

Handy Literal Translations

THE

FIRST FOUR BOOKS

OF

XENOPHON'S ANABASIS

_Literally Translated_

_With Explanatory Notes_

BY

J. S. WATSON

ARTHUR HINDS & CO4 COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK CITY

HANDY LITERAL TRANSLATIONS

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XENOPHON'S

ANABASIS, OR

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 

BOOK I. --CHAPTER I. 

 Parentage of Cyrus the Younger. After the death of his father he is accused of plotting against his brother Artaxerxes, who imprisons him, but releases him on the intercession of his mother, and sends him back to his province, where he secretly collects forces, of which a large proportion are from Greece, to make war on his brother. 

1. Of Darius[1] and Parysatis were born two sons, [2] the elderArtaxerxes, [3] and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had fallen sick, andsuspected that the end of his life was approaching, he was desirous thatboth of his sons should attend him. 

2. The elder then happened to be present; Cyrus he sent for from theprovince of which he had made him satrap. He had also appointed himcommander of all the forces that muster in the plain of Castolus. [4]

Cyrus accordingly went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as a friend, andhaving also with him three hundred heavy-armed Greeks, [5] and Xenias ofParrhasia, [6] their captain. 

3. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed upon the throne, Tissaphernes brought an accusation against Cyrus before his brother, saying that he was plotting against him. Artaxerxes was induced to givecredit to it, and had Cyrus arrested, with the intention of putting himto death; but his mother, having begged his life, sent him back to hisprovince. 

4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger and disgrace, hebegan to consider by what means he might cease to be subject to hisbrother, and make himself king, if he could, in his stead. Parysatis, their mother, was well disposed towards Cyrus, [7] as she loved himbetter than Artaxerxes, who was on the throne. 5. Whatever messengersfrom the king[8] came to visit him, he let none of them go till he hadinclined them to be friends to himself, rather than the monarch. [9] Healso paid such attention to the Barbarians[10] that were with him, thatthey were in a condition to take the field, and well inclined towardshimself. 6. His Greek force he collected as secretly as he could, thathe might surprise the king as little prepared as possible. 

He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever garrisons he hadin his towns, he sent orders to the commanders of them to procurerespectively as many Peloponnesians as they could, of the best class ofsoldiers, on pretence that Tissaphernes was forming designs upon thosetowns. For the cities of Ionia had formerly been, under the governmentof Tissaphernes, having been assigned to him by the king, but had atthis time all revolted to Cyrus except Miletus. 7. Tissaphernes, discovering that the people of Miletus were forming a similar design, [to go over to Cyrus, [11]] put some of them to death, and sent othersinto banishment. Cyrus, receiving the exiles under his protection, andassembling an army, laid siege to Miletus by land and sea, and usedevery exertion to restore these exiles; and he had thus another pretextfor augmenting the number of his forces. 8. He then sent to the king, and requested that, as he was his brother, these cities should be givento him rather than that Tissaphernes should govern them; and in thisapplication his mother supported him. Thus the king had no suspicion ofthe plot against him, but supposed that Cyrus, from being at war withTissaphernes, was spending the money upon troops; so that he was not atall concerned at the strife between them, especially as Cyrus remittedto him the tribute arising from the cities which Tissaphernes had had. 

9. Another army was collected for him in the Chersonesus oppositeAbydos, in the following method. Clearchus, a Lacedæmonian, happened tobe in exile. Cyrus, having met with him, was struck with admiration forhim, and made him a present of ten thousand darics. [12] Clearchus, onreceiving the gold, raised, by means of it, a body of troops, and makingexcursions out of the Chersonesus, made war upon the Thracians that aresituated above the Hellespont, and was of assistance to the Greeks; sothat the towns on the Hellespont willingly contributed money for thesupport of his men. This too was a force thus secretly maintained forCyrus. 

10. Aristippus, also, a Thessalian, happened to be a guest-friend[13] ofCyrus, and, being pressed by an adverse faction at home, came to him, and asked him for two thousand mercenary troops, and three months' payfor them, representing that he would thus be enabled to overpower hisenemies. Cyrus granted him four thousand, and six months' pay, desiringhim not to terminate the strife until he should consult him. Thusanother body of troops was clandestinely supported for him in Thessaly. 

11. He then requested Proxenus a Bœotian, who was also hisguest-friend, to join him with as many men as he could procure, statingthat he intended to make war on the Pisidians, as they molested histerritories. He also desired Sophænetus of Stymphalus, [14] and Socrates, an Achæan, both of them his guest-friends, to come to him, and bring asmany men as possible, pretending that he was going to war withTissaphernes on behalf of the Milesian exiles; and they acted as hewished. 

[Footnote 1: Darius II. , surnamed Nothus, who reigned from B. C. 423 toB. C. 404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon. ]

[Footnote 2: Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life ofArtax. C. I. 27. ]

[Footnote 3: Afterwards Artaxerxes II. , surnamed Mnemon; he began hisreign B. C. 405. ]

[Footnote 4: Εἰς Καστωλοῦ πεδίον. ] In each of the provinces of thePersian empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointedfor the assembly and review of troops. See i. 2. 11; 9. 7; Hellen. 43. Heeren, _Ideen_, vol. Ii. P. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city ofLydia by Stephanus of Byzantium. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 5: Τῶν Ἑλλήνων ---- ὁπλίτας ---- τριακοσίους. ] Three hundredof the Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could thenprocure. ]

[Footnote 6: A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia. ]

[Footnote 7: Ὑπῆρχε τῷ Κύρῳ. ] "Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri]favebat. " _Schneider_. "Cyro addicta et adjumento erat. " _Kühner_. Compare v. 6. 23; Hellen. Vii. 5. 5. ]

[Footnote 8: Ὅστις ---- τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως. ] We must understand those whoare called ἔφοδοι, Cyrop. Viii. 6. 16: compare Œcon. Iv. 6. _Zeune_. They were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make areport respecting the state of them to the king. ]

[Footnote 9: Οὕτω διατιθεὶς ἀπεπέμπετο, κ. τ. λ. ] "He sent them all away(after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself thanthe king. "]

[Footnote 10: By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that wereabout Cyrus. The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not oftheir own nation. ]

[Footnote 11: Ἀποστῆναι πρὸς Κῦρον. ] These words are regarded asspurious by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Krügerand Kühner retain them, as added _explicationis causá_. ]

[Footnote 12: The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed tohave derived its name from Darius I. ; but others think this doubtful. From c. Vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to atalent. If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey's _Essayon Anc. Weights and Money_, ch. Iii. Sect. 12, at £243 15_s. _, the valueof the daric will be 16_s. _ 3_d. _ The sum given to Clearchus will thenbe £8125. ]

[Footnote 13: Ξένος. ] I have translated this word by _guest-friend_, aconvenient term, which made its appearance in our language some timeago. The ξένοι were bound by a league of friendship and hospitality, bywhich each engaged to entertain the other, when he visited him. ]

[Footnote 14: A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia. ]

CHAPTER II. 

 Cyrus begins his march, proceeding from Sardis through Lydia into Phrygia, where he is joined by new forces. The city of Celænæ; the plain of Caystrus, where the soldiers demand their arrears of pay, which Cyrus discharges with money received from the queen of Cilicia. The town of Thymbrium; the fountain of Midas. Cyrus enters Cilicia, and is met at Tarsus by Syennesis, the king of the country. 

1. When it seemed to him time to march up into the country, he made ithis pretext for doing so that he wished to expel the Pisidians entirelyfrom the territory, and mustered, as if for the purpose of attackingthem, the whole of the troops, as well Barbarian as Greek, that were onthe spot. [15] He also sent word to Clearchus to join him, bringingwhatever force was at his command; and to Aristippus, as soon as he hadcome to terms with the party at home, to send him back the troops thathe had. He also desired Xenias the Arcadian, who commanded for him themercenaries in the several towns, to bring him all his men except suchas would be required to garrison the citadels. 2. He summoned, too, thearmy that was besieging Miletus, and invited the exiles to accompany himon his expedition; promising them, that if he successfully accomplishedthe objects for which he undertook it, he would never rest till he hadre-established them in their country. They cheerfully consented, as theyhad confidence in him, and, taking their arms, joined him at Sardis. 

3. To Sardis also came Xenias, bringing with him the troops from theseveral towns, to the number of four thousand heavy-armed men. Thithercame also Proxenus, with heavy-armed men to the number of fifteenhundred, and five hundred light-armed; Sophænetus the Stymphalian with athousand heavy-armed; Socrates the Achæan with five hundred; and Pasionof Megara with three hundred heavy-armed, and the same number ofpeltasts. [16] Both Pasion and Socrates were among those serving in thearmy at Miletus. 

4. These joined him at Sardis. Tissaphernes, observing theseproceedings, and considering the force to be greater than was necessaryto attack the Pisidians, set out, with all possible speed, to givenotice of the matter to the king, taking with him about five hundredcavalry; 5. And the king, as soon as he heard from Tissaphernes of thepreparations of Cyrus, made arrangements to oppose him. 

Cyrus, at the head of the force which I have stated, commenced hisjourney from Sardis, [17] and proceeded through Lydia, three days'march, [18] a distance of twenty-two parasangs, [19] as far as the riverMæander. The breadth of this river is two plethra, [20] and a bridge wasthrown over it, constructed of seven boats. 6. Having crossed thestream, he went forward through Phrygia, one day's march, eightparasangs, till he reached Colossæ, a populous city, wealthy and ofconsiderable magnitude. Here he halted seven days; when Menon theThessalian joined him with a thousand heavy-armed troops and fivehundred peltasts, consisting of Dolopians, Ænianes, and Olynthians. 

7. Hence he proceeded in three days' march, a distance of twentyparasangs, to Celænæ, a populous, large, and rich city of Phrygia. HereCyrus had a palace, and an extensive park full of wild beasts, which hewas accustomed to hunt on horseback whenever he wished to give himselfand his horses exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the riverMæander; its springs issue from the palace itself; and it runs alsothrough the city of Celænæ. 8. There is also at Celænæ a palace of theGreat King, [21] situated near the source of the river Marsyas, under thecitadel. This river too runs through the city, and falls into theMæander. The breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet. Here Apollo issaid to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial of musicalskill, and to have hung up his skin in the cave, where the source of thestream rises: and on this account the river is called the Marsyas. 9. Xerxes is said to have built both this palace and the citadel ofCelænæ, when he was returning from Greece after his discomfiture inbattle. 

Cyrus remained here thirty days; during which time Clearchus, theLacedæmonian exile, joined him with a thousand heavy-armed men, eighthundred Thracian peltasts, and two hundred Cretan archers. At the sametime Sosis[22] of Syracuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men, and Sophænetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held a reviewof the Greeks in the park, and took their number; and they were in alleleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and about two thousand peltasts. [23]10. Hence he proceeded two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, toPeltæ, a well-peopled city, where he halted three days, during whichXenias the Arcadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lycæan Jove, [24] andheld public games on the occasion; in which the prizes were goldenstrigiles. [25] Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. Thence heproceeded, two days' march, twelve parasangs, to Ceramon Agora, apopulous city, the last on the side of Mysia. 

11. Hence he proceeded, in three days' march, the distance of thirtyparasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous city. Here he haltedfive days; and at this time more than three months' pay was due to thetroops, which they frequently went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put themoff, giving them hopes, but was evidently distressed; for it was nopart of his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. But while hewas there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king of the Cilicians, paid hima visit, and was said to have presented him with a large sum of money. He in consequence gave the troops pay for four months. The Cilicianqueen had with her a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and it wasreported that Cyrus had connexion with her. 

13. Hence he proceeded two days' march, ten parasangs, to Thymbrium, apopulous city. Here, by the road-side, was a fountain, called thefountain of Midas, king of Phrygia; at which Midas is said to havecaptured the Satyr, [26] by mixing wine with the water. 

14. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, ten parasangs, to Tyriæum, awell-peopled city, where he stayed three days. The Cilician queen issaid to have requested Cyrus to show her his army. With the desiretherefore of exhibiting it to her, he reviewed his troops, as well Greekas Barbarian, in the plain. 15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshalled, and to take their places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, eachcaptain arranging his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four deep;Menon and his troops took the right wing; Clearchus and his men theleft; and the other captains occupied the centre. 16. First of all, then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who marched past him, drawn up introops and companies;[27] and afterwards the Greeks, riding by them inhis chariot, with the Cilician queen in her car. [28] They had all brazenhelmets, scarlet tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 17. When he hadridden past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx, and sent Pigres the interpreter to the Greek officers, with orders forthem to present arms, [29] and to advance with their whole phalanx. Theofficers communicated these orders to their soldiers; and, when thetrumpeter gave the signal, they presented arms and advanced. Then, asthey proceeded with a quicker pace and loud shouts, the soldiers oftheir own accord took to running, bearing down upon the tents of thePersians. 18. Upon this, there arose great terror among the rest of theBarbarians; the Cilician queen fled from her car; and the people in themarket deserted their goods and took to their heels; while the Greeksmarched up to the tents with laughter. The Cilician queen, on beholdingthe splendour and discipline of the army, was struck with admiration;and Cyrus was delighted when he saw the terror with which the Greeksinspired the Barbarians. 

19. Hence he advanced, three days' march, a distance of twentyparasangs, to Iconium, the last town of Phrygia; where he halted threedays. He then went forward through Lycaonia, five days' march, adistance of thirty parasangs; and this country, as being that of anenemy, he permitted the Greeks to ravage. 

20. From hence Cyrus despatched the Cilician queen, by the shortestroad, into Cilicia; and sent with her the troops which Menon had, andMenon himself. Cyrus, with the rest of the army, proceeded throughCappadocia, four days' march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, toDana, a populous, large, and wealthy city. Here he stayed three days; inthe course of which he put to death a Persian, named Megaphernes, awearer of the royal purple, [30] and a certain other person in power, oneof the provincial governors having accused them of conspiring againsthim. 

21. They then made an attempt to enter Cilicia; but the sole entrancewas a road broad enough only for a single carriage, very steep, andimpracticable for an army to pass, if any one opposed them. Syennesis, besides, was said to be stationed on the heights, guarding the defile;on which account Cyrus halted for a day in the plain. The next day, amessenger came to inform him that Syennesis had quitted the heights, onreceiving information that Menon's army was already in Cilicia withinthe mountains, and hearing that Tamos had a number of galleys, belongingto the Lacedæmonians and Cyrus himself, sailing round from Ionia toCilicia. 22. Cyrus accordingly ascended the mountains without anyopposition, and saw[31] the tents in which the Cilicians kept guard. Hence he descended into a large and beautiful plain, well watered, andabounding with all kinds of trees, as well as vines. It also producedgreat quantities of sesamum, panic, millet, [32] wheat, and barley. Achain of hills, strong and high, encompasses it on all sides from sea tosea. 23. Descending through this plain, he proceeded, in four days'march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Tarsus, a large andopulent city of Cilicia. Here was the palace of Syennesis, the king ofthe Cilicians; and through the midst of the city runs a river, calledthe Cydnus, the breadth of which is two plethra. 24. This city theinhabitants, with Syennesis, had deserted for a strong-hold upon themountains, except those who kept shops. [33] Those also remained behind, who lived near the sea at Soli and at Issi. 

25. Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, had arrived at Tarsus five daysbefore Cyrus. But in passing over the mountains which skirt the plain, two companies of Menon's troops had perished; some said that they hadbeen cut to pieces by the Cilicians, while committing somedepredations; others, that being left behind, and unable to find therest of the army or their road, they had been destroyed while wanderingabout. They amounted to a hundred heavy-armed men. 26. When the rest ofMenon's troops came up, full of resentment at the fate of theircomrades, they plundered both the city of Tarsus and the palace in it. Cyrus, on entering the city, sent for Syennesis to come to him; butSyennesis answered, that he had never yet put himself in the power ofone stronger than himself; nor would he then consent to go to Cyrus, until his wife prevailed upon him, and he received solemn assurances ofsafety. 27. Afterwards, when they had met, Syennesis gave Cyrus a largesum of money for the support of his army, and Cyrus in return presentedhim with such gifts as are held in estimation by a king, a horse with agolden bit, a golden chain and bracelets, and a golden scimitar andPersian robe. He also engaged that his country should no more beplundered, and that he should receive back the captured slaves, if theyanywhere met with them. 

[Footnote 15: Τό τε βαρβαρικὸν καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν τὸ ἐνταῦθα στράτευμα. ]There has been much dispute about the exact signification of ἐνταῦθα inthis place. Zeune would have it mean "illuc, in illum locum ubi suntPisidæ;" and Krüger thinks that "towards Sardis" is intended. But thisis to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Kühner, whogive it its ordinary signification. "Barbarorum et Græcorum[exercitum], " says Kühner, "quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collectumhabebat. " The τὸ before ἐνταῦθα is an addition of Dindorf's, whichKühner pronounces unnecessary. ]

[Footnote 16: The πελτασταὶ were troops armed with a light shield, called πέλτη, holding a middle place between the ὁπλῖται and ψιλοί. Theywere first made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates: seehis Life in Corn. Nep. ; and Xen. Hellen. Iv. 4. 16; 3. 12. ]

[Footnote 17: Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis, because he there joined the army, but afterwards constantly computesfrom Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey. _Stanford_. ]

[Footnote 18: Σταθμοός. ] The word σταθμός means properly a _station_ or_halting-place_ at the end of a day's march, of which the length varied, but was generally about five parasangs. ]

[Footnote 19: The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia; seeii. 2. 6. So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr. Hamilton and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles, 180 yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each. _Travels in theTrack_, pref. P. Xii. Thus five parasangs would be a long day's march;these marches were more than seven; and the next day's was eight. ButRennell thinks the parasang not more than 2. 78 English miles. Mr. Hussey, _Anc. Weights_, &c. , Append. Sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787-1/2yards. ]

[Footnote 20: The _plethrum_ was 100 Greek or 101. 125 English feet. SeeHussey, Append. Sect. 10, p. 232. ]

[Footnote 21: The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greekwriters, on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of thenumber of kings subject to him; a title similar to that of thesuccessors of Mahomet, Grand Signior. ]

[Footnote 22: This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf andKühner; most other editors have _Socrates_, which occurs in fourmanuscripts; two have _Sosias_, and one _Sostes_. ]

[Footnote 23: The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a moregeneral sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed. ]

[Footnote 24: Τὰ Λύκαια. ] The festival of Lycæan Jove is mentioned byPausanias, viii. 2. 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, Ol. Ix. 145; xiii. 153; Nem. X. 89. _Schneider_. --Mount Lycæum wassacred to both Jupiter and Pan. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 25: Στλεγγίδες. ] Generally supposed to be the same as theLatin strigilis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath forcleansing the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to begiven by Kühner and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Krügerfollows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women, and by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that thelatter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than theformer. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as willafterwards be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes mighthave presented them. The sense of the word must therefore be leftdoubtful. The sense of _strigilis_ is supported by Suidas; see Sturz'sLex. S. V. ]

[Footnote 26: Τὸν Σάτυρον. ] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Ecl. Vi. 13. ]

[Footnote 27: Κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ τάξεις. ] Ἰλη signifies properly a troopof horse, consisting of 64 men; and τάξις, a company of foot, whichXenophon, in the Cyropædia, makes to consist of 100 men. ]

[Footnote 28: Ἐφ' ἁρμαμάξης. ] The _harmamaxa_ was a Persian carriage, probably covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. Iii. 3, 23;Wesseling ad Herod, vii. 41. ]

[Footnote 29: Προβάλεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα. ] "To hold out the shield and thespear, the one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack anadversary. " _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 30: Φοινικιστὴν βασίλειον. ] Æmilius Portus, on the authorityof Zonaras, Lex. P. 1818, interprets this "dyer of the king's purple;"an interpretation repugnant to what follows. Morus makes it_purpuratus_; Larcher, _vexillarius_, because in Diod. Sic. Xiv. 26 astandard is called φοινικίς: Brodæus gives 'unus è regiis familiaribus, puniceâ veste indutus, non purpurea. ' "Without doubt he was one of thehighest Persian nobles, as he is joined with the ὕπαρχοι δυνάσται. "_Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 31: Εἶδε. ] This seems to be the reading of all themanuscripts, and is retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner. But Schneider and Weiske read εἶλε, "took possession of, " on thesuggestion of Muretus, Var. Lect. Xv. 10, who thought it superfluous forXenophon to say that Cyrus merely _saw_ the tents. Lion, however, notunreasonably supposes this verb to be intended to mark the distance atwhich Cyrus passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sightof them, the Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear. ]

[Footnote 32: Σήσαμον καὶ μελίνην καὶ κέγχρον. ] _Sesamum_ is aleguminous plant, well known in the East; the seeds of it resemblehemp-seed, and are boiled and eaten like rice. Μελίνη, _panicum_, is aplant resembling millet. Κέγχρος, _milium_, millet, is far the bestknown of the three to Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears; millet, in bunches. ]

[Footnote 33: Καπηλεῖα. ] Καπηλεῖον is often used in the sense of _atavern_; sometimes in a more general sense, as _any kind of shop_. Wemay suppose that all those remained behind who had anything to sell, with the hope of getting profit. ]

CHAPTER III. 

 Cyrus is forced to stay twenty days at Tarsus by a mutiny of the Greek soldiers, who, suspecting that they were led against the king, refuse to go farther, and offer violence to Clearchus, who endeavours to force them to proceed. But being told by Cyrus that the expedition is directed against Abrocomas, and promised an increase of pay, they agree to continue their march. 

1. Here Cyrus and the army remained twenty days; for the soldiersrefused to proceed farther, as they now began to suspect that they weremarching against the king, and said that they had not been hired forthis purpose. Clearchus, first of all, endeavoured to compel hissoldiers to proceed; but, as soon as he began to advance, they peltedhim and his baggage-cattle with stones. 2. Clearchus, indeed, on thisoccasion, had a narrow escape of being stoned to death. At length, whenhe saw that he should not be able to proceed by force, he called ameeting of his soldiers; and at first, standing before them, hecontinued for some time to shed tears, while they, looking on, werestruck with wonder, and remained silent. He then addressed them to thiseffect:

3. "Wonder not, soldiers, that I feel distressed at the presentoccurrences; for Cyrus engaged himself to me by ties of hospitality, andhonoured me, when I was an exile from my country, both with other marksof esteem, and by presenting me with ten thousand darics. On receivingthis money, I did not treasure it up for my own use, or squander it inluxury, but spent it upon you. 4. First of all, I made war upon theThracians, and, in the cause of Greece, and with your assistance, tookvengeance upon them by expelling them from the Chersonesus, when theywould have taken the country from its Grecian colonists. When Cyrussummoned me, I set out to join him, taking you with me, that if he hadneed of my aid, I might do him service in return for the benefits that Ihad received from him. 5. But since you are unwilling to accompany himon this expedition, I am under the obligation, either, by deserting you, to preserve the friendship of Cyrus, or, by proving false to him, toadhere to you. Whether I shall do right, I do not know; but I shall giveyou the preference, and will undergo with you whatever may be necessary. Nor shall any one ever say, that, after leading Greeks into a country ofBarbarians, I deserted the Greeks, and adopted, in preference, thefriendship of the Barbarians. 

6. "Since, however, you decline to obey me, or to follow me, I will gowith you, and submit to whatever may be destined for us. For I look uponyou to be at once my country, my friends, and my fellow-soldiers, andconsider that with you I shall be respected, wherever I may be: butthat, if separated from you, I shall be unable either to affordassistance to a friend, or to avenge myself upon an enemy. Feel assured, therefore, that I am resolved to accompany you wherever you go. "

7. Thus he spoke; and the soldiers, as well those under his own commandas the others, on hearing these assurances, applauded him for sayingthat he would not march against the king; and more than two thousand ofthe troops of Xenias and Pasion, taking with them their arms andbaggage, went and encamped under Clearchus. 

8. Cyrus, perplexed and grieved at these occurrences, sent forClearchus; who, however, would not go, but sending a messenger to Cyruswithout the knowledge of the soldiers, bade him be of good courage, asthese matters would be arranged to his satisfaction. He also desiredCyrus to send for him again, but, when Cyrus had done so, he againdeclined to go. [34] 9. Afterwards, having assembled his own soldiers, and those who had recently gone over to him, and any of the rest thatwished to be present, he spoke to the following effect:

"It is evident, soldiers, that the situation of Cyrus with regard to usis the same as ours with regard to him; for we are no longer hissoldiers, since we refuse to follow him, nor is he any longer ourpaymaster. 10. That he considers himself wronged by us, however, I amwell aware; so that, even when he sends for me, I am unwilling to go tohim, principally from feeling shame, because I am conscious of havingbeen in all respects false to him; and in addition, from being afraid, that, when he has me in his power, he may take vengeance on me for thematters in which he conceives that he has been injured. 11. This, therefore, seems to me to be no time for us to sleep, or to neglect ourown safety; but, on the contrary, to consider what we must do underthese circumstances. [35] As long as we remain here, it seems necessaryto consider how we may best remain with safety; or, if we determine upongoing at once, how we may depart with the greatest security, and how wemay obtain provisions; for without these, the general and the privatesoldier are alike inefficient. [36] 12. Cyrus is indeed a most valuablefriend to those to whom he is a friend, but a most violent enemy tothose to whom he is an enemy. He has forces, too, both infantry andcavalry, as well as a naval power, as we all alike see and know; for weseem to me to be encamped at no great distance from him. It is thereforefull time to say whatever any one thinks to be best. " Having spokenthus, he made a pause. 

13. Upon this, several rose to speak; some, of their own accord, toexpress what they thought; others, previously instructed by Clearchus, to point out what difficulty there would be, either in remaining ordeparting, without the consent of Cyrus. 14. One of these, pretendingto be eager to proceed with all possible haste to Greece, proposed thatthey should choose other commanders without delay, if Clearchus wereunwilling to conduct them back; that they should purchase provisions, asthere was a market in the Barbarian camp, and pack up their baggage;that they should go to Cyrus, and ask him to furnish them with ships, inwhich they might sail home; and, if he should not grant them, that theyshould beg of him a guide, to conduct them back through such parts ofthe country as were friendly towards them. [37] But if he would not evenallow them a guide, that they should, without delay, form themselves inwarlike order, and send a detachment to take possession of the heights, in order that neither Cyrus nor the Cilicians, ("of whom, " said he, "wehave many prisoners, and much money that we have taken, ") may be thefirst to occupy them. Such were the suggestions that he offered; butafter him Clearchus spoke as follows:

15. "Let no one of you mention me, as likely to undertake this command;for I see many reasons why I ought not to do so; but be assured, thatwhatever person you may elect, I shall pay the greatest possibledeference to him, that you may see that I know how to obey as well asany other man. "

16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of him whoadvised them to ask for ships, just as if Cyrus were not about to sailback, [38] and who showed, too, how foolish it would be to request aguide of the very person "whose plans, " said he, "we are frustrating. And, " he added, "if we should trust the guide that Cyrus might assignus, what will hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heightsbefore we reach them? 17. For my own part, I should be reluctant toembark in any vessel that he might grant us, lest he should send us andthe galleys to the bottom together; I should also be afraid to followany guide that he may appoint, lest he should conduct us into places, from whence there would be no means of escape; and I had rather, if Idepart without the consent of Cyrus, depart without his knowledge; butthis is impossible. 18. I say then that such proposals are absurdities;and my advice is, that certain persons, such as are fit for the task, should accompany Clearchus to Cyrus, and ask him in what service hewishes to employ us; and if the undertaking be similar to that in whichhe before employed foreign troops, [39] that we too should follow him, and not appear more cowardly than those who previously went up with him. 19. But if the present design seem greater and more difficult and moreperilous than the former, that they should ask him, in that case, eitherto induce us to accompany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to ourpersuasions, to give us a passage to a friendly country; for thus, if weaccompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zealous supporters, and if we leave him, we shall depart in safety; that they then report tous what answer he makes to this application; and that we, having heardhis reply, take measures in accordance with it. "

20. These suggestions were approved; and, having chosen certain persons, they sent them with Clearchus to ask Cyrus the questions agreed upon bythe army. Cyrus answered, that he had heard that Abrocomas, an enemy ofhis, was on the banks of the Euphrates, twelve days' march distant; andit was against him, he said, that he wished to march; and if Abrocomasshould be there, he said that he longed to take due vengeance on him;but if he should retreat, "we will consider there, " he added, "how toproceed. "

21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to thesoldiers, who had still a suspicion that he was leading them against theking, but nevertheless resolved to accompany him. They then asked for anincrease of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them all half as much againas they received before, that is to say, instead of a daric, threehalf-darics a month for every soldier. But no one heard there, at leastpublicly, that he was leading them against the king. 

[Footnote 34: He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to sendfor him, refused to go; this refusal being given for the sake of keepingup appearances. ]

[Footnote 35: Ἐκ τούτων. ] "Ex his, secundum hæc, h. E. In hac rerumconditione. " _Kühner_. Bornemann interprets simply _post hæc_. ]

[Footnote 36: Οὔτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν. ] "No profit (oruse) either of a general or private soldier. "]

[Footnote 37: Διὰ φιλίας τῆς χώρας. ] The earlier editions have ὡς beforeδιὰ, of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission;and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guidewas to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, orwhere he could procure them a friendly reception. ]

[Footnote 38: Ὥσπερ πάλιν τὸν στόλον Κύρου μὴ ποιουμένου. ] About themeaning of these words there has been much dispute. The translationwhich I have given is that of Bornemann, "quasi retro Cyrus navigaturusnon esset, " which is adopted by Kühner. "The speaker assumes, " saysBornemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians orsome other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced them, hewill return to his province. "]

[Footnote 39: The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went upwith Cyrus to Babylon under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian, i. 1. 2. ]

CHAPTER IV. 

 The army reaches Issi, the last city in Cilicia, at which the fleet then arrives. Cyrus proceeds into Syria, where two of the Greek captains, Xenias and Pasion, desert the expedition; the good feeling of Cyrus, in forbearing to pursue them, renders the other Greeks more willing to accompany him. He arrives at Thapsacus on the Euphrates, where he discloses the real object of his expedition to the Greek troops, who express discontent, but are induced by fresh promises, and the example of Menon, to cross the river. 

1. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, tothe river Psarus, the breadth of which was three plethra. He then wentforward, one day's march, five parasangs, to the river Pyramus, thebreadth of which is a stadium. Hence he advanced in two days' march, adistance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia, situate upon the sea-coast, a populous, large, and rich place. 

2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships fromPeloponnesus, thirty-five in number, arrived, Pythagoras theLacedæmonian being their commander. But Tamos, an Egyptian, hadconducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had also with him five-and-twentyother ships, belonging to Cyrus, with which he had blockaded Miletuswhen it was in the interest of Tissaphernes, and had fought against himon behalf of Cyrus. 3. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus theLacedæmonian, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who had with him sevenhundred heavy-armed troops, which he commanded as part of the army ofCyrus. The ships were moored opposite Cyrus's tent. Here, too, the Greekmercenaries, who were in the pay of Abrocomas, four hundred heavy-armedmen, deserted him and came over to Cyrus, and joined in the expeditionagainst the king. 

4. Hence he proceeded, one day's march, five parasangs, to the Gates ofCilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses;[40] of the part withinthem, towards Cilicia, Syennesis and a guard of Cilicians had thecharge; the part without, towards Syria, a garrison of the king'ssoldiers was reported to occupy. Between the two runs a river, calledCarsus, a plethrum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresseswas three stadia; and it was impossible to pass it by force; for thepassage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and abovewere inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses were gates. 5. It wason account of this passage that Cyrus had sent for the fleet, that hemight disembark heavy-armed troops within and without the Gates, [41] whomight force a passage through the enemy, if they still kept guard at theSyrian gates; a post which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as he hadunder his command a numerous army. Abrocomas however did not attemptthis; but, when he heard that Cyrus was in Cilicia, retreated out ofPhœnicia, and proceeded to join the king, having with him, as wassaid, three hundred thousand men. 

6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day's march, five parasangs, toMyriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phœnicians; this placewas a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 7. Here they remained seven days; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, andPasion the Megarean, embarking in a vessel, and putting on board theirmost valuable effects, sailed away; being actuated, as most thought, bymotives of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to retain underhis command their soldiers, who had seceded to Clearchus in theexpectation of returning to Greece, and not of marching against theking. Upon their disappearance, a rumour pervaded the army that Cyruswould pursue them with ships of war; and some wished that they might betaken, as having acted perfidiously; while others pitied their fate, ifthey should be caught. 

