THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS

 By C. Suetonius Tranquillus;

 To which are added, HIS LIVES OF THE GRAMMARIANS, RHETORICIANS, AND POETS. 

 The Translation of Alexander Thomson, M. D. 

 revised and corrected by T. Forester, Esq. , A. M. 

D. OCTAVIUS CAESAR AUGUSTUS. 

(71)

I. That the family of the Octavii was of the first distinction inVelitrae [106], is rendered evident by many circumstances. For in themost frequented part of the town, there was, not long since, a streetnamed the Octavian; and an altar was to be seen, consecrated to oneOctavius, who being chosen general in a war with some neighbouringpeople, the enemy making a sudden attack, while he was sacrificing toMars, he immediately snatched the entrails of the victim from off thefire, and offered them half raw upon the altar; after which, marching outto battle, he returned victorious. This incident gave rise to a law, bywhich it was enacted, that in all future times the entrails should beoffered to Mars in the same manner; and the rest of the victim be carriedto the Octavii. 

II. This family, as well as several in Rome, was admitted into thesenate by Tarquinius Priscus, and soon afterwards placed by ServiusTullius among the patricians; but in process of time it transferreditself to the plebeian order, and, after the lapse of a long interval, was restored by Julius Caesar to the rank of patricians. The firstperson of the family raised by the suffrages of the people to themagistracy, was Caius Rufus. He obtained the quaestorship, and had twosons, Cneius and Caius; from whom are descended the two branches of theOctavian family, which have had very different fortunes. For Cneius, andhis descendants in uninterrupted succession, held all the highest officesof the state; whilst Caius and his posterity, whether from theircircumstances or their choice, remained in the equestrian order until thefather of Augustus. The great-grandfather of Augustus served as amilitary tribune in the second Punic war in Sicily, under the command ofAemilius Pappus. His grandfather contented himself with bearing thepublic offices of his own municipality, and grew old in the tranquilenjoyment of an ample patrimony. Such is the account given (72) bydifferent authors. Augustus himself, however, tells us nothing more thanthat he was descended of an equestrian family, both ancient and rich, ofwhich his father was the first who obtained the rank of senator. MarkAntony upbraidingly tells him that his great-grandfather was a freedmanof the territory of Thurium [107], and a rope-maker, and his grandfathera usurer. This is all the information I have any where met with, respecting the ancestors of Augustus by the father's side. 

III. His father Caius Octavius was, from his earliest years, a personboth of opulence and distinction: for which reason I am surprised atthose who say that he was a money-dealer [108], and was employed inscattering bribes, and canvassing for the candidates at elections, in theCampus Martius. For being bred up in all the affluence of a greatestate, he attained with ease to honourable posts, and discharged theduties of them with much distinction. After his praetorship, he obtainedby lot the province of Macedonia; in his way to which he cut off somebanditti, the relics of the armies of Spartacus and Catiline, who hadpossessed themselves of the territory of Thurium; having received fromthe senate an extraordinary commission for that purpose. In hisgovernment of the province, he conducted himself with equal justice andresolution; for he defeated the Bessians and Thracians in a great battle, and treated the allies of the republic in such a manner, that there areextant letters from M. Tullius Cicero, in which he advises and exhortshis brother Quintus, who then held the proconsulship of Asia with nogreat reputation, to imitate the example of his neighbour Octavius, ingaining the affections of the allies of Rome. 

IV. After quitting Macedonia, before he could declare himself acandidate for the consulship, he died suddenly, leaving behind him adaughter, the elder Octavia, by Ancharia; and another daughter, Octaviathe younger, as well as Augustus, by Atia, who was the daughter of MarcusAtius Balbus, and Julia, sister to Caius Julius Caesar. Balbus was, bythe father's (73) side, of a family who were natives of Aricia [109], andmany of whom had been in the senate. By the mother's side he was nearlyrelated to Pompey the Great; and after he had borne the office ofpraetor, was one of the twenty commissioners appointed by the Julian lawto divide the land in Campania among the people. But Mark Antony, treating with contempt Augustus's descent even by the mother's side, saysthat his great grand-father was of African descent, and at one time kepta perfumer's shop, and at another, a bake-house, in Aricia. And Cassiusof Parma, in a letter, taxes Augustus with being the son not only of abaker, but a usurer. These are his words: "Thou art a lump of thymother's meal, which a money-changer of Nerulum taking from the newestbake-house of Aricia, kneaded into some shape, with his hands alldiscoloured by the fingering of money. "

V. Augustus was born in the consulship of Marcus Tullius Cicero andCaius Antonius [110], upon the ninth of the calends of October [the 23rdSeptember], a little before sunrise, in the quarter of the Palatine Hill[111], and the street called The Ox-Heads [112], where now stands achapel dedicated to him, and built a little after his death. For, as itis recorded in the proceedings of the senate, when Caius Laetorius, ayoung man of a patrician family, in pleading before the senators for alighter sentence, upon his being convicted of adultery, alleged, besideshis youth and quality, that he was the possessor, and as it were theguardian, of the ground which the Divine Augustus first touched upon hiscoming into the world; and entreated that (74) he might find favour, forthe sake of that deity, who was in a peculiar manner his; an act of thesenate was passed, for the consecration of that part of his house inwhich Augustus was born. 

VI. His nursery is shewn to this day, in a villa belonging to thefamily, in the suburbs of Velitrae; being a very small place, and muchlike a pantry. An opinion prevails in the neighbourhood, that he wasalso born there. Into this place no person presumes to enter, unlessupon necessity, and with great devotion, from a belief, for a long timeprevalent, that such as rashly enter it are seized with great horror andconsternation, which a short while since was confirmed by a remarkableincident. For when a new inhabitant of the house had, either by merechance, or to try the truth of the report, taken up his lodging in thatapartment, in the course of the night, a few hours afterwards, he wasthrown out by some sudden violence, he knew not how, and was found in astate of stupefaction, with the coverlid of his bed, before the door ofthe chamber. 

VII. While he was yet an infant, the surname of Thurinus was given him, in memory of the birth-place of his family, or because, soon after he wasborn, his father Octavius had been successful against the fugitiveslaves, in the country near Thurium. That he was surnamed Thurinus, Ican affirm upon good foundation, for when a boy, I had a small bronzestatue of him, with that name upon it in iron letters, nearly effaced byage, which I presented to the emperor [113], by whom it is now reveredamongst the other tutelary deities in his chamber. He is also oftencalled Thurinus contemptuously, by Mark Antony in his letters; to whichhe makes only this reply: "I am surprised that my former name should bemade a subject of reproach. " He afterwards assumed the name of CaiusCaesar, and then of Augustus; the former in compliance with the will ofhis great-uncle, and the latter upon a motion of Munatius Plancus in thesenate. For when some proposed to confer upon him the name of Romulus, as being, in a manner, a second founder of the city, it was resolved thathe should rather be called Augustus, a surname not only new, but of moredignity, because places devoted to religion, and those in which anything(75) is consecrated by augury, are denominated august, either from theword auctus, signifying augmentation, or ab avium gestu, gustuve, fromthe flight and feeding of birds; as appears from this verse of Ennius:

 When glorious Rome by august augury was built. [114]

VIII. He lost his father when he was only four years of age; and, in histwelfth year, pronounced a funeral oration in praise of his grand-motherJulia. Four years afterwards, having assumed the robe of manhood, he washonoured with several military rewards by Caesar in his African triumph, although he took no part in the war, on account of his youth. Upon hisuncle's expedition to Spain against the sons of Pompey, he was followedby his nephew, although he was scarcely recovered from a dangeroussickness; and after being shipwrecked at sea, and travelling with veryfew attendants through roads that were infested with the enemy, he atlast came up with him. This activity gave great satisfaction to hisuncle, who soon conceived an increasing affection for him, on account ofsuch indications of character. After the subjugation of Spain, whileCaesar was meditating an expedition against the Dacians and Parthians, hewas sent before him to Apollonia, where he applied himself to hisstudies; until receiving intelligence that his uncle was murdered, andthat he was appointed his heir, he hesitated for some time whether heshould call to his aid the legions stationed in the neighbourhood; but heabandoned the design as rash and premature. However, returning to Rome, he took possession of his inheritance, although his mother wasapprehensive that such a measure might be attended with danger, and hisstep-father, Marcius Philippus, a man of consular rank, very earnestlydissuaded him from it. From this time, collecting together a strongmilitary force, he first held the government in conjunction with MarkAntony and Marcus Lepidus, then with Antony only, for nearly twelveyears, and at last in his own hands during a period of four and forty. 

IX. Having thus given a very short summary of his life, I shallprosecute the several parts of it, not in order of time, but arranginghis acts into distinct classes, for the sake of (76) perspicuity. He wasengaged in five civil wars, namely those of Modena, Philippi, Perugia, Sicily, and Actium; the first and last of which were against Antony, andthe second against Brutus and Cassius; the third against Lucius Antonius, the triumvir's brother, and the fourth against Sextus Pompeius, the sonof Cneius Pompeius. 

X. The motive which gave rise to all these wars was the opinion heentertained that both his honour and interest were concerned in revengingthe murder of his uncle, and maintaining the state of affairs he hadestablished. Immediately after his return from Apollonia, he formed thedesign of taking forcible and unexpected measures against Brutus andCassius; but they having foreseen the danger and made their escape, heresolved to proceed against them by an appeal to the laws in theirabsence, and impeach them for the murder. In the mean time, those whoseprovince it was to prepare the sports in honour of Caesar's last victoryin the civil war, not daring to do it, he undertook it himself. And thathe might carry into effect his other designs with greater authority, hedeclared himself a candidate in the room of a tribune of the people whohappened to die at that time, although he was of a patrician family, andhad not yet been in the senate. But the consul, Mark Antony, from whomhe had expected the greatest assistance, opposing him in his suit, andeven refusing to do him so much as common justice, unless gratified witha large bribe, he went over to the party of the nobles, to whom heperceived Sylla to be odious, chiefly for endeavouring to drive DeciusBrutus, whom he besieged in the town of Modena, out of the province, which had been given him by Caesar, and confirmed to him by the senate. At the instigation of persons about him, he engaged some ruffians tomurder his antagonist; but the plot being discovered, and dreading asimilar attempt upon himself, he gained over Caesar's veteran soldiers, by distributing among them all the money he could collect. Being nowcommissioned by the senate to command the troops he had gathered, withthe rank of praetor, and in conjunction with Hirtius and Pansa, who hadaccepted the consulship, to carry assistance to Decius Brutus, he put anend to the war by two battles in three months. Antony writes, that inthe former of these he ran away, and two days afterwards made hisappearance (77) without his general's cloak and his horse. In the lastbattle, however, it is certain that he performed the part not only of ageneral, but a soldier; for, in the heat of the battle; when thestandard-bearer of his legion was severely wounded, he took the eagleupon his shoulders, and carried it a long time. 

XI. In this war [115], Hirtius being slain in battle, and Pansa dying ashort time afterwards of a wound, a report was circulated that they bothwere killed through his means, in order that, when Antony fled, therepublic having lost its consuls, he might have the victorious armiesentirely at his own command. The death of Pansa was so fully believed tohave been caused by undue means, that Glyco, his surgeon, was placed incustody, on a suspicion of having poisoned his wound. And to this, Aquilius Niger adds, that he killed Hirtius, the other consul, in theconfusion of the battle, with his own hands. 

XII. But upon intelligence that Antony, after his defeat, had beenreceived by Marcus Lepidus, and that the rest of the generals and armieshad all declared for the senate, he, without any hesitation, desertedfrom the party of the nobles; alleging as an excuse for his conduct, theactions and sayings of several amongst them; for some said, "he was amere boy, " and others threw out, "that he ought to be promoted tohonours, and cut off, " to avoid the making any suitable acknowledgmenteither to him or the veteran legions. And the more to testify his regretfor having before attached himself to the other faction, he fined theNursini in a large sum of money, which they were unable to pay, and thenexpelled them from the town, for having inscribed upon a monument, erected at the public charge to their countrymen who were slain in thebattle of Modena, "That they fell in the cause of liberty. "

XIII. Having entered into a confederacy with Antony and Lepidus, hebrought the war at Philippi to an end in two battles, although he was atthat time weak, and suffering from sickness [116]. In the first battlehe was driven from his camp, (78) and with some difficulty made hisescape to the wing of the army commanded by Antony. And now, intoxicatedwith success, he sent the head of Brutus [117] to be cast at the foot ofCaesar's statue, and treated the most illustrious of the prisoners notonly with cruelty, but with abusive language; insomuch that he is said tohave answered one of them who humbly intreated that at least he might notremain unburied, "That will be in the power of the birds. " Two others, father and son, who begged for their lives, he ordered to cast lots whichof them should live, or settle it between themselves by the sword; andwas a spectator of both their deaths: for the father offering his life tosave his son, and being accordingly executed, the son likewise killedhimself upon the spot. On this account, the rest of the prisoners, andamongst them Marcus Favonius, Cato's rival, being led up in fetters, after they had saluted Antony, the general, with much respect, reviledOctavius in the foulest language. After this victory, dividing betweenthem the offices of the state, Mark Antony [118] undertook to restoreorder in the east, while Caesar conducted the veteran soldiers back toItaly, and settled them in colonies on the lands belonging to themunicipalities. But he had the misfortune to please neither the soldiersnor the owners of the lands; one party complaining of the injustice donethem, in being violently ejected from their possessions, and the other, that they were not rewarded according to their merit. [119]

XIV. At this time he obliged Lucius Antony, who, presuming upon his ownauthority as consul, and his brother's power, was raising new commotions, to fly to Perugia, and forced him, by famine, to surrender at last, although not without having been exposed to great hazards, both beforethe war and during its continuance. For a common soldier having got intothe seats of the equestrian order in the theatre, at the publicspectacles, Caesar ordered him to be removed by an officer; and a rumourbeing thence spread by his enemies, that he had (79) put the man to deathby torture, the soldiers flocked together so much enraged, that henarrowly escaped with his life. The only thing that saved him, was thesudden appearance of the man, safe and sound, no violence having beenoffered him. And whilst he was sacrificing under the walls of Perugia, he nearly fell into the hands of a body of gladiators, who sallied out ofthe town. 

XV. After the taking of Perugia [120], he sentenced a great number ofthe prisoners to death, making only one reply to all who implored pardon, or endeavoured to excuse themselves, "You must die. " Some authors write, that three hundred of the two orders, selected from the rest, wereslaughtered, like victims, before an altar raised to Julius Caesar, uponthe ides of March [15th April] [121]. Nay, there are some who relate, that he entered upon the war with no other view, than that his secretenemies, and those whom fear more than affection kept quiet, might bedetected, by declaring themselves, now they had an opportunity, withLucius Antony at their head; and that having defeated them, andconfiscated their estates, he might be enabled to fulfil his promises tothe veteran soldiers. 

XVI. He soon commenced the Sicilian war, but it was protracted byvarious delays during a long period [122]; at one time for the purpose ofrepairing his fleets, which he lost twice by storm, even in the summer;at another, while patching up a peace, to which he was forced by theclamours of the people, in consequence of a famine occasioned by Pompey'scutting off the supply of corn by sea. But at last, having built a newfleet, and obtained twenty thousand manumitted slaves [123], who weregiven him for the oar, he formed the Julian harbour at Baiae, by lettingthe sea into the Lucrine and Avernian lakes; and having exercised hisforces there during the whole winter, he defeated Pompey betwixt Mylaeand Naulochus; although (80) just as the engagement commenced, hesuddenly fell into such a profound sleep, that his friends were obligedto wake him to give the signal. This, I suppose, gave occasion forAntony's reproach: "You were not able to take a clear view of the fleet, when drawn up in line of battle, but lay stupidly upon your back, gazingat the sky; nor did you get up and let your men see you, until MarcusAgrippa had forced the enemies' ships to sheer off. " Others imputed tohim both a saying and an action which were indefensible; for, upon theloss of his fleets by storm, he is reported to have said: "I will conquerin spite of Neptune;" and at the next Circensian games, he would notsuffer the statue of that God to be carried in procession as usual. Indeed he scarcely ever ran more or greater risks in any of his wars thanin this. Having transported part of his army to Sicily, and being on hisreturn for the rest, he was unexpectedly attacked by Demochares andApollophanes, Pompey's admirals, from whom he escaped with greatdifficulty, and with one ship only. Likewise, as he was travelling onfoot through the Locrian territory to Rhegium, seeing two of Pompey'svessels passing by that coast, and supposing them to be his own, he wentdown to the shore, and was very nearly taken prisoner. On this occasion, as he was making his escape by some bye-ways, a slave belonging toAemilius Paulus, who accompanied him, owing him a grudge for theproscription of Paulus, the father of Aemilius, and thinking he had nowan opportunity of revenging it, attempted to assassinate him. After thedefeat of Pompey, one of his colleagues [124], Marcus Lepidus, whom hehad summoned to his aid from Africa, affecting great superiority, becausehe was at the head of twenty legions, and claiming for himself theprincipal management of affairs in a threatening manner, he divested himof his command, but, upon his humble submission, granted him his life, but banished him for life to Circeii. 

XVII. The alliance between him and Antony, which had always beenprecarious, often interrupted, and ill cemented by repeatedreconciliations, he at last entirely dissolved. And to make it known tothe world how far Antony had degenerated from patriotic feelings, hecaused a will of his, which had been left at Rome, and in which he hadnominated Cleopatra's children, amongst others, as his heirs, to beopened and read in an assembly of the people. Yet upon his beingdeclared an enemy, he sent to him all his relations and friends, amongwhom were Caius Sosius and Titus Domitius, at that time consuls. Helikewise spoke favourably in public of the people of Bologna, for joiningin the association with the rest of Italy to support his cause, becausethey had, in former times, been under the protection of the family of theAntonii. And not long afterwards he defeated him in a naval engagementnear Actium, which was prolonged to so late an hour, that, after thevictory, he was obliged to sleep on board his ship. From Actium he wentto the isle of Samoa to winter; but being alarmed with the accounts of amutiny amongst the soldiers he had selected from the main body of hisarmy sent to Brundisium after the victory, who insisted on their beingrewarded for their service and discharged, he returned to Italy. In hispassage thither, he encountered two violent storms, the first between thepromontories of Peloponnesus and Aetolia, and the other about theCeraunian mountains; in both which a part of his Liburnian squadron wassunk, the spars and rigging of his own ship carried away, and the rudderbroken in pieces. He remained only twenty-seven days at Brundisium, until the demands of the soldiers were settled, and then went, by way ofAsia and Syria, to Egypt, where laying siege to Alexandria, whitherAntony had fled with Cleopatra, he made himself master of it in a shorttime. He drove Antony to kill himself, after he had used every effort toobtain conditions of peace, and he saw his corpse [126]. Cleopatra heanxiously wished to save for his triumph; and when she was supposed tohave been bit to death by an asp, he sent for the Psylli [127] to (82)endeavour to suck out the poison. He allowed them to be buried togetherin the same grave, and ordered a mausoleum, begun by themselves, to becompleted. The eldest of Antony's two sons by Fulvia he commanded to betaken by force from the statue of Julius Caesar, to which he had fled, after many fruitless supplications for his life, and put him to death. The same fate attended Caesario, Cleopatra's son by Caesar, as hepretended, who had fled for his life, but was retaken. The childrenwhich Antony had by Cleopatra he saved, and brought up and cherished in amanner suitable to their rank, just as if they had been his ownrelations. 

XVIII. At this time he had a desire to see the sarcophagus and body ofAlexander the Great, which, for that purpose, were taken out of the cellin which they rested [128]; and after viewing them for some time, he paidhonours to the memory of that prince, by offering a golden crown, andscattering flowers upon the body [129]. Being asked if he wished to seethe tombs of the Ptolemies also; he replied, "I wish to see a king, notdead men. " [130] He reduced Egypt into the form of a province and torender it more fertile, and more capable of supplying Rome with corn, heemployed his army to scour the canals, into which the Nile, upon itsrise, discharges itself; but which during a long series of years hadbecome nearly choked up with mud. To perpetuate the glory of his victoryat Actium, he built the city of Nicopolis on that part of the coast, andestablished games to be celebrated there every five years; enlarginglikewise an old temple of Apollo, he ornamented with naval trophies [131]the spot on which he had pitched his camp, and consecrated it to Neptuneand Mars. 

(83) XIX. He afterwards [132] quashed several tumults and insurrections, as well as several conspiracies against his life, which were discovered, by the confession of accomplices, before they were ripe for execution;and others subsequently. Such were those of the younger Lepidus, ofVarro Muraena, and Fannius Caepio; then that of Marcus Egnatius, afterwards that of Plautius Rufus, and of Lucius Paulus, hisgrand-daughter's husband; and besides these, another of Lucius Audasius, an old feeble man, who was under prosecution for forgery; as also ofAsinius Epicadus, a Parthinian mongrel [133], and at last that ofTelephus, a lady's prompter [134]; for he was in danger of his life fromthe plots and conspiracies of some of the lowest of the people againsthim. Audasius and Epicadus had formed the design of carrying off to thearmies his daughter Julia, and his grandson Agrippa, from the islands inwhich they were confined. Telephus, wildly dreaming that the governmentwas destined to him by the fates, proposed to fall both upon Octavius andthe senate. Nay, once, a soldier's servant belonging to the army inIllyricum, having passed the porters unobserved, was found in thenight-time standing before his chamber-door, armed with a hunting-dagger. Whether the person was really disordered in the head, or onlycounterfeited madness, is uncertain; for no confession was obtained fromhim by torture. 

XX. He conducted in person only two foreign wars; the Dalmatian, whilsthe was yet but a youth; and, after Antony's final defeat, the Cantabrian. He was wounded in the former of these wars; in one battle he received acontusion in the right knee from a stone--and in another, he was muchhurt in (84) one leg and both arms, by the fall of a fridge [135]. Hisother wars he carried on by his lieutenants; but occasionally visited thearmy, in some of the wars of Pannonia and Germany, or remained at nogreat distance, proceeding from Rome as far as Ravenna, Milan, orAquileia. 

XXI. He conquered, however, partly in person, and partly by hislieutenants, Cantabria [136], Aquitania and Pannonia [137], Dalmatia, with all Illyricum and Rhaetia [138], besides the two Alpine nations, theVindelici and the Salassii [139]. He also checked the incursions of theDacians, by cutting off three of their generals with vast armies, anddrove the Germans beyond the river Elbe; removing two other tribes whosubmitted, the Ubii and Sicambri, into Gaul, and settling them in thecountry bordering on the Rhine. Other nations also, which broke intorevolt, he reduced to submission. But he never made war upon any nationwithout just and necessary cause; and was so far from being ambitiouseither to extend the empire, or advance his own military glory, that heobliged the chiefs of some barbarous tribes to swear in the temple ofMars the Avenger [140], that they would faithfully observe theirengagements, and not violate the peace which they had implored. Of somehe demanded a new description of hostages, their women, having found fromexperience that they cared little for their men when given as hostages;but he always afforded them the means of getting back their hostageswhenever they wished it. Even those who engaged most frequently and withthe greatest perfidy in their rebellion, he never punished more severelythan by selling their captives, on the terms (85) of their not serving inany neighbouring country, nor being released from their slavery beforethe expiration of thirty years. By the character which he thus acquired, for virtue and moderation, he induced even the Indians and Scythians, nations before known to the Romans by report only, to solicit hisfriendship, and that of the Roman people, by ambassadors. The Parthiansreadily allowed his claim to Armenia; restoring at his demand, thestandards which they had taken from Marcus Crassus and Mark Antony, andoffering him hostages besides. Afterwards, when a contest arose betweenseveral pretenders to the crown of that kingdom, they refused toacknowledge any one who was not chosen by him. 

XXII. The temple of Janus Quirinus, which had been shut twice only, fromthe era of the building of the city to his own time, he closed thrice ina much shorter period, having established universal peace both by sea andland. He twice entered the city with the honours of an Ovation [141], namely, after the war of Philippi, and again after that of Sicily. Hehad also three curule triumphs [142] for his several victories in (86)Dalmatia, at Actium, and Alexandria; each of which lasted three days. 

XXIII. In all his wars, he never received any signal or ignominiousdefeat, except twice in Germany, under his lieutenants Lollius and Varus. The former indeed had in it more of dishonour than disaster; but that ofVarus threatened the security of the empire itself; three legions, withthe commander, his lieutenants, and all the auxiliaries, being cut off. Upon receiving intelligence of this disaster, he gave orders for keepinga strict watch over the city, to prevent any public disturbance, andprolonged the appointments of the prefects in the provinces, that theallies might be kept in order by experience of persons to whom they wereused. He made a vow to celebrate the great games in honour of Jupiter, Optimus, Maximus, "if he would be pleased to restore the state to moreprosperous circumstances. " This had formerly been resorted to in theCimbrian and Marsian wars. In short, we are informed that he was in suchconsternation at this event, that he let the hair of his head and beardgrow for several months, and sometimes knocked his head against thedoor-posts, crying out, "O, Quintilius Varus! Give me back my legions!"And (87) ever after, he observed the anniversary of this calamity, as aday of sorrow and mourning. 

XXIV. In military affairs he made many alterations, introducing somepractices entirely new, and reviving others, which had become obsolete. He maintained the strictest discipline among the troops; and would notallow even his lieutenants the liberty to visit their wives, exceptreluctantly, and in the winter season only. A Roman knight having cutoff the thumbs of his two young sons, to render them incapable of servingin the wars, he exposed both him and his estate to public sale. But uponobserving the farmers of the revenue very greedy for the purchase, heassigned him to a freedman of his own, that he might send him into thecountry, and suffer him to retain his freedom. The tenth legion becomingmutinous, he disbanded it with ignominy; and did the same by some otherswhich petulantly demanded their discharge; withholding from them therewards usually bestowed on those who had served their stated time in thewars. The cohorts which yielded their ground in time of action, hedecimated, and fed with barley. Centurions, as well as common sentinels, who deserted their posts when on guard, he punished with death. Forother misdemeanors he inflicted upon them various kinds of disgrace; suchas obliging them to stand all day before the praetorium, sometimes intheir tunics only, and without their belts, sometimes to carry poles tenfeet long, or sods of turf. 

XXV. After the conclusion of the civil wars, he never, in any of hismilitary harangues, or proclamations, addressed them by the title of"Fellow-soldiers, " but as "Soldiers" only. Nor would he suffer them tobe otherwise called by his sons or step-sons, when they were in command;judging the former epithet to convey the idea of a degree ofcondescension inconsistent with military discipline, the maintenance oforder, and his own majesty, and that of his house. Unless at Rome, incase of incendiary fires, or under the apprehension of publicdisturbances during a scarcity of provisions, he never employed in hisarmy slaves who had been made freedmen, except upon two occasions; onone, for the security of the colonies bordering upon Illyricum, and onthe other, to guard (88) the banks of the river Rhine. Although heobliged persons of fortune, both male and female, to give up theirslaves, and they received their manumission at once, yet he kept themtogether under their own standard, unmixed with soldiers who were betterborn, and armed likewise after different fashion. Military rewards, suchas trappings, collars, and other decorations of gold and silver, hedistributed more readily than camp or mural crowns, which were reckonedmore honourable than the former. These he bestowed sparingly, withoutpartiality, and frequently even on common soldiers. He presented M. Agrippa, after the naval engagement in the Sicilian war, with a sea-greenbanner. Those who shared in the honours of a triumph, although they hadattended him in his expeditions, and taken part in his victories, hejudged it improper to distinguish by the usual rewards for service, because they had a right themselves to grant such rewards to whom theypleased. He thought nothing more derogatory to the character of anaccomplished general than precipitancy and rashness; on which account hehad frequently in his mouth those proverbs:

 Speude bradeos, Hasten slowly, And

 'Asphalaes gar est' ameinon, hae erasus strataelataes. The cautious captain's better than the bold. 

And "That is done fast enough, which is done well enough. "

He was wont to say also, that "a battle or a war ought never to beundertaken, unless the prospect of gain overbalanced the fear of loss. For, " said he, "men who pursue small advantages with no small hazard, resemble those who fish with a golden hook, the loss of which, if theline should happen to break, could never be compensated by all the fishthey might take. "

XXVI. He was advanced to public offices before the age at which he waslegally qualified for them; and to some, also, of a new kind, and forlife. He seized the consulship in the twentieth year of his age, quartering his legions in a threatening manner near the city, and sendingdeputies to demand it for him in the name of the army. When the senatedemurred, (89) a centurion, named Cornelius, who was at the head of thechief deputation, throwing back his cloak, and shewing the hilt of hissword, had the presumption to say in the senate-house, "This will makehim consul, if ye will not. " His second consulship he filled nine yearsafterwards; his third, after the interval of only one year, and held thesame office every year successively until the eleventh. From thisperiod, although the consulship was frequently offered him, he alwaysdeclined it, until, after a long interval, not less than seventeen years, he voluntarily stood for the twelfth, and two years after that, for athirteenth; that he might successively introduce into the forum, on theirentering public life, his two sons, Caius and Lucius, while he wasinvested with the highest office in the state. In his five consulshipsfrom the sixth to the eleventh, he continued in office throughout theyear; but in the rest, during only nine, six, four, or three months, andin his second no more than a few hours. For having sat for a short timein the morning, upon the calends of January [1st January], in his curulechair [143], before the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, he abdicated theoffice, and substituted another in his room. Nor did he enter upon themall at Rome, but upon the fourth in Asia, the fifth in the Isle of Samos, and the eighth and ninth at Tarragona. [144]

XXVII. During ten years he acted as one of the triumvirate for settlingthe commonwealth, in which office he for some time opposed his colleaguesin their design of a proscription; but after it was begun, he prosecutedit with more determined rigour than either of them. For whilst they wereoften prevailed upon, by the interest and intercession of friends, toshew mercy, he alone strongly insisted that no one should be spared, andeven proscribed Caius Toranius [145], his guardian; who had (90) beenformerly the colleague of his father Octavius in the aedileship. JuniusSaturnius adds this farther account of him: that when, after theproscription was over, Marcus Lepidus made an apology in the senate fortheir past proceedings, and gave them hopes of a more mild administrationfor the future, because they had now sufficiently crushed their enemies;he, on the other hand, declared that the only limit he had fixed to theproscription was, that he should be free to act as he pleased. Afterwards, however, repenting of his severity, he advanced T. ViniusPhilopoemen to the equestrian rank, for having concealed his patron atthe time he was proscribed. In this same office he incurred great odiumupon many accounts. For as he was one day making an harangue, observingamong the soldiers Pinarius, a Roman knight, admit some private citizens, and engaged in taking notes, he ordered him to be stabbed before hiseyes, as a busy-body and a spy upon him. He so terrified with hismenaces Tedius Afer, the consul elect [146], for having reflected uponsome action of his, that he threw himself from a great height, and diedon the spot. And when Quintus Gallius, the praetor, came to complimenthim with a double tablet under his cloak, suspecting that it was a swordhe had concealed, and yet not venturing to make a search, lest it shouldbe found to be something else, he caused him to be dragged from histribunal by centurions and soldiers, and tortured like a slave: andalthough he made no confession, ordered him to be put to death, after hehad, with his own hands, plucked out his eyes. His own account of thematter, however, is, that Quintus Gallius sought a private conferencewith him, for the purpose of assassinating him; that he therefore put himin prison, but afterwards released him, and banished him the city; whenhe perished either in a storm at sea, or by falling into the hands ofrobbers. 

