distance of about twelveleagues, a mountain[62] is seen which ends in a low point. According tothe records of Sebastian Vizcaino and coast pilot of Cabrera Bueno, this is the one called Point Reyes. From this point the coast runseast-southeast in the shape of a half-moon, open to all winds of thethird quarter and ending in two barrancas at the foot of which alow point comes out with two submerged rocks. This point was calledSantiago[63], and, with one called Angel de la Guarda, forms the mouthof the channel of the entrance of the port[64]. Following this shore ina northeast direction, another harbor is to be found within threesmall rocks near the shore which, in case of necessity, may shelterany vessel. This harbor[65] ends on the north with a large, steep, andbroken point, at the foot of which there is a white farallon to whichand to the point I gave the name of San Carlos[66], and with Point SanJosé, which is distant about half a league, forms the entrance of thisfamous port. It is to be borne in mind that any vessel that enters orleaves this port must take the precaution not to come near San CarlosPoint, because in this place exist violent whirlpools which make uselessthe rudder, but must take the middle of the channel or sail near theshores of San José Point. 

To the northeast 1/4 north of the middle of the entrance, an island[67]is seen, distant about one and a half leagues. This island dividesthe water of the flood in two channels in which a vessel may anchor, especially in the one that runs northeast 1/4 north near the islandwhere water and wood are to be found in abundance. The vicinity ofthe island is such good anchorage that a vessel can anchor within apistol-shot of the shore. 

To the east-northeast of Point San José there is a sheltered harbor, landlocked, with bottom which diminishes gradually to the shore, wherewater and some wood are to be found[68]. In this harbor there is nocurrent, and for that reason, and because it is so near the point Iconsider, it one of the best anchorages. 

Once Points San José and San Carlos have been passed, and taking care toleave at one side the principal channel, an anchorage can be made at anyplace, because it is sheltered from all winds; the only thing to avoidis the current, which in the principal channel is five miles, and in itsbranches three miles. 

This report was made to me by Pilot Don José Cañizares, to whom Ientrusted the examination of the port, because I was seriously sick. 

Reconnaissance of the Port of San Francisco, with Map

Report of the Pilot Don José de Cañizares to Commander Don Juan de Ayala

Translation of a Certified Copy of the Original in the Archives of theIndies at Seville. 

Dear Captain:--During the four times that I made reconnaissance of thisPort, and made its map, I found at the northeast and north-northeastwhat is shown on the map and I here describe. To the north-northeastof Angel Island, distant about a mile, there is a bay running in adirection north-northwest to south-southwest. The distance between thepoints forming said bay, is about two leagues, and the shore line isabout two and a half leagues. To the northwest of the shore there arethree small islands, forming between them and the shore a narrow passageof shallow water closed to the southwest. This bay is all surroundedwith hills with few trees, which are mostly laurel and oak, but at adistance to the west-northwest, is visible a wood of what seems tobe pines. In the middle of this bay is standing a high farallon withsubmerged rocks around it. On the northeast of it there is sufficientwater for anchorage, as is shown on the map. There is no doubt of itsbeing good anchorage for vessels, provided they have good cables andanchors, for they are subject to great stress because of the current, which at this point, cannot be less than four miles an hour[69]. 

North-northeast of said bay there is a mouth about two miles wide, wherethere are four small white rocks, the two north ones with the two southones[70] form a channel of nine brazas depth. From this, one passesto another bay[71] more spacious, the diameter of which is about eightleagues, its shape a perfect isosceles triangle; its mouth is dividedinto two channels, --one, on the side of the southwest coast, turns tothe northwest at about the distance of a mile and ends in two largeharbors which are situated in the same shore at about four league'sdistance from the mouth that communicates with the first bay; from thenorthwest point of the furthest harbor to the north of it, distant aboutone and a half leagues, in turning a point to the west-northwest, alarge body of water[72] is seen, which I did not examine because thechannel which leads to it is extremely limited, its depth not havingthree codos[73] of water; from here to the east-northeast follows alow-lying island, just above the water level, ending in a divisionmade by the hills[74]. The other channel, which is roomy and deep, runsdirectly in a northeast direction till it reaches the division of thehills through a cañon that runs in the same direction. 