8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, "Xenias andPasion have left us: but let them be well assured, that they have notfled clandestinely; for I know which way they are gone; nor have theyescaped beyond my reach; for I have triremes that would overtake theirvessel. But, by the gods, I shall certainly not pursue them; nor shallany one say, that as long as a man remains with me, I make use of hisservices, but that, when he desires to leave me, I seize and ill-treathis person, and despoil him of his property. But let them go, with theconsciousness that they have acted a worse part towards us than wetowards them. I have, indeed, their children and wives under guard atTralles; but not even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receivethem back in consideration of their former service to me. " 9. Thus Cyrusspoke; and the Greeks, even such as had been previously disinclined tothe expedition, when they heard of the noble conduct of Cyrus, accompanied him with greater pleasure and alacrity. 

After these occurrences, Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance oftwenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which is a plethrum in breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon as gods, andallowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. The villages, inwhich they fixed their quarters, belonged to Parysatis, having beengiven her for her girdle. [42]

10. Thence he advanced, five days' march, a distance of thirtyparasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a plethrum inbreadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor of Syria, and avery large and beautiful garden, containing all that the seasonsproduce. But Cyrus laid it waste, and burned the palace. 

11. Hence he proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteenparasangs, to the river Euphrates, which is there four stadia inbreadth, and on which is situated a large and rich city, namedThapsacus. The army remained there five days; and Cyrus sent for theGreek captains, and told them, that his march was directed to Babylon, against the Great King; and he desired them to make this announcement tothe soldiers, and to persuade them to accompany him. 

12. The leaders, assembling their troops, communicated this informationto them; and the soldiers expressed themselves much displeased withtheir officers, and said that they had long known this, but concealedit; and they refused to go, unless such a donative was granted them, ashad been given to those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his father, and that, too, when they did not go to fight, but merely attended Cyruswhen his father summoned him. 13. This state of things the generalsreported to Cyrus; who in consequence promised to give every man fiveminæ of silver, [43] when they should arrive at Babylon, and their fullpay besides, until he should bring back the Greeks to Ionia again. Thegreatest part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed upon to accompanyhim. But before it was certain what the other soldiers would do, whetherthey would accompany Cyrus or not, Menon assembled his own troops apartfrom the rest, and spoke as follows:

14. "If you will follow my advice, soldiers, you will, without incurringeither danger or toil, make yourselves honoured by Cyrus beyond the restof the army. What, then, would I have you do? Cyrus is at this momenturgent with the Greeks to accompany him against the king; I thereforesuggest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will answer Cyrus, you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. For if they shoulddetermine upon accompanying him, you will appear to have been the causeof it, by being the first to pass the river; and to you, as being mostforward with your services, Cyrus will feel and repay the obligation, asno one knows how to do better than himself. But if the others shoulddetermine not to go with him, we shall all of us return back again; butyou, as having alone complied with his wishes, and as being most worthyof his confidence, he will employ in garrison duty and posts ofauthority; and whatever else you may ask of him, I feel assured that, asthe friends of Cyrus, you will obtain it. "

16. On hearing these proposals, they at once complied with them, andcrossed the river before the others had given their answer. And whenCyrus perceived that they had crossed, he was much pleased, anddespatched Glus to Menon's troops with this message: "I applaud yourconduct, my friends; and it shall be my care that you may applaud me; orthink me no longer Cyrus. " 17. The soldiers, in consequence, beingfilled with great expectations, prayed that he might succeed; and toMenon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnificent presents. After thesetransactions, he passed the river, and all the rest of the army followedhim; and, in crossing the stream, no one was wetted by its waters abovethe breast. 18. The people of Thapsacus said, that this river had never, except on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means ofboats; which Abrocomas, going before, had burnt, that Cyrus might not beable to cross. It seemed, therefore, that this had happened by divineinterposition, and that the river had plainly made way for Cyrus as thefuture king. 

19. Hence he advanced through Syria, nine days' march, a distance offifty parasangs, and arrived at the river Araxes, where were a number ofvillages, stored with corn and wine. Here the army remained three days, and collected provisions. 

[Footnote 40: Ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα δύο τείχη. ] As the fem. πύλαι precedes, andas the gates were not properly the τείχη, but the space between them, Weiske conjectures ἦσαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα, κ. τ. λ. , which Kühner and othersapprove, but have not admitted into the text. Kühner interprets τείχη"castella, " and I have followed him. When Xenophon speaks, a littlebelow, of τείχη εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καθήκοντα, he seems to mean _walls_attached to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says that _ateach of the fortresses_, ἐπὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἀμφοτέροις, were gates, heappears to signify that there were gates in the walls attached to eachof the fortresses. "At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of awall, which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountainsdown to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower. "_Ainsworth_, p. 59. ]

[Footnote 41: "That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz. In Syria. " _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 42: Εἰς ζώνην. ] Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or tosupply ornaments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persiankings to bestow places on their queens and other favourites ostensiblyfor the purpose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, orother conveniences. See Herod, ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. C. 40; Cic. InVerr. Iii. 23; Corn. Nepos, Life of Themistocles, c. 10. ]

[Footnote 43: Reckoning the talent at £243 15_s. _, the mina (60 = atalent) will be £4 1_s. _ 3_d. _, and five minæ £20 6_s. _ 3_d. _]

CHAPTER V. 

 The army proceeds through Arabia, having the Euphrates on the right. They suffer from want of provisions, and many of the beasts of burden perish; but supplies are procured from the opposite bank of the Euphrates. A dispute occurs between Clearchus and Menon, which is quelled by Cyrus. 

1. Cyrus now advanced through Arabia, having the Euphrates on his right, five days' march through the desert, a distance of thirty-fiveparasangs. In this region the ground was entirely a plain, level as thesea. It was covered with wormwood, and whatever other kinds of shrub orreed grew on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were notrees. 2. There were wild animals, however, of various kinds; the mostnumerous were wild asses; there were also many ostriches, as well asbustards and antelopes; and these animals the horsemen of the armysometimes hunted. The wild asses, when any one pursued them, would startforward a considerable distance, and then stand still; (for they ranmuch more swiftly than the horse;) and again, when the horse approached, they did the same; and it was impossible to catch them, unless thehorsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, kept up the pursuit with asuccession of horses. The flesh of those that were taken resembledvenison, but was more tender. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded incatching; and those horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted fromthe pursuit; for it far outstripped[44] them in its flight, using itsfeet for running, and its wings, raising them like a sail. [45] Thebustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly; for they flybut a short distance, like partridges, and soon tire. Their flesh wasvery delicious. 

4. Marching through this region, they came to the river Mascas, thebreadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a large deserted city, of whichthe name was Corsote, and which was entirely surrounded by the Mascas. Here they stayed three days, and furnished themselves with provisions. 

5. Thence he proceeded, thirteen days' march through the desert, adistance of ninety parasangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a place called the Gates. [46] In this march many of thebeasts of burden perished of hunger; for there was neither grass, norany sort of tree, but the whole country was completely bare. Theinhabitants, who quarried and fashioned millstones near the river, tookthem to Babylon, and sold them, and lived upon corn which they boughtwith the money. 6. Corn, too, failed the army, and it was not possibleto buy any, except in the Lydian market among Cyrus's Barbarian troops, where they purchased a capithe[47] of wheat-flour or barley-meal forfour sigli. The siglus is equivalent to seven Attic oboli and ahalf, [48] and the capithe contains two Attic chœnices. The soldierstherefore lived entirely upon flesh. 

7. There were some of these marches which he made extremely long, whenever he wished to get to water or forage. On one occasion, when anarrow and muddy road presented itself, almost impassable for thewaggons, Cyras halted on the spot with the most distinguished andwealthy of his train, and ordered Glus and Pigres, with a detachment ofthe Barbarian forces, to assist in extricating the waggons. 8. But asthey appeared to him to do this too tardily, he ordered, as if in anger, the noblest Persians of his suite to assist in expediting the carriages. Then might be seen a specimen of their ready obedience; for, throwingoff their purple cloaks, in the place where each happened to bestanding, they rushed forward, as one would run in a race for victory, down an extremely steep declivity, having on those rich vests which theywear, and embroidered trowsers, some too with chains about their necksand bracelets on their wrists, and, leaping with these equipmentsstraight into the mud, brought the waggons up quicker than any one wouldhave imagined. 

9. On the whole, Cyrus evidently used the greatest speed throughout themarch, and made no delay, except where he halted in order to obtain asupply of provisions, or for some other necessary purpose; thinking thatthe quicker he went, the more unprepared he should find the king when heengaged him, and that the more slowly he proceeded, the more numerouswould be the force collected by the king. And an attentive observermight see that the empire of the king was strong indeed in extent ofterritory and number of inhabitants, but weak through the length of theroads, and the dispersion of its forces, if an enemy invaded it withrapid movements. 

10. On the other side of the Euphrates, over against their coursethrough the desert, was an opulent and extensive city, called Charmande;from this place the soldiers purchased provisions, crossing the river onrafts in the following manner. They filled the skins, which they had forthe coverings of their tents, [49] with dry hay, and then closed andstitched them together, so that the water could not touch the hay. Uponthese they went across, and procured necessaries, such as wine made ofthe fruit of the palm-tree, and panic[50] corn; for this was mostplentiful in those parts. 11. Here the soldiers of Menon and those ofClearchus falling into a dispute about something, Clearchus, judging asoldier of Menon's to be in the wrong, inflicted stripes upon him, andthe man, coming to the quarters of his own troops, told his comradeswhat had occurred, who, when they heard it, showed great displeasure andresentment towards Clearchus. 12. On the same day, Clearchus, aftergoing to the place where the river was crossed, and inspecting themarket there, was returning on horseback to his tent through Menon'scamp, with a few attendants. Cyrus had not yet arrived, but was still onhis way thither. One of Menon's soldiers, who was employed in cleavingwood, when he saw Clearchus riding through the camp, threw his axe athim, but missed his aim; another then threw a stone at him, and another, and afterwards several, a great uproar ensuing. 13. Clearchus soughtrefuge in his own camp, and immediately called his men to arms, orderinghis heavy-armed troops to remain on the spot, resting their shieldsagainst their knees, while he himself, with the Thracians, and thehorsemen that were in his camp, to the number of more than forty, (andmost of these were Thracians, ) bore down towards the troops of Menon, sothat they and Menon himself were struck with terror, and made a generalrush to their arms; while some stood still, not knowing how to act underthe circumstances. 14. Proxenus happened then to be coming up behind therest, with a body of heavy-armed men following him, and immediately ledhis troops into the middle space between them both, and drew them upunder arms, begging Clearchus to desist from what he was doing. ButClearchus was indignant, because, when he had narrowly escaped stoning, Proxenus spoke mildly of the treatment that he had received; heaccordingly desired him to stand out from between them. 

15. At this juncture Cyrus came up, and inquired into the affair. Hethen instantly took his javelins in his hand, and rode, with such of hisconfidential officers as were with him, into the midst of the Greeks, and addressed them thus: 16. "Clearchus and Proxenus, and you otherGreeks who are here present, you know not what you are doing. For if youengage in any contention with one another, be assured, that this veryday I shall be cut off, and you also not long after me; since, if ouraffairs go ill, all these Barbarians, whom you see before you, willprove more dangerous enemies to us than even those who are with theking. " 17. Clearchus, on hearing these remonstrances, recovered hisself-possession; and both parties, desisting from the strife, depositedtheir arms in their respective encampments. 

[Footnote 44: Απεσπᾶτο. ] "Drew itself away from" its pursuers. There arevarious readings of this word. Kühner adopts ἀπεσπα, in the sense of"drew off its pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen. " Bornemann readsἀπέπτατο. ]

[Footnote 45: It would be needless to repeat all that has been said asto the construction of this passage; I have adopted the explication ofKühner. ]

[Footnote 46: Επὶ Πύλας. ] A strait or defile through which the road layfrom Mesopotamia into Babylonia; hence called the _Pylæ Babyloniæ_. Itis mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus _sub voce_ Χαρμάνδη. Ainsworth, p. 80, places it fourteen miles north of Felújah, and a hundred and eightmiles north of Babylon. ]

[Footnote 47: Καπίθη. ] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Attic_chœnices_. The Attic chœnix is valued by Mr. Hussey, Essay on AncientWeights, &c. , ch. 13, sect. 4, at 1. 8467 pint. ]

[Footnote 48: The _siglus_ is regarded by some as the same with theHebrew shekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than theshekel. The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more than threehalf-pence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shilling. ]

[Footnote 49: Σκεπάσματα is the reading of Dindorf, but it ought ratherto be στεγάσματα, if the distinction of Krüger and Kühner, who adopt thelatter, be right; viz. That στίπασμα signifies a covering to wrap roundthe body, and στέγασμα a shelter against sun or rain. See Arrian, iii. 29. This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is stillpractised in Armenia both by men and women. ]

[Footnote 50: See note on i. 2. 22. ]

CHAPTER VI. 

 Traces of the king's troops are perceived. Orontes, a Persian nobleman, a relation of Cyrus, offers to go forward with a body of cavalry, and lay an ambush for the king's army. Before he sets out, however, he is found to be in correspondence with the king, and is put to death. 

1. As they advanced from this place, the footsteps and dung of horseswere observed, and the track was conjectured to be that of about twothousand cavalry. These, as they went before, had burnt all the fodder, and whatever else might have been of use to Cyrus. And here Orontes, aPersian, by birth connected with the king, and reckoned one of theablest of the Persians in the field, turned traitor to Cyrus; with whom, indeed, he had previously been at strife, but had been reconciled tohim. 2. He now told Cyrus, that if he would give him a thousand horse, he would either cut off, by lying in ambush, the body of cavalry thatwere burning all before them, or would take the greater number of themprisoners, and hinder them from consuming everything in their way, andprevent them from ever informing the king that they had seen the army ofCyrus. Cyrus, when he heard his proposal, thought it advantageous; anddesired him to take a certain number of men from each of the differentcommanders. 

3. Orontes, thinking that he had secured the cavalry, wrote a letter tothe king, saying that he would come to him with as many horse as hecould obtain; and he desired him to give directions to his own cavalryto receive him as a friend. There were also in the letter expressionsreminding the king of his former friendship and fidelity to him. Thisletter he gave to a man, upon whom, as he believed, he could depend, butwho, when he received it, carried it to Cyrus. 4. Cyrus, after readingthe letter, caused Orontes to be arrested, and summoned to his own tentseven of the most distinguished Persians of his staff, and desired theGreek generals to bring up a body of heavy-armed men, who should arrangethemselves under arms around his tent. They did as he desired, andbrought with them about three thousand heavy-armed soldiers. 5. Clearchus he called in to assist at the council, as that officerappeared, both to himself and to the rest, to be held most in honouramong the Greeks. Afterwards, when Clearchus left the council, herelated to his friends how the trial of Orontes was conducted; for therewas no injunction of secrecy. He said, that Cyrus thus opened theproceedings:

6. "I have solicited your attendance, my friends, in order that, onconsulting with you, I may do, with regard to Orontes here before you, whatever may be thought just before gods and men. In the first place, then, my father appointed him to be subject to me. And when afterwards, by the command, as he himself states, of my brother, he engaged in waragainst me, having possession of the citadel of Sardis, I, too, took uparms against him, and made him resolve to desist from war with me; andthen I received from him, and gave him in return, the right-hand offriendship. 7. And since that occurrence, " he continued, "is thereanything in which I have wronged you?" Orontes replied that there wasnot. Cyrus again asked him, "And did you not then subsequently, when, asyou own yourself, you had received no injury from me, go over to theMysians, and do all the mischief in your power to my territories?"Orontes answered in the affirmative. "And did you not then, " continuedCyrus, "when you had thus again proved your strength, come to the altarof Diana, and say that you repented, and, prevailing upon me byentreaties, give me, and receive from me in return, pledges of mutualfaith?" This, too, Orontes acknowledged. 8. "What injury, then, "continued Cyrus, "have you received from me, that you are now, for thethird time, discovered in traitorous designs against me?" Orontes sayingthat he had received no injury from him, Cyrus asked him, "You confess, then, that you have acted unjustly towards me?" "I am necessitated toconfess it, " replied Orontes. Cyrus then again inquired, "And would youyet become an enemy to my brother, and a faithful friend to me?" Orontesanswered, "Though I should become so, O Cyrus, I should no longer appearso to you. " 9. On this, Cyrus said to those present, "Such are thisman's deeds, and such his confessions. And now, do you first, OClearchus, declare your opinion, whatever seems right to you. " Clearchusspoke thus: "I advise, that this man be put out of the way with alldespatch; that so it may be no longer necessary to be on our guardagainst him, but that we may have leisure, as far as he is concerned, tobenefit those who are willing to be our friends. " 10. In this opinion, Clearchus said, the rest concurred. Afterwards, by the direction ofCyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising fromtheir seats, took Orontes by the girdle, [51] in token that he was tosuffer death; when those to whom directions had been given, led himaway. And when those saw him pass, who had previously been used to bowbefore him, they bowed before him as usual, though they knew he wasbeing led to execution. 

11. After he had been conducted into the tent of Artapatas, the mostconfidential of Cyrus's sceptre-bearers, [52] no one from that time everbeheld Orontes either living or dead, nor could any one say, fromcertain knowledge, in what manner he died. Various conjectures weremade; but no burial-place of him was ever seen. 

[Footnote 51: This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, asis expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30 in his account ofthe condemnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius. ]

[Footnote 52: Σκηπτούχων. ] "Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrusthe elder, formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. Vii. 5. 58. "_Zeune_. ]

CHAPTER VII. 

 Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops; he addresses the Greeks, and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He advances in order of battle, but afterwards, supposing that his brother had no immediate intention to engage, proceeds with less caution. 

1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days' march, adistance of twelve parasangs; and at the end of the third day's march, he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Barbarians, in the plain, aboutmidnight; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would comeup with his army to offer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take thecommand of the right wing, and Menon the Thessalian that of the left, while he himself drew up his own troops. 

2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from the GreatKing came and gave Cyrus information respecting the royal army. Cyrus, assembling the generals and captains of the Greeks, consulted with themhow he should conduct the engagement, and then encouraged them with thefollowing exhortations: 3. "It is not, O Greeks, from any want ofBarbarian forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries; but it isbecause I think you more efficient and valuable than a multitude ofBarbarians, that I have engaged you in my service. See, then, that youprove yourselves worthy of the liberty of which you are possessed, andfor which I esteem you fortunate; for be well assured, that I shouldprefer that freedom to all that I possess, and to other possessions manytimes as great. 4. But, that you may know to what sort of encounter youare advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The enemy'snumbers are immense, and they make their onset with a loud shout; but ifyou are firm against this, I feel ashamed to think what sort of men, inother respects, you will find those in the country to be. But if you aretrue men, and prove yourselves stout-hearted, I will enable those ofyou, who may wish to go home, to return thither the envy of theirfellow-countrymen; but I think that I shall induce most of you to preferthe advantages of remaining with me to those in your own country. "

5. Upon this, Gaulites, an exile from Samos, a man in the confidence ofCyrus, being present, said, "Yet some say, O Cyrus, that you make manypromises now, because you are in such a situation of approaching danger;but that if things should turn out well, you will not remember them;[53]and some, too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will, you will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise. "

6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, "We have before us, my friends, the empirethat was my father's, extending, on the south, to the parts where mencannot live for heat; and on the north, to the parts where they cannotlive for cold; and over all that lies between these extremes, thefriends of my brother are now satraps. 7. But if we conquer, it will beproper for us to make our own friends masters of these regions. So thatit is not this that I fear, that I shall not have enough to give to eachof my friends, if things turn out successfully, but that I shall nothave friends enough to whom I may give it. And to each of you Greeks, Iwill also give a golden crown. "

8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these assurances, weremuch encouraged, and reported what he had said to the rest. Thecaptains, too, and some others of the Greeks, went into his tent, desiring to know for certain what would be their reward if they shouldbe victorious; and he did not let them go without satisfying the mindsof all. 

9. But all, who conversed with him, urged him not to engage in thebattle personally, but take his station behind their line. About thistime, also, Clearchus put a question to Cyrus to this effect: "And doyou think, Cyrus, that your brother will come to battle with you?" "ByJupiter, " replied Cyrus, "if he be indeed the son of Darius andParysatis, and my brother, I shall not gain possession of thesedominions without a struggle. "

10. In mustering the Greeks under arms, their numbers were found to beten thousand four hundred heavy-armed men, and two thousand four hundredpeltasts; of Barbarian troops under Cyrus, there were one hundredthousand, with about twenty chariots armed with scythes. 

11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million two hundredthousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. There were, besides, sixthousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses had the command; these were drawnup in front of the king himself. 12. Of the royal army there were fourcommanders, or generals, or leaders, [54] each over three hundredthousand men; that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, andArbaces. But of this number only nine hundred thousand were present atthe battle, and one hundred and fifty scythed chariots; for Abrocomas, who was marching from Phœnicia, did not arrive till five days afterthe battle. 

13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the enemy whodeserted from the Great King before the battle; and such of the enemy aswere taken prisoners after the battle gave the same account. 

14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day's march, a distance of threeparasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, drawn up inorder of battle; for he expected that on this day the king would givehim battle; as about the middle of the day's march, there was a deeptrench dug; the breadth of it was five fathoms, [55] and the depth three. 15. This ditch extended up through the plain, to the distance of twelveparasangs, as far as the wall of Media. [56] Here are the canals whichare supplied from the river Tigris;[57] there are four of them, each aplethrum in breadth, and very deep; boats employed in conveying cornsail along them. They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, aredistant from each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them. Near the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and thetrench, about twenty feet in breadth. 16. This trench the Great King hadmade to serve as a defence, when he heard that Cyrus was marchingagainst him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made their way, and gotwithin the trench. 

17. On this day the king did not come to an engagement, but there wereto be seen many traces of men and horses in retreat. 

18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and gave him threethousand darics, [58] because, on the eleventh day previous, whilesacrificing, he had told Cyrus that the king would not fight for tendays; when Cyrus exclaimed, "He will not then fight at all, if he doesnot fight within that time; but if you shall prove to have spoken truly, I promise to give you ten talents. " This money, therefore, he now paidhim, the ten days having elapsed. 

19. As the king made no attempt, at the trench, to prevent the passageof Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus and the rest that he hadgiven up the intention of fighting; so that on the day following Cyrusproceeded on his march with less caution. 20. On the day succeedingthat, he pursued his journey seated in his chariot, and having but asmall body of troops in line before him; while the far greater part ofthe army observed no order on their march, and many of the soldiers'arms were carried on the waggons and beasts of burden. 

[Footnote 53: Οὐ μεμνῆσθαι. ] This is the reading in all books andmanuscripts. But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. Hutchinson and others render it "te non fore memorem. " Should we readμεμνήσεσθαι?]

[Footnote 54: Ἦσαν ἄρχοντες καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες τέτταρες. ] Weiskeconsiders the words καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες spurious; and Schneiderand some others are of his opinion. Kühner thinks that they are genuine, and explicative of the more general term ἄρχοντες. ]

[Footnote 55: Ὀργυιαί. ] The ὀργυιά was equal to 6. 0675 English feet. SeeHussey on Ancient Weights, &c. , Append. Sect. 10. ]

[Footnote 56: Τοῦ Μηδίας τείχους. ] As many of the best manuscripts haveΜηδείας, in this passage as well as in ii. 4. 12, ii. 4. 27, and vii. 8. 25, Kühner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was namedfrom Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medes, whom the Persiansconquered and despoiled of his dominions. "Those who defend the readingΜηδίας, " continues Kühner, "suppose the name to be derived from thecountry of Media, and believe, with Mannert, (Geog. I. P. 330, ) that itis the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on the sideof Media; but this opinion rests on very weak arguments. " Ainsworth, p. 180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Euphrates, and thatthe site of it is indicated by the ruins now called _Sidd Nimrud_, or"the Wall of Nimrod. "]

[Footnote 57: "These canals however flowed, not from the Tigris into theEuphrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not onlyby Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers. "_Kühner_. But "the difference in the level of the rivers is so slightthat ---- it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal directionof a canal, the waters could be made to flow either way; certainly so atcertain seasons. " _Ainsworth_, p. 89. ]

[Footnote 58: See note on i. 1. 9. ]

CHAPTER VIII. 

 The enemy are seen advancing in order of battle, and the army of Cyrus hastily prepare for action. The Greeks, in the right wing, put to flight the troops opposed to them, and pursue them some distance. Cyrus, in the centre, directs his attack against the king, and is killed. 

1. It was now about the time of full market, [59] and the station, wherehe intended to halt, was not far off, when Pategyas, a Persian, one ofCyrus's confidential adherents, made his appearance, riding at hisutmost speed, with his horse in a sweat, and straightway called out toall whom he met, both in Persian and Greek, "that the king wasapproaching with a vast army, prepared as for battle. " 2. Immediatelygreat confusion ensued; for the Greeks and all the rest imagined that hewould fall upon them suddenly, before they could form their ranks; 3. And Cyrus, leaping from his chariot, put on his breastplate, and, mounting his horse, took his javelin in his hand, and gave orders forall the rest to arm themselves, and to take their stations each in hisown place. 4. They accordingly formed with all expedition; Clearchusoccupying the extremity of the right wing close to the Euphrates, Proxenus being next to him, and after him the other captains insuccession. Menon and his troops occupied the left wing of the Greeks. 

5. Of the Barbarian forces, about one thousand Paphlagonian cavalry werestationed near Clearchus, and the Grecian peltasts on the right; and onthe left was Ariæus, Cyrus's lieutenant, with the rest of the Barbariantroops. 6. In the centre[60] was Cyrus, and with him about six hundredcavalry, the men all armed with breastplates, defences for the thighs, and helmets, except Cyrus alone; for Cyrus presented himself for battlewith his head unprotected. [It is said, too, that the other Persiansexpose themselves in battle with their heads uncovered. ][61]

7. All the horses of the cavalry, that were with Cyrus, had defensivearmour on the forehead and breast; and the horsemen had also Grecianswords. 

8. It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight. But when itwas afternoon, [62] there appeared a dust, like a white cloud, and notlong after, a sort of blackness, extending to a great distance over theplain. Presently, as they approached nearer, brazen armour began toflash, and the spears and ranks became visible. 9. There was a body ofcavalry, in white armour, on the left of the enemy's line; (Tissapherneswas said to have the command of them;) close by these were troops withwicker shields; and next to them, heavy-armed soldiers with long woodenshields reaching to their feet; (these were said to be Egyptians;) thenother cavalry and bowmen. These all marched according to their nations, each nation separately in a solid oblong. [63] 10. In front of theirline, at considerable intervals from each other, were stationed thechariots called scythed chariots; they had scythes projecting obliquelyfrom the axletree, and others under the driver's seat, pointing to theearth, for the purpose of cutting through whatever came in their way;and the design of them was to penetrate and divide the ranks of theGreeks. 

11. As to what Cyrus had said, however, when, on calling together theGreeks, he exhorted them to sustain unmoved the shout of the Barbarians, he was in this respect deceived; for they now approached, not with ashout, but with all possible silence, and quietly, with an even and slowstep. 12. Cyrus in the mean time, riding by with Pigres the interpreter, and three or four others, called out to Clearchus to lead his troopsagainst the enemy's centre, for that there was the king; "and if, " saidhe, "we are victorious in that quarter, our object is fullyaccomplished. " 13. But though Clearchus saw that close collection oftroops in the centre of the enemy's line, and heard from Cyrus that theking was beyond the left of the Greeks, (for so much the superior wasthe king in numbers, that, while occupying the middle of his own line, he was still beyond Cyrus's left, ) nevertheless, he was unwilling todraw off his right wing from the river, fearing lest he should be hemmedin on both sides; and in answer to Cyrus he said, "that he would takecare that all should go well. "

14. During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a uniform pace;and the Grecian line, still remaining in the same place, was graduallyforming from those who came up from time to time. Cyrus, riding by at amoderate distance from his army, [64] surveyed from thence both thelines, looking as well towards the enemy as to his own men. 15. Xenophon, an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up tomeet him, and inquired whether he had any commands; when Cyrus stoppedhis horse, and told him, and desired him to tell everybody, that thesacrifices and the appearances of the victims were favourable. [65] 16. As he was saying this, he heard a murmur passing through the ranks, andasked what noise that was. He answered, [66] "that it was the watchword, passing now for the second time. "[67] At which Cyrus wondered who hadgiven it, and asked what the word was. He replied that it was, "JUPITERTHE PRESERVER and VICTORY. " 17. When Cyrus heard it, "I accept it as agood omen, " said he, "and let it be so. " Saying this, he rode away tohis own station; and the two armies were now not more than three or fourstadia distant from each other, when the Greeks sang the pæan, and beganto march forward to meet the enemy. 18. And as, while they proceeded, some part of their body fluctuated out of line, [68] those who were thusleft behind began to run: and at the same time, they all raised justsuch a shout as they usually raise to Mars, and the whole of them tookto a running pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their spearsagainst their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 19. But theBarbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave way, and took toflight. The Greeks then pursued them with all their force, calling outto each other, not to run, but to follow in order. 20. The chariots, abandoned by their drivers, were hurried, some through the midst of theenemies themselves, and others through the midst of the Greeks. TheGreeks, when they saw them coming, opened their ranks to let them pass;some few, however, were startled and caught by them, as might happen ina race-course; but these, they said, suffered no material injury; nordid any other of the Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, exceptthat, on the left of their army, a man was said to have been shot withan arrow. 

21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pursuing those ofthe enemies who were opposed to them, and though he felt great pleasureat the sight, and was already saluted as king by those about him, wasnot, however, led away to join in the pursuit; but keeping the band ofsix hundred cavalry, that were with him, drawn up in close order aroundhim, he attentively watched how the king would proceed; for he well knewthat he occupied the centre of the Persian army. 22. All the commandersof the Barbarians, indeed, lead[69] their troops to battle occupying thecentre of their own men; thinking that they will thus be most secure, ifthey have the strength of their force on either side of them, and thatif they have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them inhalf the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though he occupiedthe centre of his own army, was nevertheless beyond Cyrus's left wing. But as no enemy attacked him in front, or the troops that were drawn upbefore him, he began to wheel round, as if to enclose his adversaries. 24. Cyrus, in consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in therear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and charging withhis six hundred horse, routed the troops that were stationed in front ofthe king, and put the guard of six thousand to flight, and is said tohave killed with his own hand Artagerses, their commander. 

25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus's six hundred becamedispersed in the eagerness of pursuit; only a very few remaining withhim, chiefly those who were called "partakers of his table. "

26. While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and the closeguard around him; when he immediately lost his self-command, andexclaiming, "I see the man, " rushed upon him, struck him on the breast, and wounded him through the breastplate, as Ctesias, the physician, relates, stating that he himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was inthe act of striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under theeye; and how many of those about the king were killed, (while they thusfought, the king, and Cyrus, and their respective followers in defenceof each, ) Ctesias relates; for he was with him; on the other side, Cyrushimself was killed, and eight of his principal officers lay dead uponhis body. 28. Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all hissceptre-bearers, [70] when he saw Cyrus fall, is said to have leaped fromhis horse, and thrown himself upon the body of his master; 29. And somesay, that the king ordered some one to kill him on the body of Cyrus;but others relate, that he drew his scimitar, and killed himself uponthe body; for he had a golden scimitar by his side, and also wore achain and bracelets, and other ornaments, like the noblest of thePersians; since he was honoured by Cyrus for his attachment and fidelityto him. 