He accepted of the tribunitian power for life, but more than once chose acolleague in that office for two lustra [147] successively. He also hadthe supervision of morality and observance of the laws, for life, butwithout the title of censor; yet he thrice (91) took a census of thepeople, the first and third time with a colleague, but the second byhimself. 

XXVIII. He twice entertained thoughts of restoring the republic [148];first, immediately after he had crushed Antony, remembering that he hadoften charged him with being the obstacle to its restoration. The secondtime was in consequence of a long illness, when he sent for themagistrates and the senate to his own house, and delivered them aparticular account of the state of the empire. But reflecting at thesame time that it would be both hazardous to himself to return to thecondition of a private person, and might be dangerous to the public tohave the government placed again under the control of the people, heresolved to keep it in his own hands, whether with the better event orintention, is hard to say. His good intentions he often affirmed inprivate discourse, and also published an edict, in which it was declaredin the following terms: "May it be permitted me to have the happiness ofestablishing the commonwealth on a safe and sound basis, and thus enjoythe reward of which I am ambitious, that of being celebrated for mouldingit into the form best adapted to present circumstances; so that, on myleaving the world, I may carry with me the hope that the foundationswhich I have laid for its future government, will stand firm and stable. "

XXIX. The city, which was not built in a manner suitable to the grandeurof the empire, and was liable to inundations of the Tiber [149], as wellas to fires, was so much improved under his administration, that heboasted, not without reason, that he "found it of brick, but left it ofmarble. " [150] He also rendered (92) it secure for the time to comeagainst such disasters, as far as could be effected by human foresight. A great number of public buildings were erected by him, the mostconsiderable of which were a forum [151], containing the temple of Marsthe Avenger, the temple of Apollo on the Palatine hill, and the temple ofJupiter Tonans in the Capitol. The reason of his building a new forumwas the vast increase in the population, and the number of causes to betried in the courts, for which, the two already existing not affordingsufficient space, it was thought necessary to have a third. It wastherefore opened for public use before the temple of Mars was completelyfinished; and a law was passed, that causes should be tried, and judgeschosen by lot, in that place. The temple of Mars was built in fulfilmentof a vow made during the war of Philippi, undertaken by him to avenge hisfather's murder. He ordained that the senate should always assemblethere when they met to deliberate respecting wars and triumphs; thatthence should be despatched all those who were sent into the provinces inthe command of armies; and that in it those who returned victorious fromthe wars, should lodge the trophies of their triumphs. He erected thetemple of Apollo [152] in that part of his house on the Palatine hillwhich had been struck with lightning, and which, on that account, thesoothsayers declared the God to have chosen. He added porticos to it, with a library of Latin and Greek authors [153]; and when advanced inyears, (93) used frequently there to hold the senate, and examine therolls of the judges. 

He dedicated the temple to Apollo Tonans [154], in acknowledgment of hisescape from a great danger in his Cantabrian expedition; when, as he wastravelling in the night, his litter was struck by lightning, which killedthe slave who carried a torch before him. He likewise constructed somepublic buildings in the name of others; for instance, his grandsons, hiswife, and sister. Thus he built the portico and basilica of Lucius andCaius, and the porticos of Livia and Octavia [155], and the theatre ofMarcellus [156]. He also often exhorted other persons of rank toembellish the city by new buildings, or repairing and improving the old, according to their means. In consequence of this recommendation, manywere raised; such as the temple of Hercules and the Muses, by MarciusPhilippus; a temple of Diana by Lucius Cornificius; the Court of Freedomby Asinius Pollio; a temple of Saturn by Munatius Plancus; a theatre byCornelius Balbus [157]; an amphitheatre by Statilius Taurus; and severalother noble edifices by Marcus Agrippa. [158]

(94) XXX. He divided the city into regions and districts, ordaining thatthe annual magistrates should take by lot the charge of the former; andthat the latter should be superintended by wardens chosen out of thepeople of each neighbourhood. He appointed a nightly watch to be ontheir guard against accidents from fire; and, to prevent the frequentinundations, he widened and cleansed the bed of the Tiber, which had inthe course of years been almost dammed up with rubbish, and the channelnarrowed by the ruins of houses [159]. To render the approaches to thecity more commodious, he took upon himself the charge of repairing theFlaminian way as far as Ariminum [160], and distributed the repairs ofthe other roads amongst several persons who had obtained the honour of atriumph; to be defrayed out of the money arising from the spoils of war. Temples decayed by time, or destroyed by fire, he either repaired orrebuilt; and enriched them, as well as many others, with splendidofferings. On a single occasion, he deposited in the cell of the templeof Jupiter Capitolinus, sixteen thousand pounds of gold, with jewels andpearls to the amount of fifty millions of sesterces. 

XXXI. The office of Pontifex Maximus, of which he could (95) notdecently deprive Lepidus as long as he lived [161], he assumed as soon ashe was dead. He then caused all prophetical books, both in Latin andGreek, the authors of which were either unknown, or of no greatauthority, to be brought in; and the whole collection, amounting toupwards of two thousand volumes, he committed to the flames, preservingonly the Sibylline oracles; but not even those without a strictexamination, to ascertain which were genuine. This being done, hedeposited them in two gilt coffers, under the pedestal of the statue ofthe Palatine Apollo. He restored the calendar, which had been correctedby Julius Caesar, but through negligence was again fallen into confusion[162], to its former regularity; and upon that occasion, called the monthSextilis [163], by his own name, August, rather than September, in whichhe was born; because in it he had obtained his first consulship, and allhis most considerable victories [164]. He increased the number, dignity, and revenues of the priests, and especially those of the Vestal Virgins. And when, upon the death of one of them, a new one was to be taken [165], and many persons made interest that their daughters' names might beomitted in the lists for election, he replied with an oath, "If either ofmy own grand-daughters were old enough, I would have proposed her. "

He likewise revived some old religious customs, which had becomeobsolete; as the augury of public health [166], the office of (96) highpriest of Jupiter, the religious solemnity of the Lupercalia, with theSecular, and Compitalian games. He prohibited young boys from running inthe Lupercalia; and in respect of the Secular games, issued an order, that no young persons of either sex should appear at any publicdiversions in the night-time, unless in the company of some elderlyrelation. He ordered the household gods to be decked twice a year withspring and summer flowers [167], in the Compitalian festival. 

Next to the immortal gods, he paid the highest honours to the memory ofthose generals who had raised the Roman state from its low origin to thehighest pitch of grandeur. He accordingly repaired or rebuilt the publicedifices erected by them; preserving the former inscriptions, and placingstatues of them all, with triumphal emblems, in both the porticos of hisforum, issuing an edict on the occasion, in which he made the followingdeclaration: "My design in so doing is, that the Roman people may requirefrom me, and all succeeding princes, a conformity to those illustriousexamples. " He likewise removed the statue of Pompey from thesenate-house, in which Caius Caesar had been killed, and placed it undera marble arch, fronting the palace attached to Pompey's theatre. 

XXXII. He corrected many ill practices, which, to the detriment of thepublic, had either survived the licentious habits of the late civil wars, or else originated in the long peace. Bands of robbers showed themselvesopenly, completely armed, under colour of self-defence; and in differentparts of the country, travellers, freemen and slaves without distinction, were forcibly carried off, and kept to work in the houses of correction[168]. Several associations were formed under the specious (97) name ofa new college, which banded together for the perpetration of all kinds ofvillany. The banditti he quelled by establishing posts of soldiers insuitable stations for the purpose; the houses of correction weresubjected to a strict superintendence; all associations, those onlyexcepted which were of ancient standing, and recognised by the laws, weredissolved. He burnt all the notes of those who had been a long time inarrear with the treasury, as being the principal source of vexatioussuits and prosecutions. Places in the city claimed by the public, wherethe right was doubtful, he adjudged to the actual possessors. He struckout of the list of criminals the names of those over whom prosecutionshad been long impending, where nothing further was intended by theinformers than to gratify their own malice, by seeing their enemieshumiliated; laying it down as a rule, that if any one chose to renew aprosecution, he should incur the risk of the punishment which he soughtto inflict. And that crimes might not escape punishment, nor business beneglected by delay, he ordered the courts to sit during the thirty dayswhich were spent in celebrating honorary games. To the three classes ofjudges then existing, he added a fourth, consisting of persons ofinferior order, who were called Ducenarii, and decided all litigationsabout trifling sums. He chose judges from the age of thirty years andupwards; that is five years younger than had been usual before. And agreat many declining the office, he was with much difficulty prevailedupon to allow each class of judges a twelve-month's vacation in turn; andthe courts to be shut during the months of November and December. [169]

XXXIII. He was himself assiduous in his functions as a judge, and wouldsometimes prolong his sittings even into the night [170]: if he wereindisposed, his litter was placed before (98) the tribunal, or headministered justice reclining on his couch at home; displaying alwaysnot only the greatest attention, but extreme lenity. To save a culprit, who evidently appeared guilty of parricide, from the extreme penalty ofbeing sewn up in a sack, because none were punished in that manner butsuch as confessed the fact, he is said to have interrogated him thus:"Surely you did not kill your father, did you?" And when, in a trial ofa cause about a forged will, all those who had signed it were liable tothe penalty of the Cornelian law, he ordered that his colleagues on thetribunal should not only be furnished with the two tablets by which theydecided, "guilty or not guilty, " but with a third likewise, ignoring theoffence of those who should appear to have given their signatures throughany deception or mistake. All appeals in causes between inhabitants ofRome, he assigned every year to the praetor of the city; and whereprovincials were concerned, to men of consular rank, to one of whom thebusiness of each province was referred. 

XXXIV. Some laws he abrogated, and he made some new ones; such as thesumptuary law, that relating to adultery and the violation of chastity, the law against bribery in elections, and likewise that for theencouragement of marriage. Having been more severe in his reform of thislaw than the rest, he found the people utterly averse to submit to it, unless the penalties were abolished or mitigated, besides allowing aninterval of three years after a wife's death, and increasing the premiumson marriage. The equestrian order clamoured loudly, at a spectacle inthe theatre, for its total repeal; whereupon he sent for the children ofGermanicus, and shewed them partly sitting upon his own lap, and partlyon their father's; intimating by his looks and gestures, that they oughtnot to think it a grievance to follow the example of that young man. Butfinding that the force of the law was eluded, by marrying girls under theage of puberty, and by frequent change of wives, he limited the time forconsummation after espousals, and imposed restrictions on divorce. 

XXXV. By two separate scrutinies he reduced to their former number andsplendour the senate, which had been swamped by a disorderly crowd; forthey were now more than a (99) thousand, and some of them very meanpersons, who, after Caesar's death, had been chosen by dint of interestand bribery, so that they had the nickname of Orcini among the people[171]. The first of these scrutinies was left to themselves, eachsenator naming another; but the last was conducted by himself andAgrippa. On this occasion he is believed to have taken his seat as hepresided, with a coat of mail under his tunic, and a sword by his side, and with ten of the stoutest men of senatorial rank, who were hisfriends, standing round his chair. Cordus Cremutius [172] relates thatno senator was suffered to approach him, except singly, and after havinghis bosom searched [for secreted daggers]. Some he obliged to have thegrace of declining the office; these he allowed to retain the privilegesof wearing the distinguishing dress, occupying the seats at the solemnspectacles, and of feasting publicly, reserved to the senatorial order[173]. That those who were chosen and approved of, might perform theirfunctions under more solemn obligations, and with less inconvenience, heordered that every senator, before he took his seat in the house, shouldpay his devotions, with an offering of frankincense and wine, at thealtar of that God in whose temple the senate then assembled [174], andthat their stated meetings should be only twice in the month, namely, onthe calends and ides; and that in the months of September and October[175], a certain number only, chosen by lot, such as the law required togive validity to a decree, should be required to attend. For himself, heresolved to choose every six (100) months a new council, with whom hemight consult previously upon such affairs as he judged proper at anytime to lay before the full senate. He also took the votes of thesenators upon any subject of importance, not according to custom, nor inregular order, but as he pleased; that every one might hold himself readyto give his opinion, rather than a mere vote of assent. 

XXXVI. He also made several other alterations in the management ofpublic affairs, among which were these following: that the acts of thesenate should not be published [176]; that the magistrates should not besent into the provinces immediately after the expiration of their office;that the proconsuls should have a certain sum assigned them out of thetreasury for mules and tents, which used before to be contracted for bythe government with private persons; that the management of the treasuryshould be transferred from the city-quaestors to the praetors, or thosewho had already served in the latter office; and that the decemvirishould call together the court of One hundred, which had been formerlysummoned by those who had filled the office of quaestor. 

XXXVII. To augment the number of persons employed in the administrationof the state, he devised several new offices; such as surveyors of thepublic buildings, of the roads, the aqueducts, and the bed of the Tiber;for the distribution of corn to the people; the praefecture of the city;a triumvirate for the election of the senators; and another forinspecting the several troops of the equestrian order, as often as it wasnecessary. He revived the office of censor [177], which had been longdisused, and increased the number of praetors. He likewise required thatwhenever the consulship was conferred on him, he should have twocolleagues instead of one; but his proposal (101) was rejected, all thesenators declaring by acclamation that he abated his high majesty quiteenough in not filling the office alone, and consenting to share it withanother. 

XXXVIII. He was unsparing in the reward of military merit, havinggranted to above thirty generals the honour of the greater triumph;besides which, he took care to have triamphal decorations voted by thesenate for more than that number. That the sons of senators might becomeearly acquainted with the administration of affairs, he permitted them, at the age when they took the garb of manhood [178], to assume also thedistinction of the senatorian robe, with its broad border, and to bepresent at the debates in the senate-house. When they entered themilitary service, he not only gave them the rank of military tribunes inthe legions, but likewise the command of the auxiliary horse. And thatall might have an opportunity of acquiring military experience, hecommonly joined two sons of senators in command of each troop of horse. He frequently reviewed the troops of the equestrian order, reviving theancient custom of a cavalcade [179], which had been long laid aside. Buthe did not suffer any one to be obliged by an accuser to dismount whilehe passed in review, as had formerly been the practice. As for such aswere infirm with age, or (102) any way deformed, he allowed them to sendtheir horses before them, coming on foot to answer to their names, whenthe muster roll was called over soon afterwards. He permitted those whohad attained the age of thirty-five years, and desired not to keep theirhorse any longer, to have the privilege of giving it up. 

XXXIX. With the assistance of ten senators, he obliged each of the Romanknights to give an account of his life: in regard to those who fell underhis displeasure, some were punished; others had a mark of infamy setagainst their names. The most part he only reprimanded, but not in thesame terms. The mildest mode of reproof was by delivering them tablets[180], the contents of which, confined to themselves, they were to readon the spot. Some he disgraced for borrowing money at low interest, andletting it out again upon usurious profit. 

XL. In the election of tribunes of the people, if there was not asufficient number of senatorian candidates, he nominated others from theequestrian order; granting them the liberty, after the expiration oftheir office, to continue in whichsoever of the two orders they pleased. As most of the knights had been much reduced in their estates by thecivil wars, and therefore durst not sit to see the public games in thetheatre in the seats allotted to their order, for fear of the penaltyprovided by the law in that case, he enacted, that none were liable toit, who had themselves, or whose parents had ever, possessed a knight'sestate. He took the census of the Roman people street by street: andthat the people might not be too often taken from their business toreceive the distribution of corn, it was his intention to deliver ticketsthree times a year for four months respectively; but at their request, hecontinued the former regulation, that they should receive their (103)share monthly. He revived the former law of elections, endeavouring, byvarious penalties, to suppress the practice of bribery. Upon the day ofelection, he distributed to the freemen of the Fabian and Scaptiantribes, in which he himself was enrolled, a thousand sesterces each, thatthey might look for nothing from any of the candidates. Considering itof extreme importance to preserve the Roman people pure, and untaintedwith a mixture of foreign or servile blood, he not only bestowed thefreedom of the city with a sparing hand, but laid some restriction uponthe practice of manumitting slaves. When Tiberius interceded with himfor the freedom of Rome in behalf of a Greek client of his, he wrote tohim for answer, "I shall not grant it, unless he comes himself, andsatisfies me that he has just grounds for the application. " And whenLivia begged the freedom of the city for a tributary Gaul, he refused it, but offered to release him from payment of taxes, saying, "I shall soonersuffer some loss in my exchequer, than that the citizenship of Rome berendered too common. " Not content with interposing many obstacles toeither the partial or complete emancipation of slaves, by quibblesrespecting the number, condition and difference of those who were to bemanumitted; he likewise enacted that none who had been put in chains ortortured, should ever obtain the freedom of the city in any degree. Heendeavoured also to restore the old habit and dress of the Romans; andupon seeing once, in an assembly of the people, a crowd in grey cloaks[181], he exclaimed with indignation, "See there, Romanos rerum dominos, gentemque togatem. " [182]

 Rome's conquering sons, lords of the wide-spread globe, Stalk proudly in the toga's graceful robe. 

And he gave orders to the ediles not to permit, in future, any Roman tobe present in the forum or circus unless they took off their short coats, and wore the toga. 

(104) XLI. He displayed his munificence to all ranks of the people onvarious occasions. Moreover, upon his bringing the treasure belonging tothe kings of Egypt into the city, in his Alexandrian triumph, he mademoney so plentiful, that interest fell, and the price of land roseconsiderably. And afterwards, as often as large sums of money came intohis possession by means of confiscations, he would lend it free ofinterest, for a fixed term, to such as could give security for the doubleof what was borrowed. The estate necessary to qualify a senator, insteadof eight hundred thousand sesterces, the former standard, he ordered, forthe future, to be twelve hundred thousand; and to those who had not somuch, he made good the deficiency. He often made donations to thepeople, but generally of different sums; sometimes four hundred, sometimes three hundred, or two hundred and fifty sesterces upon whichoccasions, he extended his bounty even to young boys, who before were notused to receive anything, until they arrived at eleven years of age. Ina scarcity of corn, he would frequently let them have it at a very lowprice, or none at all; and doubled the number of the money tickets. 

XLII. But to show that he was a prince who regarded more the good of hispeople than their applause, he reprimanded them very severely, upon theircomplaining of the scarcity and dearness of wine. "My son-in-law, Agrippa, " he said, "has sufficiently provided for quenching your thirst, by the great plenty of water with which he has supplied the town. " Upontheir demanding a gift which he had promised them, he said, "I am a manof my word. " But upon their importuning him for one which he had notpromised, he issued a proclamation upbraiding them for their scandalousimpudence; at the same time telling them, "I shall now give you nothing, whatever I may have intended to do. " With the same strict firmness, when, upon a promise he had made of a donative, he found many slaves hadbeen emancipated and enrolled amongst the citizens, he declared that noone should receive anything who was not included in the promise, and hegave the rest less than he had promised them, in order that the amount hehad set apart might hold out. On one occasion, in a season of greatscarcity, which it was difficult to remedy, he ordered out of the citythe troops of slaves brought for sale, the gladiators (105) belonging tothe masters of defence, and all foreigners, excepting physicians and theteachers of the liberal sciences. Part of the domestic slaves werelikewise ordered to be dismissed. When, at last, plenty was restored, hewrites thus "I was much inclined to abolish for ever the practice ofallowing the people corn at the public expense, because they trust somuch to it, that they are too lazy to till their lands; but I did notpersevere in my design, as I felt sure that the practice would some timeor other be revived by some one ambitious of popular favour. " However, he so managed the affair ever afterwards, that as much account was takenof husbandmen and traders, as of the idle populace. [183]

XLIII. In the number, variety, and magnificence of his publicspectacles, he surpassed all former example. Four-and-twenty times, hesays, he treated the people with games upon his own account, andthree-and-twenty times for such magistrates as were either absent, or notable to afford the expense. The performances took place sometimes in thedifferent streets of the city, and upon several stages, by players in alllanguages. The same he did not only in the forum and amphitheatre, butin the circus likewise, and in the septa [184]: and sometimes heexhibited only the hunting of wild beasts. He entertained the peoplewith wrestlers in the Campus Martius, where wooden seats were erected forthe purpose; and also with a naval fight, for which he excavated theground near the Tiber, where there is now the grove of the Caesars. During these two entertainments he stationed guards in the city, lest, byrobbers taking advantage of the small number of people left at home, itmight be exposed to depredations. In the circus he exhibited chariot andfoot races, and combats with wild beasts, in which the performers wereoften youths of the highest rank. His favourite spectacle was the Trojangame, acted by a select number of boys, in parties differing in age andstation; thinking (106) that it was a practice both excellent in itself, and sanctioned by ancient usage, that the spirit of the young noblesshould be displayed in such exercises. Caius Nonius Asprenas, who waslamed by a fall in this diversion, he presented with a gold collar, andallowed him and his posterity to bear the surname of Torquati. But soonafterwards he gave up the exhibition of this game, in consequence of asevere and bitter speech made in the senate by Asinius Pollio, theorator, in which he complained bitterly of the misfortune of Aeserninus, his grandson, who likewise broke his leg in the same diversion. 

Sometimes he engaged Roman knights to act upon the stage, or to fight asgladiators; but only before the practice was prohibited by a decree ofthe senate. Thenceforth, the only exhibition he made of that kind, wasthat of a young man named Lucius, of a good family, who was not quite twofeet in height, and weighed only seventeen pounds, but had a stentorianvoice. In one of his public spectacles, he brought the hostages of theParthians, the first ever sent to Rome from that nation, through themiddle of the amphitheatre, and placed them in the second tier of seatsabove him. He used likewise, at times when there were no publicentertainments, if any thing was brought to Rome which was uncommon, andmight gratify curiosity, to expose it to public view, in any placewhatever; as he did a rhinoceros in the Septa, a tiger upon a stage, anda snake fifty cubits lung in the Comitium. It happened in the Circensiangames, which he performed in consequence of a vow, that he was taken ill, and obliged to attend the Thensae [185], reclining on a litter. Anothertime, in the games celebrated for the opening of the theatre ofMarcellus, the joints of his curule chair happening to give way, he fellon his back. And in the games exhibited by his (107) grandsons, when thepeople were in such consternation, by an alarm raised that the theatrewas falling, that all his efforts to re-assure them and keep them quiet, failed, he moved from his place, and seated himself in that part of thetheatre which was thought to be exposed to most danger. 

XLIV. He corrected the confusion and disorder with which the spectatorstook their seats at the public games, after an affront which was offeredto a senator at Puteoli, for whom, in a crowded theatre, no one wouldmake room. He therefore procured a decree of the senate, that in allpublic spectacles of any sort, and in any place whatever, the first tierof benches should be left empty for the accommodation of senators. Hewould not even permit the ambassadors of free nations, nor of those whichwere allies of Rome, to sit in the orchestra; having found that somemanumitted slaves had been sent under that character. He separated thesoldiery from the rest of the people, and assigned to married plebeianstheir particular rows of seats. To the boys he assigned their ownbenches, and to their tutors the seats which were nearest it; orderingthat none clothed in black should sit in the centre of the circle [186]. Nor would he allow any women to witness the combats of gladiators, exceptfrom the upper part of the theatre, although they formerly used to taketheir places promiscuously with the rest of the spectators. To thevestal virgins he granted seats in the theatre, reserved for them only, opposite the praetor's bench. He excluded, however, the whole female sexfrom seeing the wrestlers: so that in the games which he exhibited uponhis accession to the office of high-priest, he deferred producing a pairof combatants which the people called for, until the next morning; andintimated by proclamation, "his pleasure that no woman should appear inthe theatre before five o'clock. "

XLV. He generally viewed the Circensian games himself, from the upperrooms of the houses of his friends or freedmen; sometimes from the placeappointed for the statues of the gods, and sitting in company with hiswife and children. He (108) occasionally absented himself from thespectacles for several hours, and sometimes for whole days; but notwithout first making an apology, and appointing substitutes to preside inhis stead. When present, he never attended to anything else either toavoid the reflections which he used to say were commonly made upon hisfather, Caesar, for perusing letters and memorials, and making rescriptsduring the spectacles; or from the real pleasure he took in attendingthose exhibitions; of which he made no secret, he often candidly owningit. This he manifested frequently by presenting honorary crowns andhandsome rewards to the best performers, in the games exhibited byothers; and he never was present at any performance of the Greeks, without rewarding the most deserving, according to their merit. He tookparticular pleasure in witnessing pugilistic contests, especially thoseof the Latins, not only between combatants who had been trainedscientifically, whom he used often to match with the Greek champions; buteven between mobs of the lower classes fighting in streets, and tiltingat random, without any knowledge of the art. In short, he honoured withhis patronage all sorts of people who contributed in any way to thesuccess of the public entertainments. He not only maintained, butenlarged, the privileges of the wrestlers. He prohibited combats ofgladiators where no quarter was given. He deprived the magistrates ofthe power of correcting the stage-players, which by an ancient law wasallowed them at all times, and in all places; restricting theirjurisdiction entirely to the time of performance and misdemeanours in thetheatres. He would, however, admit, of no abatement, and exacted withthe utmost rigour the greatest exertions of the wrestlers and gladiatorsin their several encounters. He went so far in restraining thelicentiousness of stage-players, that upon discovering that Stephanio, aperformer of the highest class, had a married woman with her haircropped, and dressed in boy's clothes, to wait upon him at table, heordered him to be whipped through all the three theatres, and thenbanished him. Hylas, an actor of pantomimes, upon a complaint againsthim by the praetor, he commanded to be scourged in the court of his ownhouse, which, however, was open to the public. And Pylades he not onlybanished from the city, but from Italy also, for pointing with his fingerat a spectator by whom he was hissed, and turning the eyes of theaudience upon him. 

(109) XLVI. Having thus regulated the city and its concerns, heaugmented the population of Italy by planting in it no less thantwenty-eight colonies [187], and greatly improved it by public works, anda beneficial application of the revenues. In rights and privileges, herendered it in a measure equal to the city itself, by inventing a new kindof suffrage, which the principal officers and magistrates of the coloniesmight take at home, and forward under seal to the city, against the timeof the elections. To increase the number of persons of condition, and ofchildren among the lower ranks, he granted the petitions of all those whorequested the honour of doing military service on horseback as knights, provided their demands were seconded by the recommendation of the town inwhich they lived; and when he visited the several districts of Italy, hedistributed a thousand sesterces a head to such of the lower class aspresented him with sons or daughters. 

XLVII. The more important provinces, which could not with ease or safetybe entrusted to the government of annual magistrates, he reserved for hisown administration: the rest he distributed by lot amongst theproconsuls: but sometimes he made exchanges, and frequently visited mostof both kinds in person. Some cities in alliance with Rome, but which bytheir great licentiousness were hastening to ruin, he deprived of theirindependence. Others, which were much in debt, he relieved, and rebuiltsuch as had been destroyed by earthquakes. To those that could produceany instance of their having deserved well of the Roman people, hepresented the freedom of Latium, or even that of the City. There is not, I believe, a province, except Africa and Sardinia, which he did notvisit. After forcing Sextus Pompeius to take refuge in those provinces, he was indeed preparing to cross over from Sicily to them, but wasprevented by continual and violent storms, and afterwards there was nooccasion or call for such a voyage. 

XLVIII. Kingdoms, of which he had made himself master by the right ofconquest, a few only excepted, he either restored to their formerpossessors [188], or conferred upon aliens. Between (110) kings ofalliance with Rome, he encouraged most intimate union; being always readyto promote or favour any proposal of marriage or friendship amongst them;and, indeed, treated them all with the same consideration, as if theywere members and parts of the empire. To such of them as were minors orlunatics he appointed guardians, until they arrived at age, or recoveredtheir senses; and the sons of many of them he brought up and educatedwith his own. 

XLIX. With respect to the army, he distributed the legions and auxiliarytroops throughout the several provinces, he stationed a fleet at Misenum, and another at Ravenna, for the protection of the Upper and Lower Seas[189]. A certain number of the forces were selected, to occupy the postsin the city, and partly for his own body-guard; but he dismissed theSpanish guard, which he retained about him till the fall of Antony; andalso the Germans, whom he had amongst his guards, until the defeat ofVarus. Yet he never permitted a greater force than three cohorts in thecity, and had no (pretorian) camps [190]. The rest he quartered in theneighbourhood of the nearest towns, in winter and summer camps. All thetroops throughout the empire he reduced to one fixed model with regard totheir pay and their pensions; determining these according to their rankin the army, the time they had served, and their private means; so thatafter their discharge, they might not be tempted by age or necessities tojoin the agitators for a revolution. For the purpose of providing a fundalways ready to meet their pay and pensions, he instituted a militaryexchequer, and appropriated new taxes to that object. In order to obtainthe earliest intelligence of what was passing in the provinces, heestablished posts, consisting at first of young men stationed at moderatedistances along the military roads, and afterwards of regular courierswith fast vehicles; which appeared to him the most commodious, becausethe persons who were the bearers of dispatches, written on the spot, might then be questioned about the business, as occasion occurred. 

L. In sealing letters-patent, rescripts, or epistles, he at first usedthe figure of a sphinx, afterwards the head of Alexander (111) the Great, and at last his own, engraved by the hand of Dioscorides; which practicewas retained by the succeeding emperors. He was extremely precise indating his letters, putting down exactly the time of the day or night atwhich they were dispatched. 

LI. Of his clemency and moderation there are abundant and signalinstances. For, not to enumerate how many and what persons of theadverse party he pardoned, received into favour, and suffered to rise tothe highest eminence in the state; he thought it sufficient to punishJunius Novatus and Cassius Patavinus, who were both plebeians, one ofthem with a fine, and the other with an easy banishment; although theformer had published, in the name of young Agrippa, a very scurrilousletter against him, and the other declared openly, at an entertainmentwhere there was a great deal of company, "that he neither wantedinclination nor courage to stab him. " In the trial of Aemilius Aelianus, of Cordova, when, among other charges exhibited against him, it wasparticularly insisted upon, that he used to calumniate Caesar, he turnedround to the accuser, and said, with an air and tone of passion, "I wishyou could make that appear; I shall let Aelianus know that I have atongue too, and shall speak sharper of him than he ever did of me. " Nordid he, either then or afterwards, make any farther inquiry into theaffair. And when Tiberius, in a letter, complained of the affront withgreat earnestness, he returned him an answer in the following terms: "Donot, my dear Tiberius, give way to the ardour of youth in this affair;nor be so indignant that any person should speak ill of me. It isenough, for us, if we can prevent any one from really doing us mischief. "

LII. Although he knew that it had been customary to decree temples inhonour of the proconsuls, yet he would not permit them to be erected inany of the provinces, unless in the joint names of himself and Rome. Within the limits of the city, he positively refused any honour of thatkind. He melted down all the silver statues which had been erected tohim, and converted the whole into tripods, which he consecrated to thePalatine Apollo. And when the people importuned him to accept thedictatorship, he bent down on one knee, with his toga thrown over hisshoulders, and his breast exposed to view, begging to be excused. 