All the bay, which is called the round bay (Bahia Redondo), though itis not shaped that way, is surrounded with steep hills, without trees, excepting two spots on the slopes fronting the two harbors to thesouthwest. The rest of it is arid, rugged, and of a melancholic aspect. Outside of the channels there is in this bay about five codos of water, and at low tide two and a half, and in some places it is dry. It is notdifficult to enter this bay, but going out will be difficult on accountof the wind from the southwest. After a careful examination of itsshore, I did not find any fresh water or any signs of it. Standing inthe cañon, which is to the northeast, there is a channel[75] a mile anda half wide, deep and clear. East of its entrance there is a rancheríaof about four hundred souls. I had dealings with them, but did not buyanything, though I presented them with beads, which you had given mefor that purpose, and some old clothing of mine. Their acquaintance wasuseful to my men and to me, as they presented us with exquisite fishes(amongst them salmon), seeds, and pinole. I had opportunity of visitingthem four times and found them always as friendly as the first time, noticing in them polite manners, and what is better, modesty andretirement in the women. They are not disposed to beg, but accept withgood will what is given them, without being impertinent, as are manyothers I have seen during the conquest. This Indian village has somescows or canoes, made of tule, so well constructed and woven that theycaused me great admiration. Four men get in them to go fishing, pushingwith two-ended oars with such speed that I found they went faster thanthe launch. These were the only Indians with whom I had communication inthis northern part. 

Following said channel a distance to the west from its mouth, there is aharbor, so commodious, accessible, abundant in fresh water and wood, andsheltered from all winds, that I considered it one of the best inlandports that our Sovereign has for anchoring a fleet of vessels. I calledit Puerto de la Asumpta, having examined it the day of the festivity ofthat saint[76]. 

To the southeast of this port[77] the cañon continues, until it joinsthe channel of the Indian village. Following a distance of three leaguesin an east-northeast direction, it enters another bay[78] with a depthof thirteen brazas, diminishing to four where some rivers[79] empty andtake the saltiness of the water which there becomes sweet, the same asin a lake. The rivers come, one from the east-northeast (this is thelargest, about two hundred and fifty yards wide), the other, which hasmany branches, comes from the northeast through tulares and swamps invery low land, the channels not over two brazas with sandy bars at theirmouths, where I found in sounding the water not more than a half braza. This made me think they were not navigable, especially as on the secondoccasion I entered them, I touched bottom both in the channels and onthe bars. The bay where these rivers empty, is another port larger thanthe Asumpta, where any vessel may enter, but it would be difficultto obtain wood, which is far from the shore. All the eastern coast iscovered with trees; that to the west is arid, dry, full of grasshoppers, and impossible of settlement. This is all I have reconnoitered to thenorth of Angel Island. To the southeast of said island following theestero is as follows:

To the east of this island, at a distance of about two leagues, there isanother, steep and barren, without any shelter, which divides the mouthof the channel in two[80], through which the sea enters to a distance ofabout twelve leagues. The width of this channel is in some parts, one, two, and three leagues; its depth is not over four brazas, its widthample, but a pistol shot outside of the channel; its depth is not overtwo brazas. The extreme end of this sound, eastward, forms with a point, a pocket, which, at low tide is nearly dry[81]. In every part there areseen poles driven in (the mud), with black feathers, bunches of tule, and little shells, which I believe are buoys for fishing, since they arein the water. I think it will be impossible to anchor for three leaguesinside of this slough, because it is so exposed to the weather thatstrong cables and good anchorage are needed to hold against the strongcurrent from the north. 

The northeast part of this slough is surrounded by high hills, and hasin its mouth a thick wood of oaks, and at the other end groves ofthick redwood trees. At the southwest of the coast is a small slough, navigable only by launches[82], and on the coast two harbors[83] wherevessels can anchor. On the more eastern one there is an Indian village, rough, like the ones in Monterey. This part seems to have better placesfor missions, though I did not examine it except from a distance. 

All the above stated in this report is what I observed, saw, surveyed, and sounded, during the days, in which by your orders, I went to thereconnoitering of this Port of San Francisco in its interior; and asproof of it, I sign it in this new Port of San Francisco, at the shelterof Angel Island, on September 7th, 1775. 

José de Cañizares. 