[Footnote 59: Ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν. ] The time from the tenth hour tillnoon. The whole day was divided by the Greeks into four parts, πρωῖ, ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν, μεσημβρία, δείλη. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 60: The words κατὰ τὸ μέσον, which were introduced into thetext by Leunclavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparisonof Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I havethought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect. 22, 23. ]

[Footnote 61: The words in brackets, as being at variance with what issaid immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads, Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as aninterpolation of some copyist. Kühner defends them an the ground thatthey do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a generalcustom of the Persians. Jacobs for ἄλλους conjectures παλαιούς, whichLion has received into his text; but παλαιούς does not suit well withthe present διακινδυνεύειν. For my own part, I would rather see thewords out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that theybreak the current of the narrative. Dindorf very judiciously leaves themin brackets. ]

[Footnote 62: Δείλη. ] See note on sect. 1. Of this chap. "This divisionof the day was also distinguished into two parts, δείλη πρωῖα, and δείληοψία, the early part of the afternoon, (which is here meant, ) and theevening. " _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 63: Ἐν πλαισίῳ πλήρει ἀνθρώπων. ] "In an oblong full of men, "i. E. The men being close together. ]

[Footnote 64: Οὐ πάνυ πρὸς αὐτῷ τῶ στρατεύματι. ] "Satis longinquo à suisintervallo. "--_Weiske_. ]

[Footnote 65: Τὰ ἱερὰ ---- καὶ τὰ σφάγια καλά. ] The ἱερὰ are omens fromthe entrails of the victims; the σφάγια were omens taken from theappearances and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This isthe explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adoptedby Kühner. Compare ii, 1. 9. ]

[Footnote 66: Dindorf has ὁ δὲ Κλέαρχος εἶπεν, which is the reading ofsome manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν instead of Κλέαρχος. Dindorfprefers the former, assuming that Clearchus had probably ridden up toCyrus on that occasion; but this is an assumption which he had no rightto make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favour of it. Bornemann and Kühner think it better to consider both names as equallyinterpolations, and to read simply ὁ δὲ εἶπεν, Xenophon of course beingunderstood. ]

[Footnote 67: Δεύτερον. ] The watchword seems to have been passed fromthe extremity of one wing (the right I should suppose) to the extremityof the other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating ittwice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be passedonly twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read τὸδεύτερον. _Krüger_ de Authen. Anab. P. 33. Kühner observes that thearticle is not absolutely necessary. I have translated "_the_ secondtime, " as the sense seems to require. Some have imagined that the wordδεύτερον implies that _a second watchword_, another given out for theoccasion, was passing round; but for this supposition there seems noground. As there is no answer to the inquiry, τίς παραγγέλλει, Krügerthinks that some words have dropped out of the text. ]

[Footnote 68: Ἐξεκύμαινε. ] This metaphor, from the swelling and heavingof a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. Ii. 10. 4, and praised in thetreatise de Eloc. 84, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus. ]

[Footnote 69: Ἡγοῦνται. ] Schneider, Kühner, and some other editors haveἡγοῦντο but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present, notwithstanding the following optative. ]

[Footnote 70: See c. 6, sect. 11. ]

CHAPTER IX. 

 The character of Cyrus. All his personal friends are killed, except Ariæus, who takes to flight. 

1. Thus then died Cyrus; a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus theelder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed byall who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. 2. In the firstplace, while he was yet a boy, and when he was receiving his educationwith his brother and the other youths, he was thought to surpass themall in everything. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles areeducated at the gates of the king;[71] where they may learn many alesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing disgraceful. 4. Here the boys see some honoured by the king, and others disgraced, andhear of them; so that in their very childhood they learn to govern andto obey. 

5. Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable for modestyamong those of his own age, and for paying more ready obedience to hiselders than even those who were inferior to him in station; and next, hewas noted for his fondness for horses, and for managing them in asuperior manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning, andmost assiduous in practising, the warlike exercises of archery, andhurling the javelin. 6. When it suited his age, he grew extremely fondof the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters with wild beasts. Onone occasion, he did not shrink from a she-bear that attacked him, but, in grappling with her, was dragged from off his horse, and received somewounds, the scars of which were visible on his body, but at last killedher. The person who first came to his assistance, he made a happy man inthe eyes of many. 

7. When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of Lydia and GreatPhrygia and Cappadocia, and was also appointed commander of all thetroops whose duty it is to muster in the plain of Castolus, he soonshowed that if he made a league or compact with any one, or gave apromise, he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word. 8. Accordingly the states that were committed to his charge, as well asindividuals, had the greatest confidence in him; and if any one had beenhis enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus entered into a treaty with him, he should suffer no infraction of the stipulations. 9. When, therefore, he waged war against Tissaphernes, all the cities, of their own accord, chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to Tissaphernes, except theMilesians; but they feared him, because he would not abandon the causeof the exiles; 10. For he both showed by his deeds, and declared inwords, that he would never desert them, since he had once become afriend to them, not even though they should grow still fewer in number, and be in a worse condition than they were. 

11. Whenever any one did him a kindness or an injury, he showed himselfanxious to go beyond him in those respects; and some used to mention awish of his, that "he desired to live long enough to outdo both thosewho had done him good, and those who had done him ill, in the requitalthat he should make. " 12. Accordingly to him alone of the men of ourdays were so great a number of people desirous of committing thedisposal of their property, their cities, and their own persons. 

13. Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he suffered thecriminal or unjust to deride his authority; for he of all men inflictedpunishment most unsparingly; and there were often to be seen, along themost frequented roads, men deprived of their feet, or hands, or eyes; sothat in Cyrus's dominions, it was possible for any one, Greek orBarbarian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear whithersoever hepleased, and having with him whatever might suit his convenience. 

14. To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowledged that he paiddistinguished honour. His first war was with the Pisidians and Mysians;and, marching in person into these countries, he made those, whom he sawvoluntarily hazarding their lives in his service, governors over theterritory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards in otherways. 15. So that the brave appeared to be the most fortunate of men, while the cowardly were deemed fit[72] only to be their slaves. Therewere, therefore, great numbers of persons who voluntarily exposedthemselves to danger, wherever they thought that Cyrus would becomeaware of their exertions. 

16. With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined to displaythat virtue, he made a point of making such men richer than those whosought to profit by injustice. 17. Accordingly, while in many otherrespects his affairs were administered judiciously, he likewisepossessed an army worthy of the name. For it was not for money thatgenerals and captains came from foreign lands to enter into his service, but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well, would be moreprofitable than any amount of monthly pay. 18. Besides, if any oneexecuted his orders in a superior manner, he never suffered hisdiligence to go unrewarded; consequently, in every undertaking, the bestqualified officers were said to be ready to assist him. 

19. If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with strict regardto justice, stocking the land of which he had the direction, andsecuring income from it, he would never take anything from such aperson, but was ever ready to give him something in addition; so thatmen laboured with cheerfulness, acquired property with confidence, andmade no concealment from Cyrus of what each possessed; for he did notappear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to endeavour tobring into use the wealth of those who concealed it. 

20. Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well-disposed to him, andconsidered to be capable of assisting him in anything that he might wishto accomplish, he is acknowledged by all to have been most successful inattaching them to him. 21. For, on the very same account on which hethought that he himself had need of friends, namely, that he might haveco-operators in his undertakings, did he endeavour to prove an efficientassistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of them desirousof effecting. 

22. He received, for many reasons, more presents than perhaps any othersingle individual; and these he outdid every one else in distributingamongst his friends, having a view to the character of each, and to whathe perceived each most needed. 23. Whatever presents any one sent him ofarticles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accoutrement, ormerely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used to remark, thathe could not decorate his own person with them all, but that he thoughtfriends well equipped were the greatest ornament a man could have. 24. That he should outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great benefits, is not at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but, that heshould surpass his friends in kind attentions, and an anxious desire tooblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration. 25. Frequently, when he had wine served him of a peculiarly fine flavour, he would sendhalf-emptied flagons of it to some of his friends, with a message tothis effect: "Cyrus has not for some time met with pleasanter wine thanthis; and he has therefore sent some of it to you, and begs you willdrink it to-day, with those whom you love best. " 26. He would often, too, send geese partly eaten, and the halves of loaves, and other suchthings, desiring the bearer to say, in presenting them, "Cyrus has beendelighted with these, and therefore wishes you also to taste of them. "

27. Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from having manyattendants, and from the care which he took, was able to procure some, he would send it about, and desire his friends to give that provender tothe horses that carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry hisfriends. 28. Whenever he rode out, and many were likely to see him, hewould call to him his friends, and hold earnest conversation with them, that he might show whom he held in honour; so that, from what I haveheard, I should think that no one was ever beloved by a greater numberof persons, either Greeks or Barbarians. 29. Of this fact the followingis a proof; that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus, though only asubject, (except that Orontes attempted to do so; but he soon found theperson whom he believed faithful to him, more a friend to Cyrus than tohimself, ) while many came over to Cyrus from the king, after they becameenemies to each other; and these, too, men who were greatly beloved bythe king; for they felt persuaded, that if they proved themselves bravesoldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain from him more adequate rewardsfor their services than from the king. 

30. What occurred also at the time of his death, is a great proof, aswell that he himself was a man of merit, as that he could accuratelydistinguish such as were trust-worthy, well disposed, and constant intheir attachment. 31. For when he was killed, all his friends, and thepartakers of his table who were with him, fell fighting in his defence, except Ariæus, who had been posted, in command of the cavalry, on theleft; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, he tookto flight, with all the troops which he had under his command. 

[Footnote 71: Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις. ] For "at the king's palace. ""The king's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in themodern Constantinople, _the Porte_. Agreeably to the customs of otherdespots of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior oftheir palaces; seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means ofaccess to their persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies, guards, and others was endless. It was through them alone that accesscould be obtained to the monarch. " _Heeren, Researches, &c. _ vol. I. P403. See Cyrop. I. 3. 2; 2. 3, _seqq. _ Corn. Nep. Life of Conon, c. 3. ]

[Footnote 72: Ἀξιοῦσθαι. ] Lion, Poppo, Kühner, and some other editors, read ἀξιοῦν, but the passive suits better with the preceding φαίνεσθαι. ]

CHAPTER X. 

 The head and right-hand of Cyrus cut off. Artaxerxes pursues Ariæus, plunders the camp of Cyrus, and then returns to attack the victorious Greeks, who put him to flight, recover what he had seized, and return to their camp. 

1. The head and right-hand of Cyrus were then cut off. The king, and thetroops that were with him, engaging in pursuit, fell upon the camp ofCyrus; when the soldiers of Ariæus no longer stood their ground, butfled through their camp to the station whence they had last started;which was said to be four parasangs distant. 2. The king and hisfollowers seized upon many other things, and also captured the Phocæanwoman, the mistress of Cyrus, who was said to be both accomplished andbeautiful. 3. His younger mistress, a native of Miletus, being taken bysome of the king's soldiers, fled for refuge, without her outer garment, to the party of Greeks, [73] who were stationed under arms to guard thebaggage, and who, drawing themselves up for defence, killed several ofthe pillagers; and some of their own number also fell; yet they did notflee, but saved not only the woman, but all the rest of the property andpeople that were in their quarters. 

4. The king and the main body of Greeks were now distant from each otherabout thirty stadia, the Greeks pursuing those that had been opposed tothem, as if they had conquered all; the Persians engaged in plundering, as if they were wholly victorious. 5. But when the Greeks found that theking with his troops was amongst their baggage; and the king, on theother hand, heard from Tissaphernes, that the Greeks had routed thatpart of his line which had been opposed to them, and were gone forwardin pursuit, the king, on his part, collected his forces, and formedthem in line again; while Clearchus, on the other side, calling to himProxenus, who happened to be nearest to him, consulted with him whetherthey should send a detachment to the camp, or proceed, all of themtogether, to relieve it. 6. In the mean time, the king was observedagain approaching them, as it seemed, in their rear. The Greeks, wheeling round, prepared to receive him, in the belief that he wouldattack them on that quarter; the king, however, did not lead his troopsthat way, but led them off by the same route by which he had beforepassed on the outside of their left wing; taking with him both those whohad deserted to the Greeks during the engagement, and Tissaphernes withthe troops under his command. 

7. Tissaphernes had not fled at the commencement of the engagement, buthad charged through the Greek peltasts, close to the banks of the river. In breaking through, however, he killed not a single man, for theGreeks, opening their ranks, struck his men with their swords, andhurled their javelins at them. Episthenes of Amphipolis had the commandof the peltasts, and was said to have proved himself an able captain. 8. Tissaphernes, therefore, when he thus came off with disadvantage, didnot turn back again, but, proceeding onwards to the Grecian camp, metthe king there; and thence they now returned together, with their forcesunited in battle-array. 9. When they were opposite the left wing of theGreeks, the Greeks feared lest they should attack them on that wing, and, enclosing them on both sides, should cut them off; they thereforethought it advisable to draw back this wing, [74] and to put the river intheir rear. 10. While they were planning this manœuvre, the king, having passed beyond them, presented his force opposite to them, in thesame form in which he had at first come to battle; and when the Greekssaw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for fight, they again sangthe pæan, and advanced upon them with much greater spirit than before. 11. The Barbarians, on the other hand, did not await their onset, butfled sooner[75] than at first; and the Greeks pursued them as far as acertain village, [76] where they halted; 12. For above the village was ahill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight, and thoughthere were no longer any infantry[77] there, the height was filled withcavalry; so that the Greeks could not tell what was doing. They said, that they saw the royal standard, a golden eagle upon a spear, [78] withexpanded wings. [79]

13. But as the Greeks were on the point of proceeding thither, thecavalry too left the hill; not indeed in a body, but some in onedirection and some in another; and thus the hill was gradually thinnedof cavalry, till at last they were all gone. 14. Clearchus, however, didnot march up the hill, but, stationing his force at its foot, sentLycius the Syracusan and another up the hill, and ordered them, aftertaking a view from the summit, to report to him what was passing on theother side. 15. Lycius accordingly rode thither, and having made hisobservations, brought word that the enemy were fleeing withprecipitation. Just as these things took place, the sun set. 

16. Here the Greeks halted, and piling their arms, took some rest; andat the same time they wondered that Cyrus himself nowhere made hisappearance, and that no one else came to them from him; for they did notknow that he was killed, but conjectured that he was either gone inpursuit of the enemy, or had pushed forward to secure some post. 17. They then deliberated whether they should remain in that spot and fetchtheir baggage thither, or return to the camp; and it was resolved toreturn, and they arrived at the tents about supper-time. 18. Such wasthe conclusion of this day. 

They found almost all their baggage, and whatever food and drink waswith it, plundered and wasted; the waggons, too, full of barley-meal andwine, which Cyrus had provided, in order that, if ever a great scarcityof provisions should fall upon the army, he might distribute themamongst the Grecian troops, (and the waggons, as was said, were fourhundred in number, ) these also the king's soldiers had plundered. 19. Most of the Greeks consequently remained supperless; and they had alsobeen without dinner; for before the army had halted for dinner, the kingmade his appearance. In this state they passed the ensuing night. 

[Footnote 73: Πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων. ] "These words, " says Kühner, "havewonderfully exercised the abilities of commentators. " The simplest modeof interpretation, he then observes, is to take πρὸς in the sense ofversus, "towards, " comparing iv. 3. 26; ii. 2. 4; but he inclines, onthe whole, to make the genitive Ἑλλήνων depend on τούτους understood:ἐκφεύγει τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς (τούτους) οἵ ἔτυχον, κ. τ. λ. , though heacknowledges that this construction is extremely forced, and that he cannowhere find anything similar to it. Brodæus suggested πρὸς τὸ τῶνἙλλήνων, scil. στρατόπεδον, and Weiske and Schneider would read πρὸς τὸτῶν Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον. Other conjectures it is unnecessary to notice. ]

[Footnote 74: Ἀναπτύσσειν. ] Literally "to fold back. " Whether we are tounderstand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, is notvery clear. The commentators are not all agreed as to the exact sensethat the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it by _explicare_, "toopen out, " or "extend, " and this indeed seems more applicable toπεριπτύξαντες which precedes; for the Greeks might lengthen out theirline that the king's troops might not surround them. But on the whole, the other interpretation seems to have most voices in favour of it. ]

[Footnote 75: Ἐκ πλέονος. ] Sc. διαστήματος: they began to flee when theGreeks were at a still greater distance than before. ]

[Footnote 76: Μέχρι κώμης τινός. ] This is generally supposed to havebeen Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought. Ainsworth, p. 244, identifies Cunaxa with _Imséy'ab_, a place 36 milesnorth of Babylon. ]

[Footnote 77: The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only wereleft. ]

[Footnote 78: Ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξύλου. ] So stands the passage in Dindorf'stext; but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider ἐπὶ ξύλου tobe a mere interpretation of ἐπὶ πέλτης, that has crept by some accidentinto the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it. Πέλτη is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as δόρυ or λόγχη:and Krüger refers to Philostratus, Icon. Ii. 82, ἐπὶ τῆς πέλτης ἀετός. In Cyrop. Vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have beena golden eagle, ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. Πέλτη accordingly beingtaken in this sense, all is clear, and ἐπὶ ξύλου is superfluous. Kühnergives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶξυστοῦ, who, taking πέλτη in the sense of _a shield_, supposed that theeagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the shieldwould surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better be rid ofit. Yet to take πέλτη in the sense of _a spear_, unusual in Xenophon, isnot altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we could fairlyadmit into the text Leunclavius's conjecture, ἐπὶ παλτοῦ. ]

[Footnote 79: Ἀνατεταμένον. ] This word is generally understood tosignify that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott'sLexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. Of G. And R. Ant. Sub _SignaMilitaria_. ]

BOOK II. 

CHAPTER I. 

 The Greeks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Ariæus resolves to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus, who incites him to make an attempt on the throne of Persia. Artaxerxes sends a message to the Greeks; their reply. 

1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when he undertook hisexpedition against his brother Artaxerxes, what occurred in his march upthe country, how the battle took place, how Cyrus was killed, and howthe Greeks returned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief thatthey were completely victorious, and that Cyrus was still alive, hasbeen related in the preceding book. 

2. When it was day, the generals met together, and expressed theirsurprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person to give directions howthey should act, nor had made his appearance himself. It seemed best tothem, therefore, to pack up what baggage they had, and, armingthemselves, to march forward till they could effect a junction withCyrus. 3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sunwas rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, (whowas descended from Damaratus, the Lacedæmonian, ) and with him Glus, theson of Tamos, who told them that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariæus, havingfled, was, with the rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence theystarted the day before; and that he said he would wait for the Greeksthat day, if they would come to him; but on the morrow, he said, heshould set off for Ionia, from whence he had come. 

4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other Greeks, onlearning it from them, [80] were grievously afflicted; and Clearchusspoke thus: "Would that Cyrus were still alive; but since he is no more, carry back word to Ariæus, that we at least are victorious over theking, and that, as you see, no enemy any longer offers us battle; and ifyou had not come, we should have marched against the king; and wepromise Ariæus that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on theroyal throne: for to those who conquer, it belongs also to rule. " 5. Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent with themCheirisophus the Lacedæmonian, and Menon the Thessalian; for Menonhimself desired to go, as he was connected with Ariæus by ties offriendship and hospitality. 

6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited where he was;and the troops supplied themselves with food, as well as they could, from the carcases of their baggage-cattle, slaughtering their oxen andasses; and, going a little way in front of the line, to the place wherethe battle was fought, they collected and used as fuel, not only thearrows, which lay in great quantities, and which the Greeks hadcompelled the deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wickershields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians; and therewere also many other light shields, and waggons emptied of theircontents[81] to be taken away; using all which materials to cook themeat, they appeased their hunger for that day. 

7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon, [82] when some heraldsarrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of them Barbarians, exceptone, a Greek named Phalinus, who chanced to be with Tissaphernes, andwas highly esteemed by him, for he had pretensions to skill in thearrangement of troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. Thesepersons having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders of theGreeks, told them, "that the king, since he had gained the victory andslain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver up their arms, and go to thegates of the king, [83] and try to obtain, if they could, some favourfrom him. " 9. Thus spoke the king's heralds; and the Greeks heard themwith no small concern: but Clearchus only said, "that it was not thepart of conquerors to deliver up their arms; but, " he continued, "doyou, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as you think mosthonourable and proper; and I will return immediately;" for one of theattendants just then called him away to inspect the entrails which hadbeen taken out of the victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice. 10. Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that "theywould die before they would deliver up their arms. " "For my part, " saidProxenus the Theban, "I wonder, Phalinus, whether it is as conquerorthat the king asks for our arms, or as gifts in friendship; for if asconqueror, why should he ask for them at all, and not rather come andtake them? But if he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion, let him say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him inthis particular. " 11. To this Phalinus replied, "The king considershimself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. For who is there nowthat disputes the sovereignty with him? And he also looks uponyourselves as his captives, having you here in the middle of hisdominions, and enclosed within impassable rivers; and being able to leadsuch multitudes against you, as, though he gave them into your power, itwould be impossible for you to destroy. "

12. After him, Theopompus, [84] an Athenian, spoke thus: "O Phalinus, wehave now, as you see, nothing to avail us, except our arms and ourvalour. While we retain our arms, we may hope to profit by our valour;but if we were to give them up, we should expect to be deprived also ofour lives. Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you theonly things of value that we possess; but, with these in our hands, wewill even fight for whatever of value you possess. " 13. On hearing himspeak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You seem like a philosopher, young man, and express yourself not without grace; but be assured thatyou are out of your senses if you imagine that your valour will provevictorious over the might of the king. " 14. But it was reported thatcertain others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said thatthey had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of greatservice to the king, if he were willing to become their friend; and thatwhether he might wish to employ them in any other service, or in anexpedition against Egypt, they would assist him in reducing it. 

15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether they had yetgiven their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, "Your companions, OClearchus, give each a different answer; and now tell us what you haveto say. " 16. Clearchus then said, "I was glad to see you, O Phalinus, and so, I dare say, were all the rest of us; for you are a Greek, as wealso are; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed in suchcircumstances, we would advise with you how we should act with regard tothe message that you bring. 17. Give us then, I entreat you by the gods, such advice as seems to you most honourable and advantageous, and suchas will bring you honour in time to come, when it is related, thatPhalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks to deliverup their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, such and suchcounsel; for you know that whatever counsel you do give, willnecessarily be reported in Greece. "

18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion, with the desire thatthe very person who came as an envoy from the king, should advise themnot to deliver up their arms, in order that the Greeks might be led toconceive better hopes. But Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke, contrary to his expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousandhopeful chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves bycontinuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver upyour arms; but if you have not a single hope of safety in opposing theking's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves in the only way inwhich it is possible. " 20. Clearchus rejoined, "Such, then, is youradvice; but on our part return this answer, that we are of opinion, that, if we are to be friends with the king, we shall be more valuablefriends if we retain our arms, than if we surrender them to another; butthat if we must make war against him, we should make war better if weretain our arms, than if we give them up to another. " 21. Phalinus said, "This answer, then, we will report: but the king desired us also toinform you, that while you remain in this place, a truce is to beconsidered as existing between him and you; but, if you advance orretreat, there is to be war. Give us, therefore, your answer on thispoint also; whether you will remain here, and a truce is to exist, orwhether I shall announce from you, that there is war. " 22. Clearchusreplied, "Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution isthe same as that of the king. " "And what is that?" said Phalinus. Clearchus replied, "If we stay here, a truce; but if we retreat oradvance, war. " 23. Phalinus again asked him, "Is it a truce or war thatI shall report?" Clearchus again made the same answer: "A truce, if westay; and if we retreat or advance, war. " But of what he intended to do, he gave no intimation. 

[Footnote 80: Πυνθανόμενοι. ] Schneider and others would omit this word, as an apparent interpolation. I have followed Kühner's interpretation. ]

[Footnote 81: Φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι. ] Before Φέρεσθαι is to be understoodὥστε, as Zeune and Weiske observe. Kühner remarks that ἔρημοι shouldproperly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were withoutowners, and the waggons without their contents, as having been plunderedby the enemy. ]

[Footnote 82: Περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν. ] See i. 8. 1. ]

[Footnote 83: See i. 9. 3. ]

[Footnote 84: Θεόπομπος. ] This is the reading of six manuscripts; othershave Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of thelearned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. If wefollow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Θεόπομπος isgenuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officersonly of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as appearsfrom iii. 1. 4, was not then in the service: as for the other argumentsthat he has offered, they are of no weight. Krüger (Quæstt. De Xen. Vit. P. 12) attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon, conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the marginΘεοπόμπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of Theopompusmay have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic. , xiv. 25, attributes thosewords to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I havethought it safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhereto the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was, however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis. _Kühner_. ]

CHAPTER II. 

 The Greeks, joining Ariæus, form an alliance with him, and take counsel with him in reference to their return. During the night following the first day's march they are seized with a panic, which Clearchus allays. 

1. Phalinus and his companions departed; and there now returned, fromtheir interview with Ariæus, Procles and Cheirisophus; Menon hadremained there with Ariæus. They reported, "that Ariæus said that therewere many Persians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endurethat he should be king; but, " he adds, "if you wish to return with him, he desires you to come to him this very night; if you do not, he saysthat he will set out by himself early in the morning. " 2. Clearchusrejoined, "And we must certainly do as you say, if we determine to go tohim; but if not, adopt for yourselves such measures as you may thinkmost for your advantage;" for not even to them did he disclose what heintended to do. 

3. But afterwards, when the sun was setting, having assembled thegenerals and captains, he spoke as follows: "My friends, when I offereda sacrifice with reference to marching against the king, the signs ofthe victims were not favourable, and indeed it was with good cause thatthey were not so; for as I now learn, there is between us and the kingthe river Tigris, a navigable river, which we could not cross withoutvessels; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to remainhere; for we have no means of procuring provisions. But for going to thefriends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were extremely favourable. 4. We mustaccordingly proceed thus: when we separate, we must sup, each of us onwhat he has; when the signal is given with the horn as if for going torest, proceed to pack up your baggage; when it sounds the second time, place it on your baggage-cattle; and, at the third signal, follow himwho leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle next the river, and theheavy-armed troops on the outside. " 5. The generals and captains, afterlistening to this address, went away, and did as he directed; andthenceforth he commanded, and the others obeyed, not indeed havingelected him commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed suchqualifications as a leader ought to have, and that the rest of them werecomparatively inexperienced. 

6. The computation of the route which they had come from Ephesus inIonia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days' march, and fivehundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen thousand and fiftystadia;[85] and the distance from the field of battle to Babylon wassaid to be three hundred and sixty stadia. 

7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian deserted tothe king, with about forty horse that he commanded, and nearly threehundred of the Thracian infantry. 8. Clearchus led the way for the rest, in the prescribed order; and they followed, and arrived at the firsthalting-place, [86] to join Ariæus and his troops about midnight; and thegenerals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up their men underarms, went in a body to Ariæus; when the Greeks on the one hand, andAriæus and his principal officers on the other, took an oath not tobetray each other, and to be true allies; and the Barbarians tookanother oath, that they would lead the way without treachery. 9. Theseoaths they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf, [87] a boar, and a ram, over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians a lance, into the blood. 

10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, Clearchus said:"Since then, Ariæus, our route and yours is now the same, tell us, whatis your opinion with respect to our course; whether we shall return theway we came, or whether you consider that you have thought of a betterway. " 11. Ariæus replied: "If we were to return the way we came, weshould all perish of hunger; for we have now no supply of provisions;and for the last seventeen days' march, even when we were coming hither, we could procure nothing from the country through which we passed; or, if anything was to be found there, we consumed it ourselves in ourpassage. But now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which weshall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first days' marchesas long as we can, that we may remove ourselves to the greatest possibledistance from the king's army; for if we once escape two or three days'journey from him, the king will no longer be able to overtake us; sincehe will not dare to pursue us with a small force; and, with a numerousarmy, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will probablyexperience a scarcity of provisions. " "Such, " he concluded, "is myopinion. "

13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for nothing elsethan to effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, by flight. [88] Butfortune proved a better leader; for as soon as it was day they begantheir march, with the sun on their right, expecting to arrive aboutsunset at some villages in the Babylonian territory; and in thisexpectation they were not disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, theythought that they perceived some of the enemy's cavalry; and those ofthe Greeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their places inthe ranks; and Ariæus (for he was riding in a waggon because he had beenwounded) came down and put on his armour, as did those who were withhim. 15. But while they were arming themselves, the scouts that had beensent forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry, butbaggage-cattle grazing; and every one immediately concluded that theking was encamped somewhere near. Smoke also was seen rising from somevillages not far distant. 16. Clearchus however did not lead his troopsagainst the enemy; (for he was aware that his soldiers were tired and inwant of food; and besides it was now late;) yet he did not turn out ofhis way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued his march in adirect line, and took up his quarters with his vanguard, just at sunset, in the nearest villages, from which even the wood-work of the houses hadbeen carried off by the king's troops. 17. These, therefore, who were inadvance, encamped with some degree of regularity; but those whofollowed, coming up in the dark, took up with such quarters as theychanced to find, and made so much noise in calling to each other, thateven the enemy heard them; and those of the enemy who were stationed thenearest, fled from their encampments. 18. That this had been the case, became apparent on the following day; for there was no longer a singlebeast of burden to be seen, nor any camp, nor smoke anywhere near. Theking had been alarmed, as it seemed, by the sudden approach of theGrecian army; and of this he gave proof by what he did on the followingday. 

19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon the Greeksthemselves, and there arose such noise and commotion in their camp asusually ensues on the occurrence of sudden terror. 20. Upon this, Clearchus ordered Tolmides, an Eleian, whom he happened to have withhim, the best[89] herald of his time, to command silence; and proclaim, that "the generals give notice, that whoever will give information ofthe person who turned the ass among the arms, [90] shall receive a rewardof a talent of silver. " 21. On this proclamation being made, thesoldiers were convinced that their alarm was groundless, and theirgenerals were safe. At break of day, Clearchus issued orders for theGreeks to form themselves under arms, in the same order in which theyhad been when the battle took place. 

[Footnote 85: As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15, 510 stadia, Zeune thinksthat the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to beunderstood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Krüger isinclined to think the passage an interpolation. ]

[Footnote 86: Εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν. ] This is the σταθμός mentioned ini. 10. 1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the daywhen the battle took place. ]

[Footnote 87: Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems tohave been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. Et Os. , where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice thatanimal. "They thought the wolf, " he adds, "the son and image ofAhrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append. Ad Zendavestam, T. II. P. Iii. Pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388. "]

[Footnote 88: Ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν. ] The first means to flee, so thatit cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, sothat he cannot be overtaken. _Kühner_ ad i. 4. 8. "Fugâ vel clandestinâvel apertâ. " _Weiske_. ]

[Footnote 89: Ἄριοστον. ] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness orclearness of his voice. ]

[Footnote 90: The arms, as Kühner observes, were piled in front of themen's quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus todraw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of theirapprehension. Polyænus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem havingbeen adopted by Iphicrates. ]

CHAPTER III. 

 The king proposes a truce, and supplies the Greeks with provisions during the negotiation. Three days after he sends Tissaphernes to them, to ask why they had engaged in hostilities against him; he is answered by Clearchus. A treaty is then concluded, the king engaging to send home the Greeks under the conduct of Tissaphernes, and the Greeks promising to do no injury to the countries through which they should pass. 

1. What I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at the approach ofthe Greeks, became evident by what followed; for though, when he sent tothem on the preceding day, he desired them to deliver up their arms, henow, at sunrise, sent heralds to negotiate a truce. 2. These heralds, upon arriving at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders. Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who happened thento be inspecting the several divisions, told the guards to desire theheralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 3. When he had arrangedthe army in such a manner as to present on every side the fairappearance of a compact phalanx, and so that none of the unarmed were tobe seen, he called for the heralds, and came forward himself, havingabout him the best-armed and best-looking of his soldiers, and told theother leaders to do the same. 4. When he drew near the messengers, heasked them what they wanted. They replied, "that they came to negotiatea truce, with full powers to communicate with the Greeks on behalf ofthe king, and with the king on behalf of the Greeks. " 5. Clearchusanswered, "Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first; forwe have no breakfast;[91] and there is no one who will dare to talk tothe Greeks of a truce, without first supplying them with breakfast. "

6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed, but soon returned;from whence it was apparent that the king, or some other person to whoma commission had been given to conduct the negotiation, was somewherenear. They brought word, "that the king thought what they said wasreasonable, and that they now came with guides, who, in case the truceshould be settled, would conduct the Greeks to a place where they mightprocure provisions. " 7. Clearchus then inquired, whether the king wouldgrant the benefit of the truce to those only who went to him, on theirway thither and back, or whether the truce would be with the rest aswell. [92] The messengers replied, "With all; until what you have to sayis communicated to the king. " 8. When they had said this, Clearchus, directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the other officers; andthey proposed to conclude the truce at once, and to go after theprovisions at their ease, and supply themselves. 9. And Clearchus said, "I too am of that opinion. I will not, however, announce ourdetermination immediately, but will wait till the messengers begin to beuneasy lest we should determine not to conclude the truce. And yet, "said he, "I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise among our ownsoldiers. " When he thought therefore that the proper time had arrived, he announced to the messengers that he agreed to the truce, and desiredthem to conduct him forthwith to the place where the provisions were. 