(112) LIII. He always abhorred the title of Lord [191], as ill-omenedand offensive. And when, in a play, performed at the theatre, at whichhe was present, these words were introduced, "O just and gracious lord, "and the whole company, with joyful acclamations, testified theirapprobation of them, as applied to him, he instantly put a stop to theirindecent flattery, by waving his hand, and frowning sternly, and next daypublicly declared his displeasure, in a proclamation. He neverafterwards would suffer himself to be addressed in that manner, even byhis own children or grand-children, either in jest or earnest and forbadthem the use of all such complimentary expressions to one another. Herarely entered any city or town, or departed from it, except in theevening or the night, to avoid giving any person the trouble ofcomplimenting him. During his consulships, he commonly walked thestreets on foot; but at other times, rode in a close carriage. Headmitted to court even plebeians, in common with people of the higherranks; receiving the petitions of those who approached him with so muchaffability, that he once jocosely rebuked a man, by telling him, "Youpresent your memorial with as much hesitation as if you were offeringmoney to an elephant. " On senate days, he used to pay his respects tothe Conscript Fathers only in the house, addressing them each by name asthey sat, without any prompter; and on his departure, he bade each ofthem farewell, while they retained their seats. In the same manner, hemaintained with many of them a constant intercourse of mutual civilities, giving them his company upon occasions of any particular festivity intheir families; until he became advanced in years, and was incommoded bythe crowd at a wedding. Being informed that Gallus Terrinius, a senator, with whom he had only a slight acquaintance, had suddenly lost his sight, and under that privation had resolved to starve himself to death, he paidhim a visit, and by his consolatory admonitions diverted him from hispurpose. 

LIV. On his speaking in the senate, he has been told by (113) one of themembers, "I did not understand you, " and by another, "I would contradictyou, could I do it with safety. " And sometimes, upon his being so muchoffended at the heat with which the debates were conducted in the senate, as to quit the house in anger, some of the members have repeatedlyexclaimed: "Surely, the senators ought to have liberty of speech onmatters of government. " Antistius Labeo, in the election of a newsenate, when each, as he was named, chose another, nominated MarcusLepidus, who had formerly been Augustus's enemy, and was then inbanishment; and being asked by the latter, "Is there no other person moredeserving?" he replied, "Every man has his own opinion. " Nor was any oneever molested for his freedom of speech, although it was carried to theextent of insolence. 

LV. Even when some infamous libels against him were dispersed in thesenate-house, he was neither disturbed, nor did he give himself muchtrouble to refute them. He would not so much as order an enquiry to bemade after the authors; but only proposed, that, for the future, thosewho published libels or lampoons, in a borrowed name, against any person, should be called to account. 

LVI. Being provoked by some petulant jests, which were designed torender him odious, he answered them by a proclamation; and yet heprevented the senate from passing an act, to restrain the liberties whichwere taken with others in people's wills. Whenever he attended at theelection of magistrates, he went round the tribes, with the candidates ofhis nomination, and begged the votes of the people in the usual manner. He likewise gave his own vote in his tribe, as one of the people. Hesuffered himself to be summoned as a witness upon trials, and not only tobe questioned, but to be cross-examined, with the utmost patience. Inbuilding his Forum, he restricted himself in the site, not presuming tocompel the owners of the neighbouring houses to give up their property. He never recommended his sons to the people, without adding these words, "If they deserve it. " And upon the audience rising on their entering thetheatre, while they were yet minors, and giving them applause in astanding position, he made it a matter of serious complaint. 

(114) He was desirous that his friends should be great and powerful inthe state, but have no exclusive privileges, or be exempt from the lawswhich governed others. When Asprenas Nonius, an intimate friend of his, was tried upon a charge of administering poison at the instance ofCassius Severus, he consulted the senate for their opinion what was hisduty under the circumstances: "For, " said he, "I am afraid, lest, if Ishould stand by him in the cause, I may be supposed to screen a guiltyman; and if I do not, to desert and prejudge a friend. " With theunanimous concurrence, therefore, of the senate, he took his seat amongsthis advocates for several hours, but without giving him the benefit ofspeaking to character, as was usual. He likewise appeared for hisclients; as on behalf of Scutarius, an old soldier of his, who brought anaction for slander. He never relieved any one from prosecution but in asingle instance, in the case of a man who had given information of theconspiracy of Muraena; and that he did only by prevailing upon theaccuser, in open court, to drop his prosecution. 

LVII. How much he was beloved for his worthy conduct in all theserespects, it is easy to imagine. I say nothing of the decrees of thesenate in his honour, which may seem to have resulted from compulsion ordeference. The Roman knights voluntarily, and with one accord, alwayscelebrated his birth for two days together; and all ranks of the people, yearly, in performance of a vow they had made, threw a piece of moneyinto the Curtian lake [192], as an offering for his welfare. Theylikewise, on the calends [first] of January, presented for his acceptancenew-year's gifts in the Capitol, though he was not present with whichdonations he purchased some costly images of the Gods, which he erectedin several streets of the city; as that of Apollo Sandaliarius, JupiterTragoedus [193], and others. When his house on the Palatine hill wasaccidentally destroyed by fire, the veteran soldiers, the judges, thetribes, and even the people, individually, contributed, according to theability of each, for rebuilding it; but he would (115) accept only ofsome small portion out of the several sums collected, and refused to takefrom any one person more than a single denarius [194]. Upon his returnhome from any of the provinces, they attended him not only with joyfulacclamations, but with songs. It is also remarked, that as often as heentered the city, the infliction of punishment was suspended for thetime. 

LVIII. The whole body of the people, upon a sudden impulse, and withunanimous consent, offered him the title of FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY. Itwas announced to him first at Antium, by a deputation from the people, and upon his declining the honour, they repeated their offer on hisreturn to Rome, in a full theatre, when they were crowned with laurel. The senate soon afterwards adopted the proposal, not in the way ofacclamation or decree, but by commissioning M. Messala, in an unanimousvote, to compliment him with it in the following terms: "With heartywishes for the happiness and prosperity of yourself and your family, Caesar Augustus, (for we think we thus most effectually pray for thelasting welfare of the state), the senate, in agreement with the Romanpeople, salute you by the title of FATHER OF YOUR COUNTRY. " To thiscompliment Augustus replied, with tears in his eyes, in these words (forI give them exactly as I have done those of Messala): "Having now arrivedat the summit of my wishes, O Conscript Fathers [195], what else have Ito beg of the Immortal (116) Gods, but the continuance of this youraffection for me to the last moments of my life?"

LIX. To the physician Antonius Musa [196], who had cured him of adangerous illness, they erected a statue near that of Aesculapius, by ageneral subscription. Some heads of families ordered in their wills, that their heirs should lead victims to the Capitol, with a tabletcarried before them, and pay their vows, "Because Augustus stillsurvived. " Some Italian cities appointed the day upon which he firstvisited them, to be thenceforth the beginning of their year. And most ofthe provinces, besides erecting temples and altars, instituted games, tobe celebrated to his honour, in most towns, every five years. 

LX. The kings, his friends and allies, built cities in their respectivekingdoms, to which they gave the name of Caesarea; and all with oneconsent resolved to finish, at their common expense, the temple ofJupiter Olympius, at Athens, which had been begun long before, andconsecrate it to his Genius. They frequently also left their kingdoms, laid aside the badges of royalty, and assuming the toga, attended andpaid their respects to him daily, in the manner of clients to theirpatrons; not only at Rome, but when he was travelling through theprovinces. 

LXI. Having thus given an account of the manner in which he filled hispublic offices both civil and military, and his conduct in the governmentof the empire, both in peace and war; I shall now describe his privateand domestic life, his habits at home and among his friends anddependents, and the fortune attending him in those scenes of retirement, from his youth to the day of his death. He lost his mother in his firstconsulship, and his sister Octavia, when he was in the fifty-fourth yearof his age [197]. He behaved towards them both with the utmost kindnesswhilst living, and after their decease paid the highest honours to theirmemory. 

(117) LXII. He was contracted when very young to the daughter of PubliusServilius Isauricus; but upon his reconciliation with Antony after theirfirst rupture [198], the armies on both sides insisting on a familyalliance between them, he married Antony's step-daughter Claudia, thedaughter of Fulvia by Publius Claudius, although at that time she wasscarcely marriageable; and upon a difference arising with hismother-in-law Fulvia, he divorced her untouched, and a pure virgin. Soonafterwards he took to wife Scribonia, who had before been twice marriedto men of consular rank [199], and was a mother by one of them. With herlikewise he parted [200], being quite tired out, as he himself writes, with the perverseness of her temper; and immediately took Livia Drusilla, though then pregnant, from her husband Tiberius Nero; and she had neverany rival in his love and esteem. 

LXIII. By Scribonia he had a daughter named Julia, but no children byLivia, although extremely desirous of issue. She, indeed, conceivedonce, but miscarried. He gave his daughter Julia in the first instanceto Marcellus, his sister's son, who had just completed his minority; and, after his death, to Marcus Agrippa, having prevailed with his sister toyield her son-in-law to his wishes; for at that time Agrippa was marriedto one of the Marcellas, and had children by her. Agrippa dying also, hefor a long time thought of several matches for Julia in even theequestrian order, and at last resolved upon selecting Tiberius for hisstep-son; and he obliged him to part with his wife at that time pregnant, and who had already brought him a child. Mark Antony writes, "That hefirst contracted Julia to his son, and afterwards to Cotiso, king of theGetae [201], demanding at the same time the king's daughter in marriagefor himself. "

(118) LXIV. He had three grandsons by Agrippa and Julia, namely, Caius, Lucius, and Agrippa; and two grand-daughters, Julia and Agrippina. Juliahe married to Lucius Paulus, the censor's son, and Agrippina toGermanicus, his sister's grandson. Caius and Lucius he adopted at home, by the ceremony of purchase [202] from their father, advanced them, whileyet very young, to offices in the state, and when they wereconsuls-elect, sent them to visit the provinces and armies. In bringingup his daughter and grand-daughters, he accustomed them to domesticemployments, and even spinning, and obliged them to speak and act everything openly before the family, that it might be put down in the diary. He so strictly prohibited them from all converse with strangers, that heonce wrote a letter to Lucius Vinicius, a handsome young man of a goodfamily, in which he told him, "You have not behaved very modestly, inmaking a visit to my daughter at Baiae. " He usually instructed hisgrandsons himself in reading, swimming, and other rudiments of knowledge;and he laboured nothing more than to perfect them in the imitation of hishand-writing. He never supped but he had them sitting at the foot of hiscouch; nor ever travelled but with them in a chariot before him, or ridingbeside him. 

LXV. But in the midst of all his joy and hopes in his numerous andwell-regulated family, his fortune failed him. The two Julias, hisdaughter and grand-daughter, abandoned themselves to such courses oflewdness and debauchery, that he banished them both. Caius and Lucius helost within the space of eighteen months; the former dying in Lycia, andthe latter at Marseilles. His third grandson Agrippa, with his step-sonTiberius, he adopted in the forum, by a law passed for the purpose by theSections [203]; but he soon afterwards discarded Agrippa for his coarseand unruly temper, and confined him at Surrentum. He bore the death ofhis relations with more patience than he did their disgrace; for he wasnot overwhelmed by the loss of Caius and Lucius; but in the case of hisdaughter, he stated the facts to the senate in a message read to them by(119) the quaestor, not having the heart to be present himself; indeed, hewas so much ashamed of her infamous conduct, that for some time he avoidedall company, and had thoughts of putting her to death. It is certain thatwhen one Phoebe, a freed-woman and confidant of hers, hanged herself aboutthe same time, he said, "I had rather be the father of Phoebe than ofJulia. " In her banishment he would not allow her the use of wine, nor anyluxury in dress; nor would he suffer her to be waited upon by any maleservant, either freeman or slave, without his permission, and havingreceived an exact account of his age, stature, complexion, and what marksor scars he had about him. At the end of five years he removed her fromthe island [where she was confined] to the continent [204], and treatedher with less severity, but could never be prevailed upon to recall her. When the Roman people interposed on her behalf several times with muchimportunity, all the reply he gave was: "I wish you had all such daughtersand wives as she is. " He likewise forbad a child, of which hisgrand-daughter Julia was delivered after sentence had passed against her, to be either owned as a relation, or brought up. Agrippa, who was equallyintractable, and whose folly increased every day, he transported to anisland [205], and placed a guard of soldiers about him; procuring at thesame time an act of the senate for his confinement there during life. Upon any mention of him and the two Julias, he would say, with a heavysigh, Aith' ophelon agamos t' emenai, agonos t' apoletai. 

 Would I were wifeless, or had childless died! [206]

nor did he usually call them by any other name than that of his "threeimposthumes or cancers. "

LXVI. He was cautious in forming friendships, but clung to them withgreat constancy; not only rewarding the virtues and merits of his friendsaccording to their deserts, but bearing likewise with their faults andvices, provided that they were (120) of a venial kind. For amongst allhis friends, we scarcely find any who fell into disgrace with him, exceptSalvidienus Rufus, whom he raised to the consulship, and CorneliusGallus, whom he made prefect of Egypt; both of them men of the lowestextraction. One of these, being engaged in plotting a rebellion, hedelivered over to the senate, for condemnation; and the other, on accountof his ungrateful and malicious temper, he forbad his house, and hisliving in any of the provinces. When, however, Gallus, being denouncedby his accusers, and sentenced by the senate, was driven to the desperateextremity of laying violent hands upon himself, he commended, indeed, theattachment to his person of those who manifested so much indignation, buthe shed tears, and lamented his unhappy condition, "That I alone, " saidhe, "cannot be allowed to resent the misconduct of my friends in such away only as I would wish. " The rest of his friends of all ordersflourished during their whole lives, both in power and wealth, in thehighest ranks of their several orders, notwithstanding some occasionallapses. For, to say nothing of others, he sometimes complained thatAgrippa was hasty, and Mecaenas a tattler; the former having thrown upall his employments and retired to Mitylene, on suspicion of some slightcoolness, and from jealousy that Marcellus received greater marks offavour; and the latter having confidentially imparted to his wifeTerentia the discovery of Muraena's conspiracy. 

He likewise expected from his friends, at their deaths as well as duringtheir lives, some proofs of their reciprocal attachment. For though hewas far from coveting their property, and indeed would never accept ofany legacy left him by a stranger, yet he pondered in a melancholy moodover their last words; not being able to conceal his chagrin, if in theirwills they made but a slight, or no very honourable mention of him, norhis joy, on the other hand, if they expressed a grateful sense of hisfavours, and a hearty affection for him. And whatever legacies or sharesof their property were left him by such as were parents, he used torestore to their children, either immediately, or if they were under age, upon the day of their assuming the manly dress, or of their marriage;with interest. 

LXVII. As a patron and master, his behaviour in general was mild andconciliating; but when occasion required it, he (121) could be severe. He advanced many of his freedmen to posts of honour and great importance, as Licinus, Enceladus, and others; and when his slave, Cosmus, hadreflected bitterly upon him, he resented the injury no further than byputting him in fetters. When his steward, Diomedes, left him to themercy of a wild boar, which suddenly attacked them while they werewalking together, he considered it rather a cowardice than a breach ofduty; and turned an occurrence of no small hazard into a jest, becausethere was no knavery in his steward's conduct. He put to death Proculus, one of his most favourite freedmen, for maintaining a criminal commercewith other men's wives. He broke the legs of his secretary, Thallus, fortaking a bribe of five hundred denarii to discover the contents of one ofhis letters. And the tutor and other attendants of his son Caius, havingtaken advantage of his sickness and death, to give loose to theirinsolence and rapacity in the province he governed, he caused heavyweights to be tied about their necks, and had them thrown into a river. 

LXVIII. In his early youth various aspersions of an infamous characterwere heaped upon him. Sextus Pompey reproached him with being aneffeminate fellow; and M. Antony, with earning his adoption from hisuncle by prostitution. Lucius Antony, likewise Mark's brother, chargeshim with pollution by Caesar; and that, for a gratification of threehundred thousand sesterces, he had submitted to Aulus Hirtius in the sameway, in Spain; adding, that he used to singe his legs with burntnut-shells, to make the hair become softer [207]. Nay, the wholeconcourse of the people, at some public diversions in the theatre, whenthe following sentence was recited, alluding to the Gallic priest of themother of the gods [208], beating a drum [209], Videsne ut cinaedus orbem digito temperet? See with his orb the wanton's finger play!

applied the passage to him, with great applause. 

(122) LXIX. That he was guilty of various acts of adultery, is notdenied even by his friends; but they allege in excuse for it, that heengaged in those intrigues not from lewdness, but from policy, in orderto discover more easily the designs of his enemies, through their wives. Mark Antony, besides the precipitate marriage of Livia, charges him withtaking the wife of a man of consular rank from table, in the presence ofher husband, into a bed-chamber, and bringing her again to theentertainment, with her ears very red, and her hair in great disorder:that he had divorced Scribonia, for resenting too freely the excessiveinfluence which one of his mistresses had gained over him: that hisfriends were employed to pimp for him, and accordingly obliged bothmatrons and ripe virgins to strip, for a complete examination of theirpersons, in the same manner as if Thoranius, the dealer in slaves, hadthem under sale. And before they came to an open rupture, he writes tohim in a familiar manner, thus: "Why are you changed towards me? BecauseI lie with a queen? She is my wife. Is this a new thing with me, orhave I not done so for these nine years? And do you take freedoms withDrusilla only? May health and happiness so attend you, as when you readthis letter, you are not in dalliance with Tertulla, Terentilla, Rufilla[210], or Salvia Titiscenia, or all of them. What matters it to youwhere, or upon whom, you spend your manly vigour?"

LXX. A private entertainment which he gave, commonly called the Supperof the Twelve Gods [211], and at which the guests (123) were dressed inthe habit of gods and goddesses, while he personated Apollo himself, afforded subject of much conversation, and was imputed to him not only byAntony in his letters, who likewise names all the parties concerned, butin the following well-known anonymous verses:

 Cum primum istorum conduxit mensa choragum, Sexque deos vidit Mallia, sexque deas Impia dum Phoebi Caesar mendacia ludit, Dum nova divorum coenat adulteria: Omnia se a terris tunc numina declinarunt: Fugit et auratos Jupiter ipse thronos. 

 When Mallia late beheld, in mingled train, Twelve mortals ape twelve deities in vain; Caesar assumed what was Apollo's due, And wine and lust inflamed the motley crew. At the foul sight the gods avert their eyes, And from his throne great Jove indignant flies. 

What rendered this supper more obnoxious to public censure, was that ithappened at a time when there was a great scarcity, and almost a famine, in the city. The day after, there was a cry current among the people, "that the gods had eaten up all the corn; and that Caesar was indeedApollo, but Apollo the Tormentor;" under which title that god wasworshipped in some quarter of the city [212]. He was likewise chargedwith being excessively fond of fine furniture, and Corinthian vessels, aswell as with being addicted to gaming. For, during the time of theproscription, the following line was written upon his statue:--

 Pater argentarius, ego Corinthiarius; My father was a silversmith [213], my dealings are in brass;

because it was believed, that he had put some persons upon the list ofthe proscribed, only to obtain the Corinthian vessels in (124) theirpossession. And afterwards, in the Sicilian war, the following epigramwas published:--

 Postquam bis classe victus naves perdidit, Aliquando ut vincat, ludit assidue aleam. 

 Twice having lost a fleet in luckless fight, To win at last, he games both day and night. 

LXXI. With respect to the charge or imputation of loathsome impuritybefore-mentioned, he very easily refuted it by the chastity of his life, at the very time when it was made, as well as ever afterwards. Hisconduct likewise gave the lie to that of luxurious extravagance in hisfurniture, when, upon the taking of Alexandria, he reserved for himselfnothing of the royal treasures but a porcelain cup, and soon afterwardsmelted down all the vessels of gold, even such as were intended forcommon use. But his amorous propensities never left him, and, as he grewolder, as is reported, he was in the habit of debauching young girls, whowere procured for him, from all quarters, even by his own wife. To theobservations on his gaming, he paid not the smallest regard; but playedin public, but purely for his diversion, even when he was advanced inyears; and not only in the month of December [214], but at other times, and upon all days, whether festivals or not. This evidently appears froma letter under his own hand, in which he says, "I supped, my dearTiberius, with the same company. We had, besides, Vinicius, and Silviusthe father. We gamed at supper like old fellows, both yesterday andtoday. And as any one threw upon the tali [215] aces or sixes, he putdown for every talus a denarius; all which was gained by him who threw aVenus. " [216] In another letter, he says: "We had, my dear Tiberius, apleasant time of it during the festival of Minerva: for we played everyday, and kept the gaming-board warm. Your brother uttered manyexclamations at a desperate run of ill-fortune; but recovering bydegrees, and unexpectedly, he in the end lost not much. I lost twentythousand sesterces for my part; but then I was profusely (125) generousin my play, as I commonly am; for had I insisted upon the stakes which Ideclined, or kept what I gave away, I should have won about fiftythousand. But this I like better for it will raise my character forgenerosity to the skies. " In a letter to his daughter, he writes thus:"I have sent you two hundred and fifty denarii, which I gave to every oneof my guests; in case they were inclined at supper to divert themselveswith the Tali, or at the game of Even-or-Odd. "

LXXII. In other matters, it appears that he was moderate in his habits, and free from suspicion of any kind of vice. He lived at first near theRoman Forum, above the Ring-maker's Stairs, in a house which had oncebeen occupied by Calvus the orator. He afterwards moved to the PalatineHill, where he resided in a small house [217] belonging to Hortensius, noway remarkable either for size or ornament; the piazzas being but small, the pillars of Alban stone [218], and the rooms without any thing ofmarble, or fine paving. He continued to use the same bed-chamber, bothwinter and summer, during forty years [219]: for though he was sensiblethat the city did not agree with his health in the winter, henevertheless resided constantly in it during that season. If at any timehe wished to be perfectly retired, and secure from interruption, he shuthimself up in an apartment at the top of his house, which he called hisSyracuse or Technophuon [220], or he went to some villa belonging to hisfreedmen near the city. But when he was indisposed, he commonly took uphis residence in the house of Mecaenas [221]. Of all the places ofretirement from the city, he (126) chiefly frequented those upon thesea-coast, and the islands of Campania [222], or the towns nearest thecity, such as Lanuvium, Praeneste, and Tibur [223], where he often used tosit for the administration of justice, in the porticos of the temple ofHercules. He had a particular aversion to large and sumptuous palaces;and some which had been raised at a vast expense by his grand-daughter, Julia, he levelled to the ground. Those of his own, which were far frombeing spacious, he adorned, not so much with statues and pictures, as withwalks and groves, and things which were curious either for their antiquityor rarity; such as, at Capri, the huge limbs of sea-monsters and wildbeasts, which some affect to call the bones of giants; and also the armsof ancient heroes. 

LXXIII. His frugality in the furniture of his house appears even at thisday, from some beds and tables still remaining, most of which arescarcely elegant enough for a private family. It is reported that henever lay upon a bed, but such as was low, and meanly furnished. Heseldom wore any garment but what was made by the hands of his wife, sister, daughter, and grand-daughters. His togas [224] were neitherscanty nor full; (127) and the clavus was neither remarkably broad ornarrow. His shoes were a little higher than common, to make him appeartaller than he was. He had always clothes and shoes, fit to appear inpublic, ready in his bed-chamber for any sudden occasion. 

LXXIV. At his table, which was always plentiful and elegant, heconstantly entertained company; but was very scrupulous in the choice ofthem, both as to rank and character. Valerius Messala informs us, thathe never admitted any freedman to his table, except Menas, when rewardedwith the privilege of citizenship, for betraying Pompey's fleet. Hewrites, himself, that he invited to his table a person in whose villa helodged, and who had formerly been employed by him as a spy. He oftencame late to table, and withdrew early; so that the company began supperbefore his arrival, and continued at table after his departure. Hisentertainments consisted of three entries, or at most of only six. Butif his fare was moderate, his courtesy was extreme. For those who weresilent, or talked in whispers, he encouraged to join in the generalconversation; and introduced buffoons and stage players, or even lowperformers from the circus, and very often itinerant humourists, toenliven the company. 

LXXV. Festivals and holidays he usually celebrated very expensively, butsometimes only with merriment. In the Saturnalia, or at any other timewhen the fancy took him, he distributed to his company clothes, gold, andsilver; sometimes coins of all sorts, even of the ancient kings of Romeand of foreign nations; sometimes nothing but towels, sponges, rakes, andtweezers, and other things of that kind, with tickets on them, which wereenigmatical, and had a double meaning [225]. He used likewise to sell bylot among his guests articles of very unequal value, and pictures withtheir fronts reversed; and so, by the unknown quality of the lot, disappoint or gratify the expectation of the purchasers. This sort oftraffic (128) went round the whole company, every one being obliged tobuy something, and to run the chance of loss or gain wits the rest. 

LXXVI. He ate sparingly (for I must not omit even this), and commonlyused a plain diet. He was particularly fond of coarse bread, smallfishes, new cheese made of cow's milk [226], and green figs of the sortwhich bear fruit twice a year [227]. He did not wait for supper, buttook food at any time, and in any place, when he had an appetite. Thefollowing passages relative to this subject, I have transcribed from hisletters. "I ate a little bread and some small dates, in my carriage. "Again. "In returning home from the palace in my litter, I ate an ounceof bread, and a few raisins. " Again. "No Jew, my dear Tiberius, everkeeps such strict fast upon the Sabbath [228], as I have to-day; forwhile in the bath, and after the first hour of the night, I only ate twobiscuits, before I began to be rubbed with oil. " From this greatindifference about his diet, he sometimes supped by himself, before hiscompany began, or after they had finished, and would not touch a morselat table with his guests. 

LXXVII. He was by nature extremely sparing in the use of wine. Cornelius Nepos says, that he used to drink only three times at supper inthe camp at Modena; and when he indulged himself the most, he neverexceeded a pint; or if he did, his stomach rejected it. Of all wines, hegave the (129) preference to the Rhaetian [229], but scarcely ever drankany in the day-time. Instead of drinking, he used to take a piece ofbread dipped in cold water, or a slice of cucumber, or some leaves oflettuce, or a green, sharp, juicy apple. 

LXXVIII. After a slight repast at noon, he used to seek repose [230], dressed as he was, and with his shoes on, his feet covered, and his handheld before his eyes. After supper he commonly withdrew to his study, asmall closet, where he sat late, until he had put down in his diary allor most of the remaining transactions of the day, which he had not beforeregistered. He would then go to bed, but never slept above seven hoursat most, and that not without interruption; for he would wake three orfour times during that time. If he could not again fall asleep, assometimes happened, he called for some one to read or tell stories tohim, until he became drowsy, and then his sleep was usually protractedtill after day-break. He never liked to lie awake in the dark, withoutsomebody to sit by him. Very early rising was apt to disagree with him. On which account, if he was obliged to rise betimes, for any civil orreligious functions, in order to guard as much as possible against theinconvenience resulting from it, he used to lodge in some apartment nearthe spot, belonging to any of his attendants. If at any time a fit ofdrowsiness seized him in passing along the streets, his litter was setdown while he snatched a few moments' sleep. 

LXXIX. In person he was handsome and graceful, through every period ofhis life. But he was negligent in his dress; and so careless aboutdressing his hair, that he usually had it done in great haste, by severalbarbers at a time. His beard he sometimes clipped, and sometimes shaved;and either read or wrote during the operation. His countenance, eitherwhen discoursing or silent, was so calm and serene, that a (130) Gaul ofthe first rank declared amongst his friends, that he was so softened byit, as to be restrained from throwing him down a precipice, in hispassage over the Alps, when he had been admitted to approach him, underpretence of conferring with him. His eyes were bright and piercing; andhe was willing it should be thought that there was something of a divinevigour in them. He was likewise not a little pleased to see people, uponhis looking steadfastly at them, lower their countenances, as if the sunshone in their eyes. But in his old age, he saw very imperfectly withhis left eye. His teeth were thin set, small and scaly, his hair alittle curled, and inclining to a yellow colour. His eye-brows met; hisears were small, and he had an aquiline nose. His complexion was betwixtbrown and fair; his stature but low; though Julius Marathus, hisfreedman, says he was five feet and nine inches in height. This, however, was so much concealed by the just proportion of his limbs, thatit was only perceivable upon comparison with some taller person standingby him. 

LXXX. He is said to have been born with many spots upon his breast andbelly, answering to the figure, order, and number of the stars in theconstellation of the Bear. He had besides several callosities resemblingscars, occasioned by an itching in his body, and the constant and violentuse of the strigil [231] in being rubbed. He had a weakness in his lefthip, thigh, and leg, insomuch that he often halted on that side; but hereceived much benefit from the use of sand and reeds. He likewisesometimes found the fore-finger of his right hand so weak, that when itwas benumbed and contracted with cold, to use it in writing, he wasobliged to have recourse to a circular piece of horn. He hadoccasionally a complaint in the bladder; but upon voiding some stones inhis urine, he was relieved from that pain. 

LXXXI. During the whole course of his life, he suffered, at times, dangerous fits of sickness, especially after the conquest of Cantabria;when his liver being injured by a defluxion (131) upon it, he was reducedto such a condition, that he was obliged to undergo a desperate anddoubtful method of cure: for warm applications having no effect, AntoniusMusa [232] directed the use of those which were cold. He was likewisesubject to fits of sickness at stated times every year; for about hisbirth-day [233] he was commonly a little indisposed. In the beginning ofspring, he was attacked with an inflation of the midriff; and when thewind was southerly, with a cold in his head. By all these complaints, his constitution was so shattered, that he could not easily bear eitherheat or cold. 

LXXXII. In winter, he was protected against the inclemency of theweather by a thick toga, four tunics, a shirt, a flannel stomacher, andswathings upon his legs and thighs [234]. In summer, he lay with thedoors of his bedchamber open, and frequently in a piazza, refreshed by abubbling fountain, and a person standing by to fan him. He could notbear even the winter's sun; and at home, never walked in the open airwithout a broad-brimmed hat on his head. He usually travelled in alitter, and by night: and so slow, that he was two days in going toPraeneste or Tibur. And if he could go to any place by sea, he preferredthat mode of travelling. He carefully nourished his health against hismany infirmities, avoiding chiefly the free use of the bath; but he wasoften rubbed with oil, and sweated in a stove; after which he was washedwith tepid water, warmed either by a fire, or by being exposed to theheat of the sun. When, upon account of his nerves, he was obliged tohave recourse to sea-water, or the waters of Albula [235], he wascontented with sitting over a wooden tub, which he called by a Spanishname (132) Dureta, and plunging his hands and feet in the water by turns. 

