THE DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. VOL. XI. THE DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION; BEING THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAMCARMICHAEL, HENRY LAURENS, JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M. DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATESDURING THE WHOLE REVOLUTION; TOGETHER WITH THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS, AND THESECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. ALSO, THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS, GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS. Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformablyto a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818. EDITED BY JARED SPARKS. VOL. XI. BOSTON: NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN; G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON. 1830. Steam Power Press--W. L. Lewis' Print. No. 6, Congress Street, Boston. CONTENTS OF THE ELEVENTH VOLUME. LUZERNE'S CORRESPONDENCE, CONTINUED. Page. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, September 10th, 1781, 3 Communicating the commission of M. Holker, as Consul General of France. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, September 18th, 1781, 4 Desires the appointment of a committee, to whom he may communicate his despatches. Communications of the French Minister to Congress. In Congress, September 21st, 1781, 4 Proposed mediation of the Imperial Courts. --The French Court requires the establishing of some preliminaries, as to the admission of an American Minister to the proposed Congress, and the character in which England will treat the United States. --The British Court requires the submission of its revolted subjects in America. --Necessity of vigorous operations in America. --Mr Dana's mission to St Petersburg. --The accession of Maryland to the confederacy should be followed by vigorous measures. --Mr Adams in Holland. --Aids to America. --No further pecuniary assistance can be furnished by the French Court. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, September 24th, 1781, 17 Transmitting the memorial of a Spanish subject. Memorial of Don Francisco Rendon to the Minister of France, 17 Requesting the release of certain prisoners taken at Pensacola by the Spanish forces, and afterwards captured by an American vessel. Congress to the Minister of France. Philadelphia, September 25th, 1781, 19 Relative to the preceding memorial. From Congress to the King of France, 20 Returning thanks for aid. The King of France to Congress, 21 Birth of the Dauphin. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Philadelphia, October 24th, 1781, 21 Announces his appointment to the Department of Foreign Affairs. To Robert R. Livingston, Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Philadelphia, October 25th, 1781, 22 Expressing his pleasure at Mr Livingston's appointment. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 2d, 1781, 23 Congress request permission to present to the Count de Grasse two pieces of ordnance taken at York. To George Washington. Philadelphia, November 4th, 1781, 24 Acknowledging the receipt of certain papers. To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Philadelphia, November 4th, 1781, 25 Erection of a triumphal column at Yorktown. --The United States are named before the King in the resolutions. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 6th, 1781, 26 The order in which the United States and France were named, was accidental. Robert R. Livingston to the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 6th, 1781, 28 Proposes the giving France the precedence in any subsequent acts, where the two countries are named. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 21st, 1781, 29 Complains of the proceedings of the Court of Admiralty in the French islands. Heads of a verbal Communication made to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs by the Minister of France. In Congress, November 23d, 1781, 30 Satisfaction of the King with the appointment of Ministers for negotiating a peace. --Refusal to accede to the mediation, unless the American Ministers were acknowledged. --Necessity of exertion in America to compel Britain to a peace. The Answer of his Most Christian Majesty to the Articles proposed by the two Mediating Courts, 33 The Answer of the Court of London to the Preliminary Articles proposed by the Mediating Courts, 40 The verbal Answer of the King of Great Britain to the verbal Observations made by the Count de Belgiojoso, Austrian Ambassador in London, 43 Reply of the Mediators to the Belligerent Powers, 45 Answer of the Court of France to the Reply of the Mediators, 48 To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, November 23d, 1781, 51 Congress to the King of France, 51 Congratulations on the successes of the French arms in America. --Services of de Grasse, de Rochambeau, and de Lafayette. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, December 11th, 1781, 53 Enclosing papers. To Count du Durat, Governor of Grenada. Philadelphia, December 11th, 1781, 54 Relative to an English ship carried into Grenada by American sailors. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, December 21st, 1781, 55 Relative to captures. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, January 19th, 1782, 55 Enclosing suspicious letters of Mr Deane. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, January 20th, 1782, 56 Complains of the process in Massachusetts in regard to effects libelled. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, January 24th, 1782, 57 Communicating certain resolutions. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, January 25th, 1782, 57 Thanking him for the preceding. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, January 28th, 1782, 58 Propriety of instructing Mr Franklin, in relation to the acts necessary to bind the United States in their engagements with France on account of the loan raised in Holland. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs to the President of Congress. Philadelphia, January 29th, 1782, 59 Communicating extracts from letters of Count de Vergennes to the French Minister, expressing the desire of France to procure the most advantageous terms for America. --Indisposition of Great Britain to a peace. --Neither Holland nor Russia are disposed to an alliance with the United States. --France cannot furnish additional supplies. Count de Vergennes to Robert R. Livingston. Versailles, January 31st, 1782, 62 On his appointment to the Department of Foreign Affairs. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, February 1st, 1782, 62 Instructions to Dr Franklin. In Congress, February 5th, 1782, 63 Empowering him to enter into engagements on the part of the United States to discharge the loan raised in Holland. Resolves of Congress respecting the Communications made by the Minister of France. In Congress, February 8th, 1782, 64 Urging the necessity of further supplies from France. --Empowering Dr Franklin to raise a loan of twelve millions of livres. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, February 18th, 1782, 66 Requesting the revision of a sentence of condemnation against certain prizes. The Marquis de Bouillé to M. De la Luzerne. Without date, 67 Relative to the recapture of neutral ships trading to Dominica by American privateers. Memorial of the Council of Dominica, 69 Same subject. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 20th, 1782, 71 Case of the capture of the neutral ships trading to Dominica. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, March 8th, 1782, 73 M. De Marbois will remain as _Chargé d'Affaires_ during his absence. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, April 7th, 1782, 73 Requesting the settlement of the accounts of Baron de Kalb and others. To George Washington. Philadelphia, April 13th, 1782, 74 Warlike appearances in Europe. --Want of preparation in America. --Requests information of the strength of the forces. Count de Rochambeau to M. De la Luzerne. Williamsburgh, April 16th, 1782, 77 Plans and operations of the enemy. To George Washington. Philadelphia, April 18th, 1782, 78 Recommending Count Beniowsky. George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Newburgh, April 28th, 1782, 79 Statement of his forces. --Enemy's force. Communication of the French Minister to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. In Congress, May 1st, 1782, 84 Representing the necessity of vigorous exertion. --The English intend to push operations with vigor. Decree of the King's Council in France, 85 Relative to the exportation of merchandise taken from prizes. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, May 7th, 1782, 87 Appointment of M. D'Annemours, as French Consul for the five Southern States. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 8th, 1782, 87 Accounts of Baron de Kalb and others. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, May 9th, 1782, 88 Applications of bearers of loan certificates for the repayment of their capital, or the payment of the interest. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 9th, 1782, 89 Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 12th, 1782, 89 The address of Congress is, Gentlemen of the Congress. To George Washington. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1782, 90 Reported actions in the West Indies. Congress to the King of France, 90 Congratulations on the birth of the Dauphin. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, May 25th, 1782, 92 Requests the execution of certain resolutions of Congress in relation to Baron de Holzendorff. Verbal Communication of the French Minister to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. In Congress, May 28th, 1782, 93 Attempts by the English to effect a partial peace with America and with France. --The French Court refuse to treat separately. --Vigorous preparations necessary to secure a peace. George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Head Quarters, June 5th, 1782, 96 Enclosing the congratulations of the army, and offering his own on the birth of the Dauphin. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 7th, 1782, 97 Accounts of Baron de Kalb, Baron de Holzendorff and others. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 9th, 1782, 98 Answer to the applications of holders of the loan office certificates. To George Washington, Commander in Chief, and other Officers of the American Army, on Hudson's River. Philadelphia, June 10th, 1782, 98 Birth of the Dauphin. Congress to the King of France, 99 Condolence on the death of the Princess Sophia of France. To Count de Rochambeau. Philadelphia, June 14th, 1782, 100 Movements of the English forces. --Plan of counter operations. George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Head Quarters, Newburgh, June 24th, 1782, 102 Impracticability of the plan of operations abovementioned. To George Washington. Philadelphia, July 3d, 1782, 103 Plans of Count de Rochambeau. --Disposition of Holland to form an alliance with America. To George Washington. Philadelphia, July 8th, 1782, 104 Inviting him to attend the rejoicings on the birth of the Dauphin. Count de Vergennes to George Washington. Versailles, July 29th, 1782, 105 Interceding in favor of Captain Asgill. Lady Asgill to Count de Vergennes. London, July 18th, 1782, 107 Imploring his interference on behalf of her son. To George Washington. Philadelphia, August 5th, 1782, 108 Requesting him to communicate with M. De Vaudreuil. To George Washington. Philadelphia, August 14th, 1782, 110 Liberation of American prisoners in England. --Indisposition of England to peace. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, September 1st, 1782, 111 Relative to the America, presented by Congress to the King of France. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, September 5th, 1782, 112 Enclosing the preceding. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782, 112 The Marquis de Vaudreuil to M. De la Luzerne. Boston, September 20th, 1782, 113 Expressing his gratification at the offer of the America. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, September 23d, 1782, 114 Desires the appointment of a committee with whom he may communicate. George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Head Quarters, September 24th, 1782, 114 The British meditate an attack on the squadron of M. De Vaudreuil. --Has taken measures to counteract their schemes. Communication of the French Minister to a Committee of Congress. In Congress, September 24th, 1782, 115 The British Court indulge the idea of separating France and America. --Congress should take measures to destroy any hopes of such a result. --It is desirable that the negotiations should be conducted in Europe. --State of the negotiation. --The French cabinet refuse to treat except in conjunction with their allies. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, September 27th, 1782, 123 Communicating a decree of the French Council, relative to the fraudulent importation of English goods into America. To George Washington. Philadelphia, September 29th, 1782, 124 State of the negotiations for peace. To George Washington. Philadelphia, October 1st, 1782, 124 Requesting him to facilitate the entrance of M. Barbe into New York. Report of a Committee of Congress on Communications made by the French Minister. In Congress, October 3d, 1782, 125 Congress will listen to no propositions for a separate peace. --They rely on the support of France to their demands in regard to boundaries, the fisheries, and the navigation of the Mississippi. --Difficulties attending any restitution of, or compensation for confiscated property. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, October 16th, 1782, 127 Desiring an interview with a committee of Congress. George Washington to the President of Congress. Head Quarters, October 25th, 1782, 128 Receives the letters relative to Captain Asgill, and transmits them to Congress. To George Washington. Philadelphia, October 25th, 1782, 128 Repayment of sums expended for French service. George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Head Quarters, October 25th, 1782, 129 Case of Captain Asgill. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, October 28th, 1782, 130 Complains that the English fleet is supplied with provisions by citizens of the United States. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne. Office of Foreign Affairs, October 30th, 1782, 131 Case of the seizure of an American prize by the French authorities at St Domingo. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, November 4th, 1782, 133 Desires the passing of laws corresponding to the thirteenth Article of the treaty of commerce. To George Washington. Philadelphia, November 6th, 1782, 134 The enemy are supplied with provisions by Americans. To Count de Dillon, Governor of St Christopher's. Philadelphia, November 8th, 1782, 135 Affair of the Lætitia. To Sir Guy Carleton. Philadelphia, November 9th, 1782, 135 Enclosing resolutions of Congress relative to Captain Asgill. To Sir Guy Carleton. Philadelphia, November 9th, 1782, 137 Requesting him to permit the exchange of M. De la Touche. To George Washington. Philadelphia, November 12th, 1782, 137 Apology for corresponding with General Carleton. George Washington to Captain Asgill. Head Quarters, November 13th, 1782, 138 Enclosing the resolution of Congress relative to him. George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Head Quarters, November 13th, 1782, 139 Regrets that he is unable to prevent the supplying of the enemy with provisions. George Washington to Count de Vergennes. Head Quarters, Newburgh, State of New York, November 21st, 1782, 140 Affair of Captain Asgill. Robert R. Livingston to M. De la Luzerne, Office of Foreign Affairs, November 26th, 1782, 141 Mr Jefferson appointed Minister for negotiating a peace. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia November 29th, 1782, 142 Expresses his satisfaction with Mr Jefferson's appointment. To George Washington. Philadelphia, November 30th, 1782, 142 Relative to the supplying the enemy with provision. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, December 11th, 1782, 143 To George Washington. Philadelphia, December 18th, 1782, 144 Enclosing a letter for his perusal. To the Marquis de Vaudreuil. Philadelphia, December 18th, 1782, 144 The Danaë aground in the Chesapeake. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, December 26th, 1782, 145 Expressing his Majesty's gratification with the proceedings of Congress relative to the birth of the Dauphin. Substance of a verbal Communication from the French Minister. Office of Foreign Affairs, December 30th, 1782, 146 State of the negotiations. --Lord Shelburne's policy deceitful. --Proposed mediation. To the President of Congress. December 31st, 1782, 150 Satisfaction of the King with the conduct of Congress, in regard to the overtures of the English in America, and the unanimity with which the States determine not to treat separately. Resolves of Congress on the departure of the French Army. In Congress, January 1st, 1783, 152 Recommending the army to his Majesty's favorable notice. --Declaring their high sense of the merits and services of the Count de Rochambeau. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, January 10th, 1783, 154 The capitulations permitting exportations from the islands captured by the French to British ports will not be renewed. To Robert Morris. Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783, 155 Loan of six millions procured by France for America. --Conditions of the loan. --It will be impossible to furnish further supplies. --Necessity of establishing a public revenue in the United States. To George Washington. Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783, 158 Conclusion of preliminaries of peace. --Necessity of continuing preparations with vigor to secure favorable terms definitively. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783, 161 George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Head Quarters, March 19th, 1783, 161 Agrees that the articles of the treaty are so inconclusive as to render a hostile attitude still necessary. --Will endeavor to prevent the supplying of the enemy with provisions. Minutes of a verbal Communication from the Minister of France. Office of Foreign Affairs, March 22d, 1783, 162 No essential difference exists between England and France, but the latter will act only in conjunction with her allies. --If military operations in America should cease, and the war be continued elsewhere, the United States may exclude the English from intercourse with them. George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Head Quarters, March 29th, 1783, 166 Congratulations on the peace. To George Washington. Philadelphia, April 10th, 1783, 167 The French troops in America will return immediately. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, April 29th, 1783, 167 Requests him to inform Congress of the intended departure of the French forces. George Washington to M. De la Luzerne. Head Quarters, May 13th, 1783, 168 Inviting him to be present at the rejoicings on account of peace. To Robert R. Livingston. Philadelphia, May 19th, 1783, 169 Affair of Mr Durham. --Complaints against Commodore Gillon. Count de Vergennes to M. De Lafayette. Versailles, June 29th, 1783, 170 Definition of a Free Port. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, September 17th, 1783, 170 Communicating the following letter, and requesting information as to the measures taken in regard to the subject. Count de Vergennes to M. De la Luzerne. Versailles, March 10th, 1783, 171 Circumstances under which the last loan was obtained from France. --Contract made on the occasion. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, November 2d, 1783, 175 General peace. --Commercial arrangements. To George Washington. Philadelphia, November 21st, 1783, 176 His testimony in favor of the French officers. --Congratulations on the evacuation of New York. M. De Calonne to M. De Lafayette. Versailles, January 9th, 1784, 177 L'Orient, Bayonne, Dunkirk, and Marseilles, will be declared free ports in favor of the Americans. --The commercial intercourse of the two countries will be favored by all possible facilities. To the President of Congress. Annapolis, January 29th, 1784, 178 Requests to be informed what measures have been taken by Congress relative to the contract for loans made by France. To the President of Congress. Annapolis, January 30th, 1784, 179 Appointment of French Consuls in America. To the President of Congress. Annapolis, February 18th, 1784, 180 Accounts of M. De la Radière. To the President of Congress. Annapolis, April 6th, 1784, 180 Arrival of portraits of the King and Queen of France for Congress. To the President of Congress. Annapolis, April 9th, 1784, 181 Requests to be informed what arrangements have been made relative to the loans procured from France. Count de Vergennes to M. De la Luzerne. Versailles, December 24th, 1783, 182 Free ports in France. Congress to the King of France, 183 Reception of the portraits of his Majesty and his consort. To the President of Congress. Office of Finance, April 16th, 1784, 184 Enclosing letters of Lafayette on the commercial relations of France and America. --Services of Lafayette in that matter. To the President of Congress. Annapolis, April 21st, 1784, 185 Intends to return to France. --Pleasure afforded by his residence in the United States. --Leaves M. De Marbois _Chargé d'Affaires_. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, April 28th, 1784, 186 Claims of the heirs of Baron de Kalb. --Case of M. De Fleury. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, May 6th, 1784, 189 Nomination of a Vice Consul at Charleston. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, May 13th, 1784, 190 Expresses his regret on leaving America. --Case of M. De Fleury and of the heirs of Baron de Kalb. Congress to M. De la Luzerne. In Congress, May 17th, 1784, 191 Regretting his departure. To John Jay, Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Paris, (date uncertain) 1787? 193 Requesting him to present to Congress his letter of recall from his intended mission to America. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON'S CORRESPONDENCE. Organization of a Foreign Department. In Congress, January 10th, 1781, 201 Appointment of a Secretary of Foreign Affairs. In Congress, August 10th, 1781, 203 Election of Mr Livingston. To Major General Nathaniel Greene. Philadelphia, October 20th, 1781, 203 Desires to open a correspondence with him. --Congratulations on his successes. To Governor George Clinton, of New York. Philadelphia, October 22d, 1781, 204 Congratulations on the capture of Cornwallis. --Requests information. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, October 29th, 1781, 205 Requests permission to examine the Secret Journals and papers of Congress. Circular to the Governors of the States. Philadelphia, November 12th, 1781, 205 Requesting a return of the damage done by the British in the respective States. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, November 18th, 1781, 207 Payment of the foreign Ministers. --Allowance for different agents. --Affair of Mr John Temple. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, November 25th, 1781, 209 Enclosing certain papers. General Greene to Robert R. Livingston. Camp Round O, South Carolina, December 13th, 1781, 210 State of affairs in the south. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, January 18th, 1782, 211 Mr Deane's letters. To Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut. Philadelphia, January 22d, 1782, 212 Enclosing copies of Mr Deane's letters, confirming the charges against him. --Desires an account of the damage done by the British in Connecticut. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, January 25th, 1782, 213 Proposing certain changes in the organization of his department. To Major General Greene. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, January 31st, 1782, 217 Military operations in Europe. --State of the negotiations. --Important influence of success in America on the same. Circular Letter to the Governors of the States. Philadelphia, February 18th, 1782, 219 Transmitting resolutions of Congress, relative to uniformity in the laws concerning foreigners, and to boundaries of the respective States. To Governor Rutlege of South Carolina. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, February 19th, 1782, 220 Desires to open a correspondence with him. Circular Letter to the Governors of the States. Philadelphia, February 19th, 1782, 221 Results of the last campaign. --Present disposition and means of England, Holland, Spain, and France. --Necessity of exertion at home. --Urges the adoption of measures for raising regular supplies. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 21st, 1782, 227 Recommends a rehearing of the cases of the Dutch ship Resolution, and of the Flemish brigantine Eeirsten, captured by American privateers, and condemned by the American Courts. Regulations for the Department of Foreign Affairs. In Congress, February 22d, 1782, 230 To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 23d, 1782, 234 Organization of his department. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 26th, 1782, 235 Questions relative to the distribution of the prize money from the prizes made by the Bon Homme Richard. To Robert Smith, Commercial Agent at Havana. Philadelphia, February 26th, 1782, 237 Desires information relative to the Island of Cuba. To Don Francisco Rendon. Philadelphia, March 6th, 1782, 238 Answer to questions relative to the military force; the resources of the United States; the probable extent of their commerce with Spain; means of preventing an illicit commerce with the Spanish Colonies; Spain will be permitted to build and arm ships in the United States. To John Paul Jones. Philadelphia, April 17th, 1782, 241 Enclosing the protest of the commander of a Dutch ship. --Requesting information as to the distribution of the prize money among the crew of his squadron. Thomas S. Lee to Robert R. Livingston. Annapolis, in Council, April 19th, 1782, 242 Robert Morris to Robert R. Livingston. Office of Finance, April 27th, 1782, 243 Desires to be furnished with an account of the salaries of the foreign Ministers. Circular Letter to the Governors of the States. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, May 2d, 1782, 243 The British cabinet refuses to admit the interference of the mediating powers between England and her Colonies. --Attempts will be made to open negotiations with the separate States. --Necessity of adopting decisive and vigorous measures to counteract this policy. --Languidness on the part of the States. To Robert Morris. Philadelphia, May 8th, 1782, 247 Salaries of Ministers. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 8th, 1782, 247 Expenses of the foreign department. --Expenses of the Ministers abroad. --Enclosing resolutions regulating the allowance, &c. To the Ministers. Charles Thomson to Robert R. Livingston. May 9th, 1782, 252 Places assigned to the Heads of Departments in Congress, on occasion of a public audience of the French Minister. To the Commander in Chief, and Major General Greene. Philadelphia, May 13th, 1782, 253 Intelligence of the birth of the Dauphin. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, May 13th, 1782, 253 Proposing an expression of the inviolable attachment of the United States to the alliance with France. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 13th, 1782, 254 Resolution above referred to. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, May 15th, 1782, 255 Proposing a resolution, granting Mr Jay permission to leave Madrid for France or Holland, if he thinks proper. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 15th, 1782, 255 Resolution above mentioned. To Richard Harrison of Cadiz. Philadelphia, May 21st, 1782, 256 Professions of kindness from the British commander treated with distrust in America. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, May 21st, 1782, 257 Enclosing drafts of letters to Mr Dana. George Washington to Robert R. Livingston. Head Quarters, May 22d, 1782, 257 Preparations to celebrate the birth of the Dauphin. Governor Trumbull to Robert R. Livingston. Hartford, May 23d, 1782, 258 Enclosing copies of letters to Mr Deane. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 5th, 1782, 258 To Robert Morris. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 6th, 1782, 259 Requesting information relative to interest due on Loan Office certificates. To Robert Morris. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 6th, 1782, 259 Robert Morris to Robert R. Livingston. Office of Finance, June 7th, 1782, 260 Congress have applied to the States for a duty on imports, to pay the debt. To Governor Trumbull. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 12th, 1782, 260 Mr Deane. Governor Greene to Robert R. Livingston. Newport, June 15th, 1782, 261 Enclosing a letter of congratulation on the birth of the Dauphin. Robert Morris to Robert R. Livingston. Office of Finance, June 20th, 1782, 262 Requesting him to make estimates of the expense of his department. Robert Morris to Robert R. Livingston. Office of Finance, June 20th, 1782, 262 Persons having claims on the United States must account with vouchers. The Governor of North Carolina to Robert R. Livingston. North Carolina, June 24th, 1782, 263 Military preparations of the State. --The State records being dispersed, is unable to furnish an estimate of the damages done by the British. --Transmits a map, showing the boundaries of the State. To the Minister of France. Philadelphia, July 3d, 1782, 264 Transmitting the letter of congratulation on the birth of the Dauphin, from the authorities of Rhode Island. To William Lee, at Brussels. Philadelphia, July 18th, 1782, 265 Dr Franklin is directed to discharge his demands. Governor Martin to Robert R. Livingston. North Carolina, August 20th, 1782, 265 Disposition of North Carolina towards the enemy. --No overtures will be listened to by that State. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, August 23d, 1782, 267 Accounts of the Ministers. To William Moore, President of the Council of Pennsylvania. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 8th, 1782, 268 Urging the passing of laws conformable to the treaty of commerce and amity with France. To Governor Weare, of New Hampshire. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 9th, 1782, 269 Case of Mr Mc Clintock. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 9th, 1782, 270 Requests leave of absence. To Governor Martin, of North Carolina. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 9th, 1782, 270 Requests that further documents relative to the boundaries of North Carolina may be transmitted. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 11th, 1782, 271 M. Dumas. --Mr Adams's accounts. --Mr Deane's accounts. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782, 273 Enclosing papers. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782, 274 Services of M. Dumas. --Objections to appointing him _Chargé d'Affaires_. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782, 275 Resignation of Mr Laurens. --His salary continued. --False account of his conduct in England. Circular to the Governors of the States. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782, 276 Enclosing a resolution of Congress. --Complains that former resolutions have not been complied with. Circular to the Governors of the States. Office of Foreign Affairs. September 15th, 1782, 277 Reception of Mr Adams by the States-General. General Greene to Robert R. Livingston. Head Quarters, October 2d, 1782, 278 Celebration of the birth of the Dauphin. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, October 29th, 1782, 279 Recommending Mr Harrison to the notice of Congress. To Thomas Jefferson. Philadelphia, November 13th, 1782, 280 Transmitting his appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace. To Governor Matthews, of South Carolina. Philadelphia, November 20th, 1782, 280 Requests information relative to debts contracted by Mr Gillon on behalf of South Carolina. To Thomas Barclay. Philadelphia, November 26th, 1782, 281 Transmitting his appointment as Commissioner for adjusting the accounts of Congress in Europe. Thomas Jefferson to Robert R. Livingston. Chesterfield, November 26th, 1782, 281 Accepting his appointment as Minister. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, December 2d, 1782, 282 Offers his resignation. --Inadequacy of the allowance. To Richard Harrison. Philadelphia, December 5th, 1782, 284 State of military affairs in America. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, December 9th, 1782, 285 The Count de Rochambeau orders his troops to embark for the West Indies. --Forces remaining. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, December 16th, 1782, 286 Extracts from a letter of Mr Jay relative to the Western boundary. General Greene to Robert R. Livingston. Head Quarters, South Carolina, December 19th, 1782, 287 Evacuation of Charleston. To the Committee of Congress appointed to repair to Rhode Island. Philadelphia, December 20th, 1782, 287 Improbable that any further supplies will be furnished by France. --Nothing is to be expected from Spain. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, December 22d, 1782, 288 Conclusion of the treaty of commerce with Holland. Governor Martin to Robert R. Livingston. North Carolina, December 23d, 1782, 289 Is unable to transmit an account of the damages done by the British, without an Act of the Assembly. Circular to the Governors of the States. Philadelphia, December 23d, 1782, 290 Enclosing a copy of Mr Oswald's commission to treat with the United States. To William Greene, Governor of Rhode Island. Philadelphia, January 4th, 1783, 291 Foreign loans and grants since 1779. --Spain. --Portugal. --Holland. --France. Thomas Jefferson to Robert R. Livingston. Baltimore, February 7th, 1783, 297 Prevented from sailing by English cruisers. Thomas Jefferson to M. De la Luzerne. Baltimore, February 7th, 1783, 298 Is unwilling to expose the French frigate offered to convey him, on his account. To General Greene. Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783, 299 Importance of the evacuation of Charleston. --Prospect of peace on favorable terms. To Thomas Jefferson. Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783, 300 Enclosing a resolution of Congress. To Thomas Jefferson. Philadelphia, February 18th, 1783, 301 Congress will be unwilling to lose his services, if the negotiations are not concluded. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 18th, 1783, 302 Enclosing letters from Mr Jefferson and Mr Lee. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783, 303 Inexpediency of keeping Mr Dana at St Petersburg. To George Washington. Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783, 304 Great Britain appears disposed to peace. --State of the negotiations. To George Washington. Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783, 305 Signing of the Preliminary Articles. --Mr Oswald proposes that the British forces in America be permitted to embark for West Florida without molestation. To General Greene. Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783, 307 Signing of the preliminaries. --Remaining obstacles in the way of a definitive treaty. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, March 13th, 1783, 309 Probability of an expedition against West Florida. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, March 18th, 1783, 309 Appearances of distrust of France in the signing of the preliminaries, and the insertion of the Separate Article. --Evils which may arise from these measures. --Proposes that Congress adopt resolutions, directing the communication of the article to the French Minister, and declaring the preliminaries are not to take effect until peace is signed between France and Great Britain. Circular to the Governors of the States. Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783, 315 Forwarding a copy of the preliminary treaty. --The conclusion of the definitive treaty is yet uncertain. --Warlike preparations are continued by France and England. --Desires that an account of the damage done by the enemy may be transmitted to him. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, March 21st, 1783, 317 Enclosing a letter from Mr Barclay. To George Washington. Philadelphia, March 24th, 1783, 318 Intelligence of a general peace. To Sir Guy Carleton. Philadelphia, March 24th, 1783, 319 The French cruisers are recalled. --Expresses a wish that measures may be taken by the English commanders to discontinue hostilities. To Rear Admiral Digby. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, March 24th, 1783, 320 Desiring that measures may be concerted for the cessation of hostilities. Sir Guy Carleton to Robert R. Livingston. New York, March 26th, 1783, 321 Does not feel authorised to order a cessation of hostilities without official communication. Presumes that Congress will immediately release prisoners of war. Admiral Digby, to Robert R. Livingston. New York, March 27th, 1783, 322 Cannot withdraw his cruisers until the reception of official accounts. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, March 28th, 1783, 323 Moneys remaining in his hand. To Thomas Jefferson. Philadelphia, April 4th, 1783, 324 His departure is rendered unnecessary by the peace. William Paca to Robert R. Livingston. In Council, Annapolis, April 4th, 1783, 324 Measures taken to ascertain the damages done by the British. Sir Guy Carleton to Robert R. Livingston. New York, April 6th, 1783, 325 Receives official information of the conclusion of peace. --Liberation of prisoners. --Restitution of confiscated estates. Admiral Digby to Robert R. Livingston. Lion, off New York, April 6th, 1783, 327 Recall of British cruisers. To the President of Congress. Office of Foreign Affairs, April 10th, 1783, 327 Communicating the preceding letters. --Doubts as to the time of the cessation of hostilities. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, April 10th, 1783, 328 Encloses a draft of a Proclamation for the suspension of hostilities. To Gen. Greene. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783, 329 Communicating the Proclamation of the suspension of hostilities. To Sir Guy Carleton. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783, 330 Cessation of hostilities. To Rear Admiral Digby. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783, 332 Recall of American cruisers. --Captures made subsequent to the 3d of March on the American coast. To George Washington. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783, 333 Congratulations on the peace. --No time fixed for the evacuation of New York. Circular to the Governors of the States. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783, 334 Congratulations on the peace. Sir Guy Carleton to Robert R. Livingston. New York, April 14th, 1783, 335 Requests the appointment of an agent of Congress to superintend the embarkations on the evacuation of New York. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, April 21st, 1783, 335 Inexpediency of advancing the sums required by Mr Dana, in case of a treaty with Russia. George Washington to Robert R. Livingston. Head Quarters, April 22d, 1783, 336 Liberation of prisoners. George Washington to Robert R. Livingston. Head Quarters, May 13th, 1783, 337 Indecisive interview with Sir Guy Carleton. --Disinclined to give up Long Island. To the Chairman of a Committee of Congress. Philadelphia, May 19th, 1783, 338 Desires to retire from his office. --His expenses have exceeded the salary. To Joseph Nourse. Philadelphia, May 26th, 1783, 340 Account of the moneys received from Holland, France, and Spain. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, June 2d, 1783, 342 Transmitting a letter from M. Dumas. ROBERT MORRIS'S CORRESPONDENCE. Organization of the Finance Department. In Congress, February 7th, 1781, 347 To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, March 13th, 1781, 348 Objections to accepting the office of Superintendent of Finance. --Conditions on which he will enter the post. Proceedings in Congress, 352 Resolutions empowering Mr Morris to appoint his own assistants. To a Committee of Congress. Date uncertain, 353 Powers necessary for conducting the affairs of his department. --Officers that must be subject to his control. Proceedings in Congress, 358 Relative to the appointment and removal of officers by the Superintendent of Finance. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, May 14th, 1781, 360 Causes which will delay his entering on the duties of his office. --Requests that all past transactions may be adjusted, and that all debts remaining due may be funded. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1781, 364 Enclosing a plan for a National Bank. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, May 23d, 1781, 364 Requests to be authorised to import specie at the risk of Congress. To Alexander Hamilton. Philadelphia, May 26th, 1781, 365 Reasons for the small capital of the bank. To Major General Philip Schuyler. Philadelphia, May 29th, 1781, 367 Requesting him to purchase flour. --Pledges himself in his public and private capacity to advance the money for the same. To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, June 4th, 1781, 370 The money granted by France has not been placed to his order. To B. Franklin. Philadelphia, June 8th, 1781, 370 The grant of France having been committed to his disposition, he has made Le Couteulx & Co. His bankers. To Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. , Bankers in Paris. Philadelphia, June 8th, 1781, 372 Appointing them bankers for the United States. To M. De la Luzerne, Minister of France. Philadelphia, June 8th, 1781, 373 Requesting him to order five hundred thousand livres to be deposited with Le Couteulx & Co. Circular respecting the National Bank. Philadelphia, June 11th, 1781, 374 To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, June 21st, 1781, 376 Desires to be intrusted with the disposition of bills deposited by Congress with the Pennsylvania bank. To B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 13th, 1781, 377 Efforts to restore the credit of the United States. --Necessity of foreign aid. --Applications are directed to be made to Spain. --Desires a loan of fifteen millions from France to pay off the Loan Office Certificates. To B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 14th, 1781, 383 Requests him to converse with the Paris bankers on the plan of the National Bank. --The bank will deal profitably in bills of exchange. --Intended increase of the capital. To the Governor of Havana. Philadelphia, July 17th, 1781, 384 State of the finances. --Plan of the National Bank. --Solicits deposits from Spain. --Sends bills for this purpose. --Sends a frigate to receive the sum drawn for in specie. To Robert Smith. Philadelphia, July 17th, 1781, 390 Directing him to use his efforts in favor of the bank. --Sends a cargo of flour to be returned in specie. --Bill of exchange on Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. To be presented to the Governor of Havana. To B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 19th, 1781, 395 Supplies obtained by Colonel Laurens. --The proposed new loan may be retained in France. To B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 21st, 1781, 396 Banking operations in regard to the Pennsylvania emission of bills of credit. --Has been unable to fulfil Dr Franklin's contract relative to supplies. Circular to the Governors of the States. Philadelphia, July 25th, 1781, 400 The accounts of the United States with the States will be liquidated as soon as possible. --Desires to be informed of the revenue and financial operations of the State. B. Franklin to Robert Morris. Passy, July 26th, 1781, 405 Expressing his satisfaction with Mr Morris's appointment. --Difficulties in the situation of a public officer. B. Franklin to Robert Morris. Passy, July 26th, 1781, 406 Disposition of the moneys raised in France. To the Governors of several States. Philadelphia, July 27th, 1781, 408 Importance of a compliance with the recommendation of Congress for laying an impost on imports. --Answer to the objection, that commerce will not bear the duty. --Error of the notion that the duty should be carried to the account of the State where levied. --The debt cannot be apportioned to the States. --Hopes of the enemy from disunion. To John Jay. Philadelphia, July 29th, 1781, 414 Enclosing the above letters to the Governor of Havana and Mr Smith. To the President of the Council of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, July 30th, 1781, 415 Financial operation's of Pennsylvania. --Accounts with the United States. --Mr Searle's mission to Holland. George Washington to Robert Morris. Head Quarters, Dobbs's Ferry, August 2d, 1781, 417 Plan of striking a blow in Virginia. --Wishes information as to the probability of obtaining vessels and provisions in the Chesapeake. To M. De la Luzerne. Philadelphia, Aug. 2d, 1781, 419 Fluctuations in the exchange between the United States and France. --Efforts to raise and settle the value of the bills. --The bills issued by the French have disturbed his operations. --Offers to negotiate their bills, or supply the French forces. To M. De la Luzerne. Philadelphia, Aug. 4th, 1781, 423 Rate of exchange. --Sum necessary to supply the French army. To the Governor of Massachusetts. Office of Finance, August 4th, 1781, 424 Desiring him to equip the America, and to fit the Deane and Alliance for sea. To the Governors of Delaware, Maryland, and New Jersey. Philadelphia, August 4th, 1781, 425 Requesting them to comply with the demands of Mr Gouverneur Morris during his absence. To George Washington. Camp, Aug. 13th, 1781, 426 Impolicy of making large demands on the States. --Proposing reforms in the army. --Proposing queries on this subject. George Washington to Robert Morris. Head Quarters, Dobbs's Ferry, August 17th, 1781, 430 Provisions required for the expedition to Virginia. --Necessary to give the troops one month's pay. --Requires five hundred guineas for secret services. To George Washington. Office of Finance, August 22d, 1781, 431 Difficulty of raising specie. To the Governors of New Jersey and Delaware. Office of Finance, August 22d, 1781, 432 Urging the furnishing of supplies. To the Governor of Virginia. Office of Finance, August 23d, 1781, 434 Preparations necessary in Virginia. --Desires information as to the amount of supplies which can be furnished. To Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. Office of Finance, Philadelphia, August 26th, 1781, 435 Bills drawn on them. --Funds deposited to meet the drafts. George Washington to Robert Morris. Chatham, August 27th, 1781, 436 Preparations for the expedition into Virginia. --Desires pay for the troops. To Donaldson Yeates. Office of Finance, August 28th, 1781, 438 Directing him to engage vessels for the transportation of the expedition into Virginia. To B. Franklin. Philadelphia, August 28th, 1781, 439 Drafts on Le Couteulx & Co. --Resignation of M. Necker. --Arrival of Colonel Laurens. --Expedition to Virginia. To the President of Congress. August 28th, 1781, 442 Urges the settlement of the accounts of the States. --A certain quota of the past expenses, except the public debt, should be established for each State. --Amount of the requisitions to March 1st, 1780. --Manner of apportioning the sums. --Accounts since March 18th, 1780. --Reasons for excepting the public debt from this apportionment. --Suggests appropriations for the payment of the debt. --Manner of liquidating accounts of holders of certificates, for articles taken in the public service. To the Governor of Maryland. Office of Finance, Philadelphia, August 28th, 1781, 459 Urges supplies for the operations in Virginia. Circular to the Governors of the States. Office of Finance, September 4th, 1781, 462 Desiring the adoption of measures facilitating the operations of the bank. To the Count de Rochambeau. Office of Finance, September 6th, 1781, 464 Requesting the payment of money promised, to the bearer. To George Washington. Chester, Sept. 6th, 1781, 466 Promising a month's pay to General Lincoln's troops. George Washington to Robert Morris. Head of the Elk, September 6th, 1781, 467 Urging a supply of money for the troops. George Washington to Robert Morris. Head of the Elk, September 7th, 1781, 467 The sum promised by Rochambeau insufficient. To George Washington. Office of Finance, September 10th, 1781, 468 Difficulty of advancing an additional sum of money. B. Franklin to Robert Morris. Passy, September 12th, 1781, 469 Obtains the sum necessary to meet the payments in Holland. --Cannot meet the new drafts. To M. De la Luzerne. Office of Finance, September 20th, 1781, 471 Wishes to be allowed further time for repaying the sum advanced by the Count de Rochambeau. To the President of the Council of Pennsylvania. Office of Finance, September 20th, 1781, 472 Unable to promise any assistance. To M. De la Luzerne. Office of Finance, September 25th, 1781, 473 Amount of bills drawn on Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. --Rates of sale. --Necessities of the United States. To the Speaker of the Assembly of Pennsylvania. Office of Finance, September 28th, 1781, 478 Accounts between Pennsylvania and the U. States. To the Count de Rochambeau. Office of Finance, October 1st, 1781, 484 Reasons for not repaying the sum advanced by him. To Major General Greene. Office of Finance, October 3d, 1781, 484 Inefficiency of the confederacy. --Funds in his hands. To the Commissary General of Purchases. Office of Finance, October 4th, 1781, 486 Virginia, Delaware, and Maryland, must furnish supplies. To Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. Office of Finance, October 12th, 1781, 487 Depositing money subject to his drafts. To the Loan Officers of the States. Office of Finance, October 13th, 1781, 488 Requiring preparations for settling their accounts with the United States. To the Governor of Virginia. Philadelphia, October 16th, 1781, 489 Inadequacy of paper emissions and specific supplies. --Necessity of a revenue in hard money. To the President of Congress. Office of Finance, October 18th, 1781, 490 Impolicy of settling private demands on Congress. --Estimate of sums required for immediate service. Circular to the Governors of the several States. Office of Finance, October 19th, 1781, 494 Too much reliance has been placed on foreign aid. --Aid furnished by France. --Annual expense of the war. --Necessity of a solid revenue. --Urges a compliance with the requisitions of Congress. To Major General Greene, Office of Finance, November 2d, 1781, 502 Difficulty of procuring pecuniary supplies. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF C. A. DE LA LUZERNE; MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM FRANCETO THE UNITED STATES. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF C. A. DE LA LUZERNE. CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, September 10th, 1781. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor ofcommunicating to Congress the commission of M. Holker, as ConsulGeneral of France, in the States of Pennsylvania, New York, NewJersey, and Delaware. He requests Congress to pass an act, or fourdifferent acts, in order to procure for this Consul the _exequatur_ ineach of the States, to which his functions are to extend. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, September 18th, 1781. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor ofinforming Congress, that he has received despatches from his Court, containing important details relative to the communications, whichhave taken place between the belligerent and mediating powers. Hewishes that Congress would be pleased to appoint a committee, to whomhe shall communicate them, and with whom he shall confer upon thepresent state of affairs. He has also received orders from his Court, relative to the advances made on account of the Thirteen States, andconcerning their finances; he will have the honor of communicatingthem to Congress through a committee. LUZERNE. * * * * * COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO CONGRESS. In Congress, September 21st, 1781. The committee, to whom was referred the Memorial of the MinisterPlenipotentiary of France, dated the 18th instant, requesting aconference, report, That they have this day held a conference with the said MinisterPlenipotentiary, and received the following communications containedin sundry despatches from Count de Vergennes, Minister for ForeignAffairs to his Most Christian Majesty, viz. _From a letter of the 19th of April. _--That Count de Vergennes hadtransmitted to the Minister the details respecting the proposedmediation of the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg. The Ministerobserved, that this had already been communicated to Congress througha committee. He repeated, for our recollection, that the acceptance onthe part of France of the proposed mediation depended entirely, atthat time, on the concurrence of the United States; and that withrespect to Spain, its conduct would be determined by the dissolutionof the negotiation with Mr Cumberland. That the Court of Spain hadinformed the Court of London, on the first proposal of the mediationof the Imperial Courts, that as a direct negotiation with the King ofGreat Britain was opened through Mr Cumberland, a mediation wasunnecessary. That affairs since that time had taken a different turn. Mr Cumberlandhas been recalled; and the Catholic King, being now entirely atliberty, has accepted the mediation of the two Imperial Courts. Thatthe King, our ally, had done the same; but that both Kings haddeclared at the same time to the two mediators, that the mediationcould not possibly have any activity, without previously establishingsome fundamental preliminaries. Of this observation the two mediatingCourts had already felt the propriety. That France was then (viz. The19th of April) expecting the effect, which this communication wouldproduce on the Court of London. That the first question proposed byFrance, related to _the admission of an American Plenipotentiary_; andthat the object of the second was to know, _upon what footing the Kingof England intended to treat with the United States_. The Court ofFrance, not knowing that the United States had agreed to accept themediation, again invite us to it. The Minister here observed, that Congress would judge by the questionsproposed to the mediating powers, by the King his master, of theprinciples, by which his Majesty was actuated with respect to theUnited States. He assured us, that his Majesty is invariably resolvedto abide by those principles, and will enter into no negotiationwhatever before he shall receive a satisfactory solution of those twoquestions. He added, that the French Ministry trusted, that thisconduct would more and more convince the United States, and wouldcause them to imitate the example of the King, and to feel that theirhonor and their interest call for their constant attachment, theirfriendship, and unreserved confidence towards him. The Count de Vergennes observes, that it is plain from thesecircumstances, that the negotiation for peace will be full ofdifficulties, and that it will probably be necessary, in pretensionsas well as proceedings, to be very cautious, and to act so as toremove those difficulties, and everything, which might increase theacrimony, to which the English Plenipotentiaries may be naturallyinclined. _From another letter of the same date. _--That when this letter waswritten, the Court had received information of the sentiments of theCourt of London with respect to the United States. The Count deVergennes mentions, that in the act, by which the Court of Londonaccepts the mediation of Russia, and requests the mediation of theEmperor, she declares, that she is ready to make peace, _as soon asthe league between France and her revolted subjects shall bedissolved_. That this pretension had met from the Court of France thecontempt which it deserved. She on her part has declared, that ifthis proposition contained the last determination of England, it wouldbe in vain to think of peace; and she has desired the English Ministryto give a positive answer on the two questions above mentioned. Thatthis declaration had been exactly transmitted by the Court of Viennato that of London; and the result of the answer made by that Court tothe Imperial Majesty is, "_that in all points to be agitated in afuture Congress, England will behave with great equity andcondescension; but the dependence of her rebel subjects in Americamust be pre-established, and that this matter must be left entirely tothe care of Great Britain. _" That it is easily to be perceived, thatwhile things remain in this situation there can be no possibility of amediation or peace. The Count de Vergennes remarks, that Congress will be finallyconvinced, that it is only by arms and the most vigorous exertions, that our independence can be extorted from the Court of London, andnot at all by negotiation or persuasion. That the Court of France willtransmit to the Court of Vienna the sentiments of the King on theBritish answer. That if these sentiments should be forwarded to theCourt of London without any commentary, it is probable they would makebut a slight impression; but it may be hoped from the justice of hisImperial Majesty, that they will be so supported by such reflectionsas to make a greater impression on the British Court; although it isnot to be expected, that the Austrian Court will fully enter into theviews of his Most Christian Majesty, until the matter shall be moreperfectly explained. The Count, nevertheless, urges the necessity ofsending forward proper instructions and powers for the mediation. _From a letter of the 11th of May. _--That the affair of the mediationhas made no progress; and that it is very probable, that the mediatorswill not be soon enabled to begin the negotiation. That the admissionof an American Plenipotentiary presents the greatest difficulties. That the Count, however, will take every measure in his power to havethis admission decided in favor of the United States, before theregular opening of the mediation. The Count urges the Chevalier de laLuzerne to observe to Congress, that the best manner of removing theseobstacles would be a _decisive victory_, gained by the United Statesin the present campaign. _From a letter of the 27th of July. _--Count de Vergennes observes onan opinion, which prevailed in America, respecting the friendlydisposition of the powers of Europe towards the United States, that asyet, not one Court had taken the least step, which manifests theirdisposition towards the United States. That the Courts of Vienna andPetersburg, having assumed the character of mediators, cannot be tooreserved. For by a different conduct they would become obnoxious toone or other of the belligerent powers, and lose the important andglorious part, with which they are intrusted. That it results fromthese observations, that the United States ought to look uponthemselves as being still separated from all other powers; and thatthey have but one professed friend, which is France; and that theUnited States ought to rely principally upon their own resources. The Count de Vergennes observes, that he has talked circumstantiallywith Mr Adams on these subjects, who appeared to be satisfied withwhat had been done in favor of his country. That he had communicatedto Mr Adams the preliminary overtures made by the two ImperialCourts, as well as the intended answer of his Most Christian Majesty. That the great or only difficulty concerns America. That France willdo all in her power to remove that obstacle, upon which depends theactivity of the mediation. That as soon as it shall be removed, orproved to be insurmountable, proper instructions will be forwarded tothe Chevalier de la Luzerne, concerning the conduct, which the stateof affairs will require from Congress. That the Court of France hadreceived, with great satisfaction, information, that Congress weredisposed to trust their interest to the two mediating powers. TheChevalier de la Luzerne is directed to inform Congress, that no useshall be made of this disposition, in the present state of affairs;and that it shall be communicated only when it can be doneconsistently with the dignity of the United States. _From a letter of the 19th of April. _--That Mr Dana has communicatedto Count de Vergennes his appointment, and requested his adviceconcerning the conduct, which circumstances demanded on his part. Thatit gave the Count great pleasure to observe this proof of theconfidence, which Congress and their Ministers reposed in thefriendship and advice of his Court. That the Count informed Mr Dana, that he would run the risk of exposing his person, and the dignity ofthe United States, if he assumed any character whatsoever in Russia, while the Empress had not acknowledged the independence of the UnitedStates, and expected to act the part of a mediatrix, which demandedthe most perfect impartiality. That Mr Dana felt the propriety of theobservation; and proposed to the Count, that he should appear inRussia in the character of a common traveller, keep his commission asecret, and avoid with the greatest care to speak of business, unlessrequested so to do by the Russian Ministry. That the Count fullyapproved of this prudent scheme; and apprized Mr Dana of all thedifficulties he would meet with. He had him recommended to the Marquisde Verac, Envoy Extraordinary at the Court of Petersburg; and theChevalier de la Luzerne is directed to assure Congress, that theMarquis de Verac would do all in his power for Mr Dana's bestreception, and with pleasure assist him with his counsels, as often ashe should have recourse to them. That the Marquis de Verac hadcommunicated to the Russian Ministry the resolution of Congress, concerning the principle of the declaration made by the Empress ofRussia to the belligerent powers. That this Envoy informs the Count deVergennes, that the contents of this resolution had afforded greatsatisfaction to Count Panin, Minister of Foreign Affairs, who intendedto submit it without delay to the perusal of the Empress. That theMarquis de Verac did not doubt, but that she would be pleased with thereadiness of Congress to adopt that principle; and that correspondentresolutions will have been taken respecting the navigation of theneutrals. _From a letter of the 29th of June. _--That the accession of the Stateof Maryland to the general confederation, in the opinion of the Courtof France, presents very great advantages; among which is this, thatCongress having at last acquired that power, which the act ofconfederation has assigned them, it is to be expected, that theirorders will be fully and exactly executed, and that they will takeadvantage of the resources of their country, to give to Americanpatriotism new energy. The Minister is directed to inform Congress ofthe satisfaction the King has received on that account, and to tellthem at the same time, that there is the most pressing necessity totake more effectual measures than heretofore to drive the British outof this continent. It is thought needless to enter into details aboutthe circumstances, which render this measure necessary. The Kingentreats the United States, as his friends, not to lose a moment inacting as vigorously as possible against the common enemy. ThatCongress cannot be particularly acquainted with the different burdens, which France has upon her hands. She wishes to be in a situation tocontinue as effectual assistance to the United States as at thismoment; but future events may happen in a manner different from whatwe may expect, though nothing can change her unalterable resolution tosupport the independence of her ally. The Count de Vergennes observes, that he shall not speak any more of the non arrival of the seconddivision, having reason to believe from orders given to Count deGrasse, that the delay will be judged of greater utility to the UnitedStates, than if the announced reinforcement had been sent in the timeexpected. He adds, that the Chevalier de la Luzerne had been alreadyinformed of the causes, which had prevented a compliance with theexpectation, which he had been authorised to give. _From a letter of the 11th of May. _--That the Count de Vergennes hadbeen informed by the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador to the UnitedProvinces, of the intention of Mr Adams to display his character as aMinister of the United States in Holland. That the Duke gave him noassistance on that occasion, knowing the application would have nofavorable issue. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is directed to informconfidentially a committee, or Congress themselves, of thesecircumstances, in order, that they may transmit to their said MinisterPlenipotentiary such instructions as they may think proper. France istoo much interested in the fate of the United States not to give themsuch counsels as would have for a principal object their advantage andtheir dignity. * * * * * At a second conference, on the 24th of September, the followingadditional communications were made by the French Minister to thecommittee. _From a letter of the 19th of April, 1781. _--That Count de Vergennesremarks, that on the application of Chevalier de la Luzerne, and hisrepresentation of the distresses of the United States, measures hadbeen taken for our aid when Colonel Laurens arrived. That it beingimpossible for the King to comply with all Colonel Laurens's demands, he took the resolution to offer his guarantee for ten millions oflivres tournois, to be borrowed in Holland, for account of the UnitedStates. That the King was sensible of the wants and distresses ofCongress, and wished to relieve them; but that it ought to beconsidered, that the French squadron and troops are in America for ourimmediate assistance. That Count de Grasse's expedition to Americawill occasion great expense; and that all those things collectedtogether, would go far beyond even the expectation of Congress. Thatthe most essential manner of showing the gratitude of the UnitedStates would be, by making all the exertions in their power, toco-operate in a glorious and effectual manner with the King's forcesfor their own speedy deliverance. The Count de Vergennes observes, that a part of the six millions oflivres would be employed in purchasing the different articles, contained in a list delivered by Mr Laurens. That three millions wouldbe given by instalments to Dr Franklin, for the payment of bills ofexchange drawn by Congress. That a fourth million would be reservedfor unforeseen emergencies, and particularly to pay for the suppliesembarked in the ship Lafayette. That Count de Vergennes had been DrFranklin's security for a part of those supplies, amounting to fourhundred and seventeen thousand livres. That he is unacquainted withthe measures, which had been taken to effectuate the loan of tenmillions in Holland, that affair being in the province of M. Necker, who probably would settle that matter with Mr Laurens, or with MrAdams, who at that time was still in Holland to fill up a loan of amillion florins, which he had opened several months before. _From a letter of the 11th of May. _--That Count de Vergennes informsthe Chevalier de la Luzerne, that orders had been given by the King tohave the loan of ten millions, on account of the United States, negotiated; that the Duc de la Vauguyon had received orders to proposeit to the States of Holland, but met with insuperable difficulties, not only because the United States had no credit in Holland, but alsobecause that Province was afraid of exposing itself; and that indeedgranting a loan to the United States would be the same thing ascountenancing their independence, which would be contrary to theobligations entered into by the republic with the neutral powers; thatin order to remove this difficulty, the King had presented himself asa principal borrower, and as being alone accountable for the sums, which were to be furnished. The Count adds, that he thinks these proceedings need no commentary;and that a mere exposition of them will be sufficient to excite thegratitude of the United States, and to engage them at last to make allthe exertions in their power. The Count flatters himself, that themeasures, which have been taken by his Court, will enable Congress toput their finances in the best order. That the Chevalier de la Luzernehad often written to him, that the most certain way to effectuate sohappy an event would be, to put Congress for a while out of theirdistressing situation, and to enable them, by an external relief, totake internal measures without precipitation, and with solidity. Thatthese considerations determined the King; and that from affection hehas done more for his ally than mere prudence would, perhaps, havesuggested to him. That the Council of the King have no doubt but thisresolution will be productive of the good effects, which the Chevalierde la Luzerne had announced. The Count exhorts Congress to take holdof the present circumstances for the common advantage. He thinks ithis duty freely and openly to declare, that the moment is come not tospend the time in expectation, deliberation, and useless exhortations;that though he would wish to avoid every disagreeable intimation, friendship and common interest oblige France to speak without reserve, and with perfect sincerity. That the King has done on this occasionwhat he can do no more; that Congress, if well informed of thesituation of his Majesty's affairs, would be sensible that an exertionlike the present cannot be repeated; and that the Court would feel thedeepest concern, if it was under the disagreeable but indispensablenecessity of refusing the demands of an ally, whose cause is nowbecome its own. _From a letter of the 14th of May. _--That Count de Vergennes observes, that Colonel Laurens had taken leave of the King, and that he ought tobe satisfied with the success of his mission, although he had notobtained all that he demanded. That the Court of France hopes thesedemands will not be renewed; for how disagreeable soever to refuseallies whom the King sincerely loves, necessity would oblige him toreject pecuniary demands of any kind whatsoever. _From a letter of the 27th of July. _--That the Chevalier de la Luzerneobserved, that in March last he informed Congress, that the Court nolonger pay the bills drawn upon France; upon which declaration hebelieves Congress stopped all drafts on Dr Franklin. That he informedthe Court of that resolution of Congress. The Court in the meantimehad resolved to grant a subsidy of six millions, to be employed inpurchasing arms, ammunition, and clothing, to be sent from France tothe United States; and the remainder of the sum to be employed inpaying the drafts of Congress, or of any person they might appoint. MrMorris being appointed Superintendent, the Minister according to hisinstructions authorised him to draw for half a million of livres, andinformed M. Necker of this measure; accordingly funds were preparedfor a regular payment. The Chevalier de la Luzerne had agreed with theSuperintendent, that he might draw in the whole for a million and ahalf, including the half million above mentioned; of all which he hadinformed Count de Vergennes. Colonel Laurens being in the meanwhilearrived in France, it was found from his representation, that the modeof drawing was prejudicial to Congress, and that if the specie wasimported, there would be no loss; and it was agreed, that he shouldbring over two millions and a half, out of the six millions, inspecie. In consequence of this measure, Count de Vergennes acquaintsthe Chevalier de la Luzerne, that he hopes the Superintendent will nothave drawn more than the before mentioned half million of livres. Hewishes it the more earnestly, as bills for a greater sum wouldembarrass the finances of France in a great degree, the goodsdelivered to Colonel Laurens exceeding already the sum remaining outof the six millions, and the goods taken on board the Marquis deLafayette being not yet replaced. For a fuller explanation, the Chevalier de la Luzerne communicated tothe Committee an account of the sums already furnished, and to befurnished from this time to the end of the present year for theservice of the United States. That he had orders to take hold of thisopportunity to repeat to Congress, that the King for the next yearcannot continue any supplies to the United States, even of a much lessnature. That it is time for them to relieve his Majesty from the heavyburdens in a war, which he had undertaken and carries on for theirsakes. That the Count de Vergennes expects that Congress will not havedrawn more bills of any kind after the 1st day of April last; thatfirmly relying on this, he had engaged the King to procure thenecessary sums to answer the bills drawn before that period, anddesired Dr Franklin to accept no more, if he had no other means ofpaying them; that this resolution could not be altered by anycircumstances whatever. The Count de Vergennes proceeds to state, how far the abuse of theKing's benevolence had been carried, he supposes against the will andinstructions and without the knowledge of Congress. That the billsdrawn upon Mr Jay, Mr Adams, and Mr Laurens, had been sent back to DrFranklin, that is, in effect to the Court of France. That the Republicof Holland had been unwilling to hear of any loan, even under theguarantee of the King, when it was known that the money was intendedfor the use of the United States; and that to remove this obstacle, ashe had before observed, the King was induced to present himself as theprincipal borrower. The Court was still unacquainted with the effectof that proposition. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, September 24th, 1781. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor ofcommunicating to Congress a Memorial, which has been sent to him byDon Francisco Rendon. He entreats Congress to take it intoconsideration, and he has no doubt that the resolution, which thatbody shall pass upon the subject, will be as advantageous to thesubjects of his Catholic Majesty as justice will allow. LUZERNE. * * * * * MEMORIAL OF DON FRANCISCO RENDON TO THE MINISTER OF FRANCE. Translation. May it please your Excellency, Don Francisco Rendon, resident in this city, _Encargado de Negocios_for the Court of Spain, with all due respect, informs your Excellencythat in consequence of the articles of capitulation granted to thetroops and inhabitants of his Britannic Majesty at the reduction ofPensacola, by Don Bernardo de Galvez, commander in chief of the forcesof his Catholic Majesty, permission was granted by the Governor of theplace to Captain Jahleel Smith, with his vessel called the Sally, hercrew and passengers contained in the passport, to go to New York, sixof the passengers being prisoners on parole, to be exchanged for anequal number of Spanish prisoners; that in his passage the said flagwas captured by an American vessel, called the Betsy, Captain Enos, belonging to the State of Pennsylvania; that in consequence thereof, the said J. Smith has presented to me a petition and an account, whichI herewith enclose, praying me to obtain for him an indemnificationand payment for the damages he has sustained, and that liberty may begranted him by the supreme authority to pass freely to the place ofhis destination, agreeable to the permission of the Generals of theKing, my master. I therefore entreat, that your Excellency would be pleased to presentthis Memorial, with the documents accompanying it, to the HonorableCongress, and pray them to order payment to be made to the Captain ofthe flag, for the delay and damages occasioned by this capture, andgrant the said prisoners of his Catholic Majesty mentioned in thepassport, free permission to go to New York, in order to dischargetheir parole and obtain their exchange. I am induced by yourExcellency's goodness to hope for this favor, and am, &c. FRANCISCO RENDON. * * * * * CONGRESS TO THE MINISTER OF FRANCE. Philadelphia, September 25th, 1781. Sir, The United States in Congress assembled, ever desirous to observe goodfaith and maintain the rights of neutrality, and sincerely disposed tocultivate the friendship of his Catholic Majesty, have referred theMemorial presented by your Excellency, in favor of Jahleel Smith, master of the schooner Sally; to a committee of Congress, who now haveit under consideration. To form a right judgment of the transaction it is conceived necessary, that an authentic copy of the capitulation granted by his CatholicMajesty's General to the British officer lately commanding atPensacola, and referred to in the Memorial of Don Francisco Rendon, residing in this city, _Encargado de Negocios_ for the Court of Spain, should be communicated to the United States. In the meantime itrequires no deliberation to assure your Excellency, that the laws ofthe land are competent for redressing every injury perpetrated byvessels of war commissioned by the United States, or under theirauthority, although the security for the good behaviour of theofficers and crews may not be adequate to the damages claimed. THOMAS M'KEAN, _President_. * * * * * FROM CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE. The United States in Congress assembled, to their Great, Faithful andBeloved Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France andNavarre. Great, Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally, We feel an additional obligation to your Majesty, for your friendlyreception of our late special Minister Lieutenant Colonel JohnLaurens. By him we received your Majesty's letter, containing newassurances of what the United States have been long convinced, yourMajesty's affectionate patronage of American independence. His report, while it proves that our attachment has not been misplaced, willincrease our gratitude. We have charged our Minister Plenipotentiaryat your Court to render to your Majesty more particularacknowledgments for your zeal for the re-establishment of peace, uponprinciples coinciding with the liberty and sovereignty of the UnitedStates, and for the important succors lately administered to ournecessities. We shall also instruct him to inform your Majesty of thearrangements, which have taken place for calling forth the resourcesof the United States with decision and effect against the commonenemy. We pray God, that he will keep your Majesty, our Great, Faithful andBeloved Friend and Ally, in his holy protection. Done at Philadelphia, the eighteenth of October, in the year of ourLord one thousand seven hundred and eighty one, and in the sixth yearof our independence. By the United States in Congress assembled. Your faithful friends and allies. THOMAS M'KEAN, _President_. Attest, CHARLES THOMSON, _Secretary_. * * * * * THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS. Translation. Very Dear and Faithful Allies, Satisfied of the interest you take in every event which affects us, weare anxious to inform you of the precious mark, which DivineProvidence has just given us of his goodness, and of the protection hehas granted to our kingdom. We do not doubt that you will partake inthe joy we feel on the birth of our son, the Dauphin, of whom theQueen, our most dear spouse, is just now happily delivered. You will easily be convinced of the pleasure, with which we shallreceive every proof that you may give of your sensibility upon thisoccasion. We cannot renew at a period more affecting to us, theassurance of our affection and of our constant friendship for you. Upon which we pray God, that he would have you, very Dear, GreatFriends and Allies, in his holy keeping. Written at Versailles, the 22d of October, 1781. Your Good Friend and Ally, LOUIS. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Philadelphia, October 24th, 1781. Sir, I do myself the honor to transmit you a copy of the resolution, bywhich Congress have been pleased to appoint me their Secretary ofForeign Affairs. They have annexed to this department the agreeableduty of receiving and making those communications, which thereciprocal interest of the allied nations may render necessary. I need not tell you, Sir, with what pleasure I enter upon that task, when (by the direction of Congress) I enclose an account of the signalsuccess obtained by the united arms of America and France. The cementit so happily affords to their connexion may justly be numbered amongthe important advantages, that will result from it to both countries. I have the honor to be, Sir, with the highest respect and esteem, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Translation. Philadelphia, October 25th, 1781. Sir, I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 24thinstant, and it is with the most sincere satisfaction, that I see init your determination to accept the office, to which Congress haveappointed you. It will give me great pleasure to address myself toyou, in sending to Congress those communications, which I shall haveit in my power to make; and I shall be no less flattered to receivethrough you every communication, which that body shall think proper tomake to me. I can assure you, Sir, that the choice now made byCongress will give great satisfaction in Europe, where yourpatriotism, your past services, and your wisdom have long been known. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 2d, 1781. Sir, It is with peculiar pleasure that I obey the directions of Congress inmaking communications, which show their sense of the exertions oftheir ally, and of the merit of the officers he employs. Theconfidence inspired by the first, and the esteem excited by the last, form new bands of union between nations, whom reciprocal interests hadbefore connected. In this view I flatter myself the enclosed acts ofCongress will be agreeable to you, and that you will with pleasurecommunicate to his Most Christian Majesty their desire, with hispermission, to present to the Count de Grasse two pieces of fieldordnance, taken from the enemy at York, with inscriptions calculatedto show that Congress were induced to present them from considerationsof the illustrious part, which he bore in effectuating thesurrender. [1] I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [1] _In Congress, October 28th, 1781. _ "Resolved, That the thanks ofthe United States in Congress assembled be presented to his Excellencythe Count de Rochambeau, for the cordiality, zeal, judgment, andfortitude, with which he seconded and advanced the progress of theallied army against the British garrison in York. "That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled bepresented to his Excellency the Count de Grasse, for his display ofskill and bravery in attacking and defeating the British fleet off theBay of Chesapeake, and for his zeal and alacrity in rendering, withthe fleet under his command, the most effectual and distinguished aidand support to the operations of the allied army in Virginia. "That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled bepresented to the commanding and other officers of the corps ofartillery and engineers of the allied army, who sustainedextraordinary fatigue and danger in their animated and gallantapproaches to the lines of the enemy. "Resolved, That the United States in Congress assembled will cause tobe erected at York, in Virginia, a marble column, adorned with emblemsof the alliance between the United States and his Most ChristianMajesty, and inscribed with a succinct narrative of the surrender ofEarl Cornwallis to his Excellency General Washington, Commander inChief of the combined forces of America and France, to his Excellencythe Count de Rochambeau, commanding the auxiliary troops of his MostChristian Majesty in America, and his Excellency Count de Grasse, commanding in chief the naval army of France in the Chesapeake. "Resolved, That two pieces of the field ordnance, taken from theBritish army under the capitulation of York, be presented by theCommander in Chief of the American army to Count de Rochambeau, andthat there be engraved thereon a short memorandum, that Congress wereinduced to present them from considerations of the illustrious part, which he bore in effectuating the surrender. "Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be directed torequest the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty toinform his Majesty, that it is the wish of Congress, that the Count deGrasse may be permitted to accept a testimony of their approbation, similar to that to be presented to the Count de Rochambeau. " * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 4th, 1781. Sir, I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write on the29th ultimo, and the papers from Count de Grasse, which you had thegoodness to send to me, and for which I beg you will accept mythanks. We are encouraged to hope for your arrival here. I shall be extremelyhappy to be able to testify to you in person the joy, which I havereceived from your success. That joy is universal, and it can butincrease the attachment and esteem of all orders of citizens, and ofmy own countrymen, to your Excellency. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Translation. Philadelphia, November 4th, 1781. Sir, I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 2dinstant, with the resolutions of Congress of the 28th of October, which accompanied it. I have no doubt that they will be most agreeableto his Majesty, and that he will learn with great pleasure, that theremembrance of the success obtained by the allied arms is to bepreserved by a column, on which a relation of this event will beinscribed, and mention made of the alliance. I shall be glad, before any farther resolutions are taken on thissubject, to communicate to you some ideas relative to this monument. It is so honorable to the two nations, and so well adapted toperpetuate the remembrance of their union, that we ought to bemutually desirous of giving it all the solidity and durability ofwhich the works of man are susceptible. Besides, Sir, I observe thatthe United States are named before the King in these resolutions. Thisis the second time within my knowledge, that this form has beenadopted. I remarked on it the first time; and was then positivelyassured, that it was an error, which should be corrected on thejournals. I entreat you to be pleased to let me know distinctly whatusage Congress intends to adopt on this subject, in order that I maymake it known to my Court. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 6th, 1781. Sir, Having been honored with your letter of the 4th instant, I remark withpleasure, that the mode in which Congress propose to perpetuate thesuccess obtained by the allied armies at York, is such as will in youropinion be agreeable to his Most Christian Majesty. As Congress mustconcur with you in wishing to render this monument of the alliance, and of the military virtues of the combined forces as lasting, ifpossible, as the advantages they may reasonably hope to reap fromboth, they will, without doubt, pay all due deference to any ideas youmay think proper to suggest relative to the manner of carrying theresolutions of the 28th of October into effect. I shall receive, Sir, with pleasure, and submit to Congress any communications, that youwill do me the honor to make on this subject. I am sorry to find, that you consider the order, in which the alliednations or their Sovereigns are placed in the resolutions, as anywiseexceptionable. This mode of expression might perhaps be justified bythe absolute equality established between sovereign powers, and thecommon practice of independent nations to recognise no superior inacts to be executed by themselves, within their own limits. But, Sir, I am so well satisfied that Congress wish to avoid discussions, whichmust be treated with great delicacy by nations situated as ours are, where every demand on the one part, not strictly authorised by the lawof nations, might derogate from the generous protection, which we makeit our boast to have received, and the denial of just rights on theother subject us to the imputation of ingratitude, that I think youmay safely rely upon their practice, when some future occasion shallpresent, to evince that the order in which the allied nations arementioned did not originate in any settled rule, and above all, thatno want of respect for his Most Christian Majesty dictated theresolution to which you object. Be persuaded, Sir, that regardless asthe United States are of form and ceremony, in matters that relate tothemselves alone, they will think their endeavor to support France inthe high rank which her extent, wealth, and power have given her, asmall return for the wise and generous use she makes of theseadvantages. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the greatest respect andesteem, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 6th, 1781. Sir, I do myself the honor to submit to Congress a letter to the Ministerof France, which covered their resolutions of the 28th of October, hisanswer thereto, and the draft of a letter in reply to his. As the lastimplies a promise on the part of Congress, I did not think myselfauthorised to send it without their approbation. Congress will observe, that I endeavor to wave a question, whichperhaps it might have been imprudent to answer by a direct avowal ofthe propriety of the resolution, or in the present circumstances toyield in express terms. By seeming to slight matters of mere ceremony, we may avoid troublesome discussions in future, and teach the oldworld by the example of the new to get rid of a clog, which too oftenfetters the most important transactions. I take the liberty to submitto Congress the propriety of directing in the next vote, which theyshall have occasion to pass, in which France and America, or theirSovereigns, are mentioned, the preference to be given to the first, and so that we may seem to have established no rule on a subject of solittle moment as rank or precedence. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 21st, 1781. Sir, Finding by frequent applications from the French Islands, that theirCourts of Admiralty are not fully acquainted with the resolutions ofCongress, passed the 14th of October, 1777, which vest in the captorsthe property of such of the enemy's vessels as are taken by theirmariners; and being called by the letter, a copy of which I do myselfthe honor to enclose, to attend particularly to the case of CaptainJones and his crew, I must beg, Sir, that you will do me the favor torecommend it to the notice of the General and Commander in Chief ofthe French Leeward Islands, for whose use I enclose a certified copyof the above mentioned resolutions of Congress, presuming that theCourt of Admiralty will pay some respect to them in their decisions, though they may not be strictly agreeable to the rules they haveadopted, since it would be highly disadvantageous to both nations tohave that considered as lawful prize in one port, which is not so inanother. But should the Court think they are not warranted incondemning the vessel, she should at least be restored to CaptainJones or his agent, that she might, by being brought to a port of theUnited States, become lawful prize. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * HEADS OF A VERBAL COMMUNICATION MADE TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS BY THE MINISTER OF FRANCE. In Congress, November 23d, 1781. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs laid before Congress the followingheads of a verbal communication made to him by the Minister of France. The Minister of France informed the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, thatthe Count de Vergennes, in a letter to him of the 7th of September, 1781, assured him that the King of France had received with greatpleasure, an account of Mr Adams, Mr Franklin, and Mr Jay'sappointment to the place of Ministers for the negotiation of peace;and after expressing favorable sentiments of them and of Mr Jefferson, from his general reputation, adds, that they have little reason tohope for the assistance of Mr Laurens, since the enemy will probablycontinue his captivity during the war. That the King accepted withpleasure the proofs, which Congress have given him of theirconfidence, when they intrusted to his care the interests of theUnited States. That he would use his influence and credit for theadvantage of his allies, whenever a negotiation should render theirinterests a subject of discussion. That if he did not obtain for everyState all they wished, they must attribute the sacrifice he might becompelled to make of his inclinations, to the tyrannic rule ofnecessity. That, however, he had no reason to believe, that the eventsof the campaign would make an unfavorable change in the situation ofaffairs; and that from the present view of them, he had no cause todread a disadvantageous peace. The Count adds, that he presumes Mr Adams has communicated toCongress his Majesty's refusal to accede to the terms of the mediationof the Imperial Courts, until they should agree to acknowledge theAmerican Plenipotentiaries in the manner most conformable to thedignity of the United States; and observes thereon, that if the Kingwas so attentive to a matter of form, though it might indeed in ourpresent situation be considered as important, he would not be lesstenacious of our more essential interests, which he will be zealous topromote, as far as circumstances will allow. But that ifnotwithstanding this, Congress, or even a considerable part of itsmembers, should regret the confidence they had placed in his Majesty, or wish to free their Ministers from this restraint, his Majesty wouldnot disapprove the measure; provided they made their Ministersanswerable, as in justice they should be, in proportion to the powers, with which they invested them. He expresses his satisfaction at theextensive powers, with which the Ministers are invested as to thematter of boundary, and the truce, which he says, the interests ofFrance as well as of us, require to be as long as possible. With respect to the _statu quo_, he says, that though from the numberof their conquests it would be beneficial both to France and Spain, yet it has not entered into their system so far as it regards America, and that his Majesty accordingly refused to accede to the plan ofnegotiation proposed by the mediating powers, which held up that idea. He exhorts the Minister to recommend to Congress the most vigorousexertions, and to assure them, that the expulsion of the enemy fromthis continent depends in a great measure on the exertion of theUnited States; that France would be able to afford us very littleassistance; and that Britain, so far from discovering any inclinationto peace upon reasonable terms, absolutely refused the plan ofnegotiation proposed by the mediating powers; so that arms alone couldcompel her to it. He mentions, that the King being apprehensive, thatthe capture of the Marquis de Lafayette might reduce us to somedifficulties, had ordered her cargo to be replaced immediately; andthat in consequence of applications from the States of Virginia andMaryland, he had ordered a number of arms and military stores to beshipped to them, subject however to the order of Congress. That thisand the cargo designed to replace that of the Marquis de Lafayette, were to be paid for out of the loan negotiated in Holland, which hehad occasion to think would be completed. He expresses a desire, thatthe plan for the appointment of Consuls should be digested andadopted, as the Court of France wished to make it the basis of somecommercial arrangements between France and the United States. The Secretary for Foreign Affairs further informed Congress, that theMinister of France had communicated to him the following extract of aletter from the Count de Vergennes, which he had transmitted to theSuperintendent of Finance. Extract of a letter from the Count de Vergennes, September 7th, 1781. "We think that since the arrival of Colonel Laurens, you have stoppedthe bills of Mr Morris on Messrs Le Couteulx. If the Superintendenthas not followed your advice, he will cause us some embarrassment, aswe have not destinated any fund for that article. We haveperemptorily declared to Dr Franklin, that we will not in futuredischarge any bills, that had not been drawn with your consent. As toyou, Sir, we cannot but repeat our former instructions on thissubject; and we direct you to authorise no draft even for a smallsum. " * * * * * No. 1. _The Answer of his Most Christian Majesty to the Articles proposed by the two Mediating Courts. _[2] Translation. The mediators are too well satisfied of the moderation of the King, and his constant wish for the re-establishment of peace, not to bepreviously assured, that his Majesty will receive with as muchgratitude as warmth the _Preliminary Articles_ they have communicated. The King, the more fully to convince the two high mediators of hisfrankness and of the purity of his intentions, as well as of theunreserved confidence, that he places in the justice and impartialityof their High Imperial Majesties, believes he ought to make someconfidential observations upon these Preliminary Articles. His Majestyflatters himself, that this will be more acceptable to them as itssole objects are to prevent discussions, which are equallymischievous and complicated, and to facilitate the much wished forsuccess of their generous interposition. "ARTICLE I. _There shall be a negotiation at Vienna, by the united care of the two Imperial Courts, embracing all the objects for the re-establishment of peace, which the belligerent parties, who intrust them with the mediation, shall judge proper to be there proposed. A negotiation shall in the meantime be entered into between Great Britain and her Colonies for the re-establishment of peace in America, but without the intervention of either of the other belligerent parties, or even of the two Imperial Courts, unless their mediation shall be formally demanded and accorded, for this object. _" According to the verbal observations, the expressions in the firstpart of this Article have been used merely to place the King of Spainin a situation to propose the cession of Gibraltar, and this turn hasbeen judged necessary because the Court of London had previouslydeclared, that it ought to be made without reference to this cession, while the Catholic King demands it as a preliminary; as this part ofthe Article immediately affects the Court of Madrid, the King cannotbut refer himself to it for the answer that shall be made thereto. HisMajesty is content to observe, that having united himself in the samecause with the King, his uncle, he neither can nor will separate hisinterests from those of that Prince, and that he regards thesatisfaction he claims as a condition, without which he cannotpersonally treat of those matters. As to the second part of the Article, the two Imperial Courts cannotflatter themselves with the hopes of bringing their mediation to ahappy issue, if they do not prevent the subterfuges, the subteltiesand false interpretations, which either of the belligerent powers mayavail themselves of to explain according to their views thepreliminary propositions, which will certainly happen if they do notpreviously ascertain the sense of the expressions, which relate toAmerica. The Court of London will elude as much and as long as she possiblycan, the direct or indirect acknowledgement of the independence of theUnited States, and will avail herself of the terms, that are used inspeaking of them, to maintain, that she is not obliged to treat withher ancient Colonies as with a free and independent nation. That sheis consequently not reduced to admit a Plenipotentiary on their part, and that she is at liberty to view the American representative as adeputy from a part of her subjects who demand a favor. From whence itwill follow, that when the mediation is in force, and they shall beabout to enter upon the negotiation, that they will dispute thecharacter, in which the American Plenipotentiary shall be received. The King of England will consider him as his subject, while Congresswill demand, that he shall be received as the representative of a freepeople, by means whereof the mediation will be stopped at the firstoutset. To prevent this inconvenience it should seem, that previous to anyother measure, the _character of the American agent_ ought to bedetermined in the most precise and positive manner, and Congressshould be invited to confide its interests to the mediation. Thisinvitation is so much the more interesting, as the negotiationrelative to America should go hand in hand with that of the Courts ofMadrid and Versailles, and by consequence, the negotiations althoughseparate should commence at the same time. But who will invite the Congress to treat with England? The Kingcannot, since the First Article excludes him from the negotiation. This task then can only be executed by the mediators themselves; allthat the King can do, and that he will do with zeal and fidelity, isto invite the Americans to the peace, and to facilitate it by everymeans that they believe compatible with their essential interests. Butthat the King may take this step with safety, and the hopes ofsuccess, and with the certainty of not rendering himself suspected bythe Americans, it is necessary that he should first know thedetermination of the mediators upon the observations now made to them, and that this determination should be such as to secure to theAmerican States their political existence. The two high mediators and their Ministers are too enlightened not toperceive, that without this preliminary measure the Congress will sendno person to Vienna, and that the King can make no attempts to engagethem thereto, without incurring the danger of involving himself, bymeans whereof, and for the reasons already urged, the mediation willbe stopped at its first outset. These reflections appear to merit themost serious attention of the two mediating Courts. "ARTICLE II. _This separate peace cannot, however, be signed, except conjointly, and at the same time with that of the powers whose interests shall be treated by the mediating Courts. Although neither peace, notwithstanding they are treated separately, shall be concluded without the other, yet care shall be taken to inform the mediators constantly of the progress of that, which regards Great Britain and the Colonies, to the end, that the mediation may be able to regulate the measures intrusted to it according to the state of the negotiation relating to the Colonies, and both of the pacifications, which shall have been separately concluded at the same time, shall be solemnly guarantied by the mediating Courts, and by every other neutral power, whose guarantee the belligerent powers may think proper to claim. _" When the United States shall have been duly called to the Congress atVienna, and shall have commenced their separate negotiation withEngland, this Article will make no difficulty with his Majesty. "ARTICLE III. _To render the negotiations of peace independent of events of war, always uncertain, which may arrest, or at least retard their progress, there shall be a general armistice between the two parties, during the term of one year, reckoning from ---- of the month of ---- of the present year, or reckoning from the month of ---- of the year 1782. Should it happen, that a general peace should not be re-established during the first term, or whilst the duration of either of these terms continues, everything shall remain in the same state, in which it shall be found at the signing of these preliminaries. _" This Article includes two objects equally important; an armistice anda _statu quo_. The mediators have already acknowledged, that withoutthis preliminary basis, they cannot enter upon a serious negotiationfor a peace; and, for still stronger reason, these preliminariesshould be established before a truce can be spoken of. The two mediating Courts are themselves of this opinion, since they donot propose the armistice, but in consequence of the acceptation ofthe first and second Preliminary Articles. The King thinks, thatbefore they can agree to an armistice, it is necessary that thebelligerent parties should have established preliminaries; and itcannot be denied, that the basis, which the high mediators haveproposed, may lead to a delay of those preliminaries, which shouldserve as the pledge and security for the re-establishment of peace, when, in fact, they really afford none. But when these preliminaries shall be invariably established, it maybe of consequence to determine what duration should be given to thesuspension of arms. The plan of the mediators proposes one year; butthis term appears too short not to be illusory. In fact, it should beobserved, that the fire of war being kindled in the four quarters ofthe world, one part of the year will have revolved before the orderscan be received by the respective commanders; so that tranquillitywill be established in Europe, while hostilities continue in Americaand in the Indies. Besides, all the powers remaining armed, theslightest circumstance may occasion a violation of the truce. In fine, it is in vain to flatter ourselves with the hope ofconcluding a definitive peace in the short space of one year; as, exclusive of the variety of subjects, that must necessarily bediscussed, the two mediating Courts are at a great distance from eachother; nor is there less between the belligerent powers; and we shoulddeceive ourselves, if we supposed, that all the propositions, whichwill be made on the one part, and on the other, will not give room formuch debate and altercation; or, that they will not, consequently, consume much time. To these considerations we ought to add, that an armistice for oneyear would be very burdensome, because the powers at war will beobliged to remain in arms, to their manifest loss, as it will beimpracticable to disarm, as well from the dispersion of the troops, asfrom the enormous expense, if, (which is highly probable) it shouldbecome necessary to renew hostilities. If, then, the mediators wishsincerely to establish the peace they propose, they should prefer atruce of many years to a simple armistice for one year. This expedientis better adapted to consolidate their work, than a suspension of armsfor a short time. But a truce will have the same inconveniences, andbe equally dangerous with an armistice, if the belligerent powersremain under arms. Thus it seems necessary to agree at the same timereciprocally to disarm. But supposing these two points settled, there remains another equallyimportant, that is the _statu quo_. Neither France nor Spain have anyreason to reject it, so far as they are individually concerned. Thisis not the case with the Americans. To be satisfied of this, we needonly cast our eyes upon the _points_, that the British troops actuallyoccupy upon the continent of North America. The question, then, willbe to obtain the consent of the United States, and this consent canonly be demanded by the two Courts that offer their mediation, for thereasons that have already been urged. "ARTICLE IV. _This plan of negotiation being adopted by all the parties, the belligerent powers shall request the mediators to open the conferences of the Congress, and shall without delay give their respective plenipotentiaries such full powers and instructions, as they shall judge necessary for the success of the negotiation. _" The King will conform himself, with as much pleasure as earnestness, to this Article, as soon as the preliminary basis shall be irrevocablyestablished, agreeably to the observation above mentioned. And theKing will then authorise his plenipotentiaries to treat immediately ofthe Preliminary Articles, which should lead to a cessation ofhostilities; and, as soon as these Articles shall have been agreed to, to labor with zeal and assiduity for the early conclusion of adefinitive treaty. The high mediators may be assured, that his Majestywill facilitate this double task by every means, which