Index of Places

 Acapulco Alcatraz Island Almejas, El Rincon de las Almejas, Punta del Angel Island Angel Point Año Nuevo, Punta de Arroyo de San Francisco Arroyo Seco Baker's Beach Barranca Ballenas Bay Bonita, Point Brazas California, Baja California, Gulf of Cañada Cañada do los Osos Cañada do San Andres Cármelo, Pt Cármelo, bay Cármelo, Rio del Carquines, strait Cerralbo, Bay of Codo Columbia river Concepcion, Laguna de la Concepcion, Point Diegueños Drake's Bay El Buchon El Oso Flaco Ensenada Farallones de San Francisco Farallones, Gulf of Florida Fort Point Golden Gate Golden Gate, strait Guadalupe, lake Islais creek Jesus de los Temblores, Rio de La Paz, Bay of La Paz, port of Lime Point Lobos creek Loreto, presidio of Los Angeles, City of Los Angeles, river Napa slough Mare Island Mendocino, Cape Mescaltitan Mission bay Montara mountains Monterey, Bay of Monterey, Port of Monterey, presidio and mission of Muertos, Punta de los Navidad, Puerto de Oakland Flats Pájaro, Rio del Pedernales, Point Philippine Islands Pilar Point Pinos, Punta de Porciúncula, Indulgence Puerto Dulce Punta del Angel de la Guarda Presidio anchorage Ranchería Reyes, Punta de los Reyes, Rio de los Richardson's bay Red Rock Ross, Fort San Blas San Buenaventura, mission of San Carlos, Point San Clemente, island San Corpóforo, cañon San Diego San Diego, bay San Diego, Founding of mission San Diego, presidio of San Elizario, Rio de San Fernando, valley San Francisco, Bahia ó Puerto de San Francisco, Bay of San Francisco, Port of San Francisco, creek San Gabriel, valley San Joaquin river San Jose, Point San Juan Capistrano, mission of San Lorenzo, Rio de San Luis Obispo San Luis Rey, mission of San Miguel (island) San Nicolas, Isla de San Pablo bay San Pedro bay San Pedro Point San Pedro valley Santa Ana, Rio de Santa Barbara Channel Santa Barbara Isla de Santa Barbara presidio of Santa Catalina, island Santa Clara, river Santa Inez, river Santa Lucia, Sierra de Santa Maria, mission of Santa Rosa, river Santa Susana, Sierra de Sacramento, river Sal, Point Salines, river Santiago, Point Seal Rocks Suisun bay Tamalpais, mountain The Brothers (rocks) The Sisters (rocks) Tomales bay Velicatá Yerba Buena cove

Index of Persons

 Aguilar, Martin Aguirre, Juan B. Alvarado, Juan Bautista Amador, Pedro Anza, Juan Bautista de Arriaga, Julian de Ayala, Juan Manuel Bancroft, H. H. Bodega y Quadra, Juan de la Bolaños, Francisco Bucareli, Antonio Maria Bueno, Cabrera Cabrillo, Juan Rodrigues Cañizares, José Carrillo, José Raimundo Cermeñon, Sebastian Coronado, Francisco Vasquez Cortes, Hernando Corvan, Toribio Gomez de Costansó, Miguel Cota, Pablo de Crespi, Juan Davidson, George De Gali, Francisco De Soto, Hernando Drake, Francis Estorace, Jorge Fages, Pedro Ferrelo, Bartolomé Figueroa, Rodriga de Fletcher, Francis Galvez, José de Gomez, Fray Francisco Griffin, George Butler Heceta, Bruno de Jiminez (Fortun) Laut, Agnes C. Legaspi, Miguel Lopez de Lummis, Chas. F. Maldonado, Gabriel Manrique, Miguel Mendoza, Antonio de Monterey, Conde de Morgana, Juan de Oliveros, José Ignacio Ortega, José Francisco Palou, Fray Francisco Perez, Juan Parron, Fray Fernando Pino, Miguel del Portolá, Gaspar de Prat, Pedro Rivera y Moncada, Fernando de Salcedo, Felipe Serra, Fray Junípero Soberanes, José Maria Vancouver, Captain George Velasco, Luis de Vila, Vicente Vizcaino, Fray Juan Vizcaino, Sebastian Yorba, José Antonio Zúñiga y Asevedo, Gaspar de

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Sierra de Santa Lucia. ]

[Footnote 2: Audiencia, the highest judicial body. ]

[Footnote 3: The system of encomienda conferred feudal rights upon thediscoverers. The Indians became vassals of Spanish lords. ]

[Footnote 4: Vizcaino says he set out on the discovery of the coast of the SouthSea with two ships, a lancha, and a barcoluengo. A lancha was a smallvessel having no deck and but one mast, and propelled by sweeps. Vanegascalls the vessel a fragata. A barcoluengo, or barcolongo, was a longopen boat. ]

[Footnote 5: The second voyage of Vizcaino is of particular interest toCalifornians for the reason that the names given by him to the variousgeographical features of the coast still remain. The particulars of thefirst voyage are taken largely from the publications of the SouthernCalifornia Historical Society of documents in the Sutro collection. ]