LXXXIII. As soon as the civil wars were ended, he gave up riding andother military exercises in the Campus Martius, and took to playing atball, or foot-ball; but soon afterwards used no other exercise than thatof going abroad in his litter, or walking. Towards the end of his walk, he would run leaping, wrapped up in a short cloak or cape. For amusementhe would sometimes angle, or play with dice, pebbles, or nuts, withlittle boys, collected from various countries, and particularly Moors andSyrians, for their beauty or amusing talk. But dwarfs, and such as werein any way deformed, he held in abhorrence, as lusus naturae (nature'sabortions), and of evil omen. 

LXXXIV. From early youth he devoted himself with great diligence andapplication to the study of eloquence, and the other liberal arts. Inthe war of Modena, notwithstanding the weighty affairs in which he wasengaged, he is said to have read, written, and declaimed every day. Henever addressed the senate, the people, or the army, but in apremeditated speech, though he did not want the talent of speakingextempore on the spur of the occasion. And lest his memory should failhim, as well as to prevent the loss of time in getting up his speeches, it was his general practice to recite them. In his intercourse withindividuals, and even with his wife Livia, upon subjects of importance hewrote on his tablets all he wished to express, lest, if he spokeextempore, he should say more or less than was proper. He deliveredhimself in a sweet and peculiar tone, in which he was diligentlyinstructed by a master of elocution. But when he had a cold, hesometimes employed a herald to deliver his speeches to the people. 

LXXXV. He composed many tracts in prose on various subjects, some ofwhich he read occasionally in the circle of his friends, as to anauditory. Among these was his "Rescript to Brutus respecting Cato. "Most of the pages he read himself, although he was advanced in years, butbecoming fatigued, he gave the rest to Tiberius to finish. He likewiseread over to (133) his friends his "Exhortations to Philosophy, " and the"History of his own Life, " which he continued in thirteen books, as faras the Cantabrian war, but no farther. He likewise made some attempts atpoetry. There is extant one book written by him in hexameter verse, ofwhich both the subject and title is "Sicily. " There is also a book ofEpigrams, no larger than the last, which he composed almost entirelywhile he was in the bath. These are all his poetical compositions forthough he begun a tragedy with great zest, becoming dissatisfied with thestyle, he obliterated the whole; and his friends saying to him, "What isyour Ajax doing?" he answered, "My Ajax has met with a sponge. " [236]

LXXXVI. He cultivated a style which was neat and chaste, avoidingfrivolous or harsh language, as well as obsolete words, which he callsdisgusting. His chief object was to deliver his thoughts with allpossible perspicuity. To attain this end, and that he might nowhereperplex, or retard the reader or hearer, he made no scruple to addprepositions to his verbs, or to repeat the same conjunction severaltimes; which, when omitted, occasion some little obscurity, but give agrace to the style. Those who used affected language, or adoptedobsolete words, he despised, as equally faulty, though in different ways. He sometimes indulged himself in jesting, particularly with his friendMecaenas, whom he rallied upon all occasions for his fine phrases [237], and bantered by imitating his way of talking. Nor did he spare Tiberius, who was fond of obsolete and far-fetched expressions. He charges MarkAntony with insanity, writing rather to make men stare, than to beunderstood; and by way of sarcasm upon his depraved and fickle taste inthe choice of words, he writes to him thus: "And are you yet in doubt, whether Cimber Annius or Veranius Flaccus be more proper for yourimitation? Whether you will adopt words which Sallustius Crispus hasborrowed from the 'Origines' of Cato? Or do you think that the verboseempty bombast of Asiatic orators is fit to be transfused into (134) ourlanguage?" And in a letter where he commends the talent of hisgrand-daughter, Agrippina, he says, "But you must be particularly careful, both in writing and speaking, to avoid affectation. "

LXXXVII. In ordinary conversation, he made use of several peculiarexpressions, as appears from letters in his own hand-writing; in which, now and then, when he means to intimate that some persons would never paytheir debts, he says, "They will pay at the Greek Calends. " And when headvised patience in the present posture of affairs, he would say, "Let usbe content with our Cato. " To describe anything in haste, he said, "Itwas sooner done than asparagus is cooked. " He constantly puts baceolusfor stultus, pullejaceus for pullus, vacerrosus for cerritus, vapide sehabere for male, and betizare for languere, which is commonly calledlachanizare. Likewise simus for sumus, domos for domus in the genitivesingular [238]. With respect to the last two peculiarities, lest anyperson should imagine that they were only slips of his pen, and notcustomary with him, he never varies. I have likewise remarked thissingularity in his hand-writing; he never divides his words, so as tocarry the letters which cannot be inserted at the end of a line to thenext, but puts them below the other, enclosed by a bracket. 

LXXXVIII. He did not adhere strictly to orthography as laid down by thegrammarians, but seems to have been of the opinion of those who think, that we ought to write as we speak; for as to his changing and omittingnot only letters but whole syllables, it is a vulgar mistake. Nor shouldI have taken notice of it, but that it appears strange to me, that anyperson should have told us, that he sent a successor to a consularlieutenant of a province, as an ignorant, illiterate fellow, upon hisobserving that he had written ixi for ipsi. When he had occasion towrite in cypher, he put b for a, c for b, and so forth; and insteadof z, aa. 

LXXXIX. He was no less fond of the Greek literature, in which he madeconsiderable proficiency; having had Apollodorus (135) of Pergamus, forhis master in rhetoric; whom, though much advanced in years, he took withhim from The City, when he was himself very young, to Apollonia. Afterwards, being instructed in philology by Sephaerus, he received intohis family Areus the philosopher, and his sons Dionysius and Nicanor; buthe never could speak the Greek tongue readily, nor ever ventured tocompose in it. For if there was occasion for him to deliver hissentiments in that language, he always expressed what he had to say inLatin, and gave it another to translate. He was evidently notunacquainted with the poetry of the Greeks, and had a great taste for theancient comedy, which he often brought upon the stage, in his publicspectacles. In reading the Greek and Latin authors, he paid particularattention to precepts and examples which might be useful in public orprivate life. Those he used to extract verbatim, and gave to hisdomestics, or send to the commanders of the armies, the governors of theprovinces, or the magistrates of the city, when any of them seemed tostand in need of admonition. He likewise read whole books to the senate, and frequently made them known to the people by his edicts; such as theorations of Quintus Metellus "for the Encouragement of Marriage, " andthose of Rutilius "On the Style of Building;" [239] to shew the peoplethat he was not the first who had promoted those objects, but that theancients likewise had thought them worthy their attention. He patronisedthe men of genius of that age in every possible way. He would hear themread their works with a great deal of patience and good nature; and notonly poetry [240] and history, but orations and dialogues. He wasdispleased, however, that anything should be written upon himself, exceptin a grave manner, and by men of the most eminent abilities: and heenjoined the praetors not to suffer his name to be made too common in thecontests amongst orators and poets in the theatres. 

XC. We have the following account of him respecting his (136) belief inomens and such like. He had so great a dread of thunder and lightningthat he always carried about him a seal's skin, by way of preservation. And upon any apprehension of a violent storm, he would retire to someplace of concealment in a vault under ground; having formerly beenterrified by a flash of lightning, while travelling in the night, as wehave already mentioned. [241]

XCI. He neither slighted his own dreams nor those of other peoplerelating to himself. At the battle of Philippi, although he had resolvednot to stir out of his tent, on account of his being indisposed, yet, being warned by a dream of one of his friends, he changed his mind; andwell it was that he did so, for in the enemy's attack, his couch waspierced and cut to pieces, on the supposition of his being in it. He hadmany frivolous and frightful dreams during the spring; but in the otherparts of the year, they were less frequent and more significative. Uponhis frequently visiting a temple near the Capitol, which he had dedicatedto Jupiter Tonans, he dreamt that Jupiter Capitolinus complained that hisworshippers were taken from him, and that upon this he replied, he hadonly given him The Thunderer for his porter [242]. He thereforeimmediately suspended little bells round the summit of the temple;because such commonly hung at the gates of great houses. In consequenceof a dream, too, he always, on a certain day of the year, begged alms ofthe people, reaching out his hand to receive the dole which they offeredhim. 

XCII. Some signs and omens he regarded as infallible. If in the morninghis shoe was put on wrong, the left instead of the right, that boded somedisaster. If when he commenced a long journey, by sea or land, therehappened to fall a mizzling rain, he held it to be a good sign of aspeedy and happy return. He was much affected likewise with any thingout of the common course of nature. A palm-tree [243] which (137)chanced to grow up between some stone's in the court of his house, hetransplanted into a court where the images of the Household Gods wereplaced, and took all possible care to make it thrive in the island ofCapri, some decayed branches of an old ilex, which hung drooping to theground, recovered themselves upon his arrival; at which he was sodelighted, that he made an exchange with the Republic [244] of Naples, ofthe island of Oenaria [Ischia], for that of Capri. He likewise observedcertain days; as never to go from home the day after the Nundiae [245], nor to begin any serious business upon the nones [246]; avoiding nothingelse in it, as he writes to Tiberius, than its unlucky name. 

XCIII. With regard to the religious ceremonies of foreign nations, hewas a strict observer of those which had been established by ancientcustom; but others he held in no esteem. For, having been initiated atAthens, and coming afterwards to hear a cause at Rome, relative to theprivileges of the priests of the Attic Ceres, when some of the mysteriesof their sacred rites were to be introduced in the pleadings, hedismissed those who sat upon the bench as judges with him, as well as theby-standers, and beard the argument upon those points himself. But, onthe other hand, he not only declined, in his progress through Egypt, togo out of his way to pay a visit to Apis, but he likewise commended hisgrandson Caius (138) for not paying his devotions at Jerusalem in hispassage through Judaea. [247]

XCIV. Since we are upon this subject, it may not be improper to give anaccount of the omens, before and at his birth, as well as afterwards, which gave hopes of his future greatness, and the good fortune thatconstantly attended him. A part of the wall of Velletri having in formertimes been struck with thunder, the response of the soothsayers was, thata native of that town would some time or other arrive at supreme power;relying on which prediction, the Velletrians both then, and several timesafterwards, made war upon the Roman people, to their own ruin. At lastit appeared by the event, that the omen had portended the elevation ofAugustus. 

Julius Marathus informs us, that a few months before his birth, therehappened at Rome a prodigy, by which was signified that Nature was intravail with a king for the Roman people; and that the senate, in alarm, came to the resolution that no child born that year should be brought up;but that those amongst them, whose wives were pregnant, to secure tothemselves a chance of that dignity, took care that the decree of thesenate should not be registered in the treasury. 

I find in the theological books of Asclepiades the Mendesian [248], thatAtia, upon attending at midnight a religious solemnity in honour ofApollo, when the rest of the matrons retired home, fell asleep on hercouch in the temple, and that a serpent immediately crept to her, andsoon after withdrew. She awaking upon it, purified herself, as usualafter the embraces of her husband; and instantly there appeared upon herbody a mark in the form of a serpent, which she never after could efface, and which obliged her, during the subsequent part of her life, to declinethe use of the public baths. Augustus, it was added, was born in thetenth month after, and for that reason was thought to be the son ofApollo. The (139) same Atia, before her delivery, dreamed that herbowels stretched to the stars, and expanded through the whole circuit ofheaven and earth. His father Octavius, likewise, dreamt that a sun-beamissued from his wife's womb. 

Upon the day he was born, the senate being engaged in a debate onCatiline's conspiracy, and Octavius, in consequence of his wife's beingin childbirth, coming late into the house, it is a well-known fact, thatPublius Nigidius, upon hearing the occasion of his coming so late, andthe hour of his wife's delivery, declared that the world had got amaster. Afterwards, when Octavius, upon marching with his army throughthe deserts of Thrace, consulted the oracle in the grove of fatherBacchus, with barbarous rites, concerning his son, he received from thepriests an answer to the same purpose; because, when they poured wineupon the altar, there burst out so prodigious a flame, that it ascendedabove the roof of the temple, and reached up to the heavens; acircumstance which had never happened to any one but Alexander the Great, upon his sacrificing at the same altars. And next night he dreamt thathe saw his son under a more than human appearance, with thunder and asceptre, and the other insignia of Jupiter, Optimus, Maximus, having onhis head a radiant crown, mounted upon a chariot decked with laurel, anddrawn by six pair of milk-white horses. 

Whilst he was yet an infant, as Caius Drusus relates, being laid in hiscradle by his nurse, and in a low place, the next day he was not to befound, and after he had been sought for a long time, he was at lastdiscovered upon a lofty tower, lying with his face towards the rising sun[249]. When he first began to speak, he ordered the frogs that happenedto make a troublesome noise, upon an estate belonging to the family nearthe town, to be silent; and there goes a report that frogs never croakedthere since that time. As he was dining in a grove at the fourthmile-stone on the Campanian road, an eagle suddenly snatched a piece ofbread out of his hand, and, soaring to a prodigious height, afterhovering, came down most unexpectedly, and returned it to him. 

Quintus Catulus had a dream, for two nights successively after hisdedication of the Capitol. The first night he dreamt (140) that Jupiter, out of several boys of the order of the nobility who were playing abouthis altar, selected one, into whose bosom he put the public seal of thecommonwealth, which he held in his hand; but in his vision the nextnight, he saw in the bosom of Jupiter Capitolinus, the same boy; whom heordered to be removed, but it was forbidden by the God, who declared thatit must be brought up to become the guardian of the state. The next day, meeting Augustus, with whom till that hour he had not the leastacquaintance, and looking at him with admiration, he said he wasextremely like the boy he had seen in his dream. Some give a differentaccount of Catulus's first dream, namely, that Jupiter, upon severalnoble lads requesting of him that they might have a guardian, had pointedto one amongst them, to whom they were to prefer their requests; andputting his fingers to the boy's mouth to kiss, he afterwards appliedthem to his own. 

Marcus Cicero, as he was attending Caius Caesar to the Capitol, happenedto be telling some of his friends a dream which he had the precedingnight, in which he saw a comely youth, let down from heaven by a goldenchain, who stood at the door of the Capitol, and had a whip put into hishands by Jupiter. And immediately upon sight of Augustus, who had beensent for by his uncle Caesar to the sacrifice, and was as yet perfectlyunknown to most of the company, he affirmed that it was the very boy hehad seen in his dream. When he assumed the manly toga, his senatoriantunic becoming loose in the seam on each side, fell at his feet. Somewould have this to forbode, that the order, of which that was the badgeof distinction, would some time or other be subject to him. 

Julius Caesar, in cutting down a wood to make room for his camp nearMunda [250], happened to light upon a palm-tree, and ordered it to bepreserved as an omen of victory. From the root of this tree there putout immediately a sucker, which, in a few days, grew to such a height asnot only to equal, but overshadow it, and afford room for many nests ofwild pigeons which built in it, though that species of bird particularlyavoids a hard and rough leaf. It is likewise reported, that Caesar waschiefly influenced by this prodigy, to prefer his sister's grandsonbefore all others for his successor. 

(141) In his retirement at Apollonia, he went with his friend Agrippa tovisit Theogenes, the astrologer, in his gallery on the roof. Agrippa, who first consulted the fates, having great and almost incrediblefortunes predicted of him, Augustus did not choose to make known hisnativity, and persisted for some time in the refusal, from a mixture ofshame and fear, lest his fortunes should be predicted as inferior tothose of Agrippa. Being persuaded, however, after much importunity, todeclare it, Theogenes started up from his seat, and paid him adoration. Not long afterwards, Augustus was so confident of the greatness of hisdestiny, that he published his horoscope, and struck a silver coin, bearing upon it the sign of Capricorn, under the influence of which hewas born. 

XCV. After the death of Caesar, upon his return from Apollonia, as hewas entering the city, on a sudden, in a clear and bright sky, a circleresembling the rainbow surrounded the body of the sun; and, immediatelyafterwards, the tomb of Julia, Caesar's daughter, was struck bylightning. In his first consulship, whilst he was observing theauguries, twelve vultures presented themselves, as they had done toRomulus. And when he offered sacrifice, the livers of all the victimswere folded inward in the lower part; a circumstance which was regardedby those present, who had skill in things of that nature, as anindubitable prognostic of great and wonderful fortune. 

XCVI. He certainly had a presentiment of the issue of all his wars. When the troops of the Triumviri were collected about Bolognia, an eagle, which sat upon his tent, and was attacked by two crows, beat them both, and struck them to the ground, in the view of the whole army; who thenceinferred that discord would arise between the three colleagues, whichwould be attended with the like event: and it accordingly happened. AtPhilippi, he was assured of success by a Thessalian, upon the authority, as he pretended, of the Divine Caesar himself, who had appeared to himwhile he was travelling in a bye-road. At Perugia, the sacrifice notpresenting any favourable intimations, but the contrary, he ordered freshvictims; the enemy, however, carrying off the sacred things in a suddensally, it was agreed amongst the augurs, that all the (142) dangers andmisfortunes which had threatened the sacrificer, would fall upon theheads of those who had got possession of the entrails. And, accordingly, so it happened. The day before the sea-fight near Sicily, as he waswalking upon the shore, a fish leaped out of the sea, and laid itself athis feet. At Actium, while he was going down to his fleet to engage theenemy, he was met by an ass with a fellow driving it. The name of theman was Eutychus, and that of the animal, Nichon [251]. After thevictory, he erected a brazen statue to each, in a temple built upon thespot where he had encamped. 

XCVII. His death, of which I shall now speak, and his subsequentdeification, were intimated by divers manifest prodigies. As he wasfinishing the census amidst a great crowd of people in the CampusMartius, an eagle hovered round him several times, and then directed itscourse to a neighbouring temple, where it settled upon the name ofAgrippa, and at the first letter. Upon observing this, he ordered hiscolleague Tiberius to put up the vows, which it is usual to make on suchoccasions, for the succeeding Lustrum. For he declared he would notmeddle with what it was probable he should never accomplish, though thetables were ready drawn for it. About the same time, the first letter ofhis name, in an inscription upon one of his statues, was struck out bylightning; which was interpreted as a presage that he would live only ahundred days longer, the letter C denoting that number; and that he wouldbe placed amongst the Gods, as Aesar, which is the remaining part of theword Caesar, signifies, in the Tuscan language, a God [252]. Being, therefore, about dispatching Tiberius to Illyricum, and designing to gowith him as far as Beneventum, but being detained by several persons whoapplied to him respecting causes they had depending, he cried out, (andit was afterwards regarded as an omen of his death), "Not all thebusiness in the world, shall detain me at home one moment longer;" andsetting out upon his journey, he went (143) as far as Astura [253];whence, contrary to his custom, he put to sea in the night-time, as therewas a favourable wind. 

XCVIII. His malady proceeded from diarrhoea; notwithstanding which, hewent round the coast of Campania, and the adjacent islands, and spentfour days in that of Capri; where he gave himself up entirely to reposeand relaxation. Happening to sail by the bay of Puteoli, the passengersand mariners aboard a ship of Alexandria [254], just then arrived, cladall in white, with chaplets upon their heads, and offering incense, loaded him with praises and joyful acclamations, crying out, "By you welive, by you we sail securely, by you enjoy our liberty and ourfortunes. " At which being greatly pleased, he distributed to each ofthose who attended him, forty gold pieces, requiring from them anassurance on oath, not to employ the sum given them in any other way, than the purchase of Alexandrian merchandize. And during several daysafterwards, he distributed Togae [255] and Pallia, among other gifts, oncondition that the Romans should use the Greek, and the Greeks the Romandress and language. He likewise constantly attended to see the boysperform their exercises, according to an ancient custom still continuedat Capri. He gave them likewise an entertainment in his presence, andnot only permitted, but required from them the utmost freedom in jesting, and scrambling for fruit, victuals, and other things which he threwamongst them. In a word, he indulged himself in all the ways ofamusement he could contrive. 

He called an island near Capri, Apragopolis, "The City of theDo-littles, " from the indolent life which several of his party led there. A favourite of his, one Masgabas [256], he used (144) to call Ktistaes. As if he had been the planter of the island. And observing from his rooma great company of people with torches, assembled at the tomb of thisMasgabas, who died the year before, he uttered very distinctly this verse, which he made extempore. 

 Ktistou de tumbo, eisoro pyroumenon. Blazing with lights I see the founder's tomb. 

Then turning to Thrasyllus, a companion of Tiberius, who reclined on theother side of the table, he asked him, who knew nothing about the matter, what poet he thought was the author of that verse; and on his hesitatingto reply, he added another:

 Oras phaessi Masgaban timomenon. Honor'd with torches Masgabas you see;

and put the same question to him concerning that likewise. The latterreplying, that, whoever might be the author, they were excellent verses[257], he set up a great laugh, and fell into an extraordinary vein ofjesting upon it. Soon afterwards, passing over to Naples, although atthat time greatly disordered in his bowels by the frequent returns of hisdisease, he sat out the exhibition of the gymnastic games which wereperformed in his honour every five years, and proceeded with Tiberius tothe place intended. But on his return, his disorder increasing, hestopped at Nola, sent for Tiberius back again, and had a long discoursewith him in private; after which, he gave no further attention tobusiness of any importance. 

XCIX. Upon the day of his death, he now and then enquired, if there wasany disturbance in the town on his account; and calling for a mirror, heordered his hair to be combed, and his shrunk cheeks to be adjusted. Then asking his friends who were admitted into the room, "Do ye thinkthat I have acted my part on the stage of life well?" he immediatelysubjoined, Ei de pan echei kalos, to paignio Dote kroton, kai pantes umeis meta charas ktupaesate. 

 If all be right, with joy your voices raise, In loud applauses to the actor's praise. 

(145) After which, having dismissed them all, whilst he was inquiring ofsome persons who were just arrived from Rome, concerning Drusus'sdaughter, who was in a bad state of health, he expired suddenly, amidstthe kisses of Livia, and with these words: "Livia! live mindful of ourunion; and now, farewell!" dying a very easy death, and such as hehimself had always wished for. For as often as he heard that any personhad died quickly and without pain, he wished for himself and his friendsthe like euthanasian (an easy death), for that was the word he made useof. He betrayed but one symptom, before he breathed his last, of beingdelirious, which was this: he was all on a sudden much frightened, andcomplained that he was carried away by forty men. But this was rather apresage, than any delirium: for precisely that number of soldiersbelonging to the pretorian cohort, carried out his corpse. 

C. He expired in the same room in which his father Octavius had died, when the two Sextus's, Pompey and Apuleius, were consuls, upon thefourteenth of the calends of September [the 19th August], at the ninthhour of the day, being seventy-six years of age, wanting only thirty-fivedays [258]. His remains were carried by the magistrates of the municipal[259] towns and colonies, from Nola to Bovillae [260], and in thenighttime, because of the season of the year. During the intervals, thebody lay in some basilica, or great temple, of each town. At Bovillae itwas met by the Equestrian Order, who carried it to the city, anddeposited it in the vestibule of his own house. The senate proceededwith so much zeal in the arrangement of his funeral, and paying honour tohis memory, that, amongst several other proposals, some were for havingthe funeral procession made through the triumphal gate, preceded by theimage of Victory which is in the senate-house, and the children ofhighest rank and of both sexes singing the funeral (146) dirge. Othersproposed, that on the day of the funeral, they should lay aside theirgold rings, and wear rings of iron; and others, that his bones should becollected by the priests of the principal colleges. One likewiseproposed to transfer the name of August to September, because he was bornin the latter, but died in the former. Another moved, that the wholeperiod of time, from his birth to his death, should be called theAugustan age, and be inserted in the calendar under that title. But atlast it was judged proper to be moderate in the honours paid to hismemory. Two funeral orations were pronounced in his praise, one beforethe temple of Julius, by Tiberius; and the other before the rostra, underthe old shops, by Drusus, Tiberius's son. The body was then carried uponthe shoulders of senators into the Campus Martius, and there burnt. Aman of pretorian rank affirmed upon oath, that he saw his spirit ascendfrom the funeral pile to heaven. The most distinguished persons of theequestrian order, bare-footed, and with their tunics loose, gathered uphis relics [261], and deposited them in the mausoleum, which had beenbuilt in his sixth consulship between the Flaminian Way and the bank ofthe Tiber [262]; at which time likewise he gave the groves and walksabout it for the use of the people. 

CI. He had made a will a year and four months before his death, upon thethird of the nones of April [the 11th of April], in the consulship ofLucius Plancus, and Caius Silius. It consisted of two skins ofparchment, written partly in his own hand, and partly by his freedmenPolybius and Hilarian; and had been committed to the custody of theVestal Virgins, by whom it was now produced, with three codicils underseal, as well as the will: all these were opened and read in the senate. He appointed as his direct heirs, Tiberius for two (147) thirds of hisestate, and Livia for the other third, both of whom he desired to assumehis name. The heirs in remainder were Drusus, Tiberius's son, for onethird, and Germanicus with his three sons for the residue. In the thirdplace, failing them, were his relations, and several of his friends. Heleft in legacies to the Roman people forty millions of sesterces; to thetribes [263] three millions five hundred thousand; to the pretoriantroops a thousand each man; to the city cohorts five hundred; and to thelegions and soldiers three hundred each; which several sums he ordered tobe paid immediately after his death, having taken due care that the moneyshould be ready in his exchequer. For the rest he ordered differenttimes of payment. In some of his bequests he went as far as twentythousand sesterces, for the payment of which he allowed a twelvemonth;alleging for this procrastination the scantiness of his estate; anddeclaring that not more than a hundred and fifty millions of sesterceswould come to his heirs: notwithstanding that during the twenty precedingyears, he had received, in legacies from his friends, the sum of fourteenhundred millions; almost the whole of which, with his two paternalestates [264], and others which had been left him, he had spent in theservice of the state. He left orders that the two Julias, his daughterand grand-daughter, if anything happened to them, should not be buried inhis tomb [265]. With regard to the three codicils before-mentioned, inone of them he gave orders about his funeral; another contained a summaryof his acts, which he intended should be inscribed on brazen plates, andplaced in front of his mausoleum; in the third he had drawn up a conciseaccount of the state of the empire; the number of troops enrolled, whatmoney there was in the treasury, the revenue, and arrears of taxes; towhich were added the names of the freedmen and slaves from whom theseveral accounts might be taken. 

 * * * * * *

(148) OCTAVIUS CAESAR, afterwards Augustus, had now attained to the sameposition in the state which had formerly been occupied by Julius Caesar;and though he entered upon it by violence, he continued to enjoy itthrough life with almost uninterrupted tranquillity. By the longduration of the late civil war, with its concomitant train of publiccalamities, the minds of men were become less averse to the prospect ofan absolute government; at the same time that the new emperor, naturallyprudent and politic, had learned from the fate of Julius the art ofpreserving supreme power, without arrogating to himself any invidiousmark of distinction. He affected to decline public honours, disclaimedevery idea of personal superiority, and in all his behaviour displayed adegree of moderation which prognosticated the most happy effects, inrestoring peace and prosperity to the harassed empire. The tenor of hisfuture conduct was suitable to this auspicious commencement. While heendeavoured to conciliate the affections of the people by lending moneyto those who stood in need of it, at low interest, or without any at all, and by the exhibition of public shows, of which the Romans wereremarkably fond; he was attentive to the preservation of a becomingdignity in the government, and to the correction of morals. The senate, which, in the time of Sylla, had increased to upwards of four hundred, and, during the civil war, to a thousand, members, by the admission ofimproper persons, he reduced to six hundred; and being invested withthe ancient office of censor, which had for some time been disused, heexercised an arbitrary but legal authority over the conduct of every rankin the state; by which he could degrade senators and knights, and inflictupon all citizens an ignominious sentence for any immoral or indecentbehaviour. But nothing contributed more to render the new form ofgovernment acceptable to the people, than the frequent distribution ofcorn, and sometimes largesses, amongst the commonalty: for an occasionalscarcity of provisions had always been the chief cause of discontentsand tumults in the capital. To the interests of the army he likewisepaid particular attention. It was by the assistance of the legions thathe had risen to power; and they were the men who, in the last resort, if such an emergency should ever occur, could alone enable him topreserve it. 

History relates, that after the overthrow of Antony, Augustus held aconsultation with Agrippa and Mecaenas about restoring the republicanform of government; when Agrippa gave his opinion in favour of thatmeasure, and Mecaenas opposed it. (149) The object of this consultation, in respect to its future consequences on society, is perhaps the mostimportant ever agitated in any cabinet, and required, for the maturediscussion of it, the whole collective wisdom of the ablest men in theempire. But this was a resource which could scarcely be adopted, eitherwith security to the public quiet, or with unbiassed judgment in thedetermination of the question. The bare agitation of such a point wouldhave excited immediate and strong anxiety for its final result; while thefriends of a republican government, who were still far more numerous thanthose of the other party, would have strained every nerve to procure adetermination in their own favour; and the pretorian guards, the surestprotection of Augustus, finding their situation rendered precarious bysuch an unexpected occurrence, would have readily listened to the secretpropositions and intrigues of the republicans for securing theiracquiescence to the decision on the popular side. If, when the subjectcame into debate, Augustus should be sincere in the declaration to abideby the resolution of the council, it is beyond all doubt, that therestoration of a republican government would have been voted by a greatmajority of the assembly. If, on the contrary, he should not be sincere, which is the more probable supposition, and should incur the suspicion ofpractising secretly with members for a decision according to his wish, hewould have rendered himself obnoxious to the public odium, and given riseto discontents which might have endangered his future security. 

But to submit this important question to the free and unbiassed decisionof a numerous assembly, it is probable, neither suited the inclination ofAugustus, nor perhaps, in his opinion, consisted with his personalsafety. With a view to the attainment of unconstitutional power, he hadformerly deserted the cause of the republic when its affairs were in aprosperous situation; and now, when his end was accomplished, there couldbe little ground to expect, that he should voluntarily relinquish theprize for which he had spilt the best blood of Rome, and contended for somany years. Ever since the final defeat of Antony in the battle ofActium, he had governed the Roman state with uncontrolled authority; andthough there is in the nature of unlimited power an intoxicating quality, injurious both to public and private virtue, yet all history contradictsthe supposition of its being endued with any which is unpalatable to thegeneral taste of mankind. 

There were two chief motives by which Augustus would naturally beinfluenced in a deliberation on this important subject; namely, the loveof power, and the personal danger which (150) he might incur fromrelinquishing it. Either of these motives might have been a sufficientinducement for retaining his authority; but when they both concurred, asthey seem to have done upon this occasion, their united force wasirresistible. The argument, so far as relates to the love of power, rests upon a ground, concerning the solidity of which, little doubt canbe entertained: but it may be proper to inquire, in a few words, into thefoundation of that personal danger which he dreaded to incur, onreturning to the station of a private citizen. 