10. They accordingly led the way; and Clearchus proceeded to concludethe truce, keeping his army however in battle-array; the rear he broughtup himself. They met with ditches and canals so full of water that theycould not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of thepalm-trees which had fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here itmight be seen how Clearchus performed the duties of a commander, holdinghis spear in his left hand, and a staff in his right; and if any ofthose ordered to the work seemed to him to loiter at it, he would selecta fit object for punishment, [93] and give him a beating, and would lendhis assistance himself, [94] leaping into the midst, so that all wereashamed not to share his industry. 12. The men of thirty and under onlyhad been appointed by him to the work; but the older men, when they sawClearchus thus busily employed, gave their assistance likewise. 13. Clearchus made so much the more haste, as he suspected that the ditcheswere not always so full of water; (for it was not the season forirrigating the ground;) but thought that the king had let out the waterupon the plain, in order that even now there might appear to the Greeksto be many difficulties in the march. 

14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, from whichthe guides signified that they might procure provisions. In thesevillages there was great plenty of corn, and wine made from dates, andan acidulous drink obtained from them by boiling. 15. As to the datesthemselves, such as those we see in Greece were here put aside for theuse of the servants; but those which were laid by for their masters, were choice fruit, remarkable for beauty and size; their colour was notunlike that of amber; and some of these they dried and preserved assweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompaniment to drink, but apt tocause headache. 16. Here too the soldiers for the first time tasted thecabbage[95] from the top of the palm-tree, and most of them wereagreeably struck both with its external appearance and the peculiarityof its sweetness. But this also was exceedingly apt to give headache. The palm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon witheredthroughout. 

17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissaphernes arrivedfrom the Great King, and with him the brother of the king's wife, andthree other Persians; and a numerous retinue attended them. The generalsof the Greeks having met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spokeby an interpreter, to the following effect: 18. "I myself dwell, OGreeks, in the neighbourhood of your country; and when I perceived youfallen into many troubles and difficulties, I thought it a piece of goodfortune if I could in any way press a request upon the king to allow meto conduct you in safety back to Greece. For I think that such a servicewould be attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves orfrom Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made my requestto the king, representing to him that he might reasonably grant me thisfavour, because I had been the first to give him intelligence that Cyruswas marching against him, and at the same time that I brought him theintelligence, had come to him with an auxiliary force; because I alone, of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on the contrary, charged through the midst of them, and joined the king in your camp, whither he came after he had slain Cyrus; and because, together withthese who are now present with me, and who are his most faithfulservants, I engaged in pursuit of the Barbarian part of Cyrus's army. 20. The king promised to consider of my request; and in the mean timedesired me to come and ask you, on what account it was that you took thefield against him; and I advise you to answer with moderation, in orderthat it may be easier for me to secure you whatever advantage I can fromthe king. "

21. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, gave theiranswer, Clearchus speaking for them: "We neither formed ourselves into abody, with the view of making war upon the king, nor, when we set out, was our march directed against him; but Cyrus, as you yourself are wellaware, devised many pretences for his proceedings, that he might bothtake you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when we afterwardssaw him in danger, we were ashamed, in the face of gods and men, todesert him, as we had before allowed him to bestow favours upon us. 23. As Cyrus, however, is now dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty withthe king, nor is there any reason why we should desire to do harm to theking's territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would proceedhomeward, if no one molest us; but we will endeavour, with the aid ofthe gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that may do us an injury;while, if any one does us good, we shall not be behind-hand in requitinghim to the utmost of our power. " Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissaphernes, having heard him, said, "I will report your answer to the king, andbring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the truce remain inforce; and we will provide a market for you. "

25. On the following day he did not return; so that the Greeks began tobe anxious; but on the third day he came, and said, that he returnedafter having obtained the king's permission to be allowed to save theGreeks; although many spoke against it, saying that it did not becomethe king to suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 26. In conclusion he said, "You may now receive from us solemn promisesthat we will render the country, through which you will pass, friendlyto you; and will, without treachery, conduct you back to Greece, affording you opportunities of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever wedo not afford you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you totake for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On theother hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear to us, that you willmarch, as through a friendly territory, without doing harm, only takinga supply of meat and drink, whenever we do not give you an opportunityof purchasing, but that if we give you such opportunity, you willprocure your supplies by purchase. " 28. These conditions were assentedto; and they took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of theking's wife gave their right-hands to the generals and captains of theGreeks, and received from the Greeks theirs in return. 29. After this, Tissaphernes said, "And now I shall go back to the king; and as soon asI have accomplished what I wish, I will come again, after making thenecessary preparations, for the purpose of conducting you back toGreece, and returning myself to my province. "

[Footnote 91: Ἄριοστον. ] This word answers to the Latin _prandium_, ameal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it"dinner. "]

[Footnote 92: I have translated this passage as I think that the driftof the narrative requires. Krüger refers σπένδοιτο to Clearchus, andthinks that by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι are meant the Persian deputies. Somecritics suppose that by those words the men who were to get provisionsare intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but torefer σπένδοιτο to the king, and to understand by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσιthe messengers from the Greeks. ]

[Footnote 93: Τον ἐπιτήδειον. ] Scil. παίεσθαι, _pœnæ idoneum, pœnûdignum_. Kühner. ]

[Footnote 94: Προσελάμβανε. ] _Manum operi admovebat. _ Kühner. ]

[Footnote 95: Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον. ] Literally "the brain. " Dulcis medullaearum [palmarum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. Xiii. 4. See also Theophr. Ii. 8; Galen. De Fac. Simpl. Medic. Iv. 15. It isgenerally interpreted _medulla_, "marrow" or "pith, " but it is inreality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the lasttender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two yearsbefore it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner. T. I. P. 223, vers. Germ. , who gives his information on the authority ofDu Petit Thouars. The French call it _choux_; the Germans, _Kohl_, Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called the _cabbage_ of the palm;it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the futureleaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of theactual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do. ' Itforms a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; andwonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicateto the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence itwas taken withered. " _Rennell's Illustrations of the Exp. Of Cyrus_, p. 118. ]

CHAPTER IV. 

 The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Ariæus, and resolve to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march under the guidance of Tissaphernes, pass the wall of Media, and cross the Tigris. 

1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariæus, encamping near eachother, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days;[96] in the courseof which there came to visit Ariæus both his brothers and otherrelations, and certain other Persians, to see his companions, and gavethem encouraging hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances[97] fromthe king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage theirexpedition against him under Cyrus, or anything else that was past. 2. On these things taking place, the followers of Ariæus evidently began topay the Greeks less attention; so that, on this account, they renderedmost of the Greeks dissatisfied with them; and many of them, going toClearchus and the other generals, said, 3. "Why do we remain here? arewe not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, inorder that a dread of going to war with the Great Monarch may fall uponthe rest of the Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay, because his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is re-assembled, itis not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he isdigging some trench, or building some wall, that the way may be renderedimpassable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that weshould go back to Greece, and relate how so small a number as we arehave defeated the king at his own gates, and returned after setting himat nought. "

5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, "I have beenconsidering all these things as well; but I think that, if we now goaway, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contraryto the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will beno one to provide us a market, or any means of procuring provisions;and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, themoment that we do this, Ariæus will separate himself from us so that nota friend will be left us; and, what is more, our former friends willthen become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us tocross, I do not know; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it isimpossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if itshould be necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us; while theenemy's cavalry is most numerous and efficient; so that, though we werevictorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? And, ifwe were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7. With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages, I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear, and give his right-hand, and perjure himself before the gods, andrender his pledges faithless both to Greeks and Barbarians. " He saidmuch besides to the same effect. 

8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as if with theview of returning home; and Orontes came with his army. Orontes alsobrought[98] with him the king's daughter, whom he had received inmarriage. [99] 9. From hence they now proceeded on their march, Tissaphernes being their guide, and securing them opportunities ofbuying provisions; Ariæus also, with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus, marched in company with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in commonwith them. 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men, began to march by themselves, taking guides of their own; and theyalways encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, from eachother; and both parties kept on their guard against one another, as ifthey had been enemies, and this consequently increased their mistrustfulfeelings. 11. More than once, too, as they were gathering fuel, orcollecting grass and other such things, in the same quarter, they cameto blows with each other;[100] and this was an additional source ofanimosity between them. 

12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of Media, [101]as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This wall was builtof burnt bricks, laid in bitumen; it was twenty feet in thickness, and ahundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs;and it was not far distant from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded, intwo days' march, the distance of eight parasangs; crossing two canals, the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed ofseven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris; and fromone to the other of them were cut ditches across the country, the firstof considerable size, and the next smaller; and at last diminutivedrains, such as are cut in Greece through the panic[102] fields. Theythen arrived at the Tigris; near which there was a large and populouscity, called Sitace, distant from the banks of the river only fifteenstadia. 14. In the neighbourhood of this city the Greeks encamped, closeto an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds oftrees. The Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, wereno longer in sight. 

15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be walking in frontof the place where the arms were piled, when a man approached, andinquired of the sentinels where he could see Proxenus or Clearchus. Buthe did not ask for Menon, though he came from Ariæus, Menon's intimatefriend. 16. Proxenus replying, "I am the person whom you seek, " the mansaid, "Ariæus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who areinterested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you tobeware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the night; for thereis a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 17. They alsoadvise you to send a guard to the bridge over the Tigris, asTissaphernes designs to break it down in the night, if he can, in orderthat you may not be able to cross the river, but may be hemmed inbetween the river and the canal. " 18. On hearing the man's message, theyconducted him to Clearchus, and told him what he had said. WhenClearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed. 

19. But a young man, [103] one of those who were present, afterreflecting a little on the matter, observed, "that the imputed designsof making an attack, and of breaking down the bridge, were notconsistent; for, " said he, "if they attack us, they must certainlyeither conquer or be conquered; if then they are to conquer us, whyshould they break down the bridge? for even though there were manybridges, we have no place where we could save ourselves by flight; 20. But if, on the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridgeis broken down, they will have no place of retreat; nor will any oftheir friends on the other side of the river, however numerous, be ableto come to their assistance when the bridge is destroyed. " 21. Afterlistening to these observations, Clearchus asked the messenger what wasthe extent of the country that lay between the Tigris and the canal. Hereplied, "that it was of considerable extent, and that there wereseveral villages and large towns in it. " 22. It was then immediatelyconcluded, that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhandobject, "being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces[104] thebridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as defences, the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on the other; and mightprocure a sufficient supply of provisions from the country which laybetween, and which was extensive and fertile, with people in it tocultivate it; and which would also serve as a place of refuge to anythat might be inclined to annoy the king. 

23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, to send aguard to the bridge; but neither did any one attempt to attack them onany quarter, nor did any of the enemies come near the bridge, as thosewho were stationed on guard there reported. 

24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was constructedof thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their power; for some ofthe Greeks, who came from Tissaphernes, stated that the enemy meant toattack them as they were crossing; but this report was also false. However, as they were going over, Glus made his appearance, with someothers, watching to see if they were crossing the river; and when theysaw they were, he immediately rode away. 

25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a distance oftwenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth, and over which was a bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis;near which an illegitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who wasleading a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention ofassisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops to halt, took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 16. Clearchus marched hismen two abreast, and halted occasionally on the way; and as long as thevan of the army halted, so long there was necessarily a halt throughoutthe whole of the line; so that even to the Greeks themselves their armyseemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight of it. 

27. Hence they proceeded through Media, [105] six days' march through adesert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at thevillages of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king; whichTissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave permission to the Greeks toplunder of everything except the slaves. There was found in them a greatquantity of corn, and sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advancedin a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of twentyparasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the firstday's march there was situate on the opposite bank of the river a largeand opulent city, called Cænæ, whence the Barbarians brought over, onrafts made of hide a supply of bread, cheese, and wine. 

[Footnote 96: During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king, and was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province ofwhich Cyrus had been Satrap. _Diod. Sic. _ xiv. 26. See sect. 8. ]

[Footnote 97: Δεξιὰς. ] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See thecommentators on Cyrop. Iv. 2. 7: δεξιὰν δὸς, ἵνα φέρωμεν καὶ τοις ἄλλοιςτᾶυτα. _Poppo. _ So it is said in Latin _dextram ferre_. See Breitenbachon Xen. Agesil. Iii. 4]

[Footnote 98: Ἦγε. ] From iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer thisverb to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontesboth married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them, Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus. Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17. Rhodogune, a daughter ofArtaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. C. 27) to have been marriedto Orætes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Orontes. ]

[Footnote 99: Ἐπὶ γάμῳ. ] These words signify literally _for_ or _uponmarriage_. The true interpretation, says Krüger, is, doubtless, "inorder that he might have her, or live with her, in wedlock, " themarriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed atBabylon. ]

[Footnote 100: Πληγὰς ἐνέτεινον ἀλλήλοις. ] Whether this signifies thatthey actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the Latintranslators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentatorsgenerally. ]

[Footnote 101: See i. 7. 15. ]

[Footnote 102: i. 2. 22. ]

[Footnote 103: Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; butthis is mere conjecture. ]

[Footnote 104: Διελόντες. ] An excellent conjectural emendation ofHoltzmann for the old reading διελθόντες. _Kühner_. --The stratagem ofTissaphernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited thedeparture of Xerxes from Greece. ]

[Footnote 105: i. 7. 15. ]

CHAPTER V

 After a three days' halt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavours to put an end to the distrust between the Persians and the Greeks by an interview with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that he is induced to return on the following day, accompanied by five other generals and twenty captains, in expectation of being informed of the persons who had excited, by false reports, ill feelings between the two armies. The generals are conducted into the tent and put to death; the captains and those with them are massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale. Ariæus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but is answered with defiance. 

1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth of whichwas four plethra. Here they remained three days; during which the samesuspicions continued, but no open indication of treachery appeared. 2. Clearchus therefore resolved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and, if it was at all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions, beforeopen hostilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person tosay, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes; who at oncerequested him to come. 3. When they met, Clearchus spoke as follows: "Iam aware, O Tissaphernes, that oaths have been taken, and right-handspledged between us, that we will do no injury to each other:nevertheless, I observe you on your guard against us, as though we wereenemies; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against you. 4. Butsince, upon attentive observation, I can neither detect you in anyattempt to injure us, and since, as I am certain, we have no suchintentions towards you, it seemed proper for me to come to a conferencewith you, that we may put an end, if we can, to our distrust of oneanother. 5. For I have, before now, known instances of men, who, beingin fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others throughmere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before they suffered, inflicted irremediable evils upon those who neither intended nor wishedanything of the kind. 6. Thinking, therefore, that suchmisunderstandings may be best cleared up by personal communications, Ihave come here, and am desirous to convince you that you have no justground for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and principal place, theoaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be enemies to eachother; and I should never consider him to be envied who is conscious ofhaving disregarded such obligations; for from the vengeance of the godsI know not with what speed any one could flee so as to escape, [106] orinto what darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into anystronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the gods;and they have power over all everywhere alike. 8. Such are my sentimentsrespecting the gods, and the oaths which we swore by them, in whosekeeping we deposited the friendship that we cemented; but among humanadvantages, I, for my own part, consider you to be the greatest that weat present possess; 9. For with your assistance, every road is easy, every river is passable, and there will be no want of provisions; butwithout you all our way would lie through darkness, (for we know nothingof it, ) every river would be difficult to pass, and every multitude ofmen would be terrible, but solitude most terrible of all, as it is fullof extreme perplexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to killyou, what else would be the consequence, than that, having slain ourbenefactor, we should have to contend with the king as your mostpowerful avenger?[107] For my own part, of how many and how greatexpectations I should deprive myself, if I attempted to do you anyinjury, I will make you acquainted. 11. I was desirous that Cyrus shouldbe my friend, as I thought him, of all the men of his time, the mostable to benefit those whom he wished to favour. But I now see that youare in the possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus, while you still retain your own province, and that the power of theking, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you, 12. Suchbeing the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be your friend?

"But I will mention also the circumstances from which I derive hopesthat you will yourself desire to be our friend. 13. I am aware that theMysians give you much annoyance, and these, I have no doubt, I should beable, with my present force, to render subservient to you; I am awarealso that the Pisidians molest you; and I hear that there are many suchnations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever disturbing yourtranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against whom I perceive you are mostof all incensed. I do not see what auxiliary force you could use tochastise them better than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again, among the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become afriend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of friends; and ifany of them gave you any annoyance, you might, by our instrumentality, deal with them[108] as a master, as we should serve you not for thesake of pay merely, but from gratitude, which we should justly feeltowards you if we are saved by your means. 15. When I consider all thesethings, it appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, thatI would most gladly hear the name[109] of him who is so persuasive aspeaker as to make you believe that we are forming designs against you. "

Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 16. "I amdelighted, O Clearchus, to hear your judicious observations; for, withthese sentiments, if you were to meditate anything to my injury, youwould appear to be at the same time your own enemy. But that you may beconvinced that you have no just cause for distrusting either the king orme, listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy you, do weappear to you to be deficient in numbers either of cavalry or infantry, or in warlike equipments, with the aid of which we might be able to doyou injury, without danger of suffering any in return? 18. Or do we seemto you likely to be in want of suitable places to make an attack uponyou? Are there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of them arefriendly to us, [110] you traverse with exceeding toil? See you not somany mountains before you to be crossed, which we might, bypre-occupying them, render impassable to you? Or are there not so manyrivers, at which we might parcel you out[111] as many at a time as wemight be willing to engage? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could notcross at all, unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even supposingthat we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least would proveits power over the produce of the soil; by burning which, we could setfamine in array against you, which, though you were the bravest of thebrave, you would find it difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having somany means of waging war with you, and none of them attended withdanger to ourselves, should we select from amongst them all this mode, the only one that is impious in the sight of the gods, the only one thatis disgraceful in the sight of men? 21. It belongs, altogether, to menwho are destitute of means, deprived of every resource, and under thecoercion of necessity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seekto effect their purposes by perjury towards the gods, and breach offaith towards men. We, O Clearchus, are not so foolish or soinconsiderate; 22. Or why, when we have the opportunity of effectingyour destruction, have we made no such attempt? Be well assured, thatthe cause of this was my desire to prove myself faithful to the Greeks, and, in consequence of doing them service, to return supported by thatvery body of foreign troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trustedonly on account of the pay that he gave them. 23. As to the particularsin which you will be of service to me, some of them you have enumerated, but of the greatest of all I am myself fully conscious; for though it ispermitted to the king alone to wear the turban upright on the head, yetperhaps another than he may, with your assistance, wear that uprightwhich is on the heart. "[112]

24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to speak withsincerity, and he replied, "Do not those, then, who endeavour by calumnyto make us enemies, when there are such strong inducements to friendshipbetween us, deserve the severest of punishment?" 25. "Well, then, " saidTissaphernes, "if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, ina public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell me that youare forming plots against me and my army. " 26. "I will bring them all, "said Clearchus, "and, on my part, will let you know the quarter whence Ihear reports respecting you. " 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes, behaving to Clearchus with much courtesy, desired him to stay with him, and made him his guest at supper. 

On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the camp, he plainlyshowed that he considered himself to be on the most friendly footingwith Tissaphernes, and stated what he had proposed; and he said thatthose must go to Tissaphernes, whose presence he required, and thatwhoever of the Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the allegedcalumnies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected to theGreeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making the charges, as heknew that he had had an interview with Tissaphernes in company withAriæus, and was forming a party and intriguing against himself, in orderthat, having gained the whole army over to his own interests, he mightsecure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise wished thewhole army to have their affections fixed on himself, and troublesomerivals to be removed out of his way. 

Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that all thecaptains and generals should not go, and that they ought to place noconfidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clearchus pressed his proposal withgreat vehemence, till he at length succeeded in getting five generalsand twenty captains to go; and some of the other soldiers followed them, to the number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose ofmarketing. [113]

31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes' tent, thegenerals, who were Proxenus the Bœotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agiasthe Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedæmonian, and Socrates the Achæan, wereinvited to enter; but the captains waited at the door. 32. Not longafter, at one and the same signal, those within were seized, and thosewithout massacred; and immediately afterwards a body of Barbariancavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, slave or freeman, that they met. 

33. The Greeks, observing the motions of these cavalry from the camp, were filled with astonishment, and wondered what they could be doing, till Nicarchus an Arcadian came fleeing thither, wounded in the bellyand holding his intestines in his hands, and related all that hadoccurred. 34. The Greeks, in consequence, ran to their arms in a stateof general consternation, expecting that the enemy would immediatelymarch upon the camp. 35. They however did not all come, but only Ariæusand Artaozus and Mithridates, who had been Cyrus's most confidentialfriends; and the interpreter of the Greeks said, that he saw with them, and recognised, the brother of Tissaphernes. Other Persians, equippedwith corslets, to the number of three hundred, were in attendance onthem. 36. As they approached the camp, they called for whatever generalor captain of the Greeks might be there, to come out to them, that theymight deliver a message from the king. 37. There accordingly went forthto them, with much caution, Cleanor the Orchomenian, and Sophænetus theStymphalian, generals of the Greeks, and with them Xenophon theAthenian, that he might learn news of Proxenus. As for Cheirisophus, hehappened to be absent at some village looking for provisions. 

38. When they had stopped just within hearing, Ariæus said to them:"Clearchus, O Greeks, having been found guilty of perjury, and ofviolating the truce, has received his just punishment, and is dead;Proxenus and Menon, as having denounced his treachery, are in greathonour; but the king demands of you your arms; for he says that they arehis, as they belonged to Cyrus his subject. " 39. To this the Greeksanswered, (Cleanor the Orchomenian spoke for them, ) "O Ariæus, mostwicked of men, and the rest of you, as many as were the friends ofCyrus, have you no regard either for gods or men, that, after havingsworn that you would consider our friends and enemies to be likewiseyours, you have thus, [114] after treacherously deserting us in concertwith Tissaphernes, the most godless and most unprincipled of humanbeings, murdered the very men to whom you swore alliance, and, abandoning us who are left, have come against us in conjunction with ourenemies?" 40. Ariæus replied, "Clearchus had been previously detected intreacherous designs against Tissaphernes and Orontes, and all of us whoaccompany them. " 41. To this Xenophon rejoined, "Clearchus, then, if heinfringed the truce in violation of his oath, is deservedly punished;for it is just that those who violate their oaths should suffer death;but as for Proxenus and Menon, as they are your benefactors and ourgenerals, send them hither; for it is clear that, being friends to bothparties, they will endeavour to advise what is best both for you and forus. " 42. The Barbarians, after conversing among themselves for sometime, departed without making any answer to this proposal. 

[Footnote 106: Οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους φεύγων τις ἀποφύγοι. ] This isDindorf's reading. Bornemann and Kühner have οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχουςοὔτε ὅποι ἀν τις φεύγων ἀποφύγοι, on the authority, as they say, of thebest copies. Dindorf thought with Schæfer, ad Greg. Cor. P. 492, thatthe words οὔτε ὅποι ἀν were superfluous, and consequently omitted them. Bornemann and Kühner see no reason why they should not be retained. ]

[Footnote 107: Τὸν μέγιστον ἔφεδρον. ] Ἔφεδρος properly meant a gladiatoror wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready toattack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz. Lex. Xen. ;Schol. In Soph. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D'Orvill. Ad Charit. P. 338. ]

[Footnote 108: Ἀναστρέφοιο. ] "Ut dominus versere, vivias, domini partessustineas:" Ἀν must be repeated from the preceding clause; unless thatparticle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before ἀναστρέφοιο. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 109: There is in the text, as Krüger observes, a confusion ofthe two constructions, ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τούτου, ὅστις, and ἀκούσαιμι, τις. ]

[Footnote 110: Ἅ ἡμῖν φίλια ὄντα. ] I have here departed from Dindorf'stext, which has ἅ ὑμεῖς φίλια ὄντα, κ. τ. λ. ; a reading much lesssatisfactory than the other, to which Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühneradhere. ]

[Footnote 111: Ταμιεύεσθαι. ] This word is used in the same sense, 3. 47;iv. 1. 18; Thucyd. Vi. 18; Plutarch, Timol. C. 27. ]

[Footnote 112: Τὴν δ' ἐπὶ τῇ καρδιᾳ ---- ἔχοι. ] Sc. ὄρθην. The sense is, "but to wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kinglyspirit and to aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might beable to do. " Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make itunderstood that he might possibly, with the support of the Greeks, aspire to the throne of Persia himself. A similar metaphor is noticed bySchæfer, (ad Greg. Corinth. P. 491. ) in Philostratus v. A. Iii. P. 131:δοκεῖ μοι καὶ τὸν προγνωσόμενον ἄνορ ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν ----' καθαρῶς δὲαὐτὸν προφητεύειν, ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος συνιέντος. _Kühner_. See Cyrop. Viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost. Xiv. Extr. Lucian Piscat. P. 213. See also Strabo, xv. P. 231, where thePersian tiara is said to be πίλημα πυργωτόν, in the shape of a tower;and Joseph. Ant. Xx. 3. "The tiaras of the king's subjects were soft andflexible: Schol. Ad Plat. De Repub. " _Krüger_. ]

[Footnote 113: Ὡς εἰς ἀγορὰν. ] "Consequently unarmed. " _Krüger_. ]

[Footnote 114: Ὡς ἀπολωλέκατε. ] Jacobs interprets ὡς by quàm, asequivalent to quàm turpiter! quàm impiè! But such exclamations belongrather to modern writers than to the ancients. * * * Others haveconjectured ἀθέως, ἀνοσίως, ὠμῶς, ἵσως, ὅλως, οὕτως. In one manuscriptὡς is omitted; an omission approved by Larcher, Porson and some others. Some, too, think that the sentence is ἀνακόλουθος, and that the author, forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with ὡς for ὅτι. Dindorf supposesthat Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agitated to mindthe exact arrangement of his words. For my own part, I consider thatthose have the most reason on their side who think that we should readοὕτως, interpreting it, with Bornemann, _so rashly, so unjustifiably_. From οὕτως, written compendiously, ὡς might easily have sprung. _Kühner_. ]

CHAPTER VI. 

 The characters of the five generals that were put to death. 

1. The generals, who were thus made prisoners, were taken up to theking, and put to death by being beheaded. 

One of them, Clearchus, by the general consent of all who wereacquainted with him, appears to have been a man well qualified for war, and extremely fond of military enterprise. 2. For as long as theLacedæmonians were at war with the Athenians, he remained in the serviceof his country; but when the peace took place, having induced hisgovernment to believe that the Thracians were committing ravages on theGreeks, and having gained his point, as well as he could, with theEphori, he sailed from home to make war upon the Thracians that lieabove the Chersonesus and Perinthus. 3. But when the Ephori, after hewas gone, having for some reason changed their mind, took measures tooblige him to turn back from the Isthmus, he then no longer paidobedience to their commands, but sailed away to the Hellespont, 4. Andwas in consequence condemned to death, for disobedience, by the chiefmagistrates at Sparta. Being then an exile, he went to Cyrus; and bywhat methods he conciliated the favour of Cyrus, has been told inanother place. Cyrus presented him with ten thousand darics; 5. And he, on receiving that sum, did not give himself up to idleness, but havingcollected an army with the money, made war upon the Thracians, andconquered them in battle, and from that time plundered and laid wastetheir country, and continued this warfare till Cyrus had need of hisarmy; when he went to him, for the purpose of again making war inconcert with him. 

6. These seem to me to have been the proceedings of one fond of war, who, when he might have lived in peace without disgrace or loss, chosewar in preference; when he might have spent his time in idleness, voluntarily underwent toil for the sake of military adventure; and whenhe might have enjoyed riches in security, chose rather, by engaging inwarfare, to diminish their amount. He was indeed led by inclination tospend his money in war, as he might have spent it in pursuits ofgallantry, or any other pleasure; to such a degree was he fond of war. 7. He appears also to have been qualified for military undertakings, ashe liked perilous adventure, was ready to march day and night againstthe enemy, and was possessed of great presence of mind in circumstancesof difficulty, as those who were with him on all such occasions wereuniversally ready to acknowledge. 

8. For commanding troops he was said to be qualified in as great adegree as was consistent with his temper; for he was excelled by no onein ability to contrive how an army might have provisions, and to procurethem; and he was equally fitted to impress on all around him thenecessity of obeying Clearchus. 9. This he effected by severity; for hewas of a stern countenance and harsh voice; and he always punishedviolently, and sometimes in anger, so that he occasionally repented ofwhat he had done. He punished too on principle, for he thought thatthere could be no efficiency in an army undisciplined by chastisement. 10. He is also reported to have said, that a soldier ought to fear hiscommander more than the enemy, if he would either keep guard well, orabstain from doing injury to friends, or march without hesitationagainst foes. 11. In circumstances of danger, accordingly, the soldierswere willing to obey him implicitly, and wished for no other leader; forthey said, that the sternness in his countenance then assumed anappearance of cheerfulness, and that what was severe in it seemedundauntedness against the enemy; so that it appeared indicative ofsafety, and not of austerity. 12. But when they were out of danger, andwere at liberty to betake themselves to other chiefs, they deserted himin great numbers; for he had nothing attractive in him, but was alwaysforbidding and repulsive, so that the soldiers felt towards him as boystowards their master. 13. Hence it was, that he never had any one whofollowed him out of friendship and attachment to his person; though suchas followed him from being appointed to the service by their country, orfrom being compelled by want or other necessity, he found extremelysubmissive to him. 14. And when they began under his command to gainvictories over the enemy, there were many important circumstances thatconcurred to render his troops excellent soldiers; for their perfectconfidence against the enemy had its effect, and their dread ofpunishment from him rendered them strictly observant of discipline. 15. Such was his character as a commander. But he was said to have been byno means willing to be commanded by others. When he was put to death, hewas about fifty years of age. 

16. Proxenus the Bœotian, from his earliest youth, felt a desire tobecome a man capable of great undertakings; and through this desire paidGorgias of Leontium for instruction. 17. When he had passed some timewith him, and thought himself capable of command, and, if honoured withthe friendship of the great, of making no inadequate return for theirfavours, he proceeded to take a part in this enterprise with Cyrus; andexpected to acquire in it a great name, extensive influence, andabundant wealth. 18. But though he earnestly wished for these things, heat the same time plainly showed, that he was unwilling to acquire any ofthem by injustice, but that he thought he ought to obtain them by justand honourable means, or otherwise not at all. 

19. He was indeed able to command orderly and well-disposed men, butincapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers with either respect or fear forhim; he stood even more in awe of those under his command, than they ofhim; and evidently showed that he was more afraid of being disliked byhis soldiers, than his soldiers of being disobedient to him. 20. Hethought it sufficient both for being, and appearing, capable of command, to praise him who did well, and withhold his praise from the offender. Such, therefore, of his followers, as were of honourable and virtuouscharacter, were much attached to him, but the unprincipled formeddesigns upon him, as a man easy to manage. He was about thirty years oldwhen he was put to death. 

21. As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an excessive desirefor riches, being desirous of command that he might receive greater pay, and desirous of honours that he might obtain greater perquisites; and hewished to be well with those in power, in order that when he did wronghe might not suffer punishment. 22. To accomplish what he desired, hethought that the shortest road lay through perjury, falsehood, anddeceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded as no better than folly. 23. He evidently had no affection for any man; and as for those to whomhe professed to be a friend, he was unmistakeably plotting mischiefagainst them. He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk withhis associates as if ridiculing all of them. [115] 24. He formed nodesigns on the property of his enemies, (for he thought it difficult totake what belonged to such as were on their guard against him, ) butlooked upon himself as the only person sensible how very easy it was toinvade the unguarded property of friends. 