[Footnote 6: Sutro Col. Pub. Southern California Hist. Socy. ]

[Footnote 7: Prof. George Davidson identifies the Rio de los Reyes as Rogue Riverin 42° 25'. ]

[Footnote 8: About Cape San Quintin, the latitude of their northernmost mission. ]

[Footnote 9: Instruccion qua ha de observer el Teniente de Infanteria. Dn PedroPages, 5 enero de 1769. Provincial State Papers; i, 38. 9, Ms. SpanishArchives of California. ]

[Footnote 10: So-called from the cuera, a leathern jacket worn by them as adefensive armor. ]

[Footnote 11: Out West. March-July, 1902. ]

[Footnote 12: Pancakes. ]

[Footnote 13: Dead Men's Point. The name has disappeared from the modern maps, but is found on all of the old ones. It is the foot of H street wherethe cars for the Coronado ferry turn on to the wharf. ]

[Footnote 14: I am well aware that this claim will be disputed by one whosestudy of original documents and power of analysis make him perhaps thegreatest authority on early California History; but I am neverthelessprepared to maintain my position. ]

[Footnote 15: Carga, 275 lbs. ]

[Footnote 16: Hence the presidial soldiers were called Soldados de Cuera and sodistinguished from soldiers of the regular army. ]

[Footnote 17: Diario Historico de los viages de Mar y de tierra hichos al nortede la California. Ms. Original in Sutro Library. ]

[Footnote 18: The league is the Spanish league of 5, 000 varas. 2. 63 miles. ]

[Footnote 19: They also gave it the name of Santa Ana, whose day, July 26th, theyhad just observed. ]

[Footnote 20: Sometimes called the Grand Pardon of Assisi--the great indulgenceof the Franciscans. Originally granted to St. Francis for the Churchof Our Lady of the Angeles of Porciúncula, it was, by apostolic indult, expanded to accompany the child of St. Francis wherever he may be. It isenough for him to erect an altar and that altar will be to him St. Mary of the Angels, and he will there find the Porciúncula of therevelations. Whoso confesses and receives the sacrament in the church ofPorciúncula is granted plenary remission of his sins in this world andthe next. This indulgence is only for August 2nd--that is, from theafternoon of August 1st until sunset of August 2nd. ]

[Footnote 21: It is to this incident that the city of Los Angeles owes its name. The full baptismal name of the city is Nuestra Senora La Reina de losAngeles--Our Lady the Queen of the Angels. It was founded in 1781, byroyal order, the second pueblo established in California. ]

[Footnote 22: Ranchería is the name given to an Indian village or town. ]

[Footnote 23: The Valley of the Bears. ]

[Footnote 24: The diarists applied the word cañada to either a cañon or an openvalley. ]

[Footnote 25: The word ensenada, much used by the Spanish explorers, means abight or open roadstead, not an enclosed and protected bay. ]

[Footnote 26: "Transportar en Xamus al Modo que cominan las mujeres enAndalucia, " Crespi: Palou's Noticias de la Nueva California, ii. 181. ]

[Footnote 27: The names given on this portion of the route have all disappeared, but are here given as a suggestion to the Ocean Shore Railroad. ]

[Footnote 28: The Fleas. ]

[Footnote 29: It must be borne in mind that what they called the Bay or Port ofSan Francisco was that stretch of water reaching from Point Reyes toPoint San Pedro and later known as the Gulf of the Farallones. ]

[Footnote 30: Professor George Davidson says that what was seen by Portolá fromthe Montara mountains was the break in the Ballenos cliffs, a deepnarrow valley which runs straight from Ballenos bay to Tomales bay, fourteen miles. ]

[Footnote 31: The Golden Gate and Bay of San Francisco. ]

[Footnote 32: The Bay of San Francisco continued to be called the "Estero, " untilsome time after Colonel Anza established the presidio and mission of SanFrancisco in 1776. ]

[Footnote 33: The present name, Cañada de San Andres, was given by Rivera, Nov. 30, 1714. ]

[Footnote 34: On November, 1774, Rivera came up the peninsula on an exploringexpedition and on the spot where he had camped with the first expeditionin 1769, he planted a cross to mark the place for a mission. In March, 1776, Col. Juan Bautista de Anza, coming to select sites for thePresidio and Mission of San Francisco, notes this cross on the bankof the Arroyo de San Francisco (now San Francisquito creek), about onehundred paces above the great redwood tree, and says the plan for amission there was abandoned because the creek was dry in summer. I notethis explanation because an excellent authority has located Portolá'scamp on Redwood creek. ]