Augustus, as has been already observed, had formerly sided with the partywhich had attempted to restore public liberty after the death of JuliusCaesar: but he afterwards abandoned the popular cause, and joined in theambitious plans of Antony and Lepidus to usurp amongst themselves theentire dominion of the state. By this change of conduct, he turned hisarms against the supporters of a form of government which he hadvirtually recognized as the legal constitution of Rome; and it involved adirect implication of treason against the sacred representatives of thatgovernment, the consuls, formally and duly elected. Upon such a chargehe might be amenable to the capital laws of his country. This, however, was a danger which might be fully obviated, by procuring from the senateand people an act of oblivion, previously to his abdication of thesupreme power; and this was a preliminary which doubtless they would haveadmitted and ratified with unanimous approbation. It therefore appearsthat he could be exposed to no inevitable danger on this account: butthere was another quarter where his person was vulnerable, and where eventhe laws might not be sufficient to protect him against the efforts ofprivate resentment. The bloody proscription of the Triumvirate no act ofamnesty could ever erase from the minds of those who had been deprived byit of their nearest and dearest relations; and amidst the numerousconnections of the illustrious men sacrificed on that horrible occasion, there might arise some desperate avenger, whose indelible resentmentnothing less would satisfy than the blood of the surviving delinquent. Though Augustus, therefore, might not, like his great predecessor, bestabbed in the senate-house, he might perish by the sword or the poniardin a less conspicuous situation. After all, there seems to have beenlittle danger from this quarter likewise for Sylla, who in the precedingage had been guilty of equal enormities, was permitted, on relinquishingthe place of perpetual dictator, to end his days in quiet retirement; andthe undisturbed security which Augustus ever afterwards enjoyed, affordssufficient proof, that all apprehension of danger to his person wasmerely chimerical. 

(151) We have hitherto considered this grand consultation as it might beinfluenced by the passions or prejudices of the emperor: we shall nowtake a short view of the subject in the light in which it is connectedwith considerations of a political nature, and with public utility. Thearguments handed down by history respecting this consultation are few, and imperfectly delivered; but they may be extended upon the generalprinciples maintained on each side of the question. 

For the restoration of the republican government, it might be contended, that from the expulsion of the kings to the dictatorship of JuliusCaesar, through a period of upwards of four hundred and sixty years, theRoman state, with the exception only of a short interval, had flourishedand increased with a degree of prosperity unexampled in the annals ofhumankind: that the republican form of government was not only bestadapted to the improvement of national grandeur, but to the security ofgeneral freedom, the great object of all political association: thatpublic virtue, by which alone nations could subsist in vigour, wascherished and protected by no mode of administration so much as by thatwhich connected, in the strongest bonds of union, the private interestsof individuals with those of the community: that the habits andprejudices of the Roman people were unalterably attached to the form ofgovernment established by so long a prescription, and they would neversubmit, for any length of time, to the rule of one person, without makingevery possible effort to recover their liberty: that though despotism, under a mild and wise prince, might in some respects be regarded aspreferable to a constitution which was occasionally exposed to theinconvenience of faction and popular tumults, yet it was a dangerousexperiment to abandon the government of the nation to the contingency ofsuch a variety of characters as usually occurs in the succession ofprinces; and, upon the whole, that the interests of the people were moresafely entrusted in the hands of annual magistrates elected bythemselves, than in those of any individual whose power was permanent, and subject to no legal control. 

In favour of despotic government it might be urged, that though Rome hadsubsisted long and gloriously under a republican form of government, yetshe had often experienced such violent shocks from popular tumults or thefactions of the great, as had threatened her with imminent destruction:that a republican government was only accommodated to a people amongstwhom the division of property gave to no class of citizens such a degreeof pre-eminence as might prove dangerous to public freedom: that therewas required in that form of political constitution, a simplicity (152)of life and strictness of manners which are never observed to accompany ahigh degree of public prosperity: that in respect of all theseconsiderations, such a form of government was utterly incompatible withthe present circumstances of the Romans that by the conquest of so manyforeign nations, by the lucrative governments of provinces, the spoils ofthe enemy in war, and the rapine too often practised in time of peace, sogreat had been the aggrandizement of particular families in the precedingage, that though the form of the ancient constitution should still remaininviolate, the people would no longer live under a free republic, but anaristocratical usurpation, which was always productive of tyranny: thatnothing could preserve the commonwealth from becoming a prey to somedaring confederacy, but the firm and vigorous administration of oneperson, invested with the whole executive power of the state, unlimitedand uncontrolled: in fine, that as Rome had been nursed to maturity bythe government of six princes successively, so it was only by a similarform of political constitution that she could now be saved fromaristocratical tyranny on one hand, or, on the other, from absoluteanarchy. 

On whichever side of the question the force of argument may be thought topreponderate, there is reason to believe that Augustus was guided in hisresolution more by inclination and prejudice than by reason. It isrelated, however, that hesitating between the opposite opinions of histwo counsellors, he had recourse to that of Virgil, who joined withMecaenas in advising him to retain the imperial power, as being the formof government most suitable to the circumstances of the times. 

It is proper in this place to give some account of the two ministersabove-mentioned, Agrippa and Mecaenas, who composed the cabinet ofAugustus at the settlement of his government, and seem to be the onlypersons employed by him in a ministerial capacity during his whole reign. 

M. Vipsanius Agrippa was of obscure extraction, but rendered himselfconspicuous by his military talents. He obtained a victory over SextusPompey; and in the battles of Philippi and Actium, where he displayedgreat valour, he contributed not a little to establish the subsequentpower of Augustus. In his expeditions afterwards into Gaul and Germany, he performed many signal achievements, for which he refused the honoursof a triumph. The expenses which others would have lavished on thatfrivolous spectacle, he applied to the more laudable purpose ofembellishing Rome with magnificent buildings, one of which, the Pantheon, still remains. In consequence of a dispute with Marcellus, the nephew ofAugustus, he retired to Mitylene, (153) whence, after an absence of twoyears, he was recalled by the emperor. He first married Pomponia, thedaughter of the celebrated Atticus, and afterwards one of the Marcellas, the nieces of Augustus. While this lady, by whom he had children, wasstill living, the emperor prevailed upon his sister Octavia to resign tohim her son-in-law, and gave him in marriage his own daughter Julia; sostrong was the desire of Augustus to be united with him in the closestalliance. The high degree of favour in which he stood with the emperorwas soon after evinced by a farther mark of esteem: for during a visit tothe Roman provinces of Greece and Asia, in which Augustus was absent twoyears, he left the government of the empire to the care of Agrippa. While this minister enjoyed, and indeed seems to have merited, all thepartiality of Augustus, he was likewise a favourite with the people. Hedied at Rome, in the sixty-first year of his age, universally lamented;and his remains were deposited in the tomb which Augustus had preparedfor himself. Agrippa left by Julia three sons, Caius, Lucius, andPosthumus Agrippa, with two daughters, Agrippina and Julia. 

C. Cilnius Mecaenas was of Tuscan extraction, and derived his descentfrom the ancient kings of that country. Though in the highest degree offavour with Augustus, he never aspired beyond the rank of the equestrianorder; and though he might have held the government of extensiveprovinces by deputies, he was content with enjoying the praefecture ofthe city and Italy; a situation, however, which must have been attendedwith extensive patronage. He was of a gay and social disposition. Inprinciple he is said to have been of the Epicurean sect, and in his dressand manners to have bordered on effeminacy. With respect to hispolitical talents, we can only speak from conjecture; but from his beingthe confidential minister of a prince of so much discernment as Augustus, during the infancy of a new form of government in an extensive empire, wemay presume that he was endowed with no common abilities for thatimportant station. The liberal patronage which he displayed towards menof genius and talents, will render his name for ever celebrated in theannals of learning. It is to be regretted that history has transmittedno particulars of this extraordinary personage, of whom all we know isderived chiefly from the writings of Virgil and Horace; but from themanner in which they address him, amidst the familiarity of theirintercourse, there is the strongest reason to suppose, that he was notless amiable and respectable in private life, than illustrious in publicsituation. "O my glory!" is the emphatic expression employed by themboth. 

(154) O decus, O famae merito pars maxima nostrae. Vir. Georg. Ii. Light of my life, my glory, and my guide! O et praesidium et dulce decus meum. Hor. Ode I. My glory and my patron thou!

One would be inclined to think, that there was a nicety in the sense andapplication of the word decus, amongst the Romans, with which we areunacquainted, and that, in the passages now adduced, it was understood torefer to the honour of the emperor's patronage, obtained through themeans of Mecaenas; otherwise, such language to the minister might haveexcited the jealousy of Augustus. But whatever foundation there may befor this conjecture, the compliment was compensated by the superioradulation which the poets appropriated to the emperor, whose deificationis more than insinuated, in sublime intimations, by Virgil. 

 Tuque adeo quem mox quae sint habitura deorum Concilia, incertum est; urbisne invisere, Caesar, Terrarumque velis curam; et te maximus orbis Auctorem frugum, tempestatumque potentem Accipiat, cingens materna tempora myrto: An Deus immensi venias maris, ac tua nautae Numina sola colant: tibi serviat ultima Thule; Teque sibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis. Geor. I. 1. 25, vi. 

 Thou Caesar, chief where'er thy voice ordain To fix midst gods thy yet unchosen reign-- Wilt thou o'er cities fix thy guardian sway, While earth and all her realms thy nod obey? The world's vast orb shall own thy genial power, Giver of fruits, fair sun, and favouring shower; Before thy altar grateful nations bow, And with maternal myrtle wreathe thy brow; O'er boundless ocean shall thy power prevail, Thee her sole lord the world of waters hail, Rule where the sea remotest Thule laves, While Tethys dowers thy bride with all her waves. Sotheby. 

Horace has elegantly adopted the same strain of compliment. 

 Te multa prece, te prosequitur mero Defuso pateris; et Laribus tuum Miscet numen, uti Graecia Castoris Et magni memor Herculis. Carm. IV. 5. 

 To thee he chants the sacred song, To thee the rich libation pours; Thee placed his household gods among, With solemn daily prayer adores So Castor and great Hercules of old, Were with her gods by grateful Greece enrolled. 

(155) The panegyric bestowed upon Augustus by the great poets of thattime, appears to have had a farther object than the mere gratification ofvanity. It was the ambition of this emperor to reign in the hearts aswell as over the persons of his subjects; and with this view he wasdesirous of endearing himself to their imagination. Both he and Mecaenashad a delicate sensibility to the beauties of poetical composition; andjudging from their own feelings, they attached a high degree of influenceto the charms of poetry. Impressed with these sentiments, it became anobject of importance, in their opinion, to engage the Muses in theservice of the imperial authority; on which account, we find Mecaenastampering with Propertius, and we may presume, likewise with every otherrising genius in poetry, to undertake an heroic poem, of which Augustusshould be the hero. As the application to Propertius cannot have takenplace until after Augustus had been amply celebrated by the superiorabilities of Virgil and Horace, there seems to be some reason forascribing Mecaenas's request to a political motive. Caius and Lucius, the emperor's grandsons by his daughter Julia, were still living, andboth young. As one of them, doubtless, was intended to succeed to thegovernment of the empire, prudence justified the adoption of everyexpedient that might tend to secure a quiet succession to the heir, uponthe demise of Augustus. As a subsidiary resource, therefore, theexpedient above mentioned was judged highly plausible; and the Romancabinet indulged the idea of endeavouring to confirm imperial authorityby the support of poetical renown. Lampoons against the government werenot uncommon even in the time of Augustus; and elegant panegyric on theemperor served to counteract their influence upon the minds of thepeople. The idea was, perhaps, novel in the time of Augustus; but thehistory of later ages affords examples of its having been adopted, underdifferent forms of government, with success. 

The Roman empire, in the time of Augustus, had attained to a prodigiousmagnitude; and, in his testament, he recommended to his successors neverto exceed the limits which he had prescribed to its extent. On the Eastit stretched to the Euphrates; on the South to the cataracts of the Nile, the deserts of Africa, and Mount Atlas; on the West to the AtlanticOcean; and on the North to the Danube and the Rhine; including the bestpart of the then known world. The Romans, therefore, were not improperlycalled rerum domini [266], and Rome, pulcherrima rerum [267], maximarerum [268]. Even the historians, Livy and Tacitus, (156) actuatedlikewise with admiration, bestow magnificent epithets on the capital oftheir country. The succeeding emperors, in conformity to the advice ofAugustus, made few additions to the empire. Trajan, however, subduedMesopotamia and Armenia, east of the Euphrates, with Dacia, north of theDanube; and after this period the Roman dominion was extended overBritain, as far as the Frith of Forth and the Clyde. 

It would be an object of curiosity to ascertain the amount of the Romanrevenue in the reign of Augustus; but such a problem, even with respectto contemporary nations, cannot be elucidated without access to thepublic registers of their governments; and in regard to an ancientmonarchy, the investigation is impracticable. We can only be assuredthat the revenue must have been immense, which arose from the accumulatedcontribution of such a number of nations, that had supported their owncivil establishments with great splendour, and many of which werecelebrated for their extraordinary riches and commerce. The tribute paidby the Romans themselves, towards the support of the government, was veryconsiderable during the latter ages of the republic, and it received anincrease after the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa. The establishments, both civil and military, in the different provinces, were supported attheir own expense; the emperor required but a small naval force, an armwhich adds much to the public expenditure of maritime nations in moderntimes; and the state was burdened with no diplomatic charges. The vasttreasure accruing from the various taxes centered in Rome, and the wholewas at the disposal of the emperor, without any control. We maytherefore justly conclude that, in the amount of taxes, customs, andevery kind of financial resources, Augustus exceeded all sovereigns whohad hitherto ever swayed the sceptre of imperial dominion; a nobleacquisition, had it been judiciously employed by his successors, inpromoting public happiness, with half the profusion in which it waslavished in disgracing human nature, and violating the rights of mankind. 

The reign of Augustus is distinguished by the most extraordinary eventrecorded in history, either sacred or profane, the nativity of theSaviour of mankind; which has since introduced a new epoch into thechronology of all Christian nations. The commencement of the new aerabeing the most flourishing period of the Roman empire, a general view ofthe state of knowledge and taste at this period, may here not beimproper. 

Civilization was at this time extended farther over the world than it hadever been in any preceding period; but polytheism rather increased thandiminished with the advancement of commercial (157) intercourse betweenthe nations of Europe, Asia, and Africa; and, though philosophy had beencultivated during several ages, at Athens, Cyrene, Rome, and other seatsof learning, yet the morals of mankind were little improved by thediffusion of speculative knowledge. Socrates had laid an admirablefoundation for the improvement of human nature, by the exertion of reasonthrough the whole economy of life; but succeeding inquirers, forsakingthe true path of ethic investigation, deviated into specious discussions, rather ingenious than useful; and some of them, by gratuitously adoptingprinciples, which, so far from being supported by reason, were repugnantto its dictates, endeavoured to erect upon the basis of their respectivedoctrines a system peculiar to themselves. The doctrines of the Stoicsand Epicureans were, in fact, pernicious to society; and those of thedifferent academies, though more intimately connected with reason thanthe two former, were of a nature too abstract to have any immediate oruseful influence on life and manners. General discussions of truth andprobability, with magnificent declamations on the to kalon, and thesummum bonum, constituted the chief objects of attention amongst thosewho cultivated moral science in the shades of academical retirement. Cicero endeavoured to bring back philosophy from speculation to practice, and clearly evinced the social duties to be founded in the unalterabledictates of virtue; but it was easier to demonstrate the truth of theprinciples which he maintained, than to enforce their observance, whilethe morals of mankind were little actuated by the exercise of reasonalone. 

The science chiefly cultivated at this period was rhetoric, which appearsto have differed considerably from what now passes under the same name. The object of it was not so much justness of sentiment and propriety ofexpression, as the art of declaiming, or speaking copiously upon anysubject. It is mentioned by Varro as the reverse of logic; and they aredistinguished from each other by a simile, that the former resembles thepalm of the hand expanded, and the latter, contracted into the fist. Itis observable that logic, though a part of education in modern times, seems not to have been cultivated amongst the Romans. Perhaps they wereapprehensive, lest a science which concentered the force of argument, might obstruct the cultivation of that which was meant to dilate it. Astronomy was long before known in the eastern nations; but there isreason to believe, from a passage in Virgil [269], that it was littlecultivated by the Romans; and it is certain, that in the reformation ofthe calendar, Julius Caesar was chiefly indebted to the scientificknowledge of (158) Sosigenes, a mathematician of Alexandria. The laws ofthe solar system were still but imperfectly known; the popular belief, that the sun moved round the earth, was universally maintained, andcontinued until the sixteenth century, when the contrary was proved byCopernicus. There existed many celebrated tracts on mathematics; andseveral of the mechanical powers, particularly that of the lever, werecultivated with success. The more necessary and useful rules ofarithmetic were generally known. The use of the load-stone not being asyet discovered, navigation was conducted in the day-time by the sun, andin the night, by the observation of certain stars. Geography wascultivated during the present period by Strabo and Mela. In naturalphilosophy little progress was made; but a strong desire of itsimprovement was entertained, particularly by Virgil. Human anatomy beingnot yet introduced, physiology was imperfect. Chemistry, as a science, was utterly unknown. In medicine, the writings of Hippocrates, and otherGreek physicians, were in general the standard of practice; but theMateria Medica contained few remedies of approved quality, and aboundedwith useless substances, as well as with many which stood upon no otherfoundation than the whimsical notions of those who first introduced them. Architecture flourished, through the elegant taste of Vitruvius, and thepatronage of the emperor. Painting, statuary, and music, werecultivated, but not with that degree of perfection which they hadobtained in the Grecian states. The musical instruments of this periodwere the flute and the lyre, to which may be added the sistrum, latelyimported from Egypt. But the chief glory of the period is itsliterature, of which we proceed to give some account. 

At the head of the writers of this age, stands the emperor himself, withhis minister Mecaenas; but the works of both have almost totallyperished. It appears from the historian now translated, that Augustuswas the author of several productions in prose, besides some in verse. He wrote Answers to Brutus in relation to Cato, Exhortations toPhilosophy, and the History of his own Life, which he continued, inthirteen books, down to the war of Cantabria. A book of his, written inhexameter verse, under the title of Sicily, was extant in the time ofSuetonius, as was likewise a book of Epigrams. He began a tragedy on thesubject of Ajax, but, being dissatisfied with the composition, destroyedit. Whatever the merits of Augustus may have been as an author, of whichno judgment can be formed, his attachment to learning and eminent writersaffords a strong presumption that he was not destitute of taste. Mecaenas is said to have written two tragedies, Octavia and Prometheus; aHistory of (159) Animals; a Treatise on Precious Stones; a Journal of theLife of Augustus; and other productions. Curiosity is stronglyinterested to discover the literary talents of a man so muchdistinguished for the esteem and patronage of them in others; but whilewe regret the impossibility of such a development, we scarcely cansuppose the proficiency to have been small, where the love and admirationwere so great. 

History was cultivated amongst the Romans during the present period, withuncommon success. This species of composition is calculated both forinformation and entertainment; but the chief design of it is to recordall transactions relative to the public, for the purpose of enablingmankind to draw from past events a probable conjecture concerning thefuture; and, by knowing the steps which have led either to prosperity ormisfortune, to ascertain the best means of promoting the former, andavoiding the latter of those objects. This useful kind of narrative wasintroduced about five hundred years before by Herodotus, who has thencereceived the appellation of the Father of History. His style, inconformity to the habits of thinking, and the simplicity of language, inan uncultivated age, is plain and unadorned; yet, by the happy modulationof the Ionic dialect, it gratified the ear, and afforded to the states ofGreece a pleasing mixture of entertainment, enriched not only withvarious information, often indeed fabulous or unauthentic, but with therudiments, indirectly interspersed, of political wisdom. This writer, after a long interval, was succeeded by Thucydides and Xenophon, theformer of whom carried historical narrative to the highest degree ofimprovement it ever attained among the States of Greece. The plan ofThucydides seems to have continued to be the model of historicalnarrative to the writers of Rome; but the circumstances of the times, aided perhaps by the splendid exertion of genius in other departments ofliterature, suggested a new resource, which promised not only to animate, but embellish the future productions of the historic Muse. Thisinnovation consisted in an attempt to penetrate the human heart, andexplore in its innermost recesses the sentiments and secret motives whichactuate the conduct of men. By connecting moral effects with theirprobable internal and external causes, it tended to establish asystematic consistency in the concatenation of transactions apparentlyanomalous, accidental, or totally independent of each other. 

The author of this improvement in history was SALLUST, who likewiseintroduced the method of enlivening narrative with the occasional aid ofrhetorical declamation, particularly in his account of the Catilinianconspiracy. The notorious (160) characters and motives of the principalpersons concerned in that horrible plot, afforded the most favourableopportunity for exemplifying the former; while the latter, there isreason to infer from the facts which must have been at that time publiclyknown, were founded upon documents of unquestionable authority. Nay, itis probable that Sallust was present in the senate during the debaterespecting the punishment of the Catilinian conspirators; his detail ofwhich is agreeable to the characters of the several speakers: but indetracting, by invidious silence, or too faint representation, from themerits of Cicero on that important occasion, he exhibits a glaringinstance of the partiality which too often debases the narratives ofthose who record the transactions of their own time. He had marriedTerentia, the divorced wife of Cicero; and there subsisted between thetwo husbands a kind of rivalship from that cause, to which was probablyadded some degree of animosity, on account of their difference inpolitics, during the late dictatorship of Julius Caesar, by whom Sallustwas restored to the senate, whence he had been expelled forlicentiousness, and was appointed governor of Numidia. Excepting theinjustice with which Sallust treats Cicero, he is entitled to highcommendation. In both his remaining works, the Conspiracy of Catiline, and the War of Jugurtha, there is a peculiar air of philosophicalsentiment, which, joined to the elegant conciseness of style, andanimated description of characters, gives to his writings a degree ofinterest, superior to that which is excited in any preceding work of thehistorical kind. In the occasional use of obsolete words, and inlaboured exordiums to both his histories, he is liable to the charge ofaffectation; but it is an affectation of language which supportssolemnity without exciting disgust; and of sentiment which not onlyexalts human nature, but animates to virtuous exertions. It seems to bethe desire of Sallust to atone for the dissipation of his youth by atotal change of conduct; and whoever peruses his exordiums with theattention which they deserve, must feel a strong persuasion of thejustness of his remarks, if not the incentives of a resolution to begoverned by his example. It seems to be certain, that from the firstmoment of his reformation, he incessantly practised the industry which heso warmly recommends. He composed a History of Rome, of which nothingremains but a few fragments. Sallust, during his administration ofNumidia, is said to have exercised great oppression. On his return toRome he built a magnificent house, and bought delightful gardens, thename of which, with his own, is to this day perpetuated on the spot whichthey formerly occupied. Sallust was born at Amiternum, in the country ofthe Sabines, and (161) received his education at Rome. He incurred greatscandal by an amour with Fausta, the daughter of Sylla, and wife of Milo;who detecting the criminal intercourse, is said to have beat him withstripes, and extorted from him a large sum of money. He died, accordingto tradition, in the fifty-first year of his age. 

CORNELIUS NEPOS was born at Hostilia, near the banks of the Po. Of hisparentage we meet with no account; but from his respectable connectionsearly in life, it is probable that he was of good extraction. Among hismost intimate friends were Cicero and Atticus. Some authors relate thathe composed three books of Chronicles, with a biographical account of allthe most celebrated sovereigns, generals, and writers of antiquity. 

The language of Cornelius Nepos is pure, his style perspicuous, and heholds a middle and agreeable course between diffuseness and brevity. Hehas not observed the same rule with respect to the treatment of everysubject; for the account of some of the lives is so short, that we mightsuspect them to be mutilated, did they not contain evident marks of theirbeing completed in miniature. The great extent of his plan induced him, as he informs us, to adopt this expedient. "Sed plura persequi, tummagnitudo voluminis prohibet, tum festinatio, ut ea explicem, quaeexorsus sum. " [270]

Of his numerous biographical works, twenty-two lives only remain, whichare all of Greeks, except two Carthaginians, Hamilcar and Hannibal; andtwo Romans, M. Porcius Cato and T. Pomponius Atticus. Of his ownlife, --of him who had written the lives of so many, no account istransmitted; but from the multiplicity of his productions, we mayconclude that it was devoted to literature. 

TITUS LIVIUS may be ranked among the most celebrated historians the worldhas ever produced. He composed a history of Rome from the foundation ofthe city, to the conclusion of the German war conducted by Drusus in thetime of the emperor Augustus. This great work consisted, originally, ofone hundred and forty books; of which there now remain only thirty-five, viz. , the first decade, and the whole from book twenty-one to bookforty-five, both inclusive. Of the other hundred and five books, nothingmore has survived the ravages of time and barbarians than their generalcontents. In a perspicuous arrangement of his subject, in a full andcircumstantial account of transactions, in the delineation of charactersand other objects of description, to justness and aptitude of sentiment, and in an air of majesty (162) pervading the whole composition, thisauthor may be regarded as one of the best models extant of historicalnarrative. His style is splendid without meretricious ornament, andcopious without being redundant; a fluency to which Quintilian gives theexpressive appellation of "lactea ubertas. " Amongst the beauties whichwe admire in his writings, besides the animated speeches frequentlyinterspersed, are those concise and peculiarly applicable eulogiums, withwhich he characterises every eminent person mentioned, at the close oftheir life. Of his industry in collating, and his judgment in decidingupon the preference due to, dissentient authorities, in matters oftestimony, the work affords numberless proofs. Of the freedom andimpartiality with which he treated even of the recent periods of history, there cannot be more convincing evidence, than that he was rallied byAugustus as a favourer of Pompey; and that, under the same emperor, henot only bestowed upon Cicero the tribute of warm approbation, but daredto ascribe, in an age when their names were obnoxious, even to Brutus andCassius the virtues of consistency and patriotism. If in any thing theconduct of Livy violates our sentiments of historical dignity, it is theapparent complacency and reverence with which he every where mentions thepopular belief in omens and prodigies; but this was the generalsuperstition of the times; and totally to renounce the prejudices ofsuperstitious education, is the last heroic sacrifice to philosophicalscepticism. In general, however, the credulity of Livy appears to berather affected than real; and his account of the exit of Romulus, in thefollowing passage, may be adduced as an instance in confirmation of thisremark. 

"His immortalibus editis operibus, quum ad exercitum recensendumconcionem in campo ad Caprae paludem haberet, subita coorta tempestatecum magno fragore tonitribusque tam denso regem operuit nimbo, utconspectum ejus concioni abstulerit; nec deinde in terris Romulus fuit. Romana pubes, sedato tandem pavore, postquam ex tam turbido die serena, et tranquilla lux rediit, ubi vacuam sedem regiam vidit; etsi satiscredebat Patribus, qui proximi steterant, sublimem raptum procella; tamenveluti orbitatis metu icta, maestum aliquamdiu silentium obtinuit. Deinde a paucis initio facto, Deum, Deo natum, regem parentemque urbisRomanae, salvere universi Romulum jubent; pacem precibus exposcunt, utivolens propitius suam semper sospitet progeniem. Fuisse credo tum quoquealiquos, qui discerptum regem Patrum manibus taciti arguerent; manavitenim haec quoque, et perobscura, fama. Illam alteram admiratio viri, etpavor praesens nobilitavit. Consilio etiam unius hominis addita reidicitur fides; namque Proculus Julius sollicita civitate desiderio (163)regis, et infensa Patribus, gravis, ut traditur, quamvis magnae reiauctor, in concionem prodit. 'Romulus, inquit, Quirites, parens urbishujus, prima hodierna luce coelo repente delapsus, se mihi obvium dedit;quam profusus horrore venerabundusque astitissem, petens precibus, utcontra intueri fas esset; Abi, nuncia, inquit, Romanis, Coelestes itavelle, ut mea Roma caput orbis terrarum sit; proinde rem militaremcolant; sciantque, et ita posteris tradant, nullas opes humanas armisRomanis resistere posse. ' Haec, inquit, locutus, sublimis abiit. Mirum, quantum illi viro nuncianti haec fidei fuerit; quamque desiderium Romuliapud plebem exercitumque, facta fide immortalitatis, lenitum sit. " [271]

Scarcely any incident in ancient history savours more of the (164)marvellous than the account above delivered respecting the first Romanking; and amidst all the solemnity with which it is related, we mayperceive that the historian was not the dupe of credulity. There is moreimplied than the author thought proper to avow, in the sentence, Fuissecredo, etc. In whatever light this anecdote be viewed, it is involved inperplexity. That Romulus affected a despotic power, is not only highlyprobable, from his aspiring disposition, but seems to be confirmed by hisrecent appointment of the Celeres, as a guard to his person. He might, therefore, naturally incur the odium of the patricians, whose importancewas diminished, and their institution rendered abortive, by the increaseof his power. But that they should choose the opportunity of a militaryreview, for the purpose of removing the tyrant by a violent death, seemsnot very consistent with the dictates even of common prudence; and it isthe more incredible, as the circumstance which favoured the execution ofthe plot is represented to have been entirely a fortuitous occurrence. The tempest which is said to have happened, is not easily reconcilablewith our knowledge of that phenomenon. Such a cloud, or mist, as couldhave enveloped Romulus from the eyes of the assembly, is not a naturalconcomitant of a thunder-storm. There is some reason to suspect thatboth the noise and cloud, if they actually existed, were artificial; theformer intended to divert the attention of the spectators, and the latterto conceal the transaction. The word fragor, a noise or crash, appearsto be an unnecessary addition where thunder is expressed, thoughsometimes so used by the poets, and may therefore, perhaps, imply such anoise from some other cause. If Romulus was killed by any pointed orsharp-edged weapon, his blood might have been discovered on the spot; or, if by other means, still the body was equally an object for publicobservation. If the people suspected the patricians to be guilty ofmurder, why did they not endeavour to trace the fact by this evidence?And if the patricians were really innocent, why did they not urge theexamination? But the body, without doubt, was secreted, to favour theimposture. The whole narrative is strongly marked with circumstancescalculated to affect credulity with ideas of national importance; and, tocountenance the design, there is evidently a chasm in the Roman historyimmediately preceding this transaction and intimately connected with it. 

Livy was born at Patavium [272], and has been charged by Asinius Pollioand others with the provincial dialect of his country. The objections tohis Pativinity, as it is called, relate chiefly to the (165) spelling ofsome words; in which, however, there seems to be nothing so peculiar, aseither to occasion any obscurity or merit reprehension. 

Livy and Sallust being the only two existing rivals in Roman history, itmay not be improper to draw a short comparison between them, in respectof their principal qualities, as writers. With regard to language, thereis less apparent affectation in Livy than in Sallust. The narrative ofboth is distinguished by an elevation of style: the elevation of Sallustseems to be often supported by the dignity of assumed virtue; that ofLivy by a majestic air of historical, and sometimes national, importance. In delineating characters, Sallust infuses more expression, and Livy morefulness, into the features. In the speeches ascribed to particularpersons, these writers are equally elegant and animated. 