25. Those whom he saw given to perjury and injustice, he feared as menwell armed; but sought to practise on those who were pious and observantof truth, as imbeciles. 26. As another might take a pride in religion, and truth, and justice, so Menon took a pride in being able to deceive, in devising falsehoods, in sneering at friends; and thought the man whowas guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of the world. He believed that he must conciliate those, in whose friendship hewished to stand first, by calumniating such as already held the chiefplace in their favour. 27. The soldiers he tried to render obedient tohim by being an accomplice in their dishonesty. He expected to behonoured and courted, by showing that he had the power and the will toinflict the greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of itas a favour on his own part that, while he made use of his services, hedid not work his destruction. 

28. As to such parts of his history as are little known, I might, if Iwere to speak of them, say something untrue of him; but those whichevery one knows, are these. While yet in the prime of youth he obtained, at the hands of Aristippus, the command of his corps of mercenaries. Hewas also, in his prime, most intimate with Ariæus, though a Barbarian, as Ariæus delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while yet abeardless youth, made a favourite of Tharypas, who had arrived atmanhood. 

29. When his fellow-officers were put to death, because they had servedwith Cyrus against the king, he, though he had done the same, was notput to death with them; but after the death of the other generals, hedied under a punishment inflicted by the king, not like Clearchus andthe other commanders, who were beheaded (which appears to be thespeediest kind of death); but after living a year in torture, like amalefactor, he is said at length to have met his end. 

30. Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achæan were also put to death. These no one ever derided as wanting courage in battle, or blamed fortheir conduct towards their friends. They were both about five andthirty years of age. 

[Footnote 115: Τῶν δὲ συνόντων, κ. τ. λ. ] By a species of attraction forτοῖς δὲ συνοῦσι πᾶσιν, ὡς καταγελῶν αὐτῶν, ἀεὶ διελέγετο. _Kühner_. ]

BOOK III. 

CHAPTER I. 

 Dejection of the Greeks. How Xenophon was led to join in Cyrus's expedition. His dream, and reflections. He rouses the captains of the division that Proxenus had commanded, and exhorts them to take measures for their safety. Apollonides deprived of his captaincy. A general meeting of the surviving generals and captains, at which Xenophon persuades them to choose new commanders in the room of those that they had lost. Xenophon is one of those elected. 

1. What the Greeks did in their march up the country with Cyrus, untilthe time of the battle, and what occurred after Cyrus was dead, when theGreeks set out to return with Tissaphernes in reliance on a truce, hasbeen related in the preceding part of the work. 

2. After the generals were made prisoners, and such of the captains andsoldiers as had accompanied them were put to death, the Greeks were ingreat perplexity, reflecting that they were not far from the king'sresidence;[116] that there were around them, on all sides, many hostilenations and cities; that no one would any longer secure themopportunities of purchasing provisions; that they were distant fromGreece not less than ten thousand stadia; that there was no one to guidethem on the way; that impassable rivers would intercept them in themidst of their course; that the Barbarians who had gone up with Cyrushad deserted them; and that they were left utterly alone, having nocavalry to support them, so that it was certain, even if they defeatedtheir enemies, that they would kill not a man of them, and that, if theywere defeated, none of themselves would be left alive;--3. Reflecting, Isay, on these circumstances, and being disheartened at them, few of themtasted food for that evening, [117] few kindled fires, and many did notcome to the place of arms[118] during the night, but lay down to restwhere they severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow andlonging for their country, their parents, their wives and children, whomthey never expected to see again. In this state of mind they all went totheir resting-places. 

4. There was in the army a certain Xenophon, an Athenian, whoaccompanied it neither in the character of general, nor captain, norcommon soldier, but it had happened that Proxenus, an old guest-friendof his, had sent for him from home, giving him a promise that, if hecame, he would recommend him to the friendship of Cyrus, whom heconsidered, he said, as a greater object of regard than his own country. 5. Xenophon, on reading the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian, asto the propriety of making the journey; and Socrates, fearing that if heattached himself to Cyrus it might prove a ground for accusation againsthim with his country, because Cyrus was thought to have zealouslyassisted the Lacedæmonians in their war with Athens, advised Xenophon togo to Delphi, and consult the god respecting the expedition. 6. Xenophon, having gone thither accordingly, inquired of Apollo to whichof the gods he should sacrifice and pray, in order most honourably andsuccessfully to perform the journey which he contemplated, and, afterprosperously accomplishing it, to return in safety. Apollo answered himthat "he should sacrifice to the gods to whom it was proper for him tosacrifice. "[119] 7. When he returned, he repeated the oracle toSocrates, who, on hearing it, blamed him for not asking Apollo in thefirst place, whether it were better for him to go or stay at home;whereas, having settled with himself that he would go, he only asked howhe might best go; "but since you have, " said he, "put the question thus, you must do what the god has directed. " 8. Xenophon, therefore, havingsacrificed to the gods that Apollo commanded, set sail, and foundProxenus and Cyrus at Sardis, just setting out on their march up thecountry, and was presented to Cyrus. 9. Proxenus desiring that he shouldremain with them, Cyrus joined in the same desire, and said that as soonas the expedition was ended, he would send him home again. Theexpedition was said to be intended against the Pisidians. 10. Xenophonaccordingly joined in the enterprise, being thus deceived, but not byProxenus; for he did not know that the movement was against the king, nor did any other of the Greeks, except Clearchus. When they arrived inCilicia, however, it appeared manifest to every one that it was againstthe king that their force was directed; but, though they were afraid ofthe length of the journey, and unwilling to proceed, yet the greaterpart of them, out of respect[120] both for one another and for Cyrus, continued to follow him; of which number was Xenophon. 

11. When this perplexity occurred, Xenophon was distressed as well asthe other Greeks, and unable to rest, but having at length got a littlesleep, he had a dream, in which, in the midst of a thunder-storm, a boltseemed to him to fall upon his father's house, and the house inconsequence became all in a blaze. 12. Being greatly frightened, heimmediately awoke, and considered his dream as in one respectfavourable, (inasmuch as, being in troubles and dangers, he seemed tobehold a great light from Jupiter, ) but in another respect he wasalarmed, (because the dream appeared to him to be from Jupiter who was aking, and the fire to blaze all around him, ) lest he should be unable toescape from the king's territories, but should be hemmed in on all sidesby inextricable difficulties. 

13. What it betokens, however, to see such a dream, we may conjecturefrom the occurrences that happened after the dream. What immediatelyfollowed was this. As soon as he awoke, the thought that first occurredto him was, "Why do I lie here? The night is passing away. With daylightit is probable that the enemy will come upon us; and if we once fallinto the hands of the king, what is there to prevent us from being putto death with ignominy, after witnessing the most grievous sufferingsamong our comrades, and enduring every severity of torture ourselves?14. Yet no one concerts measures, or takes thought, for our defence, butwe lie still, as if we were at liberty to enjoy repose. From what city, then, do I expect a leader to undertake our defence? What age am Iwaiting for to come to myself? Assuredly I shall never be older, if Igive myself up to the enemy to-day. " 15. After these reflections hearose, and called together, in the first place, the captains that wereunder Proxenus. 

When they were assembled, he said, "For my part, captains, I cannotsleep, nor, I should think, can you, nor can I lie still any longer, when I consider in what circumstances we are placed; 16. For it is plainthat the enemy did not openly manifest hostility towards us, until theythought that they had judiciously arranged their plans; but on our sideno one takes any thought how we may best maintain a contest with them. 17. Yet if we prove remiss, and fall into the power of the king, whatmay we not expect to suffer from a man who cut off the head and hand ofhis own brother by the same mother and father, even after he was dead, and fixed them upon a stake? What may not we, I say, expect to suffer, who have no relative[121] to take our part, and who have marched againsthim to make him a subject instead of a monarch, and to put him to deathif it should lie in our power? 18. Will he not proceed to everyextremity, that by reducing us to the last degree of ignominioussuffering, he may inspire all men with a dread of ever taking the fieldagainst him? We must however try every expedient not to fall into hishands. 19. For myself, I never ceased, while the truce lasted, toconsider ourselves as objects of pity, and to regard the king and hispeople as objects of envy, as I contemplated how extensive and valuablea country they possessed, how great an abundance of provisions, how manyslaves and cattle, and how vast a quantity of gold and raiment; 20. While, on the other hand, when I reflected on the condition of our ownsoldiers, that we had no share in any of all these blessings, unless webought it, and knew that few of us had any longer money to buy, and thatour oaths restrained us from getting provisions otherwise than bybuying, I sometimes, on taking all these circumstances intoconsideration, feared the continuance of peace more than I now fear war. 21. But since they have put an end to peace, their own haughtiness, andour mistrust, seem likewise to be brought to an end; for the advantageswhich I have mentioned lie now as prizes between us, for whichsoever ofus shall prove the better men; and the gods are the judges of thecontest, who, as is just, will be on our side; 22. Since the enemy haveoffended them by perjury, while we, though seeing many good things totempt us, have resolutely abstained from all of them through regard toour oaths; so that, as it seems to me, we may advance to the combat withmuch greater confidence than they can feel. 23. We have bodies, moreover, better able than theirs to endure cold and heat and toil; andwe have, with the help of the gods, more resolute minds; while theenemy, if the gods, as before, grant us success, will be found moreobnoxious to wounds and death[122] than we are. 24. But possibly othersof you entertain the same thoughts; let us not, then, in the name ofheaven, wait for others to come and exhort us to noble deeds, but let usbe ourselves the first to excite others to exert their valour. Proveyourselves the bravest of the captains, and more worthy to lead thanthose who are now leaders. 25. As for me, if you wish to take the startin the course, I am willing to follow you, or, if you appoint me to be aleader, I shall not make my youth an excuse, but shall think myselfsufficiently mature to defend myself against harm. "

26. Thus spoke Xenophon; and the captains, on hearing his observations, all desired him to be their leader, except a certain Apollonides, whoresembled a Bœotian in his manner of speaking; this man said that"whoever asserted they could gain safety by any other means than byobtaining, if he could, the king's consent to it, talked absurdly;" andat the same time began to enumerate the difficulties surrounding them. 27. But Xenophon, interrupting him, said, "O most wonderful of men! youneither understand what you see, nor remember what you hear. Yet youwere on the same spot with those here present, when the king, afterCyrus was dead, being in high spirits at the circumstance, sent todemand that we should deliver up our arms; 28. And when we, refusing todeliver them up, and appearing in full armour, went and encamped overagainst him, what means did he not try, sending deputies, asking for atruce, and supplying us with provisions until he obtained a truce? 29. But when, on the other hand, our generals and captains went to conferwith the Barbarians, as you now advise us to do, without their arms, andrelying on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and arethey not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, greatlylonging for death? And do you, knowing all these occurrences, say thatthose who exhort us to defend ourselves talk absurdly, and advise us togo again to try persuasion? 30. To me, O captains, it seems that weshould no longer admit this man into the same service with ourselves, but take from him his captaincy, and laying baggage on his back, makeuse of him in that capacity; for he disgraces both his own country andall Greece, inasmuch as, being a Greek, he is of such a character. " 31. Here Agasias of Stymphalus, proceeding to speak, said, "But this man, assuredly, has nothing to do either with Bœotia or with Greece atall, for I have observed that he has both his ears bored, like aLydian. " Such indeed was the case; and they accordingly expelled him. 

32. The rest, proceeding to the different divisions of the troops, called up the general wherever there was a general surviving, and thelieutenant-general[123] where the general was dead, and the captainwherever there was a captain surviving. 33. When they were all cometogether, they sat down before the place where the arms were piled;[124]and the generals and captains assembled were about a hundred in all. Thetime when the meeting took place was about midnight. 

34. Hieronymus, a native of Elis, the oldest of all the captains thathad served under Proxenus, was the first to speak, as follows: "It hasseemed proper to us, O generals and captains, on contemplating thepresent state of our affairs, to meet together ourselves, and to callupon you to join us, that we may determine, if we can, on some plan forour benefit. But do you, Xenophon, first represent to the assembly whatyou have already observed to us. " 35. Xenophon accordingly said, "We areall aware that the king and Tissaphernes have made prisoners of as manyof us as they could; and it is evident that they are forming designsagainst the rest of us, that they may put us to death if they can. Buton our parts I think that every means should be adopted in order that wemay not fall into the Barbarians' hands, but rather that they, if we canaccomplish it, may fall into ours. 36. Be well assured, then, that you, who have now met together in such numbers, have upon you a mostimportant responsibility;[125] for all the soldiers look to you, and, ifthey see you dispirited, they will themselves lose courage, but if bothyou yourselves appear well prepared to meet the enemy, and exhort othersto be equally prepared, be certain that they will follow you, and striveto imitate you. 37. Perhaps, too, it is right that you should show somesuperiority over them; for you are their generals, their officers, andtheir captains, and, when there was peace, you enjoyed advantages overthem in fortune and honour; and now, in consequence, when war arises, you ought to prove yourselves pre-eminent over the multitude, and totake the lead in forming plans for them, and, should it ever benecessary, in toiling for them. 38. And, in the first place, I thinkthat you will greatly benefit the army, if you take care that generalsand captains be chosen as soon as possible in the room of those whom wehave lost; for without commanders nothing honourable or advantageous canbe achieved, I may say in one word, anywhere, but least of all in thefield of battle. Good order conduces to safety, but want of order hasalready proved fatal to many. 39. Again, when you have appointed as manycommanders as are requisite, I consider that if you were to assembleand encourage the rest of the soldiers, you would act very suitably tothe occasion; 40. For you perhaps observe, as well as myself, howdejectedly they have now come to the place of arms, [126] and howdejectedly they go upon guard, so that, while they are in such acondition, I know not for what service any one could employ them, whether required by night or by day. 41. But if any one could change thedirection of their thoughts, so that they may not merely contemplatewhat they are likely to suffer, but what they may be able to do, theywill become much more eager for action; 42. For you are certain that itis neither numbers nor strength which gives the victory in war, but thatwhichsoever side advances on the enemy with the more resolute courage, their opponents, in general, cannot withstand their onset. 43. I havealso remarked, fellow-soldiers, that such as are eager in the field topreserve their lives at any rate, for the most part perish wretchedlyand ignominiously, while I see that such as reflect that death is to allmen common and inevitable, and seek in battle only to fall with honour, more frequently, from whatever cause, arrive at old age, and live, whilethey live, with greater happiness. 44. Being aware, then, of thesefacts, it behoves us, such are the circumstances in which we are placed, both to prove ourselves to be brave soldiers, and to exhort others to beso likewise. " 45. Having spoken thus, he stopped. 

After him Cheirisophus said, "Till the present moment, O Xenophon, Iknew nothing of you, except having heard that you were an Athenian, butnow I have to praise you both for what you say and what you do and couldwish that there were very many like you; for it would be a general good. 46. And now, " he added, "let us not delay, my fellow-soldiers, butproceed at once, you who want them, to choose commanders, and when youhave elected them, come to the centre of the camp, and bring those thatare chosen; and we will then call the rest of the soldiers togetherthere. And let Tolmides the herald, " said he, "come with us. " 47. As hesaid this, he rose up, that the necessary measures might not be delayed, but carried at once into execution. There were accordingly chosencommanders, Timasion a Dardanian in the room of Clearchus, Xanthicles anAchæan in that of Socrates, Cleanor an Arcadian in that of Agias, Philesius an Achæan in that of Menon, and Xenophon of Athens in that ofProxenus. 

[Footnote 116: Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις. ] See ii. 4. 4. ]

[Footnote 117: Εἰς τὴν ἑσπέραν. ] _Vespertino tempore_. Kühner]

[Footnote 118: Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ ὅπλα. ] See note on ii. 2. 20. ]

[Footnote 119: Θεοις, οἷς ἔδει, θύειν. ] _Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret, sacra faceret. _ Those gods are to be understood, to whom it wasestablished, by law or by custom, that whoever was entering on anexpedition, such as that which Xenophon meditated, should offersacrifice. They were therefore certain or appointed gods: comp. Sect. 8;and vi. I. 22. Yet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us, even when special gods are meant. _Kühner_. --What gods they were, doesnot appear. ]

[Footnote 120: Δι' αἰσχύνην. ] They had regard for their character in theeyes of one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted; andregard for it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seemungrateful. _Kühner_. --Αἰσχύνη is self-respect, apprehension of whatothers may think of us; and may be illustrated by Hom. Il. V. 

 Ἀλλήλους δ' αἰδεῖσθε κατὰ κρατερὰς ὑσμίνας· Αἰδομένων ἀνδρῶν πλέονες σόοι ἠὲ πέφανται·

"Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of menwho respect themselves, more are saved than killed. " Hutchinson cites A. Gellius, xix. 7: αἰσχύνη ἐστὶ φόβος δικαίον ψόγου, i. E. _a fear of justblame_. ]

[Footnote 121: Κηδεμών. ] Cyrus, says Weiske, had his mother to take hispart, the Greeks had no one to take theirs. ]

[Footnote 122: Καὶ τρωτοὶ καὶ θνητοὶ μᾶλλον. ] "More vulnerable andmortal. " Alluding to the superiority of the Grecian armour over that ofthe Persians. ]

[Footnote 123: Τὸν ὑποστράτηγον. ] Krüger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11, concludes that the ὑποστράτηγος was he who was appointed to dischargethe duties of the στράτηγος in his absence, or to take his place if heshould be killed. ]

[Footnote 124: See ii. 2. 20. ]

[Footnote 125: Καιρόν. ] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to "in vobisplurimum est situm. " Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph. , says, "rerum statusis est, ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere. " Toup, in his _Emend. Ad Suid. _, gives _maximum momentum habetis_. ]

[Footnote 126: See ii. 2. 20. ]

CHAPTER II. 

 The new generals hold a council of war. The speeches of Cheirisophus, Cleanor, and Xenophon. The order of march is settled, and the duties of each commander appointed. 

1. When the officers were chosen, and day was just dawning, they met inthe centre of the camp, and it was resolved to station sentinels at theout-posts, and to call together the soldiers. When the rest of thetroops came up, Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian rose first, and spoke asfollows: 2. "Our present circumstances, fellow-soldiers, are fraughtwith difficulty, since we are deprived of such able generals, andcaptains, and soldiers, and since, also, the party of Ariæus, who wereformerly our supporters, have deserted us; 3. Yet it behoves us toextricate ourselves from these difficulties as brave men, and not tolose courage, but to endeavour to save ourselves, if we can, by anhonourable victory; but if we cannot do so, let us at least die withhonour, and never, while we live, put ourselves into the power of theenemy; for I think that, in that case, we should endure such sufferingsas I wish that the gods may inflict on our adversaries. "

4. After him Cleanor the Orchomenian arose and spoke thus: "You see, soldiers, the perjury and impiety of the king; and you see also thefaithlessness of Tissaphernes, who, after telling us that he was aneighbour of the Greeks, and would esteem it the highest privilege tosave us, and after having given us his right hand as a pledge, hashimself deceived and made prisoners our generals, and has not respectedeven Jupiter, the protector of the rights of hospitality, but, entertaining Clearchus at his own table, has, by this very means, inveigled and destroyed our officers. 5. Ariæus, too, whom we offered tomake king, to whom we gave and from whom we received pledges, that wewould not betray one another, even he, neither fearing the gods, norrespecting the memory of Cyrus, though honoured by him in the highestdegree while he was alive, has now gone over to his bitterest enemies, and endeavours to distress us who were his friends. 6. But on these menmay the gods take vengeance; for ourselves, it is incumbent upon us, having this conduct before our eyes, not to be deceived again by them, but, after fighting as bravely as we can, to bear with patience suchfortune as the gods may appoint us. "

7. Next stood up Xenophon, who had accoutred himself for war assplendidly as he could, thinking that if the gods should grant themvictory, the finest equipment would be suitable to success, or that, ifit were appointed for him to die, it would be well for him to adornhimself with his best armour, [127] and in that dress to meet his end. Heproceeded to speak thus: 8. "Of the perjury and perfidy of theBarbarians Cleanor has just spoken, and you, I am sure, are well awareof it. If, then, we think of coming again to terms of friendship withthem, we must of necessity feel much distrust on that head, when we seewhat our generals have suffered, who, in reliance on their faith, putthemselves into their hands; but if we propose to inflict on themvengeance with our swords for what they have done, and, for the future, to be at war with them at all points, we have, with the help of thegods, many fair hopes of safety. " 9. As he was uttering these words, somebody sneezed, and the soldiers, hearing it, with one impulse paidtheir adoration to the god;[128] and Xenophon continued, "Since, soldiers, while we were speaking of safety, an omen from Jupiter thePreserver has appeared, it seems to me that we should vow to that god tooffer sacrifices for our preservation on the spot where we first reach afriendly country; and that we should vow, at the same time, to sacrificeto the other gods according to our ability. And to whomsoever this seemsreasonable, let him hold up his hand. " All held up their hands; and theythen made their vows, and sang the pæan. When the ceremonies to the godswere duly performed, he recommenced thus: 10. "I was saying that we hadmany fair hopes of safety. In the first place, we have observed ouroaths made to the gods; but the enemy have perjured themselves, andbroken the truce and their oaths. Such being the case, it is naturalthat the gods should be unfavourable to our enemies, and should fight onour side; the gods, who are able, whenever they will, to make the mightysoon weak, and to save the weak with ease, although they be in grievousperils. 11. In the next place, I will remind you of the dangers in whichour ancestors were, that you may feel conscious how much it becomes youto be brave, and how the brave are preserved, even from the greatesttroubles, by the aid of the gods. For when the Persians, and thoseunited with them, came with a numerous host, as if to sweep Athens fromthe face of the earth, [129] the Athenians, by daring to oppose them, gave them a defeat; 12. And having made a vow to Diana, that whatevernumber they should kill of the enemy, they would sacrifice to herdivinity the same number of goats, and not being able to find enough, they resolved to sacrifice five hundred every year; and to this day theystill continue to sacrifice them. 13. Again, when Xerxes, havingcollected that innumerable army of his, came down upon Greece a secondtime, our ancestors on that occasion, too, defeated the ancestors ofthese Barbarians, both by land and sea; of which exploits the trophiesare still to be seen as memorials; the greatest of all memorials, however, is the liberty of the states in which you were born and bred, for you worship no man as master, but the gods alone. Of such ancestorsare you sprung. 

14. "Nor am I going to say that you dishonour them. It is not yet manydays since you arrayed yourselves in the field against the descendantsof those Barbarians, and defeated, with the help of the gods, a forcemany times more numerous than yourselves. 15. On that occasion youshowed yourselves brave men to procure a throne for Cyrus; and now, whenthe struggle is for your own lives, it becomes you to be more valiantand resolute. 16. At present, too, you may justly feel greaterconfidence against your adversaries; for even then, when you had made notrial of them, and saw them in countless numbers before you, you yetdared, with the spirit of your fathers, to advance upon them, and now, when you have learned from experience of them, that, though many timesyour number, they shrink from receiving your charge, what reason haveyou any longer to fear them? 17. And do not consider it anydisadvantage, that the troops of Cyrus, who were formerly arrayed on ourside, have now left us; for they are far more cowardly than those whowere defeated by you; at least[130] they deserted us to flee to them, and those who are so ready to commence flight it is better to see postedon the side of the enemy than in our own ranks. 

18. "If, again, any of you are disheartened because we have no cavalry, and the enemy have a great number, consider that ten thousand cavalryare nothing more than ten thousand men; for no one ever perished inbattle of being bitten or kicked by a horse; it is the men that dowhatever is done in the encounter. 19. Doubtless we, too, rest upon asurer support than cavalry have, for they are raised upon horses, andare afraid, not only of us, but also of falling, while we, taking oursteps upon the ground, shall strike such as approach us with far greaterforce, and hit much more surely the mark at which we may aim. In onepoint alone, indeed, have the cavalry the advantage, that it is saferfor them to flee than for us. 

20. "But if, though you have courage for battle, you are disquieted atthe thought that Tissaphernes will no longer guide you, and that theking will no longer supply you with provisions, consider whether it isbetter to have Tissaphernes for our guide, who is manifestly plottingour destruction, or such persons as we ourselves may seize and compel tobe our guides, who will be conscious that if they go wrong with regardto us, they go wrong with regard to their own lives and persons. 21. Andas to provisions, whether is it better for us to purchase, in themarkets which they provide, small measures of food for large sums ofmoney, (no longer, indeed, having the money, ) or, if we are successfulin the field, to take supplies for ourselves, adopting whatever measureeach of us may wish to use?

22. "Again, if you think, that this state of things will be better, butimagine that the rivers will be impassable, and that you were greatlymisled when you came across them, reflect whether the Barbarians havenot acted most unwisely also in this respect. [131] For all rivers, though they may be impassable at a distance from their sources, are easyto be forded by those who go to their springs, wetting them not even tothe knees. 23. But even if the rivers shall not afford us apassage, [132] and no guide shall appear to conduct us, we still need notbe in despair; for we know that the Mysians, whom we should not callmore valiant than ourselves, have settled themselves, against the king'swill, in many rich and large cities in the king's territory; we knowthat the Pisidians have acted similarly; and we have ourselves seen[133]that the Lycaonians, having seized on the strongholds in the plains, enjoy the produce of the land of these Barbarians; 24. And I shouldrecommend that we, for the present, should not let it be seen that weare eager to start homewards, but should apparently make arrangements asif we thought of settling somewhere in these parts; for I am sure thatthe king would grant the Mysians many guides, and give them manyhostages to send them out of the country safely, and even make roads forthem, though they should desire to depart in four-horse chariots; andfor ourselves, too, I am convinced that he would with thrice as muchpleasure do the same, if he saw us making dispositions to remain here. 25. But I am afraid that if we should once learn to live in idleness, torevel in abundance, and to associate with the fair and stately wives anddaughters of the Medes and Persians, we should, like thelotus-eaters, [134] think no more of the road homewards. 26. It seems tome, therefore, both reasonable and just, that we should first of allmake an attempt to return to Greece, and to the members of our families, and let our countrymen see that they live in voluntary poverty, sincethey might see those, who are now living at home without due means ofsubsistence, enriched on betaking themselves hither. But I need say nomore on this head, for it is plain, my fellow-soldiers, that all theseadvantages fall to the conquerors. 

27. "I must also suggest to you, however, in what manner we may proceedon our way with the greatest safety, and how we may fight, if it shouldbe necessary to fight, to the greatest possible advantage. First of all, then, " he continued, "it seems to me that we ought to burn whatevercarriages we have, that our cattle may not influence our movements, butthat we may march whithersoever it may be convenient for the army; andthen that we should burn our tents with them, for tents are troublesometo carry, and of no service either for fighting or in gettingprovisions. 28. I think also that we ought to rid ourselves of whateveris superfluous in the rest of our baggage, reserving only what we havefor war, or for meat and drink, that as many of us as possible may beunder arms, and as few as possible baggage-bearers; for you are awarethat whatever belongs to the conquered becomes the property of others;and, if we are victorious, we ought to look upon the enemy as ourbaggage-carriers. 

29. "It only remains for me to mention a particular which I consider tobe of the greatest importance. You see that the enemy did not ventureopenly to commence war against us, until they had seized our generals, thinking that as long as we had commanders, and were obedient to them, we should be in a condition to gain the advantage over them in thefield, but, on making prisoners of our generals, they expected that weshould perish from want of direction and order. 30. It is incumbent, therefore, on our present commanders to be far more vigilant than ourformer ones, and on those under command to be far more orderly, andmore obedient to their officers, at present than they were before. 31. And if you were also to pass a resolution, that, should any one bedisobedient, whoever of you chances to light upon him is to join withhis officer in punishing him, the enemy would by that means be mosteffectually disappointed in their expectations, for, on the very daythat such resolution is passed, they will see before them ten thousandClearchuses instead of one, who will not allow a single soldier to playthe coward. 32. But it is now time for me to conclude my speech;[135]for in an instant perhaps the enemy will be upon us. Whosoever, therefore, thinks these suggestions reasonable, let him give hissanction to them at once, that they may be carried into execution. Butif any other course, in any one's opinion, be better than this, [136] lethim, even though he be a private soldier, boldly give us his sentiments;for the safety, which we all seek, is a general concern. "

33. Cheirisophus then said, "Should there be need of any other measurein addition to what Xenophon proposes, it will be in our power to bringit forward by and by; what he has now suggested we ought, I think, tovote at once to be the best course that we can adopt; and to whomsoeverthis seems proper, let him hold up his hand;" and they all held them up. 34. Xenophon then, rising again, said, "Hear, soldiers, what appears tome to be necessary in addition to what I have laid before you. It isplain that we must march to some place from which we may get provisions;and I hear that there are some good-looking villages not more thantwenty stadia distant; 35. But I should not wonder if the enemy, (likecowardly dogs that run after such as pass by them, and bite them if theycan, but flee from those who pursue them, ) I should not wonder, I say, if the enemy were to follow close upon us when we begin to march. 36. Itwill, perhaps, be the safer way for us to march, therefore, forming ahollow square of the heavy-armed troops, in order that the baggage andthe large number of camp-followers, may be in greater security withinit; and if it be now settled who is to lead the square, and regulatethe movements in front, who are to be on each flank, and who to havecharge of the rear, we shall not have to consider of these things whenthe enemy approach, but may at once act according to what has beenarranged. 37. If, then, any one else sees anything better to recommend, let it be settled otherwise; if not, let Cheirisophus lead, since he isalso a Lacedæmonian;[137] let two of the oldest generals take thecommand on each of the flanks; and let Timasion and myself, the youngestof the officers, take charge, at least for the present, of the rear. 38. After a time, when we have tried this arrangement, we will consider, asoccasion may require, what may seem best to be done. If any one thinksof any better plan than this, let him speak. " As nobody made anyobjection, he said, "Whosoever likes these proposals, let him hold uphis hand. " The proposals were approved. 39. "And now, " he added, "itbelongs to you to go and carry into execution what has been decidedupon; and whosoever of you wishes to see his friends and relations, lethim prove himself a man of valour, for by no other means can he succeedin attaining that object; whoever of you desires to preserve his life, let him strive to conquer, for it is the part of conquerors to kill, butof the conquered to die; and if any one of you covets spoil, let himendeavour to secure victory for us, for it is the privilege of victorsat once to save their own property and to seize on that of thevanquished. "

[Footnote 127: Τών καλλίστων ἐαυτὸν ἀξιώσαντα. ] "Thinking himself worthyof the most beautiful (equipments). "]

[Footnote 128: Τὸν θεόν. ] Jupiter the Preserver. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 129: Αὔθις ἀφανιούντων. ] Weiske, Schneider, and others omitthe αὔθις. Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner preserve it, as it is found insix manuscripts, giving it, with Spohn, Lect. Theocr. I. P. 33, thesense of _back again_, as if the Persians had intended to make Athensdisappear again as if it had never been. I think the word better leftout. An American editor has conjectured αὐτὰς. ]

[Footnote 130: Γοῦν. ] Some copies have οὖν. "The sense of γοῦν is this;_ceteris rebus prætermissis, hoc quidem certissimum est, eos fugisse_. "Kühner. ]

[Footnote 131: Εἰ ἄρα, κ. τ. λ. ] Krüger admonishes the reader that thesewords must be taken negatively: _whether--not_. ]

[Footnote 132: Διήσουσιν. ] Eight manuscripts have διοίσουσιν, whichBornemann has preferred. Dindorf also gave the preference to it in hisfirst edition, but has subsequently adopted the other reading. Μήτεδιοίσουσιν is interpreted by Bornemann, "if the rivers shall present nodifference in any part of their course; if they be as broad at theirsources as at their mouths. "]

[Footnote 133: Αὐτοὶ εἴδομεν. ] The Greeks had passed through a part ofLycaonia in their march up the country, i. 2. 19; when, however, it isnot indicated that they saw much. ]

[Footnote 134: The allusion is to Odyss. Ix. 83, where the lotus-eatersare mentioned:

 The trees around them all their food produce, Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice, (Thence called Lotophagi, ) which whoso tastes, Insatiate riots in the sweet repasts, Nor other home, nor other care intends, But quits his house, his country, and his friends. _Pope. _]

[Footnote 135: Περαίνειν. ] Sc. τὸν λόγον. This is the sense in whichthis word has been taken, I believe, by most readers; as in Æsch. Pers. 699, and elsewhere. Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the senseof _to execute, to proceed to action_. ]

[Footnote 136: Εἰ δὲ τι ἄλλο βέλτιον ἤ ταύτῃ. ] Understand δοκεῖ ἔχειν. _Kühner_. "But if anything else (seems) better (to any one) than in thisway. "]

[Footnote 137: Ἐπειδὴ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιός ἐστι. ] The καὶ, _also_, refersto something understood: "since he is not only a brave man, but also aLacedæmonian. " _Kühner_. The Lacedæmonians were then at the head ofGreece: comp. V. 9. 26; vi. 6. 12. _Zeune_. ]

CHAPTER III. 