[Footnote 35: I give to Ortega the credit of discovering the Golden Gate and theStraits of Carquinez. The testimony seems sufficient to me. ]

[Footnote 36: Vizcaino to the King, May 23, 1603. Pub. Hist. Socy. Of SouthernCalifornia, Vol. Ii, Part 1. ]

[Footnote 37: On the day of the Holy Innocents it was not possible to say mass. We are sorry for it, because it is the only feast day in all the journeyup to the present that we have been without mass. We are stuck in a mudhole and are unable to move from the place where we are all wet through, and it is not possible to make a journada to a plain that is dry forthis is bubbling up water--Crespi, Diario. ]

[Footnote 38: Crespi: Diario. ]

[Footnote 39: Palou: Noticias de la Nueva California. ]

[Footnote 40: Invernate--to winter. ]

[Footnote 41: Manuel Orozco y Berra, Apuntes Airs. La Historia de la Geografia anMexico, Anales del Ministerio de Formento de la Republica Mexicana TomoVI, p. 269. Documents in the Archives of the Indies, Seville. ]

[Footnote 42: This is a summary of the document. A full translation would be tootedious for a work of this kind. ]

[Footnote 43: On the Tres Marias Islands. ]

[Footnote 44: Don Pedro Fages. Commandante of California, who had been recalled. ]

[Footnote 45: Bancroft. Hist. Of Cal. , says Ayala sailed from Monterey, July24th. That was to make the sailing fit the Bancroft theories. ]

[Footnote 46: Braza--Fathom: Six feet. ]

[Footnote 47: Ayala anchored inside Port Point--the Presidio anchorage. ]

[Footnote 48: Richardson's Bay. ]

[Footnote 49: Angel Island. ]

[Footnote 50: Alcatraz--Pelican]

[Footnote 51: The Southern portion of the bay. ]

[Footnote 52: Pt. San Pedro. ]

[Footnote 53: That is: Pt. Almejas or Pt. San Pedro. ]

[Footnote 54: Barranca: The dictionary definition is a ravine or gulch, but italso means a high bluff or cliff and in that sense is used by theseexplorers. ]

[Footnote 55: i. E. : from Pt. Almejas. ]

[Footnote 56: Cliff Rouse Rocks. ]

[Footnote 57: Punta del Angel de la Guarda--Point Lobos. ]

[Footnote 58: Seal Rocks. ]

[Footnote 59: Bakers Beach. ]

[Footnote 60: Lobos Creek. ]

[Footnote 61: i. E. : Inside of Point San Jose--Fort Point. ]

[Footnote 62: Tamalpais]

[Footnote 63: Point Bonita. The present name was given it in 1776. ]

[Footnote 64: Golden Gate Strait. ]

[Footnote 65: i. E. : The outer harbor; outside of the Golden Gate. ]

[Footnote 66: Lime Point. ]

[Footnote 67: Angel Island. ]

[Footnote 68: The Presidio anchorage. ]

[Footnote 69: This is the body of water between Pt. San Pedro, Pt. San Pablo, Pt. Richmond and Tiburon Peninsula. The high farallon is Red Rock. ]

[Footnote 70: The rocks are The Sisters and The Brothers. ]

[Footnote 71: San Pablo Bay. ]

[Footnote 72: Napa Slough. The marsh was evidently under water, and island numberone, with Mare Island, made one long island. ]

[Footnote 73: Codo--1 1/2 feet. ]

[Footnote 74: Mare Island. The division of the hills or cañon is CarquinesStrait. ]

[Footnote 75: Carquines Straits. ]

[Footnote 76: The Assumption of the Virgin--August 15th. It is Southampton bay. ]

[Footnote 77: That is, from Puerto de la Asumpta. ]

[Footnote 78: Suisun Bay. ]

[Footnote 79: The Sacramento and San Joaquin. Suisun Bay was long known as PuertoDulce--Freshwater Port. ]

[Footnote 80: Yerba Buena or Goat Island. Cañizaries marked it on the map (c) forisla do Alcatraces, but that evidently was a mistake, as a comparison ofthe entry in the Log under date of August 12, with the map will show. ]

[Footnote 81: Oakland and Berkeley tide flats. ]

[Footnote 82: Islais creek. ]

[Footnote 83: Yerba Buena cove and Mission bay. ]