So great was the fame of Livy in his own life-time, that people came fromthe extremity of Spain and Gaul, for the purpose only of beholding socelebrated a historian, who was regarded, for his abilities, as aprodigy. This affords a strong proof, not only of the literary tastewhich then prevailed over the most extensive of the Roman provinces, butof the extraordinary pains with which so great a work must have beenpropagated, when the art of printing was unknown. In the fifteenthcentury, on the revival of learning in Europe, the name of this greatwriter recovered its ancient veneration; and Alphonso of Arragon, with asuperstition characteristic of that age, requested of the people ofPadua, where Livy was born, and is said to have been buried, to befavoured by them with the hand which had written so admirable a work. --

The celebrity of VIRGIL has proved the means of ascertaining his birthwith more exactness than is common in the biographical memoirs of ancientwriters. He was born at Andes, a village in the neighbourhood of Mantua, on the 15th of October, seventy years before the Christian aera. Hisparents were of moderate condition; but by their industry acquired someterritorial possessions, which descended to their son. The first sevenyears of his life was spent at Cremona, whence he went to Mediolanum, nowMilan, at that time the seat of the liberal arts, denominated, as welearn from Pliny the younger, Novae Athenae. From this place heafterwards moved to Naples, where he applied himself with great assiduityto Greek and Roman literature, particularly to the physical andmathematical sciences; for which he expressed a strong predilection inthe second book of his Georgics. 

 Me vero primum dulces ante omnia Musae, Quarum sacra fero ingenti perculsus amore, (166) Accipiant; coelique vias et sidera monstrent; Defectus Solis varios, Lunaeque labores: Unde tremor terris: qua vi maria alta tumescant Obicibus ruptis, rursusque in seipsa residant: Quid tantum Oceano properent se tingere soles Hiberni: vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet. Geor. Ii. 1. 591, etc. 

 But most beloved, ye Muses, at whose fane, Led by pure zeal, I consecrate my strain, Me first accept! And to my search unfold, Heaven and her host in beauteous order rolled, The eclipse that dims the golden orb of day, And changeful labour of the lunar ray; Whence rocks the earth, by what vast force the main Now bursts its barriers, now subsides again; Why wintry suns in ocean swiftly fade, Or what delays night's slow-descending shade. Sotheby. 

When, by a proscription of the Triumvirate, the lands of Cremona andMantua were distributed amongst the veteran soldiers, Virgil had the goodfortune to recover his possessions, through the favour of Asinius Pollio, the deputy of Augustus in those parts; to whom, as well as to theemperor, he has testified his gratitude in beautiful eclogues. 

The first production of Virgil was his Bucolics, consisting of teneclogues, written in imitation of the Idyllia or pastoral poems ofTheocritus. It may be questioned whether any language which has itsprovincial dialects, but is brought to perfection, can ever be welladapted, in that state, to the use of pastoral poetry. There is such anapparent incongruity between the simple ideas of the rural swain and thepolished language of the courtier, that it seems impossible to reconcilethem together by the utmost art of composition. The Doric dialect ofTheocritus, therefore, abstractedly from all consideration of simplicityof sentiment, must ever give to the Sicilian bard a pre-eminence in thisspecies of poetry. The greater part of the Bucolics of Virgil may beregarded as poems of a peculiar nature, into which the author has happilytransfused, in elegant versification, the native manners and ideas, without any mixture of the rusticity of pastoral life. With respect tothe fourth eclogue, addressed to Pollio, it is avowedly of a naturesuperior to that of pastoral subjects:

 Sicelides Musae, paullo majora canamus. Sicilian Muse, be ours a loftier strain. 

Virgil engaged in bucolic poetry at the request of Asinius Pollio, whomhe highly esteemed, and for one of whose sons in particular, (167) withCornelius Gallus, a poet likewise, he entertained the warmest affection. He has celebrated them all in these poems, which were begun, we are told, in the twenty-ninth year of his age, and completed in three years. Theywere held in so great esteem amongst the Romans, immediately after theirpublication, that it is said they were frequently recited upon the stagefor the entertainment of the audience. Cicero, upon hearing some linesof them, perceived that they were written in no common strain of poetry, and desired that the whole eclogue might be recited: which being done, heexclaimed, "Magnae spes altera Romae. " Another hope of mighty Rome![273]

Virgil's next work was the Georgics, the idea of which is taken from theErga kai Hmerai, the Works and Days of Hesiod, the poet of Ascra. Butbetween the productions of the two poets, there is no other similaritythan that of their common subject. The precepts of Hesiod, in respect ofagriculture, are delivered with all the simplicity of an unletteredcultivator of the fields, intermixed with plain moral reflections, natural and apposite; while those of Virgil, equally precise andimportant, are embellished with all the dignity of sublime versification. The work is addressed to Mecaenas, at whose request it appears to havebeen undertaken. It is divided into four books. The first treats ofploughing; the second, of planting; the third, of cattle, horses, sheep, goats, dogs, and of things which are hurtful to cattle; the fourth isemployed on bees, their proper habitations, food, polity, the diseases towhich they are liable, and the remedies of them, with the method ofmaking honey, and a variety of other considerations connected with thesubject. The Georgics (168) were written at Naples, and employed theauthor during a period of seven years. It is said that Virgil hadconcluded the Georgics with a laboured eulogium on his poetical friendGallus; but the latter incurring about this time the displeasure ofAugustus, he was induced to cancel it, and substitute the charmingepisode of Astaeus and Eurydice. 

These beautiful poems, considered merely as didactic, have the justestclaim to utility. In what relates to agriculture in particular, theprecepts were judiciously adapted to the climate of Italy, and must haveconveyed much valuable information to those who were desirous ofcultivating that important art, which was held in great honour amongstthe Romans. The same remark may be made, with greater latitude ofapplication, in respect of the other subjects. But when we examine theGeorgics as poetical compositions, when we attend to the elevated stylein which they are written, the beauty of the similes, the emphaticsentiments interspersed, the elegance of diction, the animated strain ofthe whole, and the harmony of the versification, our admiration isexcited, at beholding subjects, so common in their nature, embellishedwith the most magnificent decorations of poetry. 

During four days which Augustus passed at Atella, to refresh himself fromfatigue, in his return to Rome, after the battle of Actium, the Georgics, just then finished, were read to him by the author, who was occasionallyrelieved in the task by his friend Mecaenas. We may easily conceive thesatisfaction enjoyed by the emperor, at finding that while he himself hadbeen gathering laurels in the achievements of war, another gloriouswreath was prepared by the Muses to adorn his temples; and that anintimation was given of his being afterwards celebrated in a work morecongenial to the subject of heroic renown. 

It is generally supposed that the Aeneid was written at the particulardesire of Augustus, who was ambitious of having the Julian familyrepresented as lineal descendants of the Trojan Aeneas. In thiscelebrated poem, Virgil has happily united the characteristics of theIliad and Odyssey, and blended them so judiciously together, that theymutually contribute to the general effect of the whole. By the esteemand sympathy excited for the filial piety and misfortunes of Aeneas atthe catastrophe of Troy, the reader is strongly interested in hissubsequent adventures; and every obstacle to the establishment of theTrojans in the promised land of Hesperia produces fresh sensations ofincreased admiration and attachment. The episodes, characters, andincidents, all concur to give beauty or grandeur to the poem. Thepicture of Troy in flames can never be sufficiently (169) admired! Theincomparable portrait of Priam, in Homer, is admirably accommodated to adifferent situation, in the character of Anchises, in the Aeneid. Theprophetic rage of the Cumaean Sibyl displays in the strongest colours theenthusiasm of the poet. For sentiment, passion, and interestingdescription, the episode of Dido is a master-piece in poetry. But Virgilis not more conspicuous for strength of description than propriety ofsentiment; and wherever he takes a hint from the Grecian bard, heprosecutes the idea with a judgment peculiar to himself. It may besufficient to mention one instance. In the sixth book of the Iliad, while the Greeks are making great slaughter amongst the Trojans, Hector, by the advice of Helenus, retires into the city, to desire that hismother would offer up prayers to the goddess Pallas, and vow to her anoble sacrifice, if she would drive Diomede from the walls of Troy. Immediately before his return to the field of battle, he has his lastinterview with Andromache, whom he meets with his infant son Astyanax, carried by a nurse. There occurs, upon this occasion, one of the mostbeautiful scenes in the Iliad, where Hector dandles the boy in his arms, and pours forth a prayer, that he may one day be superior in fame to hisfather. In the same manner, Aeneas, having armed himself for thedecisive combat with Turnus, addresses his son Ascanius in a beautifulspeech, which, while expressive of the strongest paternal affection, contains, instead of a prayer, a noble and emphatic admonition, suitableto a youth who had nearly attained the period of adult age. It is asfollows:

 Disce, puer, virtutem ex me, verumque laborem; Fortunam ex aliis; nunc te mea dextera bello Defensum dabit, et magna inter praemia ducet. Tu facito, mox cum matura adoleverit aetas, Sis memor: et te animo repetentem exempla tuorum, Et pater Aeneas, et avunculus excitet Hector. --Aeneid, xii. 

 My son! from my example learn the war In camps to suffer, and in feuds to dare, But happier chance than mine attend thy care! This day my hand thy tender age shall shield, And crown with honours of the conquered field: Thou when thy riper years shall send thee forth To toils of war, be mindful of my worth; Assert thy birthright, and in arms be known, For Hector's nephew and Aeneas' son. 

Virgil, though born to shine by his own intrinsic powers, certainly owedmuch of his excellence to the wonderful merits of Homer. His susceptibleimagination, vivid and correct, was (170) impregnated by the Odyssey, andwarmed with the fire of the Iliad. Rivalling, or rather on someoccasions surpassing his glorious predecessor in the characters of heroesand of gods, he sustains their dignity with so uniform a lustre, thatthey seem indeed more than mortal. 

Whether the Iliad or the Aeneid be the more perfect composition, is aquestion which has often been agitated, but perhaps will never bedetermined to general satisfaction. In comparing the genius of the twopoets, however, allowance ought to be made for the difference ofcircumstances under which they composed their respective works. Homerwrote in an age when mankind had not as yet made any great progress inthe exertion of either intellect or imagination, and he was thereforeindebted for big resources to the vast capacity of his own mind. To thiswe must add, that he composed both his poems in a situation of lifeextremely unfavourable to the cultivation of poetry. Virgil, on thecontrary, lived at a period when literature had attained to a high stateof improvement. He had likewise not only the advantage of finding amodel in the works of Homer, but of perusing the laws of epic poetry, which had been digested by Aristotle, and the various observations madeon the writings of the Greek bard by critics of acuteness and taste;amongst the chief of whom was his friend Horace, who remarks that

 --------quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus. --De Arte Poet. 

 E'en sometimes the good Homer naps. 

Virgil, besides, composed his poem in a state remote from indigence, where he was roused to exertion by the example of several contemporarypoets; and what must have animated him beyond every other consideration, he wrote both at the desire, and under the patronage of the emperor andhis minister Mecaenas. In what time Homer composed either of his poems, we know not; but the Aeneid, we are informed, was the employment ofVirgil during eleven years. For some years, the repeated entreaties ofAugustus could not extort from him the smallest specimen of the work; butat length, when considerably advanced in it, he condescended to recitethree books--the second, the fourth, and the sixth--in the presence ofthe emperor and his sister Octavia, to gratify the latter of whom, inparticular, the recital of the last book now mentioned, was intended. When the poet came to the words, Tu Marcellus eris, alluding to Octavia'sson, a youth of great hopes, who had lately died, the mother fainted. After she had recovered from this fit, by the care of her attendants, sheordered ten sesterces to be given to Virgil for every line relating (171)to that subject; a gratuity which amounted to about two thousand poundssterling. 

In the composition of the Aeneid, Virgil scrupled not to introduce wholelines of Homer, and of the Latin poet Ennius; many of whose sentences headmired. In a few instances he has borrowed from Lucretius. He is saidto have been at extraordinary pains in polishing his numbers; and when hewas doubtful of any passage, he would read it to some of his friends, that he might have their opinion. On such occasions, it was usual withhim to consult in particular his freedman and librarian Erotes, an olddomestic, who, it is related, supplied extempore a deficiency in twolines, and was desired by his master to write them in the manuscript. 

When this immortal work was completed, Virgil resolved on retiring intoGreece and Asia for three years, that he might devote himself entirely topolishing it, and have leisure afterwards to pass the remainder of hislife in the cultivation of philosophy. But meeting at Athens withAugustus, who was on his return from the East, he determined onaccompanying the emperor back to Rome. Upon a visit to Megara, a town inthe neighbourhood of Athens, he was seized with a languor, whichincreased during the ensuing voyage; and he expired a few days afterlanding at Brundisium, on the 22nd of September, in the fifty-second yearof his age. He desired that his body might be carried to Naples, wherehe had passed many happy years; and that the following distich, writtenin his last sickness, should be inscribed upon his tomb:

 Mantua me genuit: Calabri rapuere: tenet nunc Parthenope: cecini pascua, rura, duces. [274]

He was accordingly interred, by the order of Augustus, with great funeralpomp, within two miles of Naples, near the road to Puteoli, where histomb still exists. Of his estate, which was very considerable by theliberality of his friends, he left the greater part to Valerius Proculusand his brother, a fourth to Augustus, a twelfth to Mecaenas, besideslegacies to L. Varius and Plotius Tucca, who, in consequence of his ownrequest, and the command of Augustus, revised and corrected the Aeneidafter his death. Their instructions from the emperor were, to expungewhatever they thought improper, but upon no account to make any addition. This restriction is supposed to be the cause that many lines in theAeneid are imperfect. 

Virgil was of large stature, had a dark complexion, and his (172)features are said to have been such as expressed no uncommon abilities. He was subject to complaints of the stomach and throat, as well as tohead-ache, and had frequent discharges of blood upwards: but from whatpart, we are not informed. He was very temperate both in food and wine. His modesty was so great, that at Naples they commonly gave him the nameof Parthenias, "the modest man. " On the subject of his modesty; thefollowing anecdote is related. 

Having written a distich, in which he compared Augustus to Jupiter, heplaced it in the night-time over the gate of the emperor's palace. Itwas in these words:

 Nocte pluit tota, redeunt spectacula mane: Divisum imperium cum Jove Caesar habet. 

 All night it rained, with morn the sports appear, Caesar and Jove between them rule the year. 

By order of Augustus, an inquiry was made after the author; and Virgilnot declaring himself, the verses were claimed by Bathyllus, acontemptible poet, but who was liberally rewarded on the occasion. Virgil, provoked at the falsehood of the impostor, again wrote the verseson some conspicuous part of the palace, and under them the followingline:

 Hos ego versiculos feci, tulit alter honorem; I wrote the verse, another filched the praise;

with the beginning of another line in these words:

 Sic vos, non vobis, Not for yourselves, you----

repeated four times. Augustus expressing a desire that the lines shouldbe finished, and Bathyllus proving unequal to the task, Virgil at lastfilled up the blanks in this manner:

 Sic vos, non vobis, nidificatis, aves; Sic vos, non vobis, vellera fertis, oves; Sic vos, non vobis, mellificatis, apes; Sic vos, non vobis, fertis aratra, boves. 

 Not for yourselves, ye birds, your nests ye build; Not for yourselves, ye sheep, your fleece ye yield; Not for yourselves, ye bees, your cells ye fill; Not for yourselves, ye beeves, ye plough and till. 

The expedient immediately evinced him to be the author of the distich, and Bathyllus became the theme of public ridicule. 

When at any time Virgil came to Rome, if the people, as was commonly thecase, crowded to gaze upon him, or pointed at him with the finger inadmiration, he blushed, and stole away (173) from them; frequently takingrefuge in some shop. When he went to the theatre, the audienceuniversally rose up at his entrance, as they did to Augustus, andreceived him with the loudest plaudits; a compliment which, howeverhighly honourable, he would gladly have declined. When such was the justrespect which they paid to the author of the Bucolics and Georgics, howwould they have expressed their esteem, had they beheld him in theeffulgence of epic renown! In the beautiful episode of the Elysianfields, in the Aeneid, where he dexterously introduced a glorious displayof their country, he had touched the most elastic springs of Romanenthusiasm. The passion would have rebounded upon himself, and theywould, in the heat of admiration, have idolized him. 

HORACE was born at Venusia, on the tenth of December, in the consulshipof L. Cotta and L. Torquatus. According to his own acknowledgment, hisfather was a freedman; by some it is said that he was a collector of therevenue, and by others, a fishmonger, or a dealer in salted meat. Whatever he was, he paid particular attention to the education of hisson, for, after receiving instruction from the best masters in Rome, hesent him to Athens to study philosophy. From this place, Horace followedBrutus, in the quality of a military tribune, to the battle of Philippi, where, by his own confession, being seized with timidity, he abandonedthe profession of a soldier, and returning to Rome, applied himself tothe cultivation of poetry. In a short time he acquired the friendship ofVirgil and Valerius, whom he mentions in his Satires, in terms of themost tender affection. 

 Postera lux oritur multo gratissima: namque Plotius et Varius Sinuessae, Virgiliusque, Occurrunt; animae, quales neque candidiores Terra tulit, neque queis me sit devinctior alter. O qui complexus, et gaudia quanta fuerunt! Nil ego contulerim jucundo sanus amico. --Sat. I. 5. 

 Next rising morn with double joy we greet, For Plotius, Varius, Virgil, here we meet: Pure spirits these; the world no purer knows, For none my heart with more affection glows: How oft did we embrace, our joys how great! For sure no blessing in the power of fate Can be compared, in sanity of mind, To friends of such companionable kind. --Francis. 

By the two friends above mentioned, he was recommended to the patronagenot only of Mecaenas, but of Augustus, with whom he, as well as Virgil, lived on a footing of the greatest intimacy. Satisfied with the luxurywhich he enjoyed at the first tables in (174) Rome, he was so unambitiousof any public employment, that when the emperor offered him the place ofhis secretary, he declined it. But as he lived in an elegant manner, having, besides his house in town, a cottage on his Sabine farm, and avilla at Tibur, near the falls of the Anio, he enjoyed, beyond all doubt. A handsome establishment, from the liberality of Augustus. He indulgedhimself in indolence and social pleasure, but was at the same time muchdevoted to reading; and enjoyed a tolerable good state of health, although often incommoded with a fluxion of rheum upon the eyes. 

Horace, in the ardour of youth, and when his bosom beat high with theraptures of fancy, had, in the pursuit of Grecian literature, drunklargely, at the source, of the delicious springs of Castalia; and itseems to have been ever after his chief ambition, to transplant into theplains of Latium the palm of lyric poetry. Nor did he fail of success:

 Exegi monumentum aere perennius. --Carm. Iii. 30. More durable than brass a monument I've raised. 

In Greece, and other countries, the Ode appears to have been the mostancient, as well as the most popular species of literary production. Warm in expression, and short in extent, it concentrates in narrow boundsthe fire of poetical transport: on which account, it has been generallyemployed to celebrate the fervours of piety, the raptures of love, theenthusiasm of praise; and to animate warriors to glorious exertions ofvalour:

 Musa dedit fidibus Divos, puerosque Deorum, Et pugilem victorem, et equum certamine primnm, Et juvenum curas, et libera vina referre. --Hor. De Arte Poet. 

 The Muse to nobler subjects tunes her lyre; Gods, and the sons of Gods, her song inspire; Wrestler and steed, who gained the Olympic prize, Love's pleasing cares, and wine's unbounded joys. --Francis. 

 Misenum Aeoliden, quo non praestantior alter Aere ciere viros, Martemque accendere cnatu. [275] Virgil, Aeneid, vi. . . . . . . . . . . . . 

 Sed tum forte cava dum personat aequora concha Demens, et canto vocat in certamina Divos. --Ibid. 

 Misenus, son of Oeolus, renowned The warrior trumpet in the field to sound; With breathing brass to kindle fierce alarms, And rouse to dare their fate in honourable arms. 

 . . . . . . . . . . . . 

 (175) Swollen with applause, and aiming still at more, He now provokes the sea-gods from the shore. --Dryden

There arose in this department, among the Greeks, nine eminent poets, viz. Alcaeus, Alcman, Anacreon, Bacchylides, Ibicus, Sappho, Stesichorus, Simonides, and Pindar. The greater number of this distinguished classare now known only by name. They seem all to have differed from oneanother, no less in the kind of measure which they chiefly or solelyemployed, than in the strength or softness, the beauty or grandeur, theanimated rapidity or the graceful ease of their various compositions. Ofthe amorous effusions of the lyre, we yet have examples in the odes ofAnacreon, and the incomparable ode of Sappho: the lyric strains whichanimated to battle, have sunk into oblivion; but the victors in thepublic games of Greece have their fame perpetuated in the admirableproductions of Pindar. 

Horace, by adopting, in the multiplicity of his subjects, almost all thevarious measures of the different Greek poets, and frequently combiningdifferent measures in the same composition, has compensated for thedialects of that tongue, so happily suited to poetry, and given to alanguage less distinguished for soft inflexions, all the tender anddelicate modulations of the Eastern song. While he moves in the measuresof the Greeks with an ease and gracefulness which rivals their ownacknowledged excellence, he has enriched the fund of lyric harmony with astanza peculiar to himself. In the artificial construction of the Ode, he may justly be regarded as the first of lyric poets. In beautifulimagery, he is inferior to none: in variety of sentiment and felicity ofexpression, superior to every existing competitor in Greek or Romanpoetry. He is elegant without affectation; and what is more remarkable, in the midst of gaiety he is moral. We seldom meet in his Odes with theabrupt apostrophes of passionate excursion; but his transitions areconducted with ease, and every subject introduced with propriety. 

The Carmen Seculare was written at the express desire of Augustus, forthe celebration of the Secular Games, performed once in a hundred years, and which continued during three days and three nights, whilst all Romeresounded with the mingled effusions of choral addresses to gods andgoddesses, and of festive joy. An occasion which so much interested theambition of the poet, called into exertion the most vigorous efforts ofhis genius. More concise in mythological attributes than the hymnsascribed to Homer, this beautiful production, in variety and grandeur ofinvocation, and in pomp of numbers, surpasses all that Greece, (176)melodious but simple in the service of the altar, ever poured forth fromher vocal groves in solemn adoration. By the force of native genius, theancients elevated their heroes to a pitch of sublimity that excitesadmiration, but to soar beyond which they could derive no aid frommythology; and it was reserved for a bard, inspired with noblersentiments than the Muses could supply, to sing the praises of that Beingwhose ineffable perfections transcend all human imagination. Of thepraises of gods and heroes, there is not now extant a more beautifulcomposition, than the 12th Ode of the first book of Horace:

 Quem virum aut heroa lyra vel acri Tibia sumes celebrare, Clio? Quem Deum? cujus recinet jocosa Nomen imago, Aut in umbrosis Heliconis oris, etc. 

 What man, what hero, on the tuneful lyre, Or sharp-toned flute, will Clio choose to raise, Deathless, to fame? What God? whose hallowed name The sportive image of the voice Shall in the shades of Helicon repeat, etc. 

The Satires of Horace are far from being remarkable for poetical harmony, as he himself acknowledges. Indeed, according to the plan upon whichseveral of them are written, it could scarcely be otherwise. They arefrequently colloquial, sometimes interrogatory, the transitions quick, and the apostrophes abrupt. It was not his object in those compositions, to soothe the ear with the melody of polished numbers, but to rally thefrailties of the heart, to convince the understanding by argument, andthence to put to shame both the vices and follies of mankind. Satire isa species of composition, of which the Greeks furnished no model; and thepreceding Roman writers of this class, though they had much improved itfrom its original rudeness and licentiousness, had still not brought itto that degree of perfection which might answer the purpose of moralreform in a polished state of society. It received the most essentialimprovement from Horace, who has dexterously combined wit and argument, raillery and sarcasm, on the side of morality and virtue, of happinessand truth. 

The Epistles of this author may be reckoned amongst the most valuableproductions of antiquity. Except those of the second book, and one ortwo in the first, they are in general of the familiar kind; abounding inmoral sentiments, and judicious observations on life and manners. 

The poem De Arte Poetica comprises a system of criticism, in justness ofprinciple and extent of application, correspondent to the variousexertions of genius on subjects of invention and taste. (177) That incomposing this excellent production, he availed himself of the mostapproved works of Grecian original, we may conclude from the advice whichhe there recommends:

 ------------Vos exemplaria Graeca Nocturna versate manu, versate diurna. 

 Make the Greek authors your supreme delight; Read them by day, and study them by night. --Francis. 

In the writings of Horace there appears a fund of good sense, enlivenedwith pleasantry, and refined by philosophical reflection. He hadcultivated his judgment with great application, and his taste was guidedby intuitive perception of moral beauty, aptitude, and propriety. Thefew instances of indelicacy which occur in his compositions, we mayascribe rather to the manners of the times, than to any blameablepropensity in the author. Horace died in the fifty-seventh year of hisage, surviving his beloved Mecaenas only three weeks; a circumstancewhich, added to the declaration in an ode [276] to that personage, supposed to have been written in Mecaenas's last illness, has given riseto a conjecture, that Horace ended his days by a violent death, toaccompany his friend. But it is more natural to conclude that he died ofexcessive grief, as, had he literally adhered to the affirmationcontained in the ode, he would have followed his patron more closely. This seems to be confirmed by a fact immediately preceding his death; forthough he declared Augustus heir to his whole estate, he was not able, onaccount of weakness, to put his signature to the will; a failure which itis probable that he would have taken care to obviate, had his death beenpremeditated. He was interred, at his own desire, near the tomb ofMecaenas. ----

OVID was born of an equestrian family, at Sulmo, a town of the Peligni, on the 21st of March, in the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa. His fatherintended him for the bar; and after passing him through the usual courseof instruction at Rome, he was sent to Athens, the emporium of learning, to complete his education. On his return to Rome, in obedience to thedesire of his father, he entered upon the offices of public life in theforum, and declaimed with great applause. But this was the effect ofpaternal authority, not of choice: for, from his earliest years, hediscovered an extreme attachment to poetry; and no sooner was his fatherdead, than, renouncing the bar, he devoted himself entirely to thecultivation of that fascinating art, his propensity to which wasinvincible. His productions, all written either in heroic or pentameterverse, are numerous, and on various subjects. It will be sufficient tomention them briefly. 

(178) The Heroides consist of twenty-one Epistles, all which, exceptthree, are feigned to be written from celebrated women of antiquity, totheir husbands or lovers, such as Penelope to Ulysses, Dido to Aeneas, Sappho to Phaon, etc. These compositions are nervous, animated andelegant: they discover a high degree of poetic enthusiasm, but blendedwith that lascivious turn of thought, which pervades all the amorousproductions of this celebrated author. 

The elegies on subjects of love, particularly the Ars Amandi, or ArsAmatoria, though not all uniform in versification, possess the samegeneral character, of warmth of passion, and luscious description, as theepistles. 

The Fasti were divided into twelve books, of which only the first six nowremain. The design of them was to deliver an account of the Romanfestivals in every month of the year, with a description of the rites andceremonies, as well as the sacrifices on those occasions. It is to beregretted, that, on a subject so interesting, this valuable work shouldnot have been transmitted entire: but in the part which remains, we arefurnished with a beautiful description of the ceremonial transactions inthe Roman calendar, from the first of January to the end of June. Theversification, as in all the compositions of this author, is easy andharmonious. 

The most popular production of this poet is his Metamorphoses, not lessextraordinary for the nature of the subject, than for the admirable artwith which the whole is conducted. The work is founded upon thetraditions and theogony of the ancients, which consisted of variousdetached fables. Those Ovid has not only so happily arranged, that theyform a coherent series of narratives, one rising out of another; but hedescribes the different changes with such an imposing plausibility, as togive a natural appearance to the most incredible fictions. Thisingenious production, however perfect it may appear, we are told byhimself, had not received his last corrections when he was ordered intobanishment. 

In the Ibis, the author imitates a poem of the same name, written byCallimachus. It is an invective against some person who publiclytraduced his character at Rome, after his banishment. A strongsensibility, indignation, and implacable resentment, are conspicuousthrough the whole. 

The Tristia were composed in his exile, in which, though his vivacityforsook him, he still retained a genius prolific in versification. Inthese poems, as well as in many epistles to different persons, he bewailshis unhappy situation, and deprecates in the strongest terms theinexorable displeasure of Augustus. 

Several other productions written by Ovid are now lost, and (179) amongstthem a tragedy called Medea, of which Quintilian expresses a highopinion. Ovidii Medea videtur mihi ostendere quantum vir ille praestarepotuerit, si ingenio suo temperare quam indulgere maluisset [277]. Lib. X. C. 1. 

It is a peculiarity in the productions of this author, that, on whateverhe employs his pen, he exhausts the subject; not with any prolixity thatfatigues the attention, but by a quick succession of new ideas, equallybrilliant and apposite, often expressed in antitheses. Void of obscenityin expression, but lascivious in sentiment, he may be said rather tostimulate immorally the natural passions, than to corrupt theimagination. No poet is more guided in versification by the nature ofhis subject than Ovid. In common narrative, his ideas are expressed withalmost colloquial simplicity; but when his fancy glows with sentiment, oris animated by objects of grandeur, his style is proportionably elevated, and he rises to a pitch of sublimity. 

No point in ancient history has excited more variety of conjectures thanthe banishment of Ovid; but after all the efforts of different writers toelucidate the subject, the cause of this extraordinary transactionremains involved in obscurity. It may therefore not be improper, in thisplace, to examine the foundation of the several conjectures which havebeen formed, and if they appear to be utterly imadmissible, to attempt asolution of the question upon principles more conformable to probability, and countenanced by historical evidence. 

The ostensible reason assigned by Augustus for banishing Ovid, was hiscorrupting the Roman youth by lascivious publications; but it is evident, from various passages in the poet's productions after this period, thatthere was, besides, some secret reason, which would not admit of beingdivulged. He says in his Tristia, Lib. Ii. 1--

 Perdiderent cum me duo crimina, carmen et errors. [278]

It appears from another passage in the same work, that this inviolablearcanum was something which Ovid had seen, and, as he insinuates, throughhis own ignorance and mistake. 

 Cur aliquid vidi? cur conscia lumina feci? Cur imprudenti cognita culpa mihi est?--Ibid. * * * * * * (180) Inscia quod crimen viderunt lumina, plector: Peccatumque oculos est habuisse meum. [279] De Trist. Iii. 5. 