 The Greeks are visited by Mithridates as a friend, but he soon shows that he is an enemy, and they resolve to enter into no further negotiations with the Persian king. They pass the Zabatus, are harassed by Mithridates, and suffer from the want of slingers and cavalry. Volunteers are enrolled for these services. 

1. When this speech was concluded, they rose up, and went off to burntheir carriages and tents; of their superfluous baggage they dividedamong themselves such portions as any needed, and threw the rest intothe fire. Having done this, they went to breakfast. While they were attheir meal, Mithridates rode up to them with about thirty horsemen andrequesting the generals to come within hearing, spoke as follows: 2. "Iwas faithful to Cyrus, O men of Greece, as you yourselves know; I am nowwell disposed towards you; and I am living here under greatapprehensions; if therefore I should find that you are concerting anysafe scheme for your deliverance, I would come and join you, bringingwith me all my followers. Let me know, therefore, what you have incontemplation, as one who is your friend and well-wisher, and who iswilling to march along with you. " 3. The generals, after consultingtogether, resolved on returning the following answer; and Cheirisophusdelivered it: "It is our determination, if no one hinders us fromreturning home, to proceed through the country with as little injury toit as possible; but if any one opposes us on our march, to fight our wayagainst him as vigorously as we can. " 4. Mithridates then endeavoured toconvince them how impracticable it was to escape without the king'sconsent. But it was now concluded that he was insidiously sent; for oneof the followers of Tissaphernes was in attendance on him to insure hisfidelity. [138] 5. In consequence, it was thought right by the generalsto pass a resolution that the war should be such as to admit of nointercourse by heralds;[139] for those that came tried to corrupt thesoldiers, and succeeded in seducing one of the captains, Nicarchus anArcadian, and he deserted in the night with about twenty men. 

6. Having then dined, and crossed the river Zabatus, they marched on inregular order, keeping the baggage-cattle and camp-followers in thecentre. But before they had gone far, Mithridates made his appearanceagain with about two hundred cavalry and about four hundred archers andslingers, very light and active troops. 7. He advanced towards theGreeks as a friend, but, when he came near, some of his men, both horseand foot, suddenly discharged their arrows, and others used theirslings, and wounded some of our men. The rear of the Greeks indeed wasmuch harassed, and could do nothing in return; for the Cretan bowmenshot to a less distance than the Persians, and had also, as beinglightly armed, sheltered themselves within the heavy troops; and thejavelin-men did not hurl far enough to reach the slingers. 8. Upon thisit seemed to Xenophon that it would be well to pursue them; and such ofthe heavy-armed and peltasts as happened to be with him in the rear, began to pursue, but could overtake in the pursuit not a single man ofthe enemy; 9. For the Greeks had no cavalry, [140] nor could theirinfantry, in a short distance, overtake the infantry of the enemy, whotook to flight when they were a long way off, since it was impossiblefor the Greeks to follow them to a great distance from the rest of thearmy. 10. The Barbarian cavalry, too, inflicted wounds in their retreat, shooting backwards as they rode, and however far the Greeks advanced inpursuit, so far were they obliged to retreat fighting. 11. Thus duringthe whole day they did not advance more than five-and-twenty stadia;however, they arrived at the villages in the evening. 

Here again there was much dejection; and Cheirisophus and the oldest ofthe generals blamed Xenophon for pursuing the enemy apart from the mainbody, endangering himself, and yet being unable to hurt the assailants. 12. Xenophon, hearing this charge, acknowledged that they blamed himjustly, and that the result bore testimony in their favour. "But, " saidhe, "I was under the necessity of pursuing, as I saw that we sufferedgreat damage while remaining at our posts, and were unable to retaliate. 13. But when we began to pursue, " continued he, "the truth was as yousay; for we were none the better able to injure the enemy, and we couldnot retreat without great difficulty. 14. Thanks are due to the gods, therefore, that the Barbarians did not come upon us in great force, butonly with a few troops, so that, whilst they did us no great harm, theyshowed us of what we stand in need: 15. For at present the enemy shoottheir arrows and sling their stones such a distance, that neither canthe Cretans return their shots, nor can those who throw with the handreach them; and when we pursue them, we cannot go after them any greatdistance from the main body, and in a short space a foot-soldier, evenif ever so swift, cannot overtake another foot-soldier, starting atbow-shot distance. 16. If therefore we would keep off the enemy, so thatthey may be unable to hurt us on our march, we must at once provideourselves with slingers and cavalry. There are, I hear, some Rhodians inour army, the greater number of whom, they say, understand the use ofthe sling, while their weapon carries even double the distance of thePersian sling, 17. Which, as they sling with large stones, reach only ashort distance, while the Rhodians know how to use leaden bullets. 18. If then, we ascertain which of them have slings, and give money to eachof them[141] for them; and pay money also to any one who is willing toplait more, and find some other privilege[142] for him who consents toserve in the troop of slingers, [143] possibly some will offer themselveswho may be able to be of service to us. 19. I see also that there arehorses in the army, some in my possession, and some left by Clearchus, besides many others taken from the enemy which are employed in carryingthe baggage. If, then, we collect all these, and put ordinarybaggage-cattle in their place, and equip the horses for riders, theywill perhaps annoy the enemy in their flight. " 20. These suggestionswere approved; and that very night there came forward slingers to thenumber of two hundred. The next day, as many as fifty horsemen andhorses were pronounced fit for service; leathern jackets[144] andbreastplates were furnished to them; and Lycius the son of Polystratusan Athenian, was appointed their captain. 

[Footnote 138: Πίστεως ἕνεκα. ] To watch him, lest he should acttreacherously. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 139: Πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον. ] Properly _war in which there is nouse for heralds_, but in which all is violent and desperate; so thatἀκήρυκτος will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to ἀδιάλλακτος, _implacable_, _irreconcilable_. See Erasm. Adag. Iii. 3. 84. _SturzLex_. Others rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sendingheralds, and not to be terminated by sending them. _Kühner_. See Herod. V. 81. ]

[Footnote 140: Cyrus's Greek auxiliaries for the expedition hadconsisted only of infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic orThracian. The Thracian horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry hadgone over to Tissaphernes soon after the battle. ]

[Footnote 141: Τούτῳ μὲν. ] As τίνες πέπανται immediately precedes, thesingular τούτῳ rather startles the reader; but there are not wantingexamples of similar irregularity. ]

[Footnote 142: Ἀτέλειαν. ] Exemption, for instance, from keeping guardand keeping watch. _Krüger_. ]

[Footnote 143: Τῷ σφενδονᾶν ἐντεταγμένω ἐθέλοντι. ] "To him willing to bea slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers). " This is thereading of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kühner and some othersprefer ἐν τῷ τεταγμένῳ, "in the place appointed him. "]

[Footnote 144: Σπολάδες. ] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf, Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner prefer στολάδες, both in this passageand in iv. 1. 18. Both forms seem to have been in use, and to have hadthe same signification; but σπολάς to have been the more common. SeePollux, 1. 135. Hesychius has σπολὰς, χιτωνίσκος βαθὺς, σκύτινος, ὁβύρσινος θώραξ. See Pollux, 7. 70; 10. 143. Suidas, Phavorinus, andPhotius give similar interpretations. ]

CHAPTER IV

 Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, but is repulsed. They reach the Tigris, encamp at Mespila, and are attacked by Tissaphernes with a numerous force. They repel him, and alter their order of march. Traversing a mountainous part of the country, they are harassed by the enemy, till, on getting possession of a height, they are enabled to reach the plain beyond it in safety. 

1. Having halted for that day, they went forward on the next, risingearlier in the morning than usual; for they had a ravine formed by atorrent to pass, at which they were afraid that the enemy would attackthem while they were crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over, however, that Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with hima thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of fourthousand; for he had solicited and obtained that number fromTissaphernes, promising that, if he received them, he would deliver theGreeks into his hands; for he had conceived a contempt for them, because, in his previous attack on them, though he had but a small forcewith him, he had suffered no loss, and thought that he had caused themgreat annoyance. 3. When the Greeks, having crossed, were distant abouteight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also passed over it with hisforce. Instructions had been issued to such of the peltasts andheavy-armed troops as were to pursue, and a charge had been given to thehorsemen to pursue with boldness, as a sufficient force would follow tosupport them. 4. When therefore Mithridates overtook them, and theslings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given to the Greekswith the trumpet, and those who had been ordered immediately hastened tocharge the enemy, the cavalry riding forward at the same time. The enemyhowever did not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to theravine. 5. In the pursuit several of the Barbarian foot were killed, and about eighteen of the horse were made prisoners in the defile. TheGreeks, of their own impulse, mutilated the dead bodies, in order thatthe sight of them might be as horrible as possible to the enemy. 

6. The enemy, after faring thus, went off, and the Greeks, advancing therest of the day without molestation, arrived at the river Tigris. 7. Here was a large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa, and whichthe Medes had formerly inhabited. The breadth of its wall was five andtwenty feet, and the height of it a hundred; its circuit was twoparasangs. It was built of bricks made of clay, but there was under it astone foundation, [145] the height of twenty feet. 8. This city the kingof the Persians, [146] at the time when the Persians wrested[147] theempire from the Medes, was unable by any means to take; a cloud, however, having covered the sun, hid it from view, [148] till the peopledeserted it, [149] and so it was taken. 9. Near the city was a stonepyramid of the breadth[150] of one plethrum, and the height of twoplethra. Upon it[151] were many of the Barbarians who had fled from theneighbouring villages. 

10. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, six parasangs, to a largeunoccupied fortress, [152] situated near a city, the name of which wasMespila; the Medes had formerly inhabited it. The foundation of the wallwas of polished stone, full of shells, [153] the breadth fifty feet, andthe height fifty; 11. And on it was constructed a wall of bricks, fiftyfeet broad, and a hundred high; the circumference of it was sixparasangs. Here Medea, the king's wife, is said to have taken refuge, when the Medes were deprived of their empire by the Persians. 12. Theking of the Persians, on besieging this city, was unable to reduce iteither by length of time or by assault, but Jupiter, as with athunder-stroke, [154] deprived the inhabitants of their senses, and thusit was taken. 

13. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, a distance of fourparasangs. In the course of this day's march Tissaphernes made hisappearance, having with him the cavalry which he himself commanded, theforce of Orontes, who had married the king's daughter, the Barbariantroops with which Cyrus went up, the troops with which the king'sbrother came to assist him, and, besides these, all that the kinghimself had given him; so that his army appeared extremely numerous. 14. When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in the rear, andbrought others round upon our flanks, but did not venture to make acharge, or show any disposition to endanger himself, but ordered his mento use their slings and bows. 15. But when the Rhodians, who weredispersed among the ranks, began to use their slings, and the Scythianarchers[155] discharged their arrows, no one failing to hit a man, (forit would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever sodesirous, ) Tissaphernes hastily retreated beyond reach of the missiles, and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 16. During the restof the day the Greeks continued their march, and the enemy followed; butthe Barbarians no longer harassed them with their usual skirmishing; forthe Rhodians sent their missiles to a greater distance than thePersians, and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians, too, were large, so that such of their arrows as were taken up, were ofservice to the Cretans, who continued to use the enemy's arrows, andpractised shooting by sending them far up into the air. [156] A greatnumber of bowstrings were also found in the villages, and some lead, sothat they could use it for their slings. 

18. For that day, therefore, as soon as the Greeks reached the villagesand encamped, the Barbarians went off, having had the worst in theskirmish; and during the next the Greeks remained where they were, andcollected provisions, for there was plenty of corn in the villages. Theday after, they proceeded through the open country, and Tissaphernesfollowed, hurling missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here the Greeksfound that a square was a bad disposition for an army when the enemywas behind them: for it must necessarily happen, that if the flanks ofthe square close together from the road being narrow, or from hills or abridge making it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed outof their places, and march with difficulty, [157] being at the same timecrowded together and thrown into confusion; so that when in suchdisorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And when, again, the flanksdivide, those who were previously forced out of their places, must nowof necessity separate, and the space between the flanks be left empty;and men who are thrown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart, if the enemy are behind them. Whenever, too, they had to pass a bridge, or any other crossing-place, each hastened on to get first, and theenemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking them. [158] 21. Thegenerals, seeing that such was the case, formed six companies of ahundred men each, and appointed captains of these companies, as well ascaptains of fifty and captains of twenty-five. [159] These captains andtheir companies, on the march, whenever the flanks of the square closedtogether, fell behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, andthen led on outside the flanks; 22. And whenever the sides of the squareopened, they filled up the centre, if the opening was narrow, bycompanies; if rather wide, by fifties; if very wide, bytwenty-fives;[160] so that the centre was always full. 23. If, then, itwas necessary to pass any defile or bridge, they were not thrown intoconfusion, but the captains and companies went over in succession;[161]and if anything was needed in any part of the main body, these were athand. In this order they advanced four days' journey. 

24. As they were pursuing the fifth day's march, they observed a kind ofpalace, and several villages round it. The way to this place, theyperceived, lay among high hills, which reached down from a mountain, atthe foot of which the village was. [162] These hills the Greeks were gladto see, as was natural, when the enemy's force consisted of cavalry. 25. But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first hill, andwere descending in order to mount the second, the Barbarians came uponthem, and from the eminence began, under the lash, [163] to hurl darts, use their slings, and shoot arrows, on the ground below; 26. Theywounded many, and had the advantage over the light-armed Greeks, andshut them up within the heavy-armed; so that both the slingers andarchers were that day entirely useless, being mixed with the crowd thathad charge of the baggage. 27. When the Greeks, on being hard pressed, attempted pursuit, they mounted the height but slowly, as being heavilyarmed, while the enemy sprang up speedily. 28. When, again, theyretreated back to the rest of the force, they fared equally ill. Thesame occurrences took place on the second hill; so that they thought itproper not to move the soldiers from the third hill, until they led up abody of peltasts to the mountain from the right wing of the square. 29. When these had got above the pursuing enemy, they no longer attackedthem in their descent, fearing that they might be cut off from their ownbody, and that enemies might assail them on both sides. 30. Marching inthis manner for the rest of the day, some by the route among the hills, and others advancing abreast of them along the mountain, they arrivedat the villages, and appointed eight surgeons, [164] for there were manywounded. 

31. Here they remained three days, both for the sake of the wounded, andbecause they found, at the same time, abundance of provisions, wheat-flour, wine, and a great quantity of barley laid up for horses;supplies which had been collected for the satrap of the country. On thefourth day they went down into the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernesovertook them with his forces, necessity taught them to encamp wherethey first saw a village, and not to march on still fighting; for therewere many unfitted for action, some wounded, some carrying the wounded, and some bearing the arms of those that carried them. 33. When howeverthey were encamped, and the Barbarians, coming up to the village, attempted to skirmish with them, the Greeks had greatly the advantage;for they found a great difference[165] between sallying from their ownground to repulse the enemy, and fighting with a pursuing enemy on theirmarch. 

34. When evening approached, it became time for the enemy to retire; forthe Barbarians never encamped at a less distance from the Greeks thansixty stadia, fearing lest the Greeks should attack them in the night. 35. For in the night a Persian army is difficult to manage; as theirhorses are tied, and for the most part fastened by the feet, that theymay not run away if they should be untied; and if any sudden attacktakes place, the Persian has[166] to put the housings [167] on hishorse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his armour, tomount; but all these things are troublesome by night and in the midst ofan alarm. On this account they encamped at a distance from the Greeks. 

36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, and werepassing the order for doing so, proclamation was made among the Greeks, in the hearing of the enemy, that they were to collect their baggage;when the Barbarians, for some time, delayed their march; but, when itgrew late, they went off; for they did not think it expedient to marchand arrive at their camp[168] in the night. 37. When the Greeks observedthem evidently moving away, they themselves also decamped[169] and beganto march, and accomplished as much as sixty stadia. There was thus sogreat a distance between the armies, that the enemy did not appear onthe following day or on the third; but on the fourth, the Barbarians, having gone forward in the night, occupied an elevated position on theright, on the route by which the Greeks were to pass; the brow of amountain, beneath which was the descent into the plain. 38. As soon asCheirisophus saw that this eminence was pre-occupied, he sent forXenophon from the rear, and ordered him to bring his peltasts and cometo the front. 39. Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for hesaw Tissaphernes, and all his force, in full view, ) but, riding upalone, asked, "Why do you call me?" Cheirisophus replied, "You may see;for the eminence above the descent has been pre-occupied against us, andit is impossible to pass, unless we cut off those who are on it. But whydid you not bring the peltasts?" 40. Xenophon replied that he did notthink it right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in sight. "But it is high time, " he continued, "to consider how some of us maydislodge those men from the hill. " 41. Xenophon now noticed that thesummit of the mountain[170] was above their own army, and that therewas a way from it to the hill where the enemy were, and exclaimed, "Itis best for us, Cheirisophus, to hasten as quickly as possible to thesummit, for if we gain this, those who are above our road will be unableto maintain their ground. But do you, if you please, remain with thearmy; I have a desire to go forward; or, if you prefer it, proceed on tothe mountain, and I will stay here. " 42. "I leave you, " repliedCheirisophus, "to choose which of the two you please. " Xenophon, observing that he was the younger, decided on advancing, but requestedCheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the front, as it was toogreat a distance to bring one from the rear. 43. Cheirisophus then sentwith him the peltasts from the front; and he took those that were in themiddle of the square. Cheirisophus also ordered the three hundred thathe had with him at the head of the square, consisting of picked men, tofollow Xenophon. 

44. The party then marched forward with all possible speed. But theenemy on the heights, when they perceived that the Greeks were directingtheir course towards the summit, hurried forward also themselves tocontend for the possession of the summit. 45. There was then greatshouting from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great shoutingalso from the troops of Tissaphernes, cheering on theirs. 46. Xenophon, riding along on horseback, encouraged his party, saying, "Consider, soldiers, that you are now contending for Greece; that after a briefstruggle now, we shall march the rest of the way without fighting, tojoin our children and our wives. " 47. Soterides, a Sicyonian, cried out, "We are not upon an equality, Xenophon; for you are carried on a horse, while I have hard work to carry my shield. " 48. Xenophon, on hearingthis remark, leaped from his horse, pushed Soterides from the ranks, took from him his shield, and marched on with it as fast as he was able. He happened however to have on his horseman's corslet, so that he wasdistressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front to lead ongently, and those behind, who followed with difficulty, to come up. 49. But the rest of the soldiers beat and threw stones at Soterides, andreviled him, till they obliged him to resume his shield and march in hisplace. Xenophon, remounting, led the way, as long as it was passable forhis horse, on horseback, but when it became impassable, he left hishorse behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got the start ofthe enemy, and arrived first at the summit. 

[Footnote 145: Κρηπὶς δ' ὑπῆν λιθίνη, κ. τ. λ. ] The foundation appearsto have risen twenty feet above the ground; so that the whole height ofthe wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that hefound the ruins of the brick wall at Resen, which he considers to be thesame with Larissa, "based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, givingto them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone. "_Travels in the Track_, p. 139. ]

[Footnote 146: Cyrus the Great. ]

[Footnote 147: Ἐλάμβανον. ] That the Medes did not willingly submit, butwere overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent fromwhat is said here; whence it follows that λαμβάνειν τὴν ἀρχὴν παρά τινοςmay be applied even when those who lose the government are forciblydeprived of it. Xenophon however is at variance with himself in theCyropædia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by amarriage with the daughter of Cyaxares. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 148: Ἥλιον δὲ νεφέλη προκαλύψασα ἠφάνισε. ] This reading hasbeen adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodæus orMuretus; the manuscripts have all ἥλιος δὲ νεφέλην προκάλυψας, excepttwo, one of which has the ν erased in νεφέλην, and the other νεφέλῃ. Those who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Placit. Philosoph. Ii. 24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by somephilosophers to be _a condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancingover the disc_. Bornemann and Kühner restore the reading of themanuscripts, which Langius thus interprets: _sol nubem sibi prætendensse obscuravit_; than which no better explanation has been offered. Thatwe are not to suppose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text, is well observed by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained thecauses of such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i. 74; hence it is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken ofa solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, soirrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand τὴν πόλιν withἠφάνισε. ]

[Footnote 149: Ἐξέλιπον. ] Hutchinson and Weiske interpret this word_animis defecerunt_. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. P. 274) makes it_reliquerunt_ sc. _urbem_; an interpretation adopted by Porson, Schneider, Kühner, and all the modern editors. ]

[Footnote 150: Εὖρος. ] We must understand the length of each side. ]

[Footnote 151: Ἐπὶ ταύτης. ] There might be steps on the outside on whichthey might climb. ]

[Footnote 152: Τεῖχος. ] Now called _Yarumjah_, according to Ainsw. Travels, p. 139. ]

[Footnote 153: Κογχυλιάτον. ] "It is a curious fact, that the commonbuilding-stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, andindeed replete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary orsupra-cretaceous deposit; and the same lime-stone does not occur far tothe north or south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum. "'_Ainsw. Travels_, p. 140. ]

[Footnote 154: Ἐμβροντήτους ποιεῖ. ] "Jupiter makes the inhabitantsthunderstruck. " "He rendered them, " says Sturz, "either stupid or mad. "]

[Footnote 155: Σκύθαι τοξόται. ] As there is no mention of Scythians inthe whole Anabasis, Krüger, in his larger edition, suggested that theword Σκύθαι might have been written in the margin by some sciolist, whowas thinking of the Athenian τοξόται; but in his smaller edition he hasshown that he has learned something better from Arrian, Tact. Ii. 13:"Those of the cavalry who use bows are called ἱπποτοξόται, and by someΣκύθαι. " _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 156: In order that they might fall with the greater weight. _Bornemann_. Or perhaps, as Bishop Thirlwall thinks, that they mightreach a greater distance. ]

[Footnote 157: Πονήρως. ] From πόνηρος, _difficult_, not from πονηρός, _bad_. See Thucyd. Viii. 24, ed. Popp. Part iii. Vol. Iv. P. 658, _seqq. _ _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 158: Καὶ εὐεπίθετον ἧν ἐνταῦθα τοῖς πολεμίοις. I have renderedthis phrase agreeably to the notion of Krüger, who thinks εὐεπίθετονused absolutely, or as a substantive. Some, however, understand τὸπλαίσιον, or τὸ στράτευμα, which is perhaps better. ]

[Footnote 159: Ἐνωμοτάρχας. ] The ἐνωμοτία being the fourth part of aλόχος, or twenty-five men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac. Ii. 4; Arnold's Thucyd. V. 68. ]

[Footnote 160: As there were six companies of a hundred men each, theymoved into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, thatis, six men in front, and a hundred deep; if it was somewhat broader, byfifties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep; if very broad, bytwenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-five deep. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 161: Ἐν τῷ μέρει. ] Each in his place; one after another in theorder which had been previously appointed. ]

[Footnote 162: Ην ἡ κώμη. ] Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors beforeDindorf, read κώμη, _a village_, without the article. Dindorf has addedthe article from two manuscripts, and Kühner has followed him, supposingthat _the particular village_ of which the Greeks had now caught sightis meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks that _the villagein which the palace stood_ is intended. The passage seems to medecidedly better without the article; for, if it be inserted, the readeris puzzled to know why Xenophon changes the number, when he had justbefore said that the palace stood in the midst of villages. ]

[Footnote 163: According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod, vii. 21, 56, 223. ]

[Footnote 164: This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army, as Mr. Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But whether thepersons here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of thesoldiers, who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatmentof wounds, is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonancewith the word _appointed_. ]

[Footnote 165: Πολὺ γὰρ διέφερον ---- ὁρμῶντες ----πορευόμενοι. ] Themanuscripts present some variations here. Bornemann's text is the sameas Dindorf's. Kühner prefers διέφερεν ----ὁρμῶντας ---- πορευομένους, expressing a doubt whether the other method be really Greek. ]

[Footnote 166: Δεῖ ---- Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ. ] Most commentators concur in takingthis as an example of the rarer construction of δεῖ with the dative;though it has been suggested whether Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ may be the dative afterἐπισάξαι, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip hishorse for him. ]

[Footnote 167: Ἐπισάξαι. ] Spelman quarrels with D'Ablancourt fortranslating this word by "saddle, " and adopts in his own version"housings, " which I have borrowed from him, from inability to find abetter word. ]

[Footnote 168: Τὸ στρατόπεδον. ] Apparently for the place where theyintended to encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Krüger, "castra interea à lixis et calonibus posita. "]

[Footnote 169: Ἀναζεύξαντες. ] Ἀναζεύξαι, _castra movere_. Zeune. ]

[Footnote 170: The enemy had not occupied the highest part of themountain, but a lower position upon it. Comp. Sect. 37. _Kühner_. ]

CHAPTER V. 

 The Greeks arrive at a point where the Carduchian mountains overhang the river, and, as they are still harassed by the enemy, the generals hold a consultation, and determine to march across the mountains. 

1. The Barbarians, in consequence, turned their backs and fled every oneas he could, and the Greeks took possession of the top of the hill. Tissaphernes and Ariæus turned aside, and went off in another direction. Cheirisophus and his forces, going down into the plain, encamped in avillage abounding with acceptable supplies; and there were also in thisplain many other villages stored with excellent provisions, lying alongthe river Tigris. 2. When it was evening, the enemy suddenly showedthemselves in the plain, and cut off some of the Greeks who weredispersed over the ground foraging; for several herds of cattle had beenintercepted as they were being transported to the other side of theriver. 3. Here Tissaphernes and his party attempted to set fire to thevillages, and some of the Greeks were much disheartened, beingapprehensive that, if they should burn them, they would have no placewhence to procure supplies. 

4. Cheirisophus and his men now returned from giving succour;[171] andXenophon, when he came down, riding past the ranks, as the Greeks, coming in from affording aid, met him, said, 5. "You see, Greeks, thatthe enemy admit that the country is now ours, for whereas theystipulated, when they made the truce, that we should not burn the king'scountry, they now burn it themselves, as being no longer theirs. Butwherever they leave supplies for themselves, thither also they shall seeus direct our march. 6. I think, however, Cheirisophus, " continued he, "that we ought to resist these burners, as if in defence of our ownterritory. " "I, " replied Cheirisophus, "am of a different opinion;rather let us burn also, " said he, "and thus they will the soonercease. "

7. When they returned to their quarters, [172] the soldiers busiedthemselves about their provisions, but the generals and captains held acouncil. There was now much perplexity; for on one side of them wereexceeding high mountains, and on the other a river of such depth, that, when they sounded it, their spears did not rise above the water. 8. While they were in doubt how to act, a Rhodian came to them, and said, "I am willing to convey you across, O Greeks, by four thousandheavy-armed men at a time, if you will furnish me with what I requirefor the purpose, and give me a talent as a remuneration. " 9. Being askedwhat he should require, he replied, "I shall want two thousand hidesmade into bags; and I see here many sheep, goats, oxen, and asses, thehides of which, being blown out, [173] would easily furnish the means ofcrossing. 10. I shall want also the ropes which you use for thebaggage-cattle; joining, with these, the bags to one another, steadyingeach bag by attaching stones to it, letting the stones down like anchorsinto the water, extending the bags across the stream, and securing themto both banks, I will then lay wood upon them, and strew earth over thewood. 11. That you will not sink, you will at once see; for each skinwill prevent two men from sinking, and the wood and earth will keep themfrom slipping off. " 12. The generals, on hearing this proposal, thoughtthe invention ingenious, but the execution of it impossible, for therewere numerous cavalry on the other side to hinder their passage, who, atthe commencement, would not have allowed the first that made the attemptto effect their purposes. 

13. The next day they retreated back towards Babylon, to some unburntvillages, having first set fire to those which they abandoned; so thatthe enemy did not come up to them, but watched them, and seemed to bewondering which way the Greeks would turn themselves, and what they hadin their mind. 14. The rest of the soldiers then turned their thoughtsto getting supplies; but the generals and captains held another council, and, bringing together the prisoners, questioned them as to the wholecountry around, what each part was. 15. They said that the parts towardthe south were on the road towards Babylon and Media, through which theGreeks had come; that the road towards the east led to Susa andEcbatana, where the king was said to pass the summer and spring; thatthe one across[174] the river, towards the west, led to Lydia and Ionia;and that the other over the mountains, towards the north, led to theCarduchi. 16. This people, they said, lived among the mountains, werevery warlike, and did not obey the king; that on one occasion, a royalarmy of a hundred and twenty thousand men had penetrated into theircountry, whence, from the impracticability of the ground, not one ofthem returned; but that, whenever they made a treaty with the satrap ofthe plain, some of them had intercourse with the Carduchi, and some ofthe Carduchi with them. 17. The generals, having heard these statements, kept apart by themselves those who said that they knew the road in eachdirection, not letting it be known which way they intended to go. Itappeared necessary to the generals, however, to make their way over themountains into the country of the Carduchi; for the prisoners said thatafter passing through this they would come to Armenia, a large and richcountry, of which Orontes was governor, whence it would be easy for themto go whichever way they pleased. 

18. With reference to this proceeding, they made a sacrifice, in orderthat, when it should seem time, they might commence their march; forthey were afraid that the passage over the mountains might bepre-occupied by the enemy; and they gave orders, that when the soldiershad supped, they should all pack up their baggage and go to rest, andfollow their leaders whenever the signal should be given. 

[Footnote 171: Ἐκ τῆς βοηθείας. ] Xenophon is here somewhat obscure; forhe made no mention of this βοηθεία before. Cheirisophus and his men seemto have gone to aid the party of Greeks that were dispersed for plunder, when some of them were cut off by the Persians, and when Tissaphernesattempted to burn the villages. * * * Afterwards he is rathertautological; for the words ἡνίκα ----οἱ Ἕλληνες express no more than issaid in οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Χειρίσοφον ---- βοηθείας, except that they serve tomark the exact time when Xenophon addressed the men. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 172: Ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνάς. ] The tents were burned, iii. 3. 1; andKrüger therefore observes that we must consider τὰς σκηνάς as equivalentto τὸ στρατόπεδον, or the place of encampment. This explanation isbetter than that of Weiske and Zeune, who think that the _shelter of thevillages_ is meant. ]

[Footnote 173: Ἅ ἀποδαρέντα καὶ φυσηθέντα. ] "Which being skinned andblown out. " From brevity, Xenophon has said that of the animals which heought to have said of their skins. _Krüger_. ]

[Footnote 174: Διαβάντι. ] The road "for one crossing" the river. ]

BOOK IV. 

CHAPTER I. 

 The Greeks enter the territory of the Carduchi, where they suffer greatly from the wind and cold, as well as from the Barbarians, who harass them with frequent attacks on their march. 

1. What occurred in the expedition up the country to the time of thebattle, and what took place after the battle during the truce which theking and the Greeks that went up with Cyrus concluded, and whathostilities were committed against the Greeks after the king andTissaphernes had violated the truce, and while the Persian army waspursuing them, have been related in the preceding part of the narrative. 

2. When they had arrived at a spot where the Tigris was quite impassablefrom its depth and width, and where there was no passage along, itsbanks, as the Carduchian mountains hung steep over the stream, itappeared to the generals that they must march over those mountains, 3. For they had heard from the prisoners that "if they could but cross theCarduchian mountains, they would be able to ford, if they wished, thesources of the Tigris in Armenia, or, if they declined doing so, to makea circuit round them. " The sources of the Euphrates, too, they said werenot far from those of the Tigris; and such is the truth. [175]

4. Their entrance upon the territory of the Carduchi they made in thefollowing manner, endeavouring at once to escape observation, and toanticipate the enemy in getting possession of the heights. 5. When itwas about the last watch, and enough of the night was left to allow themto cross the plain under cover of the darkness, they arose at a givensignal, and, marching onwards, reached the hills by break of day. 6. Here Cheirisophus took the lead of the army, having with him both hisown men and all the light-armed; while Xenophon brought up the rear withthe heavy-armed troops, having not a single light-armed soldier; forthere seemed to be no danger that any of the enemy would attack them inthe rear as they were marching up the mountains. Cheirisophus indeedmounted the summit before any of the enemy perceived him; he then ledslowly forward; 7. And each portion of the army, as it passed the summitin succession, followed him to the villages which lay in the windingsand recesses of the mountains. [176] 8. The Carduchi, in consequence, quitting their dwellings, and taking with them their wives and children, fled to the hills. There was plenty of provisions left for the Greeks totake; and the houses were furnished with great numbers of brazenutensils, none of which the Greeks took away. Nor did they pursue thepeople, being inclined to spare them, if perchance the Carduchi, sincethey were enemies to the king, might consent to allow them to passthrough their country as that of friends; 9, the provisions, however, asmany as fell in their way, they carried off; for it was a matter ofnecessity to do so. But as for the Carduchi themselves, they wouldneither listen when they called, nor did they give any other sign offriendly feeling. 

10. But when the rear of the Greeks was descending from the hills intothe villages, being now overtaken by darkness, (for, as the way wasnarrow, their ascent of the heights, and descent to the villages, hadlasted the entire day, ) some of the Carduchi, collecting together, attacked the hindmost, and killed and wounded some of them with stonesand arrows. They were but few; for the Greek troops had come on themunawares; 11. But had they assembled in greater numbers, a great part ofthe army would have been in danger of being destroyed. For this night, accordingly, they took up their abode in the villages; and the Carduchilighted a number of fires around them on the hills, and observed thepositions of one another. [177] 12. As soon as it was day, the generalsand captains of the Greeks, meeting together, resolved, when theyshould march, to reserve only such of the baggage-cattle as were mostnecessary and most able, abandoning the rest, and to dismiss all theslaves in the army that had been recently captured; 13. For the cattleand the slaves, being numerous, rendered their progress slow, and thenumber of men in charge of them were unable to take part in anyencounter; and besides, when the men were so numerous, it was necessaryto procure and carry with them a double quantity of provisions. Thisresolution being passed, they made proclamation that the troops shouldact accordingly. 

14. When they had breakfasted, and were on the march, the generals, taking their stand in a narrow part of the way, took from the soldierswhatever of the things mentioned they found had not been left behind;and the men submitted to this, unless any of them, smitten with desireof a handsome boy or woman, conveyed them past secretly. [178] Thus theyproceeded during this day, sometimes having to fight a little, andsometimes resting themselves. 15. On the next day a great storm arose;but they were obliged to pursue their march, for they had not asufficient supply of provisions. Cheirisophus continued to lead, andXenophon had charge of the rear. 16. The enemy pressed steadily uponthem, and, where the passes were narrow, came close up, and used theirbows and their slings; so that the Greeks, sometimes pursuing andsometimes retreating, were compelled to march but slowly; and Xenophon, when the enemy attacked them violently, had frequently to pass the wordfor a halt. 17. Cheirisophus, at other times, when the order was passed, halted, but on one occasion he did not halt, but hurried on rapidly, andpassed the word to follow; so that it was manifest that there wassomething extraordinary; but there was no time to go forward andascertain the cause of the haste; and the march of the rear-guard becamelike a flight. 18. On this occasion a brave soldier, Cleonymus aLacedæmonian, met his death, being shot with an arrow in the sidethrough his shield and corslet;[179] and also Basias, an Arcadian, shotright through the head. 

19. When they arrived at the place of encampment, Xenophon immediatelyproceeded, just as he was, to Cheirisophus, and blamed him for nothaving halted, as the men had been compelled to flee and fight at thesame time. "Two honourable and brave soldiers, " said he, "have now beenkilled, and we have been unable either to carry off their bodies or burythem. " 20. To this remark Cheirisophus answered, "Cast your eyes uponthose mountains, and observe how impassable they all are. The only roadwhich you see is steep; and close upon it you may perceive a greatmultitude of men, who, having occupied the pass, keep guard at it. 21. For these reasons I hastened on, and therefore did not wait for you, totry if I could get the start of the enemy before the pass was seized;and the guides whom we have say that there is no other road. " 22. Xenophon rejoined, "I have two prisoners; for when the enemy molestedus, we placed an ambush, which enabled us to recover breath, and killedsome of them; and we were also anxious to take some alive for this verypurpose, that we might use them, as being well acquainted with thecountry, for guides. "

23. Immediately after, bringing forward the two men, they inquired ofthem separately whether they knew of any other road than that which wasopen to their view. The one denied that he knew of any other, thoughmany threats were held out to him; and as he would give no usefulinformation, he was put to death in sight of the other. 24. The survivorsaid that the other had denied any knowledge of a road, because he had adaughter there married to somebody, but stated that he himself wouldlead them by a road that might be passed even by beasts of burden. 25. Being then asked if there was any spot in it difficult to be passed, hereplied that there was one height, and that unless a party secured itbefore-hand, it would be impossible for them to pass. 26. Upon this itwas thought proper to call together the captains, both of the peltastsand of the heavy-armed men, [180] and to acquaint them with the prospectof affairs, and ask whether any of them was willing to prove himself aman of valour, and engage to go on this service as a volunteer. 27. Ofthe heavy-armed, Aristonymus of Methydrium, and Agasias of Stymphalus, both Arcadians, offered themselves; and Callimachus of Parrhasia, alsoan Arcadian, disputed the honour with them, and said that he himself waseager to go, taking with him volunteers from the whole army; "for I amsure, " said he, "that, many of the young men will follow if I take thelead. " 28. They then asked if any of the officers of the light-armedtroops were willing to join in the attempt; and Aristeas of Chiospresented himself, a man who had often proved himself of great value tothe army for similar services. 

[Footnote 175: Καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτως ἔχον. ] A most happy emendation ofAbreschius, Dilucid. Thucyd. P. 640, for καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτω στενόν. ]

[Footnote 176: "Thus they accomplished their entrance into Kurdistanwithout opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes thatthey were almost destined to meet. * * * The recesses--left between thehills are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in thetime of Xenophon, and the crags in front, and in the rear, bristle withthe small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds. " _Ainsworth, Travels in theTrack_, p. 153, 154. ]

[Footnote 177: Συνεώρων ἀλλήλους. ] The lighted fires served as signals, by means of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 178: Πλὴν εἴ τίς τι ἔκλεψεν, κ. τ. λ. ] "Except if any oneconcealed anything, either coveting a youth or woman of the handsomeones"]

[Footnote 179: Τῆς σπολάδος. ] See note on iii. 3. 20. ]

[Footnote 180: Λοχαγοὺς καὶ πελταστὰς καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν. ] H. E. _Centuriones et ex peltastis et ex militibus gravis armaturæ_. Kühner. Πελταστὰς is to be taken as an epithet; compare γυμνητῶν ταξιαρχῶν, sect. 28. ]

CHAPTER II. 

 One of the prisoners is forced to guide them to an eminence, from which they dislodge the Carduchi. But they are still harassed, and the rear suffers severely. 

1. It was now afternoon, and the generals[181] desired the party to takesome refreshment and set forward. Having bound the guide, they put himinto their hands, and arranged with them, that, if they should gain thesummit, they should keep guard at that post during the night, and give asignal by trumpet at break of day, and that those on the height shouldthen charge the enemy in possession of the apparent egress, [182] andthose below should issue forth and come in a body to their assistance assoon as they were able. 

2. When they had made this arrangement, the party set out, being innumber about two thousand; and there was heavy rain at the time. Xenophon, taking the rear-guard, led them towards the apparent egress, in order that the enemy might turn their attention in that direction, and that those who were going round might as much as possible escapenotice. 3. But when the rear-guard came to a ravine, which they had topass to gain the ascent, the Barbarians then rolled down masses ofrock, [183] each big enough to load a waggon, with other stones greaterand smaller, which, striking in their descent against the rocks, werehurled abroad in all directions;[184] and it was utterly impossible evento approach the pass. 4. Some of the captains, when they could notsucceed in this part, made attempts in another, and continued theirefforts till darkness came on. When they thought that they might retireunobserved, they went to get their supper; for the rear-guard had beendinnerless that day. The enemy, however, being evidently in fear, continued to roll down stones through the whole of the night, as it waseasy to conjecture from the noise. 5. Those, meanwhile, who had theguide, taking a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy sittinground a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put the rest toflight, remained on the spot, with the notion that they were inpossession of the summit. 6. But in possession of it they were not; forthere was a small hill above them, round which lay the narrow pass, atwhich the guard had been posted. However, there was a way from thence tothat party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. 7. Herethey remained during the night. 

As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular order, and withsilence, against the enemy; and as there was a mist, they came closeupon them before they were perceived. But when they caught sight of oneanother, the trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising theshout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did not standtheir charge, but quitted the pass and fled; only a few of them werekilled, for they were active in moving off. 8. At the same time theparty of Cheirisophus, hearing the sound of the trumpet, marchedimmediately up the plain track; while others of the officers proceededby untrodden paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as wellas they could, drew up one another with their spears; 9. And these werethe first to join those who had secured the position. Xenophon, with thehalf of the rear-guard, went up by the same way as those who had theguide; for it was the most practicable for the baggage-cattle; the otherhalf he ordered to come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they cameto a hill overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, whomthey must either dislodge or be separated from the rest of the Greeks. The men themselves, indeed, might have gone the same way as the rest ofthe army, but the baggage-cattle could ascend by no other route thanthis. 11. Encouraging one another, therefore, they made an attack uponthe hill in files, [185] not on every side, but leaving a way of escapefor the enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, asthey were making their way as each best could, the Barbarians shotarrows and threw stones at them, but did not receive them in closeencounter, and at last abandoned the place entirely. 

The Greeks had no sooner passed the hill, than they caught sight ofanother before them occupied also by the enemy. Upon this hill it wasresolved likewise to make an assault. 13. But Xenophon, apprehendingthat, if he left the hill which they had taken unguarded, the enemy, recovering it, might attack the baggage-cattle as they were passing, (for the train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they weremarching along a narrow path, ) left upon the hill the captainsCephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Amphicrates the son ofAmphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, an exile from Argos, while hehimself, with the others, directed his march upon the second hill, whichthey also captured in a similar manner. 14. However, there was still athird hill left for them to take, which was by far the steepest of thewhole; this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard wassurprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the Greeks came up, the Barbarians deserted the hill without attempting any defence, so thatall were surprised, and suspected that they had left their position fromfear of being surrounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, thathaving observed from the eminence what had passed behind, they all wentoff with the intention of attacking the rear. 

16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to the top, andordered the rest to march on slowly, so that the companies in the rearmight join them; and he directed them, after proceeding some distance, to halt under arms, on a level piece of ground. 17. At this junctureAristagoras the Argive came fleeing from the enemy, and said that theGreeks were driven from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus, andAmphicrates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, andjoined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18. The Barbarians, after thissuccess, appeared upon an eminence opposite the third hill, and Xenophonbegan to treat with them, through an interpreter, about making a truce, and called upon them to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that theywould give them up on condition that he would not burn their villages. To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army was passing on, and these were discussing the terms of a truce, all the Barbarians fromthat part of the country had flocked together. Here the enemy made astand; 20. And when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to jointhe others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up, [186] they cameforward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When they had reached thetop of the hill from which Xenophon was descending, they rolled downstones, and broke the leg of one man; and Xenophon's shield-bearerdeserted him, carrying off his shield, 21. But Eurylochus, an Arcadianfrom Lusia, [187] a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went onholding his shield before them both; and the rest went to join those whowere already drawn up. 

22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took up theirquarters in a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance ofprovisions. Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations underground, which were plastered over. [188] 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophusnow made an agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead bodiesthey should give up the guide; and they performed all funeral rites forthe deceased, as far as they could, according to what is usually done atthe interment of brave men. 24. The next day they proceeded without aguide; and the enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, wherethere was a narrow pass, by pre-occupying it, endeavoured to obstructtheir progress. 25. Whenever therefore they impeded the front, Xenophon, ascending the hills from the rear, endeavoured to break through theopposition made in that quarter, trying always to reach higher groundthan the obstructing enemy; 26. And when they assailed the rear, Cheirisophus, quitting his place, and striving also to get above theenemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the passage of thatpart of the army. Thus they relieved and supported each other witheffect. 27. Sometimes, too, when the Greeks had ascended eminences, theBarbarians gave them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they werenimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short start ofus;[189] for they were encumbered with no other weapons than bows andslings. 28. As archers they were very expert, and had bows nearly threecubits long, and arrows above two cubits; and they drew the string, whenever they discharged their arrows, advancing the left foot[190]against the lower extremity of the bow. Their arrows penetrated throughshields and corslets; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of themas javelins, fixing thongs to them. [191] In these parts the Cretans wereof the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had the command of them. 

[Footnote 181: Xenophon and Cheirisophus. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 182: Τὴν φανερὰν ἔκβασιν. ] Xenophon calls the passage to thetop of the mountain an ἔκβασις, or egress, with reference to the Greeks, to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. _Kühner_ adc. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect. ]

[Footnote 183: Ὁλοιτρόχους. ] A word borrowed from Homer, signifyingproperly _a round stone fit for rolling_, or _a stone that has been maderound by rolling_, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally anadjective, with πέτρος understood. Most critics suppose it to be fromὅλος and τρέχω, _totus teres atque rotundus_. Liddell and Scott deriveit from εἴλω, _volvo_. See Theocr. Xxii. 49. ]

[Footnote 184: Διεσφενδονῶντο. ] "Shivered in pieces, and flew about asif hurled by a sling. "]

[Footnote 185: Ὀρθίοις τοῖς λόχοις. ] Each λόχος or company marching infile or column, so that the depth of the λόχος was equal to the numberof soldiers of which it consisted. _Sturz_. This is the interpretationadopted by Kühner. Yet it Would be hard to prove that ὄρθιος λόχοςalways meant _single file_; the term seems to have included any form ofa company in which the number of men in depth exceeded the number infront. ]

[Footnote 186: Τὰ ὅπλα ἔκειντο. ] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men hadhalted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them. See Kühner ad i. 5. 14. ]

[Footnote 187: A small town of Arcadia, to the north-west of Clitor. ]

[Footnote 188: Ἐν λάκκοις κονιατοῖς. ] The Athenians and other Greeksused to make large excavations under ground, some round, some square, and, covering them over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil inthem; they called them λάκκοι. Schol. Ad Aristoph. Eccl. , cited byHutchinson. Spelman translates λάκκοι κονιατοί, "plastered cisterns, " aterm which Ainsworth adopts. "The plastered cisterns noticed byXenophon, " says he, "are also met with throughout Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancientvillages of the early Christians of those countries, as more especiallybetween Semeïsát and Bireh-jik, and have frequently been a subject ofdiscussion as to their former uses. This notice of Xenophon serves toclear up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds havebecome Mohommedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt theyare sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes forwater. They were generally closed by a single large stone. " _Travels inthe Track, &c. _ p. 164. ]

[Footnote 189: Ἐγγύθεν φεύγοντες. ] "Fleeing from near, " i. E. When theywere at no great distance before us. ]

[Footnote 190: Τῷ ἀριστερῷ ποδὶ προσβαίνοντες. ] All the manuscripts haveπροσβαίνοντες: προσβαινοντες is a conjecture of Wesseling ad Diod. Sic. Iii. 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by which it doesnot appear that anything is gained, as πρὸς τὸ κάτω του τόξου precedes. Spelman, who was himself an archer, has illustrated the passage veryclearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indie. 16: "Resting one end of thebow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot, (τῷ ποδὶτῷ ἀριστερῷ ἀντιβάντες, ) they thus discharge the arrow, drawing thestring a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits long. " Seealso Diod. Sic. L. C. , where he speaks of the archery of the Æthiopians;Strabo, xvi. P. 1117; Suidas in Ἄραβες, cited by Weiske. Schneider andHalbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking of_cross-bows_, which few besides themselves have supposed to have beenknown in Xenophon's time. ]

[Footnote 191: Ἐναγκυλῶντες. ] "Fitting them with ἀγκύλαι. " The ἀγκύλη isgenerally supposed to be the same with the Latin _amentum_, a strap orloop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, thatit might be hurled with the greater force. The writer of the article_Ansa_ in Smith's Dict. Of G. And R. Ant. Thinks, however that the twowere not the same. ]

CHAPTER III. 

 The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides the Carduchi from Armenia. They see the Persians drawn up on the opposite bank, while the Carduchi threaten their rear. They are encouraged by a dream of Xenophon's to try a ford, and effect a safe passage across the stream. 

1. This day the Greeks abode in the villages above the plain near theriver Centrites, the breadth of which is about two hundred feet, andwhich forms the boundary between Armenia and the territory of theCarduchi. Here they took some rest, being glad to see a piece of levelcountry. The river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi aboutsix or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they stayedhere, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, and were frequentlyreflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, during seven daysthat they had been marching among the Carduchi, they had been constantlyfighting, and had suffered more evils than all those which they hadendured from the king and Tissaphernes. [192] Having escaped from suchhardships, they gladly took repose. 

3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side of the rivera body of cavalry, in complete armour, ready to prevent them fromcrossing, and on the high banks above the cavalry, another of footprepared to hinder them from entering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians, Mardians, and Chaldæans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas. [193]The Chaldæans were said to be a free people, and warlike; for arms theyhad long shields and spears. 5. The high banks on which these forceswere drawn up, were three or four hundred feet from the river; and theonly road that was visible was one that led upward, apparently a work ofart. Here the Greeks endeavoured to cross, 6. But as, on making trial, the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the river was roughwith large and slippery stones, and as it was impossible for them tocarry their arms in the water, or, if they attempted to do so, the riverswept them away, (while, if any of them took their arms on their heads, they became exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy, ) theyin consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the river. 

7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great numbers under armson the spot where they themselves had been on the previous night. Hencegreat despondency was felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty ofpassing the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if theyattempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following night, they remained where they were in great perplexity. Xenophon however hada dream; he thought that he was bound in fetters, but that they fell offhim of their own accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walkedsecurely[194] whithersoever he pleased. 9. When the morning approached, he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all would bewell, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus was much pleased, and, as soon as it was day, all the generals who were present offeredsacrifice, and the victims were favourable at the very first. As soon asthey left the place of sacrifice, the generals and captains gavedirections to the troops to take their breakfast. 

10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two young men came running up tohim, for every one knew that it was allowable to approach him whetherbreakfasting or supping, and to wake him and speak to him even whenasleep, if they had anything to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11. The youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for theirfire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the river, amongthe rocks that reached down to the stream itself, an old man, a woman, and some girls, depositing in a cavernous rock what appeared to be bagsof clothes; 12. That when they saw this, they thought it would be safeto cross, as the ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy'shorse; that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers intheir hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of having to swim, but that, as they went on, they reached the other side before they werewet to the middle, and, having thus forded the stream, and taken theclothes, they came back again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made alibation, and ordered the young men to join in it, [195] and to pray tothe gods who had sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to completewhat was wanting to their success. After the libation, he at onceconducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and to him they gave the sameaccount. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, made a libation also. 

14. When the libation was over, they gave orders to the soldiers to gettheir baggage ready; while they themselves, calling the rest of thegenerals together, consulted with them how they might cross the river tothe best advantage, and how they might defeat the enemy in front, andsuffer no damage from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved thatCheirisophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the army, that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, and that thebaggage-cattle and camp-followers should go over between the two. 16. When these matters were fairly arranged, they began to move, the youngmen acting as guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance tothe ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the lines ofthe enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the opposite bank; andwhen they came to the ford, and the margin of the river, they halted, laying down their arms; and then Cheirisophus himself, placing a chapletupon his head, [196] and laying aside his outer garments, took up hisarms and commanded the rest to follow his example, directing thecaptains to lead their troops in files, [197] some on his left hand, andsome on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time sacrificed victimsover the river;[198] while the enemy plied their bows and slings, butdid not reach the Greeks. 19. As the sacrifices appeared favourable, allthe soldiers sung the pæan and raised a shout, and all the women (forthere were a number of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in thecry. 

20. Cheirisophus and his men then entered the stream; and Xenophon, taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched at full speed back tothe ford[199] opposite the outlet into the mountains of Armenia, makinga feint that he meant to cross the river there, and thus cut off thecavalry that were on the bank; 21. When the enemy, seeing Cheirisophusand his men crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurryingback, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with precipitation togain the outlet that led up from the river, and as soon as they came tothat passage, they directed their course up into the mountains. 22. Lycius, who had the command of the troop of horse, and Æschines, whocommanded the band of peltasts attending on Cheirisophus, seeing theenemy retreating with so much haste, set off in pursuit of them; and therest of the soldiers called to each other not to stay behind, [200] butto go along with them up the mountains. 23. But Cheirisophus, when hehad crossed the river, did not follow the cavalry, but made his way upthe high banks that reached down to the river, to attack that portion ofthe enemy that were on the more elevated ground. [201] This party on theheights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, abandoned theircommanding position above the stream. 

24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the other side, returned with all possible speed to join that part of the army which wascrossing over; for the Carduchi were evidently descending into theplain, with the view of falling upon the rear. 25. Cheirisophus was nowin possession of the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, hadproceeded in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of their baggagethat they had left behind, and amongst it some rich garments anddrinking-cups. 26. The baggage and camp-followers of the Greeks werestill in the act of crossing; and Xenophon, turning towards theCarduchi, halted under arms over against them, and ordered the captainsto form each his own company into divisions of five and twenty men, bringing round each division in line[202] towards the left; and hedirected both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of fiveand twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to haltfacing the river. 

27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard of thecamp-followers was diminished in number, and that they seemed now indeedto be but few, advanced at a quicker pace, singing at the same timecertain songs. Cheirisophus, when he saw that all was safe on his ownside, sent the peltasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon, desiring them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, seeingthem beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that they shouldremain by the river where they were, without crossing, and that, whenhis own party should begin to cross, they should come forward into thewater on each side opposite to him, the javelin-men holding theirweapons by the thong, [203] and the archers with their arrows on thestring, as if with the intention of crossing over, but not to advancefar into the river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a slingshould reach them and a shield should ring, [204] to raise the pæan andrush towards the enemy; and he directed that when the enemy should taketo flight, and the trumpeter should sound the signal of attack[205] fromthe river, the rear should wheel to the right and take the lead, andthat they should then all run forward as fast as possible, and crossover at the part where each happened to be stationed, so as not toimpede one another; telling them that he would be the best man whoshould first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, seeing thatthose who were left were but few, (for many even of those who had beenordered to stay had gone away, some to take care of the cattle, some oftheir baggage, and others of their mistresses, ) began, in consequence, to press forward boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. TheGreeks then sang the pæan, and rushed upon them at full speed; and theBarbarians did not stand their charge; for though they were well enoughequipped for a sudden onset and retreat upon the mountains, they were byno means sufficiently armed to receive an enemy hand to hand. At thisjuncture the trumpeter sounded, 32. When the enemy fled still faster, and the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way overthe river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the enemy, perceivingthis movement, ran back to the river, and wounded a few of our men withtheir arrows; but the greater number of them, even when the Greeks wereon the other side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. Thetroops, meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away bytheir courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in the rear ofXenophon's men; and some of these also were wounded. 

[Footnote 192: Yet "the Carduchian mountains, " observes Rennell, "ineffect presented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way haveescaped, at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies, whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminishing. But as aPersian army could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the widerange of these mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid oftheir dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean time, they had to contendwith an enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer, and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than fromthe Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the Zacohills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had theEuphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which theymust have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things, it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountainspresented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, fromthe attacks of the Persians. " _Illustrations of the Exp. Of Curas_, p. 173. ]

[Footnote 193: Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17; Artuchas isnowhere else mentioned. ]

[Footnote 194: Διαβαίνειν. ] "Ingredi, pedem proferre. " _Kühner_. Hisfetters being removed, he was able to put his legs _apart_, and walk_with stability_; as is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition διά. ]

[Footnote 195: Ἐγχεῖν. ] This passage is commonly taken thus: ἐκέλευετοῖς νεανίσκοις ἐγχεῖν, "he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into(the cup for themselves), " for the purpose of making a libation. Kühner, however, makes it ἐκελευε (τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν) ἐγχεῖν τοῖς νεανίσκοις, heordered those about him (the attendants) to pour into the cup for theyoung men. The former mode is the more simple, κελεύω being sometimesfound with the dative, and agrees better with what follows. ]

[Footnote 196: Στεφανωσάμενος. ] According to the custom of theLacedæmonians, of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacedæm. 13. 8;Hellen. Iv. 2. 12; see also Plutarch, Lycurg. C. 22. _Schneider_. ]

[Footnote 197: Τοὺς λόχους ὀρθίους. ] See iv. 2. 11. ]

[Footnote 198: Ἐσφαγίζουτο εἰς τὸν ποταμόν. ] Offering a sacrifice to thegods inhabiting the river, as Alexander in the middle of the Hellespontsacrificed a bull to Neptune and the Nereids: see Arrian i. 11. 10, cited by Hutchinson. "They slew the animals so as to allow the blood toflow into the river. " _Poppo_. ]

[Footnote 199: Τὸν πόρον. ] The ford mentioned in sect. 5, 6. ]

[Footnote 200: Behind the enemy. _Kühner_. Or behind the cavalry thatwere pursuing the enemy. ]

[Footnote 201: Those mentioned in sect. 3. ]

[Footnote 202: Ἐπὶ φάλαγγος. ] This disposition of a company was inopposition to λόχοι ὄρθιοι (iv. 2. 11): see c. 8, sect, 10. Theexpression ἐπὶ φάλαγγος, says Kühner, properly means _for a phalanx_, or_so that a phalanx_ (or _acies_) _might be formed_. ]

[Footnote 203: Διηγκυλωμένους. ] The verb διηγκυλοῦσθαι is rightlyinterpreted by Hesychius τὸ ἐνεῖραι τοῦς δακτύλους τῇ ἀγκύλη (h. E. Amento) τοὺ ἀκοντίου. _Sturz_. The following ἐπιβεβλημένους must besimilarly explained. ]

[Footnote 204: Ἀσπὶς ψοφῇ. ] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it. _Kühner_. Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think that a clashing of shieldson the part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset; but, without doubt, erroneously. ]

[Footnote 205: Or, _sound a charge_. The design of it was to precipitatethe enemy's flight. Compare sect. 32. ]

CHAPTER IV. 

 The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and arrive at the Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the governor of the province, and discover his insincerity. 

1. When they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in order about noon, they proceeded through the country of Armenia, consisting wholly ofplains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not less than fiveparasangs; for there were no villages near the river, in consequence ofthe hostilities with the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at whichthey at length arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palacefor the satrap;[206] upon most of the houses there were towers[207], andprovisions were in great plenty. 

3. Hence they proceeded, two days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, until they passed round the sources of the river Tigris. From hence theyadvanced, three days' journey, fifteen parasangs, to the riverTeleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but of much beauty[208]; and therewere many villages on its banks. 4. This part of the country was calledWestern Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was anintimate friend of the king; and no one else, when he was present, assisted the king to mount his horse. 5. He now rode up with a body ofcavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, said that he wished tospeak with the commanders. The generals thought proper to hear what hehad to say, and, advancing within hearing, asked what he wanted. 6. Hereplied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the conditionsthat he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the Greeks shouldnot burn the houses, but should be at liberty to take such provisions asthey required. This proposal was agreeable to the generals, and theyconcluded a treaty upon these terms. 

7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteenparasangs, through a plain; and Tiribazus followed them with his troops, keeping at the distance of about ten stadia. They then came to apalace, [209] with several villages around it stored with abundance ofprovisions. 8. While they were encamped, there fell a great quantity ofsnow[210] in the night; and in the morning it was thought advisablethat the companies and officers should take up their quarters in theneighbouring villages; for they perceived no enemy, and it appeared tobe safe on account of the quantity of the snow. [211] 9. Here they foundall kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, old wines of greatfragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables of all kinds. 

Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from the camp, brought word that they had caught sight of an army, and that many fireshad been visible during the night. 10. The generals thought it unsafe, therefore, for the troops to quarter apart, and resolved to bring thewhole army together again. They accordingly assembled, for it seemed tobe clearing up. [212] 11. But as they were passing the night here, therefell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms and themen as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped the baggage-cattle, andthey were very reluctant to rise; for, as they lay, the snow that hadfallen upon them served to keep them warm, when it had not dropped off. 12. But when Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outergarment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taking thewood from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got up, andlighted fires and anointed themselves; 13. For abundance of ointment wasfound there, made of hog's-lard, sesamum, [213] bitter almonds, andturpentine, which they used instead of oil. Of the same materials alsoan odoriferous unguënt was found. 

14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout thevillages, under shelter; and the soldiers went off with great shoutingand delight to the cottages and provisions. Those who had set fire tothe houses, when they quitted them before, paid the penalty of having toencamp uncomfortably in the open air. 15. Hence they despatched in thenight Democrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to thehills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires; theyselected him because he was thought on several former occasions to havebrought exact information concerning such matters, reporting what was, just as it appeared, and what was not, as not existing. 16. Having gone, he said that he saw no fires, but he brought with him a captive that hehad taken, having a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-axe, suchas the Amazons have. 17. Being asked of what country he was, he saidthat he was a Persian, and that he was going from the army of Tiribazusto get provisions. They then asked him how large the army was, and forwhat purpose it was assembled. 18. He said that Tiribazus had his owntroops, and some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians; and thathe was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over themountains, at a narrow defile through which lay their only road. 

19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect the army, and, leaving a guard, with Sophænetus the Stymphalian as commander over thosewho stayed behind, proceeded to march without delay, taking the man thathad been captured for their guide. 20. After they had passed themountains, the peltasts, who went before the rest, and were the first todiscover the enemy's camp, did not wait for the heavy-armed men, but ranforward with a shout to attack it. 21. The Barbarians, hearing thenoise, did not stand their ground, but fled; some of them however werekilled, and about twenty horses taken, as was also the tent ofTiribazus, and in it some couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups, and some prisoners, who said that they were bakers and cup-bearers. 22. When the officers of the heavy-armed troops heard what had taken place, they resolved upon marching back as fast as possible to their own camp, lest any attempt should be made on those who had been left there. Calling in the men immediately, therefore, by sound of trumpet, theyreturned to the camp the same day. 

[Footnote 206: Orontes: iii. 5. 17; 4. 3, 4. He was the satrap, asKrüger thinks, of Eastern Armenia; Tiribazus being called satrap ofWestern Armenia, sect. 4. ]

[Footnote 207: Τύρσεις. ] Apparently intended for a sort of defences, should the people be attacked by any of their neighbours. Compare v. 2. 5. ]

[Footnote 208: Καλὸς μὲν, μέγας δ' οὔ. ] I have, with Bornemann andPoppo, restored this reading, in which all the manuscripts concur. Muretus, from Demetrius Phalereus, sect. 6 and 121, has given μέγας μὲνοὔ, καλὸς δέ, and Hutchinson and all other editors down to Bornemannhave followed him. It cannot be denied that this is the usual order insuch phrases; as in iv. 8. 2; vi. 4. 20; but passages are not wanting inwhich the contrary order is observed; see iv. 6. 2. _Kühner_. As thepiece attributed to Demetrius Phalereus is not genuine, little attentionneed be paid to it. ]

[Footnote 209: It would seem to have been the palace of Tiribazus, asthe one mentioned in sect. 2 was that of Orontes. _Schneider_. ]

[Footnote 210: See Diod. Sic. Xiv. 28. ] Ainsworth speaks of the cold inthe nights on these Armenian uplands, p. 173. "When Lucullus, in hisexpedition against Mithridates, marched through Armenia, his armysuffered as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under Xenophon;and, when Alexander Severus returned through this country, many of hismen lost their hands and feet through excessive cold. Tournefort alsocomplains that at Erzeroum, though situated in a plain, his fingers wereso benumbed with cold, that he could not write till an hour aftersunrise. (See Plutarch in Lucull. , and Zonaras's Annals. )" _Spelman_. ]

[Footnote 211: There being no cause to apprehend the approach of anenemy during such deep snow. ]

[Footnote 212: Διαιθριάζειν. ] The commentators rightly interpret thisword disserenascere, "to clear up. " _Kühner_; who, however, prefersσυναιθριάζειν, for which there is good manuscript authority. Hetranslates it, with Bornemann, _simul disserenascere_, "to clear up atthe same time;" so that the one word has little advantage over theother. Sturz disapproves of the interpretation _disserenascere_, andwould have both verbs to signify _sub dio agere_, "to bivouack in theopen air;" but the other sense appears preferable. ]

[Footnote 213: See note on i. 2. 22. Oil made of sesamum, or sesama, ismentioned, says Kühner, by Plin. H. N. Xiii. 1, xviii. 10; Q. Curt. Vii. 4. 23; Dioscorid. 2. 119-121; Theophrast. De Odoribus, p. 737, ed. Schneid. ; Salmas. Exercit. Plin. P. 727; Interp. Ad Aristoph. Pac. 865. ]

CHAPTER V. 