It seems, therefore, to be a fact sufficiently established, that Ovid hadseen something of a very indecent nature, in which Augustus wasconcerned. What this was, is the question. Some authors, conceiving itto have been of a kind extremely atrocious, have gone so far as tosuppose, that it must have been an act of criminality between Augustusand his own daughter Julia, who, notwithstanding the strict attentionpaid to her education by her father, became a woman of the most infamouscharacter; suspected of incontinence during her marriage with Agrippa, and openly profligate after her union with her next husband, Tiberius. This supposition, however, rests entirely upon conjecture, and is notonly discredited by its own improbability, but by a yet more forcibleargument. It is certain that Julia was at this time in banishment forher scandalous life. She was about the same age with Tiberius, who wasnow forty seven, and they had not cohabited for many years. We know notexactly the year in which Augustus sent her into exile, but we mayconclude with confidence, that it happened soon after her separation fromTiberius; whose own interest with the emperor, as well as that of hismother Livia, could not fail of being exerted, if any such applicationwas necessary, towards removing from the capital a woman, who, by thenotoriety of her prostitution, reflected disgrace upon all with whom shewas connected, either by blood or alliance. But no application fromTiberius or his mother could be necessary, when we are assured thatAugustus even presented to the senate a narrative respecting the infamousbehaviour of his daughter, which was read by the quaestor. He was somuch ashamed of her profligacy, that he for a long time declined allcompany, and had thoughts of putting her to death. She was banished toan island on the coast of Campania for five years; at the expiration ofwhich period, she was removed to the continent, and the severity of hertreatment a little mitigated; but though frequent applications were madein her behalf by the people, Augustus never could be prevailed upon topermit her return. 

(181) Other writers have conjectured, that, instead of Julia, thedaughter of Augustus, the person seen with him by Ovid may have beenJulia his grand-daughter, who inherited the vicious disposition of hermother, and was on that account likewise banished by Augustus. The epochof this lady's banishment it is impossible to ascertain; and therefore noargument can be drawn from that source to invalidate the presentconjecture. But Augustus had shown the same solicitude for her beingtrained up in virtuous habits, as he had done in respect of her mother, though in both cases unsuccessfully; and this consideration, joined tothe enormity of the supposed crime, and the great sensibility whichAugustus had discovered with regard to the infamy of his daughter, seemssufficient to exonerate his memory from so odious a charge. Besides, isit possible that he could have sent her into banishment for the infamy ofher prostitution, while (upon the supposition of incest) she was mistressof so important a secret, as that he himself had been more criminal withher than any other man in the empire?

Some writers, giving a wider scope to conjecture, have supposed thetransaction to be of a nature still more detestable, and have evendragged Mecaenas, the minister, into a participation of the crime. Fortunately, however, for the reputation of the illustrious patron ofpolite learning, as well as for that of the emperor, this crudeconjecture may be refuted upon the evidence of chronology. Thecommencement of Ovid's exile happened in the ninth year of the Christianaera, and the death of Mecaenas, eight years before that period. Betweenthis and other calculations, we find a difference of three or four years;but allowing the utmost latitude of variation, there intervened, from thedeath of Mecaenas to the banishment of Ovid, a period of eleven years; anobservation which fully invalidates the conjecture above-mentioned. 

Having now refuted, as it is presumed, the opinions of the differentcommentators on this subject, we shall proceed to offer a new conjecture, which seems to have a greater claim to probability than any that hashitherto been suggested. 

Suetonius informs us, that Augustus, in the latter part of his life, contracted a vicious inclination for the enjoyment of young virgins, whowere procured for him from all parts, not only with the connivance, butby the clandestine management of his consort Livia. It was thereforeprobably with one of those victims that he was discovered by Ovid. Augustus had for many years affected a decency of behaviour, and hewould, therefore, naturally be not a little disconcerted at theunseasonable intrusion of the poet. That Ovid knew not of Augustus'sbeing in the place, is beyond all doubt: and Augustus's consciousness(182) of this circumstance, together with the character of Ovid, wouldsuggest an unfavourable suspicion of the motive which had brought thelatter thither. Abstracted from the immorality of the emperor's ownconduct, the incident might be regarded as ludicrous, and certainly wasmore fit to excite the shame than the indignation of Augustus. But thepurpose of Ovid's visit appears, from his own acknowledgment, to havebeen not entirely free from blame, though of what nature we know not:

 Non equidem totam possum defendere culpam: Sed partem nostri criminis error habet. De Trist. Lib. Iii. Eleg. 5. 

 I know I cannot wholly be defended, Yet plead 'twas chance, no ill was then intended. --Catlin. 

Ovid was at this time turned of fifty, and though by a much younger manhe would not have been regarded as any object of jealousy in love, yet byAugustus, now in his sixty-ninth year, he might be deemed a formidablerival. This passion, therefore, concurring with that which arose fromthe interruption or disappointment of gratification, inflamed theemperor's resentment, and he resolved on banishing to a distant country aman whom he considered as his rival, and whose presence, from what hadhappened, he never more could endure. 

Augustus having determined on the banishment of Ovid, could find littledifficulty in accommodating the ostensible to the secret and real causeof this resolution. 

No argument to establish the date of publication, can be drawn from theorder in which the various productions of Ovid are placed in thecollection of his works: but reasoning from probability, we shouldsuppose that the Ars Amandi was written during the period of his youth;and this seems to be confirmed by the following passage in the secondbook of the Fasti:

 Certe ego vos habui faciles in amore ministros; Cum lusit numeris prima juventa suis. [280]

That many years must have elapsed since its original publication, isevident from the subsequent lines in the second book of the Tristia:

 Nos quoque jam pridem scripto peccavimus uno. Supplicium patitur non nova culpa novum. Carminaque edideram, cum te delicta notantem Praeterii toties jure quietus eques. (183) Ergo, quae juveni mihi non nocitura putavi Scripta parum prudens, nunc nocuere seni? [281]

With what show, then, of justice, it may be asked, could Augustus nowpunish a fault, which, in his solemn capacity of censor, he had so longand repeatedly overlooked? The answer is obvious: in a production sopopular as we may be assured the Ars Amandi was amongst the Roman youth, it must have passed through several editions in the course of some years:and one of those coinciding with the fatal discovery, afforded theemperor a specious pretext for the execution of his purpose. Theseverity exercised on this occasion, however, when the poet was suddenlydriven into exile, unaccompanied even by the partner of his bed, who hadbeen his companion for many years, was an act so inconsistent with theusual moderation of Augustus, that we cannot justly ascribe it to anyother motive than personal resentment; especially as this arbitrarypunishment of the author could answer no end of public utility, while theobnoxious production remained to affect, if it really ever didessentially affect, the morals of society. If the sensibility ofAugustus could not thenceforth admit of any personal intercourse withOvid, or even of his living within the limits of Italy, there would havebeen little danger from the example, in sending into honourable exile, with every indulgence which could alleviate so distressful a necessity, aman of respectable rank in the state, who was charged with no actualoffence against the laws, and whose genius, with all its indiscretion, did immortal honour to his country. It may perhaps be urged, that, considering the predicament in which Augustus stood, he discovered aforbearance greater than might have been expected from an absoluteprince, in sparing the life of Ovid. It will readily be granted, thatOvid, in the same circumstances, under any one of the four subsequentemperors, would have expiated the incident with his blood. Augustus, upon a late occasion, had shown himself equally sanguinary, for he put todeath, by the hand of Varus, a poet of Parma, named Cassius, on accountof his having written some satirical verses against him. By that recentexample, therefore, and the power of pardoning which the emperor stillretained, there was sufficient hold of the poet's secrecy respecting thefatal transaction, which, if divulged (184) to the world, Augustus wouldreprobate as a false and infamous libel, and punish the authoraccordingly. Ovid, on his part, was sensible, that, should he dare toviolate the important but tacit injunction, the imperial vengeance wouldreach him even on the shores of the Euxine. It appears, however, from apassage in the Ibis, which can apply to no other than Augustus, that Ovidwas not sent into banishment destitute of pecuniary provision:

 Di melius! quorum longe mihi maximus ille, Qui nostras inopes noluit esse vias. Huic igitur meritas grates, ubicumque licebit, Pro tam mansueto pectore semper agam. 

 The gods defend! of whom he's far the chief, Who lets me not, though banished, want relief. For this his favour therefore whilst I live, Where'er I am, deserved thanks I'll give. 

What sum the emperor bestowed, for the support of a banishment which hewas resolved should be perpetual, it is impossible to ascertain; but hehad formerly been liberal to Ovid, as well as to other poets. 

If we might hazard a conjecture respecting the scene of the intriguewhich occasioned the banishment of Ovid, we should place it in somerecess in the emperor's gardens. His house, though called Palatium, thepalace, as being built on the Palatine hill, and inhabited by thesovereign, was only a small mansion, which had formerly belonged toHortensius, the orator. Adjoining to this place Augustus had built thetemple of Apollo, which he endowed with a public library, and allottedfor the use of poets, to recite their compositions to each other. Ovidwas particularly intimate with Hyginus, one of Augustus's freedmen, whowas librarian of the temple. He might therefore have been in thelibrary, and spying from the window a young female secreting herself inthe gardens, he had the curiosity to follow her. 

The place of Ovid's banishment was Tomi [282], now said to be Baba, atown of Bulgaria, towards the mouth of the Ister, where is a lake stillcalled by the natives Ouvidouve Jesero, the lake of Ovid. In thisretirement, and the Euxine Pontus, he passed the remainder of his life, amelancholy period of seven years. Notwithstanding the lasciviouswritings of Ovid, it does not appear that he was in his conduct alibertine. He was three times married: his first wife, who was of meanextraction, and (185) whom he had married when he was very young, hedivorced; the second he dismissed on account of her immodest behaviour;and the third appears to have survived him. He had a number ofrespectable friends, and seems to have been much beloved by them. ----

TIBULLUS was descended of an equestrian family, and is said, buterroneously, as will afterwards appear, to have been born on the same daywith Ovid. His amiable accomplishments procured him the friendship ofMessala Corvinus, whom he accompanied in a military expedition to theisland of Corcyra. But an indisposition with which he was seized, and anatural aversion to the toils of war, induced him to return to Rome, where he seems to have resigned himself to a life of indolence andpleasure, amidst which he devoted a part of his time to the compositionof elegies. Elegiac poetry had been cultivated by several Greek writers, particularly Callimachus, Mimnermus, and Philetas; but, so far as we canfind, had, until the present age, been unknown to the Romans in their owntongue. It consisted of a heroic and pentameter line alternately, andwas not, like the elegy of the moderns, usually appropriated to thelamentation of the deceased, but employed chiefly in compositionsrelative to love or friendship, and might, indeed, be used upon almostany subject; though, from the limp in the pentameter line, it is notsuitable to sublime subjects, which require a fulness of expression, andan expansion of sound. To this species of poetry Tibullus restricted hisapplication, by which he cultivated that simplicity and tenderness, andagreeable ease of sentiment, which constitute the characteristicperfections of the elegiac muse. 

In the description of rural scenes, the peaceful occupations of thefield, the charms of domestic happiness, and the joys of reciprocal love, scarcely any poet surpasses Tibullus. His luxuriant imagination collectsthe most beautiful flowers of nature, and he displays them with all thedelicate attraction of soft and harmonious numbers. With a dexteritypeculiar to himself, in whatever subject he engages, he leads his readersimperceptibly through devious paths of pleasure, of which, at the outsetof the poem, they could form no conception. He seems to have oftenwritten without any previous meditation or design. Several of hiselegies may be said to have neither middle nor end: yet the transitionsare so natural, and the gradations so easy, that though we wander throughElysian scenes of fancy, the most heterogeneous in their nature, we aresensible of no defect in the concatenation which has joined themtogether. It is, however, to be regretted that, in some instances, Tibullus betrays that licentiousness of manners which (186) formed toogeneral a characteristic even of this refined age. His elegies addressedto Messala contain a beautiful amplification of sentiments founded infriendship and esteem, in which it is difficult to say, whether thevirtues of the patron or the genius of the poet be more conspicuous. 

Valerius Messala Corvinus, whom he celebrates, was descended of a veryancient family. In the civil wars which followed the death of JuliusCaesar he joined the republican party, and made himself master of thecamp of Octavius at Philippi; but he was afterwards reconciled to hisopponent, and lived to an advanced age in favour and esteem withAugustus. He was distinguished not only by his military talents, but byhis eloquence, integrity, and patriotism. 

From the following passage in the writings of Tibullus, commentators haveconjectured that he was deprived of his lands by the same proscription inwhich those of Virgil had been involved:

 Cui fuerant flavi ditantes ordine sulci Horrea, faecundas ad deficientia messes, Cuique pecus denso pascebant agmine colles, Et domino satis, et nimium furique lupoque: Nunc desiderium superest: nam cura novatur, Cum memor anteactos semper dolor admovet annos. Lib. Iv. El. 1. 

But this seems not very probable, when we consider that Horace, severalyears after that period, represents him as opulent. 

 Dii tibi divitias dederant, artemque fruendi. Epist. Lib. I. 4. To thee the gods a fair estate In bounty gave, with heart to know How to enjoy what they bestow. --Francis. 

We know not the age of Tibullus at the time of his death; but in an elegywritten by Ovid upon that occasion, he is spoken of as a young man. Wereit true, as is said by biographers, that he was born the same day withOvid, we must indeed assign the event to an early period: for Ovid cannothave written the elegy after the forty-third year of his own life, andhow long before is uncertain. In the tenth elegy of the fourth book, DeTristibus, he observes, that the fates had allowed little time for thecultivation of his friendship with Tibullus. 

 Virgilium vidi tantum: nec avara Tibullo Tempus amicitiae fata dedere meae. Successor fuit hic tibi, Galle; Propertius illi: Quartus ab his serie temporis ipse fui. Utque ego majores, sic me coluere minores. 

 (187) Virgil I only saw, and envious fate Did soon my friend Tibullus hence translate. He followed Gallus, and Propertius him, And I myself was fourth in course of time. --Catlin. 

As both Ovid and Tibullus lived at Rome, were both of the equestrianorder, and of congenial dispositions, it is natural to suppose that theiracquaintance commenced at an early period; and if, after all, it was ofshort duration, there would be no improbability in concluding, thatTibullus died at the age of some years under thirty. It is evident, however, that biographers have committed a mistake with regard to thebirth of this poet; for in the passage above cited of the Tristia, Ovidmentions Tibullus as a writer, who, though his contemporary, was mucholder than himself. From this passage we should be justified in placingthe death of Tibullus between the fortieth and fiftieth year of his age, and rather nearer to the latter period; for, otherwise, Horace wouldscarcely have mentioned him in the manner he does in one of his epistles. 

 Albi, nostrorum sermonum candide judex, Quid nunc te dicam facere in regione Pedana? Scribere quod Cassi Parmensis opuscula vincat; An tacitum silvas inter reptare salubres, Curantem quicquid dignam sapiente bonoque est?--Epist. I. 4. 

 Albius, in whom my satires find A critic, candid, just, and kind, Do you, while at your country seat, Some rhyming labours meditate, That shall in volumed bulk arise, And e'en from Cassius bear the prize; Or saunter through the silent wood, Musing on what befits the good. --Francis. 

This supposition is in no degree inconsistent with the authority of Ovid, where he mentions him as a young man; for the Romans extended the periodof youth to the fiftieth year. ----

PROPERTIUS was born at Mevania, a town of Umbria, seated at theconfluence of the Tina and Clitumnus. This place was famous for itsherds of white cattle, brought up there for sacrifice, and supposed to beimpregnated with that colour by the waters of the river last mentioned. 

 Hinc albi, Clitumne, greges, et maxima taurus Victima, saepe tuo perfusi fluorine sacro, Romanos ad templa Deum duxere triumphos. --Georg. Ii. 

 And where thy sacred streams, Clitumnus! flow, White herds, and stateliest bulls that oft have led Triumphant Rome, and on her altars bled. --Sotheby. 

(188) His father is said by some to have been a Roman knight, and theyadd, that he was one of those who, when L. Antony was starved out ofPerasia, were, by the order of Octavius, led to the altar of JuliusCaesar, and there slain. Nothing more is known with certainty, than thatPropertius lost his father at an early age, and being deprived of a greatpart of his patrimony, betook himself to Rome, where his genius soonrecommended him to public notice, and he obtained the patronage ofMecaenas. From his frequent introduction of historical and mythologicalsubjects into his poems, he received the appellation of "the learned. "

Of all the Latin elegiac poets, Propertius has the justest claim topurity of thought and expression. He often draws his imagery fromreading, more than from the imagination, and abounds less in descriptionthan sentiment. For warmth of passion he is not conspicuous, and histenderness is seldom marked with a great degree of sensibility; but, without rapture, he is animated, and, like Horace, in the midst ofgaiety, he is moral. The stores with which learning supplies himdiversify as well as illustrate his subject, while delicacy every wherediscovers a taste refined by the habit of reflection. His versification, in general, is elegant, but not uniformly harmonious. 

Tibullus and Propertius have each written four books of Elegies; and ithas been disputed which of them is superior in this department of poetry. Quintilian has given his suffrage in favour of Tibullus, who, so far aspoetical merit alone is the object of consideration, seems entitled tothe preference. ----

GALLUS was a Roman knight, distinguished not only for poetical, butmilitary talents. Of his poetry we have only six elegies, written, inthe person of an old man, on the subject of old age, but which, there isreason to think, were composed at an earlier part of the author's life. Except the fifth elegy, which is tainted with immodesty, the others, particularly the first, are highly beautiful, and may be placed incompetition with any other productions of the elegiac kind. Gallus was, for some time, in great favour with Augustus, who appointed him governorof Egypt. It is said, however, that he not only oppressed the provinceby extortion, but entered into a conspiracy against his benefactor, forwhich he was banished. Unable to sustain such a reverse of fortune, hefell into despair, and laid violent hands on himself. This is the Gallusin honour of whom Virgil composed his tenth eclogue. 

Such are the celebrated productions of the Augustan age, which have beenhappily preserved, for the delight and admiration of mankind, and willsurvive to the latest posterity. Many (189) more once existed, ofvarious merit, and of different authors, which have left few or nomemorials behind them, but have perished promiscuously amidst theindiscriminate ravages of time, of accidents, and of barbarians. Amongstthe principal authors whose works are lost, are Varius and Valgius; theformer of whom, besides a panegyric upon Augustus, composed sometragedies. According to Quintilian, his Thyestes was equal to anycomposition of the Greek tragic poets. 

The great number of eminent writers, poets in particular, who adornedthis age, has excited general admiration, and the phenomenon is usuallyascribed to a fortuitous occurrence, which baffles all inquiry: but weshall endeavour to develop the various causes which seem to have producedthis effect; and should the explanation appear satisfactory, it mayfavour an opinion, that under similar circumstances, if ever they shouldagain be combined, a period of equal glory might arise in other ages andnations. 

The Romans, whether from the influence of climate, or their mode ofliving, which in general was temperate, were endowed with a livelyimagination, and, as we before observed, a spirit of enterprise. Uponthe final termination of the Punic war, and the conquest of Greece, theirardour, which had hitherto been exercised in military achievements, wasdiverted into the channel of literature; and the civil commotions whichfollowed, having now ceased, a fresh impulse was given to activity in theambitious pursuit of the laurel, which was now only to be obtained byglorious exertions of intellect. The beautiful productions of Greece, operating strongly upon their minds, excited them to imitation;imitation, when roused amongst a number, produced emulation; andemulation cherished an extraordinary thirst of fame, which, in everyexertion of the human mind, is the parent of excellence. This liberalcontention was not a little promoted by the fashion introduced at Rome, for poets to recite their compositions in public; a practice which seemsto have been carried even to a ridiculous excess. --Such was now the ragefor poetical composition in the Roman capital, that Horace describes itin the following terms:

 Mutavit mentem populus levis, et calet uno Scribendi studio: pueri patresque severi Fronde comas vincti coenant, et carmina dictant. --Epist. Ii. 1. * * * * * *

 Now the light people bend to other aims; A lust of scribbling every breast inflames; Our youth, our senators, with bays are crowned, And rhymes eternal as our feasts go round. 

 (190) Scribimus indocti doctique poemata passim. --Hor. Epeat. Ii. 1. 

 But every desperate blockhead dares to write, Verse is the trade of every living wight. --Francis. 

The thirst of fame above mentioned, was a powerful incentive, and isavowed both by Virgil and Horace. The former, in the third book of hisGeorgics, announces a resolution of rendering himself celebrated, ifpossible. 

 --------tentanda via est qua me quoque possim Tollere humo, victorque virum volitare per ora. 

 I, too, will strive o'er earth my flight to raise, And wing'd by victory, catch the gale of praise. --Sotheby. 

And Horace, in the conclusion of his first Ode, expresses himself interms which indicate a similar purpose. 

 Quad si me lyricis vatibis inseres, Sublimi feriam sidera vertice. 

 But if you rank me with the choir, Who tuned with art the Grecian lyre; Swift to the noblest heights of fame, Shall rise thy poet's deathless name. --Francis. 

Even Sallust, a historian, in his introduction to Catiline's Conspiracy, scruples not to insinuate the same kind of ambition. Quo mihi rectiusvidetur ingenii quam virium opibus gloriam quaerere; et quoniam vitaipsa, qua fruimur, brevis est, memoriam nostri quam maxume longamefficere. [283]

Another circumstance of great importance, towards the production of suchpoetry as might live through every age, was the extreme attention whichthe great poets of this period displayed, both in the composition, andthe polishing of their works. Virgil, when employed upon the Georgics, usually wrote in the morning, and applied much of the subsequent part ofthe day to correction and improvement. He compared himself to a bear, that licks her cub into form. If this was his regular practice in theGeorgics, we may justly suppose that it was the same in the Aeneid. Yet, after all this labour, he intended to devote three years entirely to itsfarther amendment. Horace has gone so far in recommending carefulcorrection, that he figuratively mentions nine years as an adequateperiod for that purpose. But whatever may be the time, there is noprecept which he urges either oftener or more forcibly, than a dueattention to this important subject. 

 (191) Saepe stylum vertas, iterum quae digna legi sint Scripturus. --Sat. I. X. 

 Would you a reader's just esteem engage? Correct with frequent care the blotted page. --Francis. 

 --------Vos, O Pompilius sanguis, carmen reprehendite, quod non Multa dies et multa litura coercuit, atque Perfectum decies non castigavit ad uuguem. De. Art. Poet. 

 Sons of Pompilius, with contempt receive, Nor let the hardy poem hope to live, Where time and full correction don't refine The finished work, and polish every line. --Francis. 

To the several causes above enumerated, as concurring to form the greatsuperiority of the Augustan age, as respects the productions ofliterature, one more is to be subjoined, of a nature the most essential:the liberal and unparalleled encouragement given to distinguished talentsby the emperor and his minister. This was a principle of the mostpowerful energy: it fanned the flame of genius, invigorated everyexertion; and the poets who basked in the rays of imperial favour, andthe animating patronage of Mecaenas, experienced a poetic enthusiasmwhich approached to real inspiration. 

Having now finished the proposed explanation, relative to the celebrityof the Augustan age, we shall conclude with recapitulating in a few wordsthe causes of this extraordinary occurrence. 

The models, then, which the Romans derived from Grecian poetry, were thefinest productions of human genius; their incentives to emulation werethe strongest that could actuate the heart. With ardour, therefore, andindustry in composing, and with unwearied patience in polishing theircompositions, they attained to that glorious distinction in literature, which no succeeding age has ever rivalled. 

FOOTNOTES:

[106] A town in the ancient Volscian territory, now called Veletra. Itstands on the verge of the Pontine Marshes, on the road to Naples. 

[107] Thurium was a territory in Magna Graecia, on the coast, nearTarentum. 

[108] Argentarius; a banker, one who dealt in exchanging money, as wellas lent his own funds at interest to borrowers. As a class, theypossessed great wealth, and were persons of consideration in Rome at thisperiod. 

[109] Now Laricia, or Riccia, a town of the Campagna di Roma, on theAppian Way, about ten miles from Rome. 

[110] A. U. C. 691. A. C. (before Christ) 61. 

[111] The Palatine hill was not only the first seat of the colony ofRomulus, but gave its name to the first and principal of the four regionsinto which the city was divided, from the time of Servius Tullius, thesixth king of Rome, to that of Augustus; the others being the Suburra, Esquilina, and Collina. 

[112] There were seven streets or quarters in the Palatine region, oneof which was called "Ad Capita Bubula, " either from the butchers' stallsat which ox-heads are hung up for sale, or from their being sculptured onsome edifice. Thus the remains of a fortification near the tomb ofCecilia Metella are now called Capo di Bove, from the arms of the Gaetanifamily over the gate. 

[113] Adrian, to whom Suetonius was secretary. 

[114] Augusto augurio postquam inclyta condita Roma est. 

[115] A. U. C. 711. 

[116] A. U. C. 712. 

[117] After being defeated in the second engagement, Brutus retired to ahill, and slew himself in the night. 

[118] The triumvir. There were three distinguished brothers of the nameof Antony; Mark, the consul; Caius, who was praetor; and Lucius, atribune of the people. 

[119] Virgil was one of the fugitives, having narrowly escaped beingkilled by the centurion Ario; and being ejected from his farm. Eclog. I. 

[120] A. U. C. 714. 

[121] The anniversary of Julius Caesar's death. 

[122] A. U. C. 712-718-

[123] The Romans employed slaves in their wars only in cases of greatemergency, and with much reluctance. After the great slaughter at thebattle of Cannae, eight thousand were bought and armed by the republic. Augustus was the first who manumitted them, and employed them as rowersin his gallies. 

[124] In the triumvirate, consisting of Augustus, Mark Antony, andLepidus. 

[125] A. U. C. 723. 

[126] There is no other authority for Augustus having viewed Antony'scorpse. Plutarch informs us, that on hearing his death, Augustus retiredinto the interior of his tent, and wept over the fate of his colleagueand friend, his associate in so many former struggles, both in war andthe administration of affairs. 

[127] The poison proved fatal, as every one knows, see Velleius, ii. 27;Florus, iv. 11. The Psylli were a people of Africa, celebrated forsucking the poison from wounds inflicted by serpents, with which thatcountry anciently abounded. They pretended to be endowed with anantidote, which rendered their bodies insensible to the virulence of thatspecies of poison; and the ignorance of those times gave credit to thephysical immunity which they arrogated. But Celsus, who flourished aboutfifty years after the period we speak of, has exploded the vulgarprejudice which prevailed in their favour. He justly observes, that thevenom of serpents, like some other kinds of poison, proves noxious onlywhen applied to the naked fibre; and that, provided there is no ulcer inthe gums or palate, the poison may be received into the mouth withperfect safety. 

[128] Strabo informs us that Ptolemy caused it to be deposited in agolden sarcophagus, which was afterwards exchanged for one of glass, inwhich probably Augustus saw the remains. 

[129] A custom of all ages and of people the most remote from eachother. 

[130] Meaning the degenerate race of the Ptolomean kings. 

[131] The naval trophies were formed of the prows of ships. 

[132] A. U. C. 721. 

[133] Because his father was a Roman and his mother of the race of theParthini, an Illyrian tribe. 

[134] It was usual at Rome, before the elections, for the candidates toendeavour to gain popularity by the usual arts. They would therefore goto the houses of the citizens, shake hands with those they met, andaddress them in a kindly manner. It being of great consequence, uponthose occasions, to know the names of persons, they were commonlyattended by a nomenclator, who whispered into their ears thatinformation, wherever it was wanted. Though this kind of officer wasgenerally an attendant on men, we meet with instances of their havingbeen likewise employed in the service of ladies; either with the view ofserving candidates to whom they were allied, or of gaining the affectionsof the people. 

[135] Not a bridge over a river, but a military engine used for gainingadmittance into a fortress. 

[136] Cantabria, in the north of Spain, now the Basque province. 

[137] The ancient Pannonia includes Hungary and part of Austria, Styriaand Carniola. 

[138] The Rhaetian Alps are that part of the chain bordering on theTyrol. 

[139] The Vindelici principally occupied the country which is now thekingdom of Bavaria; and the Salassii, that part of Piedmont whichincludes the valley of Aost. 

[140] The temple of Mars Ultor was erected by Augustus in fulfilment ofa vow made by him at the battle of Philippi. It stood in the Forum whichhe built, mentioned in chap. Xxxix. There are no remains of either. 

[141] "The Ovatio was an inferior kind of Triumph, granted in caseswhere the victory was not of great importance, or had been obtainedwithout difficulty. The general entered the city on foot or onhorseback, crowned with myrtle, not with laurel; and instead of bullocks, the sacrifice was performed with a sheep, whence this procession acquiredits name. "--Thomson. 

[142] "The greater Triumph, in which the victorious general and his armyadvanced in solemn procession through the city to the Capitol, was thehighest military honour which could be obtained in the Roman state. Foremost in the procession went musicians of various kinds, singing andplaying triumphal songs. Next were led the oxen to be sacrificed, havingtheir horns gilt, and their heads adorned with fillets and garlands. Then in carriages were brought the spoils taken from the enemy, statues, pictures, plate, armour, gold and silver, and brass; with golden crowns, and other gifts, sent by the allied and tributary states. The captiveprinces and generals followed in chains, with their children andattendants. After them came the lictors, having their fasces wreathedwith laurel, followed by a great company of musicians and dancers dressedlike Satyrs, and wearing crowns of gold; in the midst of whom was one ina female dress, whose business it was, with his looks and gestures, toinsult the vanquished. Next followed a long train of persons carryingperfumes. Then came the victorious general, dressed in purpleembroidered with gold, with a crown of laurel on his head, a branch oflaurel in his right hand, and in his left an ivory sceptre, with an eagleon the top; having his face painted with vermilion, in the same manner asthe statue of Jupiter on festival days, and a golden Bulla hanging on hisbreast, and containing some amulet, or magical preservative against envy. He stood in a gilded chariot, adorned with ivory, and drawn by four whitehorses, sometimes by elephants, attended by his relations, and a greatcrowd of citizens, all in white. His children used to ride in thechariot with him; and that he might not be too much elated, a slave, carrying a golden crown sparkling with gems, stood behind him, andfrequently whispered in his ear, 'Remember that thou art a man!' Afterthe general, followed the consuls and senators on foot, at leastaccording to the appointment of Augustus; for they formerly used to gobefore him. His Legati and military Tribunes commonly rode by his side. The victorious army, horse and foot, came last, crowned with laurel, anddecorated with the gifts which they had received for their valour, singing their own and their general's praises, but sometimes throwing outrailleries against him; and often exclaiming, 'Io Triumphe!' in whichthey were joined by all the citizens, as they passed along. The oxenhaving been sacrificed, the general gave a magnificent entertainment inthe Capitol to his friends and the chief men of the city; after which hewas conducted home by the people, with music and a great number of lampsand torches. "--Thomson. 

[143] "The Sella Curulis was a chair on which the principal magistratessat in the tribunal upon solemn occasions. It had no back, but stood onfour crooked feet, fixed to the extremities of cross pieces of wood, joined by a common axis, somewhat in the form of the letter X; wascovered with leather, and inlaid with ivory. From its construction, itmight be occasionally folded together for the convenience of carriage, and set down where the magistrate chose to use it. "--Thomson. 

[144] Now Saragossa. 

[145] A great and wise man, if he is the same person to whom Cicero'sletters on the calamities of the times were addressed. Fam. Epist. C. Vi, 20, 21. 

[146] A. U. C. 731. 

[147] The Lustrum was a period of five years, at the end of which thecensus of the people was taken. It was first made by the Roman kings, then by the consuls, but after the year 310 from the building of thecity, by the censors, who were magistrates created for that purpose. Itappears, however, that the census was not always held at stated periods, and sometimes long intervals intervened. 

[148] Augustus appears to have been in earnest on these occasions, atleast, in his desire to retire into private life and release himself fromthe cares of government, if we may believe Seneca. De Brev. Vit. C. 5. Of his two intimate advisers, Agrippa gave this counsel, while Mecaenaswas for continuing his career of ambition. --Eutrop. 1. 53. 

[149] The Tiber has been always remarkable for the frequency of itsinundations and the ravages they occasioned, as remarked by Pliny, iii. 5. Livy mentions several such occurrences, as well as one extensivefire, which destroyed great part of the city. 

[150] The well-known saying of Augustus, recorded by Suetonius, that hefound a city of bricks, but left it of marble, has another version givenit by Dio, who applies it to his consolidation of the government, to thefollowing effect: "That Rome, which I found built of mud, I shall leaveyou firm as a rock. "--Dio. Lvi. P. 589. 

[151] The same motive which engaged Julius Caesar to build a new forum, induced Augustus to erect another. See his life c. Xx. It stood behindthe present churches of St. Adrian and St. Luke, and was almost parallelwith the public forum, but there are no traces of it remaining. Thetemple of Mars Ultor, adjoining, has been mentioned before, p. 84. 

[152] The temple of the Palatine Apollo stood, according to Bianchini, alittle beyond the triumphal arch of Titus. It appears, from the reverseof a medal of Augustus, to have been a rotondo, with an open portico, something like the temple of Vesta. The statues of the fifty daughtersof Danae surrounded the portico; and opposite to them were their husbandson horseback. In this temple were preserved some of the finest works ofthe Greek artists, both in sculpture and painting. Here, in the presenceof Augustus, Horace's Carmen Seculare was sung by twenty-seven nobleyouths and as many virgins. And here, as our author informs us, Augustus, towards the end of his reign, often assembled the senate. 

[153] The library adjoined the temple, and was under the protection ofApollo. Caius Julius Hegenus, a freedman of Augustus, and an eminentgrammarian, was the librarian. 

[154] The three fluted Corinthian columns of white marble, which standon the declivity of the Capitoline hill, are commonly supposed to be theremains of the temple of Jupiter Tonans, erected by Augustus. Part ofthe frieze and cornice are attached to them, which with the capitals ofthe columns are finely wrought. Suetonius tells us on what occasion thistemple was erected. Of all the epithets given to Jupiter, none conveyedmore terror to superstitious minds than that of the Thunderer--

 Coelo tonantem credidimus Jovem Regnare. --Hor. 1. Iii. Ode 5. 

We shall find this temple mentioned again in c. Xci. Of the life ofAugustus. 

[155] The Portico of Octavia stood between the Flaminian circus and thetheatre of Marcellus, enclosing the temples of Jupiter and Juno, said tohave been built in the time of the republic. Several remains of themexist, in the Pescheria or fish-market; they were of the Corinthianorder, and have been traced and engraved by Piranesi. 

[156] The magnificent theatre of Marcellus was built on the site whereSuetonius has before informed us that Julius Caesar intended to erect one(p. 30). It stood between the portico of Octavia and the hill of theCapitol. Augustus gave it the name of his nephew Marcellus, though hewas then dead. Its ruins are still to be seen in the Piazza Montanara, where the Orsini family have a palace erected on the site. 

[157] The theatre of Balbus was the third of the three permanenttheatres of Rome. Those of Pompey and Marcellus have been alreadymentioned. 

[158] Among these were, at least, the noble portico, if not the whole, of the Pantheon, still the pride of Rome, under the name of the Rotondo, on the frieze of which may be seen the inscription, M. AGRIPPA. L. F. COS: TERTIUM. FECIT. 

Agrippa also built the temple of Neptune, and the portico of theArgonauts. 

[159] To whatever extent Augustus may have cleared out the bed of theTiber, the process of its being encumbered with an alluvium of ruins andmud has been constantly going on. Not many years ago, a scheme was seton foot for clearing it by private enterprise, principally for the sakeof the valuable remains of art which it is supposed to contain. 

[160] The Via Flaminia was probably undertaken by the censor CaiusFlaminius, and finished by his son of the same name, who was consulA. U. C. 566, and employed his soldiers in forming it after subduing theLigurians. It led from the Flumentan gate, now the Porta del Popolo, through Etruria and Umbria into the Cisalpine Gaul, ending at Ariminum, the frontier town of the territories of the republic, now Rimini, on theAdriatic; and is travelled by every tourist who takes the route, north ofthe Appenines, through the States of the Church, to Rome. Every oneknows that the great highways, not only in Italy but in the provinces, were among the most magnificent and enduring works of the Roman people. 

[161] It had formed a sort of honourable retirement in which Lepidus wasshelved, to use a familiar expression, when Augustus got rid of himquietly from the Triumvirate. Augustus assumed it A. U. C. 740, thuscentring the last of all the great offices of the state in his ownperson; that of Pontifex Maximus, being of high importance, from thesanctity attached to it, and the influence it gave him over the wholesystem of religion. 

[162] In the thirty-six years since the calendar was corrected by JuliusCaesar, the priests had erroneously intercalated eleven days instead ofnine. See JULIUS, c. Xl. 

[163] Sextilis, the sixth month, reckoning from March, in which the yearof Romulus commenced. 

[164] So Cicero called the day on which he returned from exile, the dayof his "nativity" and his "new birth, " paligennesian, a word which hadafterwards a theological sense, from its use in the New Testament. 

[165] Capi. There is a peculiar force in the word here adopted bySuetonius; the form used by the Pontifex Maximus, when he took the novicefrom the hand of her father, being Te capio amata, "I have you, my dear, "implying the forcible breach of former ties, as in the case of a captivetaken in war. 

[166] At times when the temple of Janus was shut, and then only, certaindivinations were made, preparatory to solemn supplication for the publichealth, "as if, " says Dio, "even that could not be implored from thegods, unless the signs were propitious. " It would be an inquiry of someinterest, now that the care of the public health is becoming a departmentof the state, with what sanatory measures these becoming solemnities wereattended. 

[167] Theophrastus mentions the spring and summer flowers most suitedfor these chaplets. Among the former, were hyacinths, roses, and whiteviolets; among the latter, lychinis, amaryllis, iris, and some species oflilies. 

[168] Ergastulis. These were subterranean strong rooms, with narrowwindows, like dungeons, in the country houses, where incorrigible slaveswere confined in fetters, in the intervals of the severe tasks ingrinding at the hand-mills, quarrying stones, drawing water, and otherhard agricultural labour in which they were employed. 

[169] These months were not only "the Long Vacation" of the lawyers, butduring them there was a general cessation of business at Rome; thecalendar exhibiting a constant succession of festivals. The month ofDecember, in particular, was devoted to pleasure and relaxation. 

[170] Causes are mentioned, the hearing of which was so protracted thatlights were required in the court; and sometimes they lasted, we aretold, as long as eleven or twelve days. 

[171] Orcini. They were also called Charonites, the point of thesarcasm being, that they owed their elevation to a dead man, one who wasgone to Orcus, namely Julius Caesar, after whose death Mark Antonyintroduced into the senate many persons of low rank who were designatedfor that honour in a document left by the deceased emperor. 

[172] Cordus Cremutius wrote a History of the Civil Wars, and the Timesof Augustus, as we are informed by Dio, 6, 52. 

[173] In front of the orchestra. 

[174] The senate usually assembled in one of the temples, and there wasan altar consecrated to some god in the curia, where they otherwise met, as that to Victory in the Julian Curia. 

[175] To allow of their absence during the vintage, always an importantseason in rural affairs in wine-growing countries. In the middle andsouth of Italy, it begins in September, and, in the worst aspects, thegrapes are generally cleared before the end of October. In elevateddistricts they hung on the trees, as we have witnessed, till the month ofNovember. 

[176] Julius Caesar had introduced the contrary practice. See JULIUS, c. Xx. 

[177] A. U. C. 312, two magistrates were created, under the name ofCensors, whose office, at first, was to take an account of the number ofthe people, and the value of their estates. Power was afterwards grantedthem to inspect the morals of the people; and from this period the officebecame of great importance. After Sylla, the election of censors wasintermitted for about seventeen years. Under the emperors, the office ofcensor was abolished; but the chief functions of it were exercised by theemperors themselves, and frequently both with caprice and severity. 

[178] Young men until they were seventeen years of age, and young womenuntil they were married, wore a white robe bordered with purple, calledToga Praetexta. The former, when they had completed this period, laidaside the dress of minority, and assumed the Toga Virilis, or manlyhabit. The ceremony of changing the Toga was performed with greatsolemnity before the images of the Lares, to whom the Bulla wasconsecrated. On this occasion, they went either to the Capitol, or tosome temple, to pay their devotions to the Gods. 

[179] Transvectio: a procession of the equestrian order, which they madewith great splendour through the city, every year, on the fifteenth ofJuly. They rode on horseback from the temple of Honour, or of Mars, without the city, to the Capitol, with wreaths of olive on their heads, dressed in robes of scarlet, and bearing in their hands the militaryornaments which they had received from their general, as a reward oftheir valour. The knights rode up to the censor, seated on his curulechair in front of the Capitol, and dismounting, led their horses inreview before him. If any of the knights was corrupt in his morals, haddiminished his fortune below the legal standard, or even had not takenproper care of his horse, the censor ordered him to sell his horse, bywhich he was considered as degraded from the equestrian order. 

[180] Pugillaria were a kind of pocket book, so called, becausememorandums were written or impinged by the styli, on their waxedsurface. They appear to have been of very ancient origin, for we read ofthem in Homer under the name of pinokes. --II. Z. 169. 

 Graphas en pinaki ptukto thyrophthora polla. Writing dire things upon his tablet's roll. 

[181] Pullatorum; dusky, either from their dark colour, or their beingsoiled. The toga was white, and was the distinguishing costume of thesovereign people of Rome, without which, they were not to appear inpublic; as members of an university are forbidden to do so, without theacademical dress, or officers in garrisons out of their regimentals. 

[182] Aen. I. 186. 

[183] It is hardly necessary to direct the careful reader's attention toviews of political economy so worthy of an enlightened prince. But itwas easier to make the Roman people wear the toga, than to forego the cryof "Panem et Circenses. "

[184] Septa were enclosures made with boards, commonly for the purposeof distributing the people into distinct classes, and erectedoccasionally like our hustings. 

[185] The Thensa was a splendid carriage with four wheels, and fourhorses, adorned with ivory and silver, in which, at the Circensian games, the images of the gods were drawn in solemn procession from theirshrines, to a place in the circus, called the Pulvinar, where coucheswere prepared for their reception. It received its name from thongs(lora tensa) stretched before it; and was attended in the procession bypersons of the first rank, in their most magnificent apparel. Theattendants took delight in putting their hands to the traces: and if aboy happened to let go the thong which he held, it was an indispensablerule that the procession should be renewed. 

[186] The Cavea was the name of the whole of that part of the theatrewhere the spectators sat. The foremost rows were called cavea prima, ofcavea; the last, cavea ultima, or summa; and the middle, cavea media. 

[187] A. U. C. 726. 

[188] As in the case of Herod, Joseph. Antiq. Jud. Xv. 10. 

[189] The Adriatic and the Tuscan. 

[190] It was first established by Tiberius. See c. Xxxvii. 

[191] Tertullian, in his Apology, c. 34, makes the same remark. Theword seems to have conveyed then, as it does in its theological sensenow, the idea of Divinity, for it is coupled with Deus, God; nunquum sedominum vel deum appellare voluerit. 

[192] An inclosure in the middle of the Forum, marking the spot whereCurtius leapt into the lake, which had been long since filled up. 

[193] Sandalarium, Tragoedum; names of streets, in which temples of tamegouts stood, as we now say St. Peter, Cornhill, etc. 

[194] A coin, in value about 8 3/4 d. Of our money. 

[195] The senate, as instituted by Romulus, consisted of one hundredmembers, who were called Patres, i. E. Fathers, either upon account oftheir age, or their paternal care of the state. The number received someaugmentation under Tullus Hostilius; and Tarquinius Priscus, the fifthking of Rome, added a hundred more, who were called Patres minorumgentium; those created by Romulus being distinguished by the name ofPatres majorum gentium. Those who were chosen into the senate by Brutus, after the expulsion of Tarquin the Proud, to supply the place of thosewhom that king had slain, were called Conscripti, i. E. Persons writtenor enrolled among the old senators, who alone were properly styledPatres. Hence arose the custom of summoning to the senate those who werePatres, and those who were Conscripti; and hence also was applied to thesenators in general the designation of Patres Conscripti, the particleet, and, being understood to connect the two classes of senators. In thetime of Julius Caesar, the number of senators was increased to ninehundred, and after his death to a thousand; many worthless persons havingbeen admitted into the senate during the civil wars. Augustus afterwardsreduced the number to six hundred. 

[196] Antonius Musa was a freedman, and had acquired his knowledge ofmedicine while a domestic slave; a very common occurrence. 

[197] A. U. C. 711. 

[198] See cc. X. Xi. Xii. And xiii. 

[199] One of them was Scipio, the father of Cornelia, whose death islamented by Propertius, iv. 12. The other is unknown. 

[200] A. U. C. 715. 

[201] He is mentioned by Horace:

 Occidit Daci Cotisonis agimen. Ode 8, b. Iii. 

Most probably Antony knew the imputation to be unfounded, and made it forthe purpose of excusing his own marriage with Cleopatra. 

[202] This form of adoption consisted in a fictitious sale. See Cicero, Topic. Iii. 

[203] Curiae. Romulus divided the people of Rome into three tribes; andeach tribe into ten Curiae. The number of tribes was afterwardsincreased by degrees to thirty-five; but that of the Curiae alwaysremained the same. 

[204] She was removed to Reggio in Calabria. 

[205] Agrippa was first banished to the little desolate island ofPlanasia, now Pianosa. It is one of the group in the Tuscan sea, betweenElba and Corsica. 

[206] A quotation from the Iliad, 40, iii. ; where Hector is venting hisrage on Paris. The inflexion is slightly changed, the line in theoriginal commencing, "Aith' opheles, etc. , would thou wert, etc. "

[207] Women called ustriculae, the barbers, were employed in thindelicate operation. It is alluded to by Juvenal, ix. 4, and Martial, v. 61. 

[208] Cybele. --Gallus was either the name of a river in Phrygia, supposed to cause a certain frenzy in those who drank of its waters, orthe proper name of the first priest of Cybele. 

[209] A small drum, beat by the finger or thumb, was used by the priestsof Cybele in their lascivious rites and in other orgies of a similardescription, These drums were made of inflated skin, circular in shape, so that they had some resemblance to the orb which, in the statues of theemperor, he is represented as holding in his hand. The populace, withthe coarse humour which was permitted to vent itself freely at thespectacles, did not hesitate to apply what was said in the play of thelewd priest of Cybele, to Augustus, in reference to the scandals attachedto his private character. The word cinaedus, translated "wanton, " mighthave been rendered by a word in vulgar use, the coarsest in the Englishlanguage, and there is probably still more in the allusion too indelicateto be dwelt upon. 

[210] Mark Antony makes use of fondling diminutives of the names ofTertia, Terentia, and Rufa, some of Augustus's favourites. 

[211] Dodekatheos; the twelve Dii Majores; they are enumerated in twoverses by Ennius:--

 Juno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars; Mercurius, Jovis, Neptunus, Vulcanus, Apollo. 

[212] Probably in the Suburra, where Martial informs us that torturingscourges were sold:

 Tonatrix Suburrae faucibus sed et primis, Cruenta pendent qua flagella tortorum. Mart. Xi. 15, 1. 

[213] Like the gold and silver-smiths of the middle ages, the Romanmoney-lenders united both trades. See afterwards, NERO, c. 5. It ishardly necessary to remark that vases or vessels of the compound metalwhich went by the name of Corinthian brass, or bronze, were esteemed evenmore valuable than silver plate. 

[214] See c. Xxxii. And note. 

[215] The Romans, at their feasts, during the intervals of drinking, often played at dice, of which there were two kinds, the tesserae andtali. The former had six sides, like the modern dice; the latter, fouroblong sides, for the two ends were not regarded. In playing, they usedthree tesserae and four tali, which were all put into a box wider belowthan above, and being shaken, were thrown out upon the gaming-board ortable. 

[216] The highest cast was so called. 

[217] Enlarged by Tiberius and succeeding emperors. The ruins of thepalace of the Caesars are still seen on the Palatine. 

[218] Probably travertine, a soft limestone, from the Alban Mount, whichwas, therefore, cheaply procured and easily worked. 

[219] It was usual among the Romans to have separate sets of apartmentsfor summer and winter use, according to their exposure to the sun. 

[220] This word may be interpreted the Cabinet of Arts. It was common, in the houses of the great, among the Romans, to have an apartment calledthe Study, or Museum. Pliny says, beautifully, "O mare! O littus! verumsecretumque mouseion, quam multa invenitis, quam multa dictatis?" O sea!O shore! Thou real and secluded museum; what treasures of science do younot discover to us, how much do you teach us!--Epist. I. 9. 

[221] Mecaenas had a house and gardens on the Esquiline Hill, celebratedfor their salubrity--

 Nunc licet Esquiliis habitore salubribus. --Hor. Sat. I. 3, 14. 

[222] Such as Baiae, and the islands of Ischia, Procida, Capri, andothers; the resorts of the opulent nobles, where they had magnificentmarine villas. 

[223] Now Tivoli, a delicious spot, where Horace had a villa, in whichhe hoped to spend his declining years. 

 Ver ubi longum, tepidasque praebet Jupiter brumas: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ibi, tu calentem Debita sparges lachryma favillam Vatis amici. Odes, B. Ii. 5. 

Adrian also had a magnificent villa near Tibur. 

[224] The Toga was a loose woollen robe, which covered the whole body, close at the bottom, but open at the top down to the girdle, and withoutsleeves. The right arm was thus at liberty, and the left supported aflap of the toga, which was drawn up, and thrown back over the leftshoulder; forming what is called the Sinus, a fold or cavity upon thebreast, in which things might be carried, and with which the face or headmight be occasionally covered. When a person did any work, he tucked uphis toga, and girt it round him. The toga of the rich and noble wasfiner and larger than that of others; and a new toga was called Pexa. None but Roman citizens were permitted to wear the toga; and banishedpersons were prohibited the use of it. The colour of the toga was white. The clavus was a purple border, by which the senators, and other orders, with the magistrates, were distinguished; the breadth of the stripecorresponding with their rank. 

[225] In which the whole humour of the thing consisted either in theuses to which these articles were applied, or in their names having inLatin a double signification; matters which cannot be explained with anydecency. 

[226] Casum bubulum manu pressum; probably soft cheese, not reduced tosolid consistence in the cheese-press. 

[227] A species of fig tree, known in some places as Adam's fig. Wehave gathered them, in those climates, of the latter crop, as late as themonth of November. 

[228] Sabbatis Jejunium. Augustus might have been better informed ofthe Jewish rites, from his familiarity with Herod and others; for it iscertain that their sabbath was not a day of fasting. Justin, however, fell into the same error: he says, that Moses appointed the sabbath-dayto be kept for ever by the Jews as a fast, in memory of their fasting forseven days in the deserts of Arabia, xxxvi. 2. 14. But we find thatthere was a weekly fast among the Jews, which is perhaps what is heremeant; the Sabbatis Jejunium being equivalent to the Naesteuo dis tousabbatou, 'I fast twice in the week' of the Pharisee, in St. Lukexviii. 12. 

[229] The Rhaetian wines had a great reputation; Virgil says, ------Ex quo te carmine dicam, Rhaetica. Georg. Ii. 96. 

The vineyards lay at the foot of the Rhaetian Alps; their produce, wehave reason to believe, was not a very generous liquor. 

[230] A custom in all warm countries; the siesta of the Italians inlater times. 

[231] The strigil was used in the baths for scraping the body when in astate of perspiration. It was sometimes made of gold or silver, and notunlike in form the instrument used by grooms about horses when profuselysweating or splashed with mud. 

[232] His physician, mentioned c. Lix. 

[233] Sept. 21st, a sickly season at Rome. 

[234] Feminalibus et tibialibus: Neither the ancient Romans or theGreeks wore breeches, trews, or trowsers, which they despised asbarbarian articles of dress. The coverings here mentioned were swathingsfor the legs and thighs, used mostly in cases of sickness or infirmity, and when otherwise worn, reckoned effeminate. But soon after the Romansbecame acquainted with the German and Celtic nations, the habit ofcovering the lower extremities, barbarous as it had been held, wasgenerally adopted. 

[235] Albula. On the left of the road to Tivoli, near the ruins ofAdrian's villa. The waters are sulphureous, and the deposit from themcauses incrustations on twigs and other matters plunged in the springs. See a curious account of this stream in Gell's Topography, published byBohn, p 40. 

[236] In spongam incubuisse, literally has fallen upon a sponge, as Ajaxis said to have perished by falling on his own sword. 

[237] Myrobrecheis. Suetonius often preserves expressive Greek phraseswhich Augustus was in the habit of using. This compound word meantliterally, myrrh-scented, perfumed. 

[238] These are variations of language of small importance, which canonly be understood in the original language. 

[239] It may create a smile to hear that, to prevent danger to thepublic, Augustus decreed that no new buildings erected in a publicthoroughfare should exceed in height seventy feet. Trajan reduced it tosixty. 

[240] Virgil is said to have recited before him the whole of the second, fourth, and sixth books of the Aeneid; and Octavia, being present, whenthe poet came to the passage referring to her son, commencing, "TuMarcellus eris, " was so much affected that she was carried out fainting. 

[241] Chap. Xix. 

[242] Perhaps the point of the reply lay in the temple of Jupiter Tonansbeing placed at the approach to the Capitol from the Forum? See c. Xxix. And c. Xv. , with the note. 

[243] If these trees flourished at Rome in the time of Augustus, thewinters there must have been much milder than they now are. There wasone solitary palm standing in the garden of a convent some years ago, butit was of very stunted growth. 

[244] The Republican forms were preserved in some of the larger towns. 

[245] "The Nundinae occurred every ninth day, when a market was held atRome, and the people came to it from the country. The practice was notthen introduced amongst the Romans, of dividing their time into weeks, aswe do, in imitation of the Jews. Dio, who flourished under Severus, saysthat it first took place a little before his time, and was derived fromthe Egyptians. "--Thomson. A fact, if well founded, of some importance. 

[246] "The Romans divided their months into calends, nones, and ides. The first day of the month was the calends of that month; whence theyreckoned backwards, distinguishing the time by the day before thecalends, the second day before the calends, and so on, to the ides of thepreceding month. In eight months of the year, the nones were the fifthday, and the ides the thirteenth: but in March, May, July, and October, the nones fell on the seventh, and the ides on the fifteenth. From thenones they reckoned backwards to the calends, as they also did from theides to the nones. "--Ib. 

[247] The early Christians shared with the Jews the aversion of theRomans to their religion, more than that of others, arising probably fromits monotheistic and exclusive character. But we find from Josephus andPhilo that Augustus was in other respects favourable to the Jews. 

[248] Strabo tells us that Mendes was a city of Egypt near Lycopolis. Asclepias wrote a book in Greek with the idea of theologoumenon, indefence of some very strange religious rites, of which the example in thetext is a specimen. 

[249] Velletri stands on very high ground, commanding extensive views ofthe Pontine marshes and the sea. 

[250] Munda was a city in the Hispania Boetica, where Julius Caesarfought a battle. See c. Lvi. 

[251] The good omen, in this instance, was founded upon the etymology ofthe names of the ass and its driver; the former of which, in Greek, signifies fortunate, and the latter, victorious. 

[252] Aesar is a Greek word with an Etruscan termination; aisasignifying fate. 

[253] Astura stood not far from Terracina, on the road to Naples. Augustus embarked there for the islands lying off that coast. 

[254] "Puteoli"--"A ship of Alexandria. " Words which bring to ourrecollection a passage in the voyage of St. Paul, Acts xxviii. 11-13. Alexandria was at that time the seat of an extensive commerce, and notonly exported to Rome and other cities of Italy, vast quantities of cornand other products of Egypt, but was the mart for spices and othercommodities, the fruits of the traffic with the east. 

[255] The Toga has been already described in a note to c. Lxxiii. ThePallium was a cloak, generally worn by the Greeks, both men and women, freemen and slaves, but particularly by philosophers. 

[256] Masgabas seems, by his name, to have been of African origin. 

[257] A courtly answer from the Professor of Science, in which characterhe attended Tiberius. We shall hear more of him in the reign of thatemperor. 

[258] Augustus was born A. U. C. 691, and died A. U. C. 766. 

[259] Municipia were towns which had obtained the rights of Romancitizens. Some of them had all which could be enjoyed without residingat Rome. Others had the right of serving in the Roman legions, but notthat of voting, nor of holding civil offices. The municipia retainedtheir own laws and customs; nor were they obliged to receive the Romanlaws unless they chose it. 

[260] Bovillae, a small place on the Appian Way, about nineteen milesfrom Rome, now called Frattochio. 

[261] Dio tells us that the devoted Livia joined with the knights inthis pious office, which occupied them during five days. 

[262] For the Flaminian Way, see before, p. 94, note. The superbmonument erected by Augustus over the sepulchre of the imperial familywas of white marble, rising in stages to a great height, and crowned by adome, on which stood a statue of Augustus. Marcellus was the first whowas buried in the sepulchre beneath. It stood near the present Porta delPopolo; and the Bustum, where the bodies of the emperor and his familywere burnt, is supposed to have stood on the site of the church of theMadonna of that name. 

[263] The distinction between the Roman people and the tribes, is alsoobserved by Tacitus, who substitutes the word plebs, meaning, the lowestclass of the populace. 

[264] Those of his father Octavius, and his father by adoption, JuliusCaesar. 

[265] See before, c. 65. But he bequeathed a legacy to his daughter, Livia. 

[266] Virgil. 

[267] Ibid. 

[268] Ibid. 

[269] Geor. Ii. 

[270] I am prevented from entering into greater details, both by thesize of my volume, and my anxiety to complete the undertaking. 

[271] After performing these immortal achievements, while he was holdingan assembly of the people for reviewing his army in the plain near thelake of Capra, a storm suddenly rose, attended with great thunder andlightning, and enveloped the king in so dense a mist, that it took allsight of him from the assembly. Nor was Romulus after this seen onearth. The consternation being at length over, and fine clear weathersucceeding so turbulent a day, when the Roman youth saw the royal seatempty, though they readily believed the Fathers who had stood nearesthim, that he was carried aloft by the storm, yet struck with the dread asit were of orphanage, they preserved a sorrowful silence for aconsiderable time. Then a commencement having been made by a few, thewhole multitude salute Romulus a god, son of a god, the king and parentof the Roman city; they implore his favour with prayers, that he would bepleased always propitiously to preserve his own offspring. I believethat even then there were some who silently surmised that the king hadbeen torn in pieces by the hands of the Fathers; for this rumour alsospread, but was not credited; their admiration of the man and theconsternation felt at the moment, attached importance to the otherreport. By the contrivance also of one individual, additional credit issaid to have been gained to the matter. For Proculus Julius, whilst thestate was still troubled with regret for the king, and felt incensedagainst the senators, a person of weight, as we are told, in any matter, however important, comes forward to the assembly. "Romans, " he said, "Romulus, the father of this city, suddenly descending from heaven, appeared to me this day at day-break. While I stood covered with awe, and filled with a religious dread, beseeching him to allow me to see himface to face, he said; 'Go tell the Romans, that the gods do will, thatmy Rome should become the capital of the world. Therefore let themcultivate the art of war, and let them know and hand down to posterity, that no human power shall be able to withstand the Roman arms. ' Havingsaid this, he ascended up to heaven. " It is surprising what credit wasgiven to the man on his making this announcement, and how much the regretof the common people and army for the loss of Romulus, was assuaged uponthe assurance of his immortality. 

[272] Padua. 

[273] Commentators seem to have given an erroneous and unbecoming senseto Cicero's exclamation, when they suppose that the object understood, asconnected with altera, related to himself. Hope is never applied in thissignification, but to a young person, of whom something good or great isexpected; and accordingly, Virgil, who adopted the expression, has veryproperly applied it to Ascanius:

 Et juxta Ascanius, magmae spes altera Romae. Aeneid, xii. 

 And by his side Ascanius took his place, The second hope of Rome's immortal race. 

Cicero, at the time when he could have heard a specimen of Virgil'sEclogues, must have been near his grand climacteric; besides that, hisvirtues and talents had long been conspicuous, and were past the state ofhope. It is probable, therefore, that altera referred to some thirdperson, spoken of immediately before, as one who promised to do honour tohis country. It might refer to Octavius, of whom Cicero at this time, entertained a high opinion; or it may have been spoken in an absolutemanner, without reference to any person. 

[274] I was born at Mantua, died in Calabria, and my tomb is atParthenope: pastures, rural affairs, and heroes are the themes of mypoems. 

[275] The last members of these two lines, from the commas to the endare said to have been supplied by Erotes, Virgil's librarian. 

[276] Carm. I. 17. 

[277] "The Medea of Ovid proves, in my opinion, how surpassing wouldhave been his success, if he had allowed his genius free scope, insteadof setting bounds to it. "

[278] Two faults have ruined me; my verse, and my mistake. 

[279] These lines are thus rendered in the quaint version of ZacharyCatlin. 

 I suffer 'cause I chanced a fault to spy, So that my crime doth in my eyesight lie. 

 Alas! why wait my luckless hap to see A fault at unawares to ruin me?

[280] "I myself employed you as ready agents in love, when my earlyyouth sported in numbers adapted to it. "--Riley's Ovid. 

[281] "I long since erred by one composition; a fault that is not recentendures a punishment inflicted thus late. I had already published mypoems, when, according to my privilege, I passed in review so many timesunmolested as one of the equestrian order, before you the enquirer intocriminal charges. Is it then possible that the writings which, in mywant of confidence, I supposed would not have injured me when young, havenow been my ruin in my old age?"--Riley's Ovid. 

[282] This place, now called Temisvar, or Tomisvar, stands on one of themouths of the Danube, about sixty-five miles E. N. E. From Silistria. Theneighbouring bay of the Black Sea is still called the Gulf of Baba. 

[283] "It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable to pursue glory bymeans of the intellect, than of bodily strength; and, since the life weenjoy is short to make the remembrance of it as lasting as possible. "