 The Greeks march through an uninhabited tract of country, suffering greatly from cold winds, snow, and want of provisions. At length they reach some well-stored villages, where they rest seven days. 

1. The next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast aspossible, before the enemy's force should be re-assembled, and getpossession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore, they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides;and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus hadintended to attack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded threedays' journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of fifteenparasangs, [214] to the river Euphrates, and passed it without being wethigher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to be faroff. 3. From hence they advanced three days' march, through much snowand a level plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day'smarch was extremely troublesome, as the north-wind blew full in theirfaces, completely parching up everything and benumbing the men. 4. Oneof the augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to thewind; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered; when the vehemence of thewind appeared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the snowwas a fathom;[215] so that many of the baggage-cattle and slavesperished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They continued to burnfires through the whole night, for there was plenty of wood at the placeof encampment. But those who came up late could get no wood; thosetherefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would not admitthe late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of the corn orother provisions that they had brought. 6. Thus they shared with eachother what they respectively had. In the places where the fires weremade, as the snow melted, there were formed large pits that reacheddown to the ground; and here there was accordingly opportunity tomeasure the depth of the snow. 

7. From hence they marched through snow the whole of the following day, and many of the men contracted the _bulimia_. [216] Xenophon, whocommanded in the rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallendown with it, knew not what disease it was. 8. But as one of thoseacquainted with it, told him that they were evidently affected with_bulimia_, and that they would get up if they had something to eat, hewent round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw anything eatable, hegave it out, and sent such as were able to run to distribute it amongthose diseased, who, as soon as they had eaten, rose up and continuedtheir march. 9. As they proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grewdark, to a village, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, somewomen and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. The womenasked them who they were; and the interpreter answered, in the Persianlanguage, that they were people going from the king to the satrap. Theyreplied that he was not there, but about a parasang off. However, as itwas late, they went with the water-carriers within the rampart, to thehead man of the village; 11. And here Cheirisophus, and as many of thetroops as could come up, encamped; but of the rest, such as were unableto get to the end of the journey, spent the night on the way withoutfood or fire; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on thatoccasion. 12. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves into abody, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that wereunable to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight from the effects ofthe snow, or had had their toes mortified by the cold, were left behind. 13. It was found to be a relief to the eyes against the snow, if thesoldiers kept something black before them on the march, and to the feet, if they kept constantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, andif they took off their shoes in the night; 14. But as to such as sleptwith their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the soleswere frozen about them; for when their old shoes had failed them, shoesof raw hides had been made by the men themselves from the newly-skinnedoxen. 15. From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers wereleft behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, fromthe snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted;and it had in fact melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain, which was sending up vapour in a woody hollow close at hand. Turningaside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed farther. 16. Xenophon, who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, triedto prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, tellingthem, at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing themin great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they told him to kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. 17. He then thought it the bestcourse to strike a terror, if possible, into the enemy that were behind, lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, andthe enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarrelling about the bootythat they had taken; 18. When such of the rear-guard as were notdisabled, started up, and rushed towards them, while the tired men, shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against theirshields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves among the snowinto the hollow, and no one of them afterwards made themselves heardfrom any quarter. 

19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a partyshould come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, butbefore they had gone four stadia, they found other soldiers resting bythe way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationedover them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the armywas not moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and sending onsome of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascertain what itwas that hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole armywas in that manner taking rest. 21. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing such a guard as they could, took up their quarters therewithout fire or supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest ofhis men to the sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them toproceed. 22. At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people fromthe villages to see how the rear were faring. The young men wererejoiced to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp, while they themselves went forward, and, before they had gone twentystadia, found themselves at the village in which Cheirisophus wasquartered. 23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough tolodge the troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus accordinglyremained where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot theseveral villages that they had in sight, went to their respectivequarters with their men. 

24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence, and, taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to thevillage which Xenophon had been allotted, surprised all the villagers, and their head man, in their houses, together with seventeen[217] coltsthat were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter, who had been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to hunthares, and was not found in any of the villages. 25. Their houses wereunder ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious below;there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the peopledescended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows, and fowls, with their young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within thewalls. [218] 26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables, and barley-wine, [219] in large bowls; the grains of barley floated init even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, somelarger and some smaller, without joints; 27. And these, when any one wasthirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and suck. [220] The liquor was verystrong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink tothose accustomed to it. 

28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with him, and toldhim to be of good courage, assuring him that he should not be deprivedof his children, and that they would not go away without filling hishouse with provisions in return for what they took, if he would butprove himself the author of some service to the army till they shouldreach another tribe. 29. This he promised, and, to show his good-will, pointed out where some wine[221] was buried. This night, therefore, thesoldiers rested in their several quarters in the midst of greatabundance, setting a guard over the chief, and keeping his children atthe same time under their eye. 30. The following day Xenophon took thehead man and went with him to Cheirisophus, and wherever he passed by avillage, he turned aside to visit those who were quartered in it, andfound them in all parts feasting and enjoying themselves; nor would theyanywhere let them go till they had set refreshments before them; 31. Andthey placed everywhere upon the same table lamb, kid, pork, veal, andfowl, with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. Whenever anyperson, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to another, he took him tothe large bowl, where he had to stoop down and drink, sucking like anox. The chief they allowed to take whatever he pleased, but he acceptednothing from them; where he found any of his relatives, however, he tookthem with him. 

33. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found his men also feasting intheir quarters, [222] crowned with wreaths made of hay, and Armenianboys, in their Barbarian dresses, waiting upon them, to whom they madesigns what they were to do as if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. WhenCheirisophus and Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked thechief man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian language, whatcountry it was. He replied that it was Armenia. They then asked him forwhom the horses were bred; and he said that they were a tribute for theking, and added that the neighbouring country was that of the Chalybes, and told them in what direction the road lay. 35. Xenophon then wentaway, conducting the chief back to his family, giving him the horse thathe had taken, which was rather old, to fatten and offer in sacrifice, (for he had heard that it had been consecrated to the sun, ) beingafraid, indeed, that it might die, as it had been injured by thejourney. He then took some of the young horses, and gave one of them toeach of the other generals and captains. 36. The horses in this countrywere smaller than those of Persia, but far more spirited. The chiefinstructed the men to tie little bags round the feet of the horses, andother cattle, when they drove them through the snow, for without suchbags they sunk up to their bellies. 

[Footnote 214: Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distancetoo great for troops marching through deep snow. Πέντε occurs in onemanuscript, and Kühner has admitted it into his text. ]

[Footnote 215: Ὀργυιά. ] A great depth. We cannot suppose the snow tohave been of that depth everywhere. None of the commentators make anyremark. ]

[Footnote 216: Ἐβουλιμίασαν. ] Spelman quotes a description of theβουλιμία or βούλιμος from Galen Med. Def. , in which it is said to be "adisease in which the patient frequently craves for food, loses the useof his limbs, falls down, turns pale, feels his extremities become cold, his stomach oppressed, and his pulse feeble. " Here, however, it seems tomean little more than a faintness from long fasting. ]

[Footnote 217: That this number is corrupt is justly suspected byWeiske, and shown at some length by Krüger de Authent. P. 47. Bornemann, in his preface, p. Xxiv. , proposes ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑκατὸν, a hundred and seven. Strabo, xi. 14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send annually tothe king of Persia twenty thousand horses. _Kühner_. Krüger, 1. C. , suggests that Xenophon may have written Σ' _two hundred_, instead, ofΙΖ', _seventeen_. In sect. 35 we find Xenophon taking some of thesehorses himself, and giving one to each of the other generals andcaptains; so that the number must have been considerable. ]

[Footnote 218: "This description of a village on the Armenian uplandsapplies itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent bywells is now rare, but is still to be met with; but in exposed andelevated situations, the houses are uniformly semi-subterraneous, andentered by as small an aperture as possible, to prevent the cold gettingin. Whatever is the kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, and fowlsparticipate with the family in the warmth and protection thereof. "_Ainsw. Travels_, p. 178. ]

[Footnote 219: Οἶνος κρίθινος. ] Something like our beer. See Diod. Sic. I. 20, 34; iv. 2; Athenæus i. 14; Herod, ii. 77; Tacit. Germ. C. 23. "The barley-wine I never met with. " _Ainsw. _ p. 178. ]

[Footnote 220: The reeds were used, says Krüger, that none of the grainsof barley might be taken into the mouth. ]

[Footnote 221: Xenophon seems to mean _grape-wine_, rather than to referto the barley-wine just before mentioned, of which the taste does notappear to have been much liked by the Greeks. Wine from grapes was notmade, it is probable, in these parts, on account of the cold, but Strabospeaks of the οἶνος Μοναρίτης of Armenia Minor as not inferior to any ofthe Greek wines. _Schneider_. ]

[Footnote 222: Σκηνοῦντας. ] _Convivantes, epulantes_. Comp. V. 3. 9;vii. 3. 15. _Kühner_. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets, which the Greeks wore at feasts, they used hay. ]

CHAPTER VI. 

 The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on being struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through the country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two days more at some mountains occupied by the Phasiani, Taochi, and Chalybes, whom, by skilful manœuvring, they dislodge. 

1. When the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed the guide toCheirisophus. He left the chief[223] all the members of his family, except his son, a youth just coming to mature age; him he gave in chargeto Episthenes of Amphipolis, in order that if the father should conductthem properly, he might return home with him. At the same time theycarried to his house as many provisions as they could, and then broke uptheir camp, and resumed their march. 2. The chief conducted them throughthe snow, walking at liberty. When he came to the end of the third day'smarch, Cheirisophus was angry at him for not guiding them to somevillages. He said that there were none in that part of the country. Cheirisophus then struck him, but did not confine him; 3. And inconsequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind him. Thisaffair, the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, was the only causeof dissension between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during the march. Episthenes conceived an affection for the youth, and, taking him home, found him extremely attached to him. 

4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days' journey, fiveparasangs each day, till they came to the river Phasis, [224] the breadthof which is a plethrum. 5. Hence they advanced two days' journey, tenparasangs; when, on the pass that led over the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose theirprogress. 6. Cheirisophus, seeing these enemies in possession of theheight, came to a halt, at the distance of about thirty stadia, that hemight not approach them while leading the army in a column. Heaccordingly ordered the other officers to bring up their companies, thatthe whole force might be formed in line. [225]

7. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together the generals andcaptains, and spoke to them as follows: "The enemy, as you see, are inpossession of the pass over the mountains; and it is proper for us toconsider how we may encounter them to the best advantage. 8. It is myopinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get theirdinner, and that we ourselves should hold a council, in the mean time, whether it is advisable to cross the mountain to-day or to-morrow. " 9. "It seems best to me, " exclaimed Cleanor, "to march at once, as soon aswe have dined and resumed our arms, against the enemy; for if we wastethe present day in inaction, the enemy who are now looking down upon uswill grow bolder, and it is likely that, as their confidence isincreased, others will join them in greater numbers. "

10. After him Xenophon said, "I am of opinion, that if it is necessaryto fight, we ought to make our arrangements so as to fight with thegreatest advantage; but that, if we propose to pass the mountains aseasily as possible, we ought to consider how we may incur the fewestwounds and lose the fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as wesee, extends more than sixty stadia in length; but the people nowhereseem to be watching us except along the line of road; and it istherefore better, I think, to endeavour to try to seize unobserved somepart of the unguarded range, and to get possession of it, if we can, beforehand, than to attack a strong post and men prepared to resist us. 12. For it is far less difficult to march up a steep ascent withoutfighting than along a level road with enemies on each side; and, in thenight, if men are not obliged to fight, they can see better what isbefore them than by day if engaged with enemies; while a rough road iseasier to the feet to those who are marching without molestation than asmooth one to those who are pelted on the head with missiles. 13. Nor doI think it at all impracticable for us to steal a way for ourselves, aswe can march by night, so as not to be seen, and can keep at such adistance from the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. Weseem likely, too, in my opinion, if we make a pretended attack on thispoint, to find the rest of the range still less guarded; for the enemywill so much the more probably stay where they are. 14. But why should Ispeak doubtfully about stealing? For I hear that you Lacedæmonians, OCheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better class, [226]practise stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a disgrace, but anhonour, to steal whatever the law does not forbid; 15. While, in orderthat you may steal with the utmost dexterity, and strive to escapediscovery, it is appointed by law that, if you are caught stealing, youare scourged. It is now high time for you, therefore, to give proof ofyour education, and to take care that we may not receive many stripes. "16. "But I hear that you Athenians also, " rejoined Cheirisophus, "arevery clever at stealing the public money, though great danger threatenshim that steals it; and that your best men steal it most, if indeed yourbest men are thought worthy to be your magistrates; so that it is timefor you likewise to give proof of your education. " 17. "I am thenready, " exclaimed Xenophon, "to march with the rear-guard, as soon as wehave supped, to take possession of the hills. I have guides too; for ourlight-armed men captured some of the marauders following us by lying inambush; and from them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, butare grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain possession ofany part of the range, there will be tracks also for our baggage-cattle. 18. I expect also that the enemy will no longer keep their ground, whenthey see us upon a level with them on the heights, for they will not nowcome down to be upon a level with us. " 19. Cheirisophus then said, "Butwhy should you go, and leave the charge of the rear? Rather send others, unless some volunteers present themselves. " 20. Upon this Aristonymus ofMethydria came forward with his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chiosand Nicomachus of Œta[227] with their light-armed; and they made anarrangement, that as soon as they should reach the top, they shouldlight a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they went todinner; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward the whole army tenstadia towards the enemy, that he might appear to be fully resolved tomarch against them on that quarter. 

22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on, thoseappointed for the service went forward and got possession of the hills;the other troops rested where they were. The enemy, when they saw theheights occupied, kept watch and burned a number of fires all night. 23. As soon as it was day, Cheirisophus, after having offered sacrifice, marched forward along the road; while those who had gained the heightsadvanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, meanwhile, stayed at thepass, but a part went to meet the troops coming along the heights. Butbefore the main bodies came together, those on the ridge closed with oneanother, and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to flight. 25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up from the plain toattack the enemy drawn up to receive them, and Cheirisophus followed ata quick pace with the heavy-armed men. 26. The enemy at the pass, however, when they saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many ofthem were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which theGreeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered useless. 27. As soonas they had gained the ascent, and had sacrificed and erected a trophy, they went down into the plain before them, and arrived at a number ofvillages stored with abundance of excellent provisions. 

[Footnote 223: This is rather oddly expressed; for the guide and thechief were the same person. ]

[Footnote 224: Not the Colchian Phasis, which flows into the Euxine, buta river of Armenia (Ἀράξης, now _Aras_) which runs into the Caspian. SeeAinsworth, Travels, p. 179, 247. However Xenophon himself seems to haveconfounded this Phasis with that of Colchis. See Rennell, p. 230. _Kühner_. ]

[Footnote 225: Ἐπὶ φάλαγγος. ] See on iv. 3. 26. ]

[Footnote 226: Τῶν ὁμοίων. ] The ὅμοιοι at Sparta were all those who hadan equal right to participate in the honours or offices of the state;_qui pari inter se jure gaudebant, quibus honores omnes æqualiterpatebant_. Cragius de Rep. Lac. I. 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex. Xenoph. See Xenophon De Rep. Lac. 13. 1 and 7; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7. 8. "A similar designation to that of ὁμότιμοι in the Cyropædia, "_Schneider_. See Hellen. Iii. 3. 5. ]

[Footnote 227: A native of the country about Mount Œta in Thessaly. There was also however a town of that name in the south of Thessaly:Thucyd. Iii. 92. ]

CHAPTER VII. 

 The Greeks, entering the country of the Taochi, storm a fort, capturing a great number of cattle, on which they subsist while traversing the region of the Chalybes. They cross the Harpasus, and, marching through the territory of the Scythini, arrive at a town called Gymnias, whence they are conducted to Mount Theches, from the top of which they see the Euxine. 

1. From hence they marched five days' journey, thirty parasangs, to thecountry of the Taochi, where provisions began to fail them; for theTaochi inhabited strong fastnesses, in which they had laid up all theirsupplies. 2. Having at length, however, arrived at one place which hadno city or houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a greatnumber of cattle were assembled, Cheirisophus, as soon as he came beforeit, made it the object of an attack; and when the first division thatassailed it began to be tired, another succeeded, and then another; forit was not possible for them to surround it in a body, as there was ariver about it. 3. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts, and heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, "You come seasonably, forwe must take this place, as there are no provisions for the army, unlesswe take it. "

4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking what hinderedthem from taking the place, Cheirisophus replied, "The only approach toit is the one which you see; but when any of our men attempt to passalong it, the enemy roll down stones over yonder impending rock, andwhoever is struck, is treated as you behold;" and he pointed, at thesame moment, to some of the men who had had their legs and ribs broken. 5. "But if they expend all their stones, " rejoined Xenophon, "is thereanything else to prevent us from advancing? For we see, in front of us, only a few men, and but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too, through which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as yousee, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length; and of this about ahundred feet is covered with large pine trees in groups, against whichif the men place themselves, what would they suffer either from theflying stones or the rolling ones? The remaining part of the space isnot above fifty feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass ata running pace. " 7. "But, " said Cheirisophus, "the instant we offer togo to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in great numbers. ""That, " cried Xenophon, "would be the very thing we want, for thus theywill exhaust their stones the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, tothe point whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which wemay, if we please, easily retreat. "

8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Callimachus of Parrhasia, one of thecaptains, who had that day the lead of all the other captains of therear-guard, then went forward, all the rest of the captains remainingout of danger. Next, about seventy of the men advanced under the trees, not in a body, but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9. Agasias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who were alsocaptains of the rear-guard, with some others, were at the same timestanding behind, without the trees, for it was not safe for more thanone company to stand under them. 10. Callimachus then adopted thefollowing stratagem: he ran forward two or three paces from the treeunder which he was sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled, hastily drew back; and at each of his sallies more than ten cartloads ofstones were spent. 11. Agasias, observing what Callimachus was doing, and that the eyes of the whole army were upon him, and fearing that hehimself might not be the first to enter the place, began to advancealone, (neither calling to Aristonymus who was next him, nor toEurylochus of Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to anyother person, ) and passed by all the rest. 12. Callimachus, seeing himrushing by, caught hold of the rim of his shield, and at that momentAristonymus of Methydria ran past them both, and after him Eurylochus ofLusia, for all these sought distinction for valour, and were rivals toone another; and thus, in mutual emulation, they got possession of theplace, for when they had once rushed in, not a stone was hurled fromabove. 13. But a dreadful spectacle was then to be seen; for the women, flinging their children over the precipice, threw themselves after them;and the men followed their example. Æneas of Stymphalus, a captain, seeing one of them, who had on a rich garment, running to throw himselfover, caught hold of it with intent to stop him. 14. But the man draggedhim forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, andwere killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but a great number ofoxen, asses, and sheep. 

15. Hence they advanced, seven days' journey, a distance of fiftyparasangs, through the country of the Chalybes. These were the mostwarlike people of all that they passed through, and came to close combatwith them. They had linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and, instead of skirts, [228] thick cords twisted. 16. They had also greavesand helmets, and at their girdles a short faulchion, as large as aSpartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the throats of all whom theycould master, and then, cutting off their heads, carried them away withthem. They sang and danced when the enemy were likely to see them. Theycarried also a spear of about fifteen cubits in length, having onespike. [229] 17. They stayed in their villages till the Greeks hadpassed by, when they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They hadtheir dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid up theirprovisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing from that country, butlived upon the cattle which they taken from the Taochi. 

18. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasus, the breadth of whichwas four plethra. Hence they proceeded through the territory of theScythini, four days' journey, making twenty parasangs, over a leveltract, until they came to some villages, in which they halted threedays, and collected provisions. 19. From this place they advanced fourdays' journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city, called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks aguide, to conduct them through a region at war with his own people. 20. The guide, when he came, said that he would take them in five days to aplace whence they should see the sea; if not, he would consent to be putto death. When, as he proceeded, he entered the country of theirenemies, he exhorted them to burn and lay waste the lands; whence it wasevident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from any goodwill to the Greeks. 21. On the fifth day they came to the mountain;[230]and the name of it was Theches. When the men who were in the front hadmounted the height, and looked down upon the sea, a great shoutproceeded from them; 22. And Xenophon and the rear-guard, on hearing it, thought that some new enemies were assailing the front, for in the rear, too, the people from the country that they had burnt were followingthem, and the rear-guard, by placing an ambuscade, had killed some, andtaken others prisoners, and had captured about twenty shields made ofraw ox-hides with the hair on. 23. But as the noise still increased, anddrew nearer, and as those who came up from time to time kept running atfull speed to join those who were continually shouting, the criesbecoming louder as the men became more numerous, it appeared toXenophon that it must be something of very great moment. 24. Mountinghis horse, therefore, and taking with him Lycius and the cavalry, hehastened forward to give aid, when presently they heard the soldiersshouting, "The sea, the sea!" and cheering on one another. They then allbegan to run, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and the baggage-cattleand horses were put to their speed; 25. And when they had all arrived atthe top, the men embraced one another, and their generals and captains, with tears in their eyes. Suddenly, whoever it was that suggested it, the soldiers brought stones, and raised a large mound, 26. On which theylaid a number of raw ox-hides, [231] staves, and shields taken from theenemy. The shields the guide himself hacked in pieces, [232] and exhortedthe rest to do the same. 27. Soon after, the Greeks sent away the guide, giving him presents from the common stock, a horse, a silver cup, aPersian robe, and ten darics;[233] but he showed most desire for therings on their fingers, and obtained many of them from the soldiers. Having then pointed out to them a village where they might take up theirquarters, and the road by which they were to proceed to the Macrones, when the evening came on he departed, pursuing his way during the night. 

[Footnote 228: Ἀντὶ τῶν πτερύγων. ] That this is the true sense of thisword appears from Xen. De Re Equest. 12. 4. ]

[Footnote 229: Having one iron point at the upper end, as in v. 4. 12, and no point at the lower for fixing the spear in the ground. _Schneider_. ]

[Footnote 230: The word ἱερόν, which precedes ὄρος in the oldereditions, is enclosed in brackets, as being probably spurious, by mostof the modern editors, and actually ejected by Dindorf. Yet somethingseems to be wanting in connexion with ὄρος, for the guide (sect. 20)says merely that he will bring them to α χωρίον, and on the fifth dayafter it is said that they come to _the mountain_. ]

[Footnote 231: They appear to be the hides of oxen offered up as a sortof sacrifice to the gods. _Balfour_. ]

[Footnote 232: In order, says Krüger, to render them useless, so thatthey might not be carried off by any of the neighbouring people. ]

[Footnote 233: i. 1. 9. ]

CHAPTER VIII. 

 The Greeks proceed unmolested through the country of the Macrones, and enter Colchis. Putting to flight the Colchians who obstructed their passage, they arrive at Trebisond, a Greek city, where they perform whatever vows they had made, and celebrate games. 

1. Hence the Greeks advanced three days' journey, a distance of tenparasangs, through the country of the Macrones. On the first day theycame to a river which divides the territories of the Macrones from thoseof the Scythini. 2. On their right they had an eminence extremelydifficult of access, and on their left another river, [234] into whichthe boundary river, which they had to cross, empties itself. This streamwas thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, but growing closelytogether. These the Greeks, as soon as they came to the spot, cutdown, [235] being in haste to get out of the country as soon as possible. 3. The Macrones, however, equipped with wicker shields, and spears, andhair tunics, were drawn up on the opposite side of the crossing-place;they were animating one another, and throwing stones into theriver. [236] They did not hit our men, or cause them any inconvenience. 

4. At this juncture one of the peltasts came up to Xenophon, saying thathe had been a slave at Athens, and adding that he knew the language ofthese men. "I think, indeed, " said he, "that this is my country, and, ifthere is nothing to prevent, I should wish to speak to the people. " 5. "There is nothing to prevent, " replied Xenophon; "so speak to them, andfirst ascertain what people they are. " When he asked them, they saidthat they were the Macrones. "Inquire, then, " said Xenophon, "why theyare drawn up to oppose us, and wish to be our enemies. " 6. They replied, "Because you come against our country. " The generals then told him toacquaint them that we were not come with any wish to do them injury, butthat we were returning to Greece after having been engaged in war withthe king, and that we were desirous to reach the sea. 7. They asked ifthe Greeks would give pledges to this effect; and the Greeks repliedthat they were willing both to give and receive them. The Macronesaccordingly presented the Greeks with a Barbarian lance, and the Greeksgave them a Grecian one; for they said that such were their usualpledges. Both parties called the gods to witness. 

8. After these mutual assurances, the Macrones immediately assisted themin cutting away the trees, and made a passage for them, as if to bringthem over, mingling freely among the Greeks; they also gave suchfacilities as they could for buying provisions, and conducted themthrough their country for three days, until they brought them to theconfines of the Colchians. 9. Here was a range of hills, [237] high, butaccessible, and upon them the Colchians were drawn up in array. TheGreeks, at first, drew up against them in a line, [238] with theintention of marching up the hill in this disposition; but afterwardsthe generals thought proper to assemble and deliberate how they mightengage with the best effect. 10. Xenophon then said it appeared to himthat they ought to relinquish the arrangement in line, and to disposethe troops in columns;[239] "for a line, " pursued he, "will be broken atonce, as we shall find the hills in some parts impassable, though inothers easy of access; and this disruption will immediately producedespondency in the men, when, after being ranged in a regular line, theyfind it dispersed. 11. Again, if we advance drawn up very many deep, theenemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, and will employ the partsthat outreach us in any way they may think proper; and if we advanceonly a few deep, it would not be at all surprising if our line be brokenthrough by showers of missiles and men falling upon us in large bodies. If this happen in any part, it will be ill for the whole extent of theline. 12. I think, then, that having formed our companies in columns, weshould keep them so far apart from each other as that the last companieson each side may be beyond the enemy's wings. Thus our extreme companieswill both outflank the line of the enemy, and, as we march in file, thebravest of our men will close with the enemy first, and wherever theascent is easiest, there each division will direct its course. 13. Norwill it be easy for the enemy to penetrate into the intervening spaces, when there are companies on each side, nor will it be easy to breakthrough a column as it advances; while, if any one of the companies behard pressed, the neighbouring one will support it; and if but one ofthe companies can by any path attain the summit, the enemy will nolonger stand their ground. " 14. This plan was approved, and they threwthe companies into columns. Xenophon, riding along from the right wingto the left, said. "Soldiers, the enemy whom you see before you, are nowthe only obstacle to hinder us from being where we have long been eagerto be. These, if we can, we must eat up alive. "[240]

15. When the men were all in their places, and they had formed thecompanies into columns, there were about eighty companies of heavy-armedmen, and each company consisted of about eighty men. The peltasts andarchers they divided into three bodies, each about six hundred men, oneof which they placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, andthe third in the centre. 16. The generals then desired the soldiers tomake their vows[241] to the gods; and having made them, and sung thepæan, they moved forward. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the peltaststhat they had with them, who were beyond the enemy's flanks, pushed on;17. And the enemy, observing their motions, and hurrying forward toreceive them, were drawn off, some to the right and others to the left, and left a great void in the centre of their line; 18. When the peltastsin the Arcadian division, whom Æschines the Acarnanian commanded, seeingthem separate, ran forward in all haste, thinking that they were takingto flight; and these were the first that reached the summit. TheArcadian heavy-armed troop, of which Cleanor the Orchomenian wascaptain, followed them. 19. But the enemy, when once the Greeks began torun, no longer stood their ground, but went off in flight, some one wayand some another. 

Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a number of villagescontaining abundance of provisions. 20. As to other things here, therewas nothing at which they were surprised; but the number of bee-hiveswas extraordinary, and all the soldiers that ate of the combs, losttheir senses, vomited, and were affected with purging, and none of themwere able to stand upright; such as had eaten only a little were likemen greatly intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were like mad-men, and some like persons at the point of death. 21. They lay upon theground, in consequence, in great numbers, as if there had been a defeat;and there was general dejection. The next day no one of them was founddead; and they recovered their senses about the same hour that they hadlost them on the preceding day; and on the third and fourth days theygot up as if after having taken physic. [242]

22. From hence they proceeded two days' march, seven parasangs, andarrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large population, on the EuxineSea; a colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians. Here they stayed about thirty days, encamping in the villages of theColchians, 23. Whence they made excursions and plundered the country ofColchis. The people of Trebisond provided a market for the Greeks in thecamp, and entertained them in the city; and made them presents of oxen, barley-meal, and wine. 24. They negotiated with them also on behalf ofthe neighbouring Colchians, those especially who dwelt in the plain, andfrom them too were brought presents of oxen. 

25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice which they hadvowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to offer to Jupiter thePreserver, and to Hercules, for their safe conduct, and whatever theyhad vowed to the other gods. They also celebrated gymnastic games uponthe hill where they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan, (whohad become an exile from his country when quite a boy, for havinginvoluntarily killed a child by striking him with a dagger, ) to preparethe course and preside at the contests. 26. When the sacrifice wasended, they gave the hides[243] to Dracontius, and desired him toconduct them to the place where he had made the course. Dracontius, pointing to the place where they were standing, said, "This hill is anexcellent place for running, in whatever direction the men may wish. ""But how will they be able, " said they, "to wrestle on ground so roughand bushy?" "He that falls, " said he, "will suffer the more. " 27. Boys, most of them from among the prisoners, contended in the short course, and in the long course above sixty Cretans ran; while others werematched in wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight;for many entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, therewas great emulation. 28. Horses also ran; and they had to gallop downthe steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come up again to the altar. In the descent, many rolled down; but in the ascent, against theexceedingly steep ground, the horses could scarcely get up at a walkingpace. There was consequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheeringfrom the people. 

[Footnote 234: A stream running into the Tchórúk-sú, according toAinsworth, Travels, p. 189. ]

[Footnote 235: The Greeks cut down the trees in order to throw them intothe stream, and form a kind of bridge on which they might cross. _Schneider_. ]

[Footnote 236: They threw stones into the river that they might stand onthem, and approach nearer to the Greeks, so as to use their weapons withmore effect. _Bornemann_. ]

[Footnote 237: Kárá Kapán, or Kóhát Tágh, according to Ainsw. P. 190. ]

[Footnote 238: Κατὰ φάλαγγα. ] See on iv. 3. 26. ]

[Footnote 239: Λόχους ὀρθίους. ] See on iv. 2. 11. ]

[Footnote 240: Ὠμοὺς ---- κατάφαγεῖν. ] "Eat up raw, " without waiting tocook them; a metaphorical expression for _to extirpate utterly and atonce_, taken from Homer, Il. V. 35: Ὠμὸν βεβρώθοις Πρίαμον Πρίαμοιό τεμαῖδας. ]

[Footnote 241: See the payment of these vows in sect. 25. ]

[Footnote 242: That there was honey in these parts with intoxicatingqualities, was well known to antiquity. Pliny, H. N. Xxi. 44, mentionstwo sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the other amongthe Sanni or Macrones. The peculiarities of the honey arose from theherbs to which the bees resorted, the first came from the flower of aplant called ægolethron, or goats'-bane; the other from a species ofrhododendron. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw honey of thisdescription. See Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 190, who found thatthe intoxicating honey had a bitter taste. See also Rennell, p. 253. "This honey is also mentioned by Dioscorides, ii. 103; Strabo, xii. P. 826; Ælian, H. A. V. 42; Procopius, B. Goth. Iv. 2. " _Schneider_. ]

[Footnote 243: Lion and Kühner have a notion that these skins were to begiven as prizes to the victors, referring to Herod, ii. 91, where it issaid that the Egyptians, in certain games which they celebrate in honourof Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and δέρματα, hides. Krügerdoubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were given as a presentto Dracontius. ]

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