he shall deemcompatible with his dignity, with his interest, and with those of hisallies; and that as far as depends upon him, they will acquire theglory of having established, upon a solid and unalterable basis, thepeace and tranquillity of every part of the world. FOOTNOTES: [2] Austria and Russia proposed to act as mediators for a generalpeace about the beginning of the year 1781. Some particulars on thissubject will be found in _John Adams's Correspondence_, Vol VI. P. 98;--also in _Flassan's Diplomatic Française_, Vol. VII. P. 300. --Thepapers here inserted are imperfect, but they are all that could befound in the Department of State. They will serve to illustrate thatpart of the preceding communication of M. De la Luzerne, which relatesto the proposed mediation. * * * * * No. 2. _The Answer of the Court of London to the Preliminary Articles proposed by the Mediating Courts. _ I am authorised to return an answer to the paper, which, by order ofyour Court, you delivered me, and of which I have given an account tohis Majesty. The answers marked A and B, [3] which I have the honor to submit toyou, explain the unalterable sentiments of the King, upon pointsessential to his dignity, and demonstrate the reasons, that obligedhis Majesty to decline the plan proposed, so far as it relates to hisrebellious subjects. The King knows the justice and the impartialityof the mediating Courts, and he considers the plan with that spiritof conciliation which they give birth to. But his Majesty cannot butsee it in a very different point of view, from that in which itappeared to the august mediators when they supposed it admissible inall points. The King persuades himself, that after having considered it again, they will not entertain the same judgment relative thereto asheretofore; and that they will even cease to wish that it should beadmitted, since, from their intention, as well as from the principles, which they have laid down with so much wisdom, and which the Kingadopts altogether, it necessarily results, that everythinginconsistent with the dignity of his Majesty, the essential interestsof his nation, and the rights of his crown, is inadmissible. A justand honorable peace with the belligerent powers, under the mediationof the two Imperial Courts, is the first object of his Majesty'swishes. The King knows, that the two august mediators will pursue thegreat work, that they have undertaken, with the same sentiments, whichinduced them to engage therein, the desire of being useful to thebelligerent powers; and his Majesty hopes, that their generous carewill be crowned with success, and that they will serve to reconcileall the sovereigns at war, by a safe and honorable peace, which itshall be the interest of all parties to accept, and which shall notwound the dignity of either of them. The sincere desire of peace, the gratitude due to the augustsovereigns, who have been willing to charge themselves with themediation of it, and the sentiments with which the King will alwaysreceive whatever shall be proposed to him by them, would dispose hisMajesty to accept the proposed Articles, if that acceptation could bereconciled to his dignity, the interests of the empire, and the rightsof his crown. 1st. On every occasion, in which there has been a question ofnegotiation, since the commencement of the war with France, the Kinghas constantly declared, that he could never admit in any mannerwhatsoever, nor under any form, that there should be any interferencebetween foreign powers and his rebellious subjects. 2dly. The resolution of his Majesty upon this important object isfounded upon what the King owes to his own dignity, upon the essentialinterests of his people, and upon the incontestible right, which everySovereign has to determine at his pleasure, that which is clearlywithin his jurisdiction. This resolution is as immutable, as thefoundation upon which it rests. From the application of this principleto the different points of the first, second, and third articles, results the melancholy, but indispensable necessity of declining allthat is proposed in these different articles relative to therebellious subjects of his Majesty. The King invariably entertains the desire, which he has so oftenmanifested, of terminating the war in which he is engaged with thebelligerent powers, by a just and honorable peace, under the mediationof the Imperial Courts, and for this purpose his Ministers shall befurnished with instructions and full powers, necessary to treat of allobjects directly relative to the said powers. They shall be ordered topursue the negotiation conformably to the principles explainedtherein, with all possible zeal, and to contribute on their part everysuitable means to conduct it to a happy end. FOOTNOTES: [3] These papers are missing. * * * * * No. 3. _The verbal Answer of the King of Great Britain to the to the verbal Observations made by the Count de Belgiojoso, Austrian Ambassador in London. _ Since the King finds himself under the necessity of declining a planproposed by the two mediating Courts, he should think himself wantingin that respect, which is due to them on so many accounts, if he didnot give some details of the reasons, which have rendered itindispensable for him to take this step. His Majesty is persuaded, that when the two august mediators shall have considered them withthat spirit of justice and impartiality, which characterises them, they will become sensible of their weight. The King would derogate from his rights of sovereignty, should heconsent in any manner to the admission of any person whatever, delegated to the Congress by his rebel subjects; this admission beingabsolutely incompatible with their quality of subjects. For the samereason, conciliatory measures employed to put an end to a rebellion, ought not to be intermixed, either in their commencement or in theirconclusion, with a negotiation between sovereign States. In consequence of the same principle, his Majesty can never enter intoany engagements, nor adopt any plan, which may limit or suspend theincontestible right, which every Sovereign has, to employ all themeans in his power to terminate a rebellion kindled in his dominions, either by the progress of his arms, or by conciliatory means employedin the country itself. If, instead of taking advantage of the presentdisposition of a great part of his rebellious subjects to return totheir allegiance, he was to stop the effect and progress of thatdisposition by stipulating a suspension of arms, he would retard theinstant of that reconciliation, which he wishes so much to hasten, andwould furnish the leaders of the rebels with the means of fosteringand strengthening their rebellion, and oppressing the well-affected bythe weight of their usurped authority; he would put it in the power ofhis enemies to prolong the troubles, if he made the return of peace inAmerica to depend on the success of a negotiation with a belligerentpower, a negotiation which it would always be in their power to renderfruitless. The favorable intentions of the King towards his rebellious subjects, and his desire to make them experience the effects of his clemency, and restore to them the happiness, which they enjoyed before theirrebellion, are generally known, but whatever may be the arrangements, which his Majesty will make to restore and ensure the quiet of hisColonies, and link the happiness of his American subjects to that ofthe metropolis, they will be in their nature as all things are, whichare merely national, arrangements of internal policy, and as such, they cannot properly be the object of the mediation or guarantee ofany foreign power. When the King availed himself of the dispositionsof the two Imperial Courts and employed their mediation, his Majestygave it plainly to be understood, that he aimed at the restoration ofpeace between the belligerent powers, to which alone it appeared tohim that a mediation could be applied. Persisting invariably in thesame sentiments, the King wishes that the mediation, at the same timethat it confines itself to this particular object, may comprehend itin its full extent, and that the war between Great Britain and theRepublic of Holland may be included in it. If the negotiation is opened, agreeably to these principles, anddirected solely to this salutary end, if the other belligerent powersbring to it the same conciliatory spirit which his Majesty will show, the generous care of the mediating powers will meet with a success themost complete, and the most conformable to their views. * * * * * No. 4. _Reply of the Mediators to the Belligerent Powers. _ Translation. The Courts of Versailles and Madrid having transmitted to the twoImperial Courts their respective answers[4] to the Articles proposedto serve as a basis to the negotiation, which had been communicated tothem, as the Court of London had done on the 15th of June last, thetwo Imperial Courts think, that they must not delay to communicatetheir reply reciprocally to the three respective Courts, as necessaryto their mutual direction, and they have directed in consequence theirAmbassadors and Ministers with the said Courts, to present copies ofthem to their respective Ministers. Their Imperial Majesties have seen with the greatest satisfaction, inthat which was transmitted to them by his Most Christian Majesty, theassurance of the grateful sentiments and real pleasure, with which hisMajesty has received the said Articles, but they could not but be somuch the more affected by the exposition of the motives, which haveappeared to his Britannic Majesty sufficient to prevent hisacceptation of them. It appears convenient to them in the actual stateof things to refer to another time, and other circumstances theobservations, which they might produce, and which it would probably beuseless to expose in the present moment, but what cannot be so eitherat present or in future, is that the belligerent powers may see intheir proper light the Articles, which have been proposed to them, andmay in consequence appreciate them properly. The mediating powers could not allow themselves to make anypropositions, which might wound the dignity or delicacy of either ofthe parties, or any of those, which might in the first instant haveobliged them implicitly or explicitly to decisions, which can only bethe result of a consent obtained by the way of negotiations. They mustconsequently have confined themselves to seeking and finding out someproper means to enable the belligerent powers to assemble theirrespective Plenipotentiaries, at the place where the Congress shallsit, to endeavor, under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, tosettle amicably all the differences, which are the causes of thepresent war, and when once they have met, and are provided withinstructions for all possible cases, to be continually at hand, toseize one of those happy moments, which circumstances sometimes bringon, and which are often lost forever, or at least for a great while, when one has not been at hand to take advantage of them. They have found at the same time no other inconveniency in this, butthat perhaps the progress of the negotiation might not be altogetherso rapid as it would undoubtedly be wished. The suspension of arms andof the _statu quo_ by itself, independent of the remaining part of theproposition, can either be adopted or rejected; and after havingweighed with the greatest impartiality the inconveniencies andadvantages, which may result from the acceptation of theirpropositions, it has consequently appeared to them, that nothing couldbetter suit the respective interests of the belligerent powers, aswell as their general and particular circumstances. They still persistin that opinion, and from the sincere interest, which they take in thecircumstances of all the belligerent parties, they cannot but wish, that they might still admit between themselves, with suchmodifications as they should think proper, the Articles, which havebeen proposed to them, and which, as his Most Christian Majesty wellobserves, are not Preliminary Articles, as in the nature of thingsthey could not be such, but which can no less be the means, not onlyof bringing on at one moment or other the conclusion of a preliminarytreaty, but perhaps even that of peace, a speedy return of which is somuch to be wished for. The two Imperial Courts have thought, that in return for theconfidence, with which his Most Christian Majesty has expressedhimself in his answer, they ought to show as much in exposing to himthe light, in which they have seen the step they have taken inproposing the Articles, which they have caused to be communicated tohim, and which they still persist in holding out, that the belligerentparties may still be able to adopt what has been proposed to them, orif not, to communicate some other idea, which may be productive of thesame good effects, or of happier ones if possible. His Most ChristianMajesty may be persuaded beforehand, that in that case they will withthe greatest zeal make such use of it as they shall think most usefuland convenient. Nothing can certainly add to the sincerity, with whichthey will take care to justify on every occasion the confidence, whichthe high belligerent parties have shown in accepting their mediation. FOOTNOTES: [4] The answer of the Court of Madrid is missing. * * * * * No. 5. _Answer of the Court of France to the Reply of the Mediators. _ Translation. The King has received, with equal sensibility and gratitude, theanswer of the two mediating Courts; his Majesty regards it as a newproof of their friendship for him, of the just estimate which theyform of his confidence in their impartiality, and of the true interestwhich they take in the prompt re-establishment of peace. The King has not changed, and will not change, in his desire to secondviews so salutary; and the two high mediating powers may be assured, that so far as concerns his Majesty, it will not be owing to him, ifthey are not soon in a situation to give full scope to theirbeneficent zeal. But the Court of London deprives the King of every expedient and everyhope, on this subject, by its invariable resolution to regard andtreat the Americans as its subjects. Such a resolution rendersabortive every exertion, that may be made for obtaining peace. Itutterly destroys the plan of the two mediating powers, since itdecides, in the most peremptory manner, the question which is thesubject of dispute, and the direct or indirect decision of whichshould be the preliminary basis of the future pacification. In this state of things the King thinks, that the conferences, proposed by the two mediating Courts, would at present be withouteffect, and that the meeting of the respective plenipotentiaries wouldbe but a vain pretence, which would not diminish nor abridge thehorrors of war, and which might compromise the dignity of theirImperial Majesties. The King is truly sorry to see, that things have taken a direction socontrary to his wishes, and to the expectations of their ImperialMajesties; and, if it were in his power to change it, he would do itwith an eagerness, which would show to them the purity of hisintentions; but his Majesty thinks it his duty to observe, that he hasallies with whom he has inviolable engagements, that he should betraythem by abandoning the American cause, and that he should betray thiscause, if he consented to negotiate a peace separate from andindependent of the United States. The high mediating powers haveperceived the impossibility of such a proceeding, since they havethemselves proposed to place the negotiation of the King, and that ofthe United States, upon an equal footing. But even admitting, that the King should lay the affairs of Americaout of the question, that he should be content to act only for his ownpersonal interest, and that he should leave to the Americans the careof coming to an accommodation with their mother country, what wouldbe the result of this mode of proceeding? The result would be, that the peace would be deceptive; that it wouldhave a merely speculative existence. In fact, if, as appears from thestrongest evidence to be probable, the Americans should persist intheir refusal to return to their obedience to the British crown, thewar between Britain and her former colonies would still continue. TheKing would then be obliged, as at present, to assist them; the King ofSpain, on his part, would be under the necessity of assisting hisMajesty; so that France and Spain, after the signature of theirprivate treaty, would be in the same situation as they now are. These considerations seem to the King to be most forcible, and hisMajesty has too just an idea of the wisdom and penetration of the twohigh mediating powers, not to be convinced, that they will regard themin the same point of view, and that they will wholly approve thecautious course which they oblige him to pursue. The King is earnestly desirous to be able to change this course, andit is in consequence of this desire, that he invites the highmediating powers to employ all their influence at the Court of Londonto induce that Court to show dispositions, which may convince us, thatit is at last resolved to unite, in good faith, in a prompt andequitable peace. The King thinks, that he ought to inform the high mediating powers, that his Ambassador at Vienna is at present authorised to attend toall overtures and all expedients, which tend to this object, whetherthey come from the Court of London, or are proposed by their ImperialMajesties; and he is also authorised to join in the negotiation, ifsufficient grounds are presented to him, for conducting it safely to ahappy conclusion, under the auspices of their Imperial Majesties. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 23d, 1781. Sir, I have the honor of sending to you a letter, which I wrote to thecommanding officer of St Domingo, in consequence of that with whichyou honored me yesterday. Be pleased to send the two despatches to those interested, in orderthat they may send them to their _Fondé de Procuration_ by safeopportunities. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE. The United States in Congress assembled to their Great, Faithful, andBeloved Friend and Ally, Lewis the Sixteenth, King of France andNavarre. Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, At a period so glorious to the arms of France, both by sea and land, and so favorable to the fortunes of America, it is with particularsatisfaction that we congratulate the Monarch, whose wise counsels andgenerous support have so largely contributed to events, illustrious inthemselves, and promising consequences truly important. We wish to convey to your Majesty our sense of the victory obtained bythe Count de Grasse over the enemy's fleet on our coast, and thesubsequent reduction of the British armament in Virginia; and werepeat our grateful acknowledgments for the various aids so seasonablyextended to us. From the benevolence and magnanimity, which hashitherto interested your Majesty in the welfare of these States, weare convinced, that you will on this occasion feel an equal pleasurewith ourselves, whose immediate advantage is the result of suchfortunate exertions. We mention with great pleasure the zeal and ability manifested by theCount de Rochambeau, commanding your Majesty's forces in the alliedarmy. His conduct, and that of his officers under him, merit ourfullest approbation; and we are made further happy by the perfectharmony and affection, which has subsisted between the troops of thetwo nations. The distress occasioned to the common enemy by combined operationswill, we trust, point out to both nations the utility of similarmeasures in future; and whilst it induces your Majesty to supply thatnaval force, which the situation of our country renders necessary, will urge the United States to every effort which their particularinterests, added to their desire of seconding your Majesty's views, can call forth to ensure the complete success of attacks upon theenemy's strong holds. It is with great pleasure, that the United States continue to numbersome of your Majesty's subjects amongst their most able, spirited, andfaithful officers. It affords the world a striking proof of theintimate connexion, which subsists between the allied nations, at thesame time serves to cement the union which it manifests. Major General the Marquis de Lafayette has in this campaign so greatlyadded to the reputation he had before acquired, that we are desirousto obtain for him, on our behalf, even notice in addition to thatfavorable reception, which his merits cannot fail to meet with from agenerous and enlightened Sovereign; and in that view, we have directedour Minister Plenipotentiary to present the Marquis to your Majesty. We pray God, Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, always tokeep your Majesty in his holy protection. Done at Philadelphia, the twentyninth day of November, in the year ofour Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone, and in the sixthyear of our independence. By the United States in Congress assembled. Your faithful Friends and Allies. JOHN HANSON, _President_. CHARLES THOMSON, _Secretary_. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, December 11th, 1781. Sir, I have received the letter, with which you yesterday honored me. Ihave, consequently, the honor of sending you triplicate copies of aletter, which I wrote to the Count du Durat, Governor of Grenada. Bepleased to send it to the persons whom it concerns, and at the sametime to advise them to annex to it copies of their memorial in French. I hope that it may prove satisfactory to them. I can do nothing elsein affairs of this kind, except to invite the Admiralties of ourIslands to take them into consideration. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO COUNT DU DURAT, GOVERNOR OF GRENADA. Translation. Philadelphia, December 11th, 1781. Sir, I have the honor of sending you a copy of a memorial presented to theState of New Hampshire, and sent by that State to Congress, relativeto a ship carried to Grenada by some American sailors, whom theEnglish had compelled to serve on board of her. I do not know what arethe rules or usages, to which the Admiralty of Grenada conform in suchcases, I merely inform you, Sir, that by the laws of Congress, wheninsurgent sailors bring an English vessel into the ports of the UnitedStates, it is adjudged as a prize to them. The Admiralty of StDomingo, knowing these laws, have not hesitated, in a similar case, torestore the prize to the Americans, who had conducted it into port, after deducting the expenses of the proceeding. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, December 21st, 1781. Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose an extract of my letter to DrFranklin, on the subject of the late ordinance of Congress, relativeto captures. Though in it I suggest a mode, by which the identity ofgoods captured and shipped may be authenticated, yet I have notthought it prudent to give it the preference to any other, which DrFranklin, upon communicating with the Minister, may think more proper. I have only to request, that you will by your representations secondhis, and urge the Court of France to adopt the regulation abovesuggested, or any other that will best guard against this illicitcommerce on the one hand, or the injury of innocent dealers on theother. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, January 19th, 1782. Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose two letters from Mr Deane, which weredelivered with his own hand to a Mr Marshal, who has sworn to theiridentity. These add so much weight to the suspicions alreadyentertained against him, that they may probably be of use to yourCourt in justifying any measure, which they may deem it proper toadopt, to prevent the ill effects of the principles he endeavors todisseminate, and to invalidate the ill-founded assertions he makes. I beg to be informed whether you think it probable that the Hermionehas sailed yet, and if not, whether you have any express going down toher. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, January 20th, 1782. Sir, I thank you for communicating to me Mr Deane's two letters. I shalltransmit them to my Court. I am not at present, sending any express tothe Chesapeake, but I shall probably send one as soon as I shall havereceived the letters, which should have been brought by the Sybil. Itis still possible that the Hermione may be charged with them. I proposed to have the honor, at the first opportunity, of conversingwith you upon a circumstance, which it is desirable that Congressshould alter. In the State of Massachusetts there is no Marshal of theCourt of Admiralty. The custom in that State is, to put into the handsof the agent of the _libellant_ the effects _libelled_, and theproceeds of their sale, if it has taken place. This practice hasalready been attended with great inconveniences, as it respects Frenchmerchants, and particularly as it respects a Spanish vessel, theowners of which, it is thought, have lost from twentyfive to thirtythousand pounds sterling, merely because the contested property hadnot been put into the hands of a responsible public officer. You willbe better able, Sir, than I am, to judge by what means theseinconveniences may be remedied. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, January 24th, 1782. Sir, Reflecting that our not communicating the resolutions of the 22d toyou, when we send them to Dr Franklin, might appear to the Count deVergennes to betray a want of confidence in you, which I am persuadedCongress do not entertain, I am led to consider my not having receivedinstructions to communicate them as a mere accidental omission, andaccordingly take upon me to enclose a copy of them. You will, Ipresume, put them in cypher before they are sent off. To give youleisure to do it, I have not sent them to your house, but have orderedmy servant to find you at the Assembly. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, January 25th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor of sending back the resolution of Congress of the 22dinstant, and of thanking you for this communication. The letterswhich I have had to write to France, in answer to those which Ireceived by the Sibyl, being now finished, I shall have the honor ofcommunicating to you, before the end of the week, the news which Ihave received. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, January 28th, 1782. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France to the UnitedStates, has the honor of informing Congress that a great part of theloan of ten millions of livres tournois, opened in Holland on accountof the United States, was taken up in October last, and that theinterest on it has been fixed at 4 per centum. It is now proper thatCongress should be pleased to send to Mr Franklin, the instructionsand the authority necessary for performing the acts required to bindthe United States, in their engagements with his Majesty on account ofthis loan, as well as of the interest and expenses which it hasoccasioned. The undersigned has informed the Superintendent of theFinances, that after deducting the money advanced by his Majesty forthis loan, there would remain about four millions of livres, at thedisposal of the United States when the loan is entirely taken up. LUZERNE. * * * * * THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, January 29th, 1782. Sir, The Minister of France informed me, that he was desirous of makingsome communications from letters received by the Sibyl. Ten o'clockthis day was appointed to receive them. He accordingly came, and readto me passages of a letter of Count de Vergennes to him, dated October17th, 1781, which contained in substance, That France wished (as was evident, from her going into the war on ouraccount) to obtain every advantage for us. That powers at war mustoften be governed by circumstances. That if events would enable her tocommand them, we might depend on everything she could obtain. That herpolitical system depended not only on America, but on the other powersat war. That if France should continue hostilities merely on accountof America, after reasonable terms were offered, it was impossible tosay what the event might be. That his Majesty was, however, at allevents, determined to adhere to the true principles of the alliance, and would farther endeavor to obtain for us whatever we demanded, asfar as events would justify. He observed, that people in America appeared to be greatly deceivedwith respect to the disposition of the belligerent and mediatingpowers, and to imagine that all were anxious for a peace; that thiswas so far from being the case, that Great Britain had not yetreturned any answer to the overtures of the Imperial Courts, nor hadany reply been made by the latter to the answer given them by France, from which delay it might be easily imagined peace was far distant. That from the present situation of Spain, there was strong reason tosuppose she could not spare us any money, her own operations requiringall she had. That he hoped France would not be called upon to make upher deficiencies, as they were in no situation to make new grants. Besides, that in order to rid us of our embarrassments, they hadalready made efforts in our behalf, which they had reason to believeexceeded our expectations, and that what they had done for Americathis year, entitled them to an exemption from further demands. In a letter of October 20th, 1781, from the Count de Vergennes to theMinister of France, it is observed, that the United Provinces wouldnot embarrass themselves at present by an alliance with us; that inthis they will follow the example of Spain; that, however, it will beprudent to keep an agent in Holland, and direct him to adviseconstantly with Dr Franklin, that we may observe some consistency inour politics. That he fears America founds hopes on the aid of Russia;that nothing can be more groundless; that though he believes she isnot averse to the independence of America, yet we ought not to expectthat she will move a step in our favor; that she has no particularinterest in terminating the war; that as she means to assume thecharacter of a mediator, she must preserve that of justice andimpartiality; that nothing, therefore, can extort from her measuresthat are favorable to us, but a conviction, that we cannot be broughtback to the dominion of Great Britain. That this should lead us tothink (a sentiment which he desires the Minister to inculcate) thatour success depends upon our exertions, and upon our relinquishing theinactivity into which false hopes, excited by success, do sometimesplunge us. He repeated, that France could lend us no more money; that the tenmillions borrowed upon our account in Holland, were greatly sunk byadvances made in France; that no bills would be paid in France, whichthe Minister did not authorise us to draw; that he hoped our officerswould have too much prudence to risk the credit of the United Statesby drawing; that the negotiations are still inactive, and will remainso, till events oblige one or other of the parties to sue for peace. That the success of the expedition against Portsmouth (that being thesupposed post of Cornwallis) might possibly have some effect. That thegreat object of England is America; that she will not cede it whileshe can carry on the war; that she will certainly make great exertionsthe ensuing campaign; that equal exertions are therefore necessary onour part. That Spain and Holland view America as the great obstacle toa peace, from which consequences may flow, which people of judgmentmay easily foresee. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Versailles, January 31st, 1782. I have received, Sir, the letter with which you honored me on the 20thof October of last year. I heard of your appointment as Minister ofForeign Affairs of the United States, with the greater pleasure, as Ialready knew the extent of your knowledge and your zeal for theinterests and the glory of your country. I am convinced, Sir, that it will be the dearest object of your caresand labors to support the cause for which the United States arecontending, and to maintain the principles, which serve as the basisof the union between them and his Majesty. Be assured, Sir, that Ishall omit nothing that lies in my power, effectually to second yourgood intentions. My confidence in your zeal and patriotism is equal tothe sentiments of respect, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient and humble servant, DE VERGENNES. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, February 1st, 1782. Sir, I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 31stultimo, and the affidavit enclosed in it. I have the honor of sendingit back to you, and I also annex a letter for the commanding officerof the Island of St Domingo. It will be necessary, that Mr WilliamMarshall should be charged to prosecute this affair himself. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * _Instructions to Dr Franklin. _ In Congress, February 5th, 1782. On the Report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to whom wasreferred the note (dated January 28) from the Minister of France, Resolved, That the following powers and instructions be given to theMinister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the Courtof Versailles. Whereas, the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty has informed theUnited States in Congress assembled, that the loan of ten millions oflivres tournois, opened in Holland on account of these United States, was in a great measure completed in October last, and requested inconsequence thereof, that full powers might be expedited to bind theseUnited States to discharge the principal and interest of the saidloan, agreeably to the terms thereof, with such expenses as might haveaccrued in making such loan; you are, therefore, hereby authorised, directed, and empowered, to enter into such engagements with his MostChristian Majesty, with the States General of the United Provinces, with any particular State or Province, or with any man or body of menwhatsoever, with whom you may find it necessary to enter intoengagements, for the purpose of binding these United States todischarge the said loan, with interest, agreeably to the termsthereof; and also for the repayment of such expenses as have arisen, or may arise by reason of the said loan. And the said United States ofAmerica do hereby pledge their faith to confirm what you shall executein pursuance of the above power. JOHN HANSON, _President_. * * * * * RESOLVES OF CONGRESS RESPECTING THE COMMUNICATIONS MADE BY THE MINISTER OF FRANCE. In Congress, February 8th, 1782. On the Report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to whom wasreferred the communication made to him by the Minister of France, (November 23d) containing, among other things, an opinion of Count deVergennes, that his Catholic Majesty will not have it in his power toadvance any money to the United States; and expressing in strong termsthe Count's hopes, that the United States will not imagine that Franceshould make up the sums they expected from Spain, after the assistancethey have already derived from France; Resolved, That Congress are fully sensible of the frequent, friendlyand generous interposition of his Most Christian Majesty in theirbehalf, and are led from thence to hope a continuation of hisassistance, since nothing has been wanting on their part, so to applythe aid he generously affords, as to distress the common enemy, andlead to the great object of their alliance, a safe and honorablepeace. Resolved, That Congress cannot, without injustice to themselves andtheir ally, withhold from him a knowledge of their presentcircumstances, or neglect to mention the ruinous consequences that mayattend a refusal of those aids, which as well the friendlydispositions of his Most Christian Majesty, as the success that hasattended his interposition in their behalf, gave them reason to hopewould be continued till the States, which have lately been ravaged bythe enemy, had so far recovered their commerce and agriculture, as tobe able more effectually to contribute to the general expense; andthat his Majesty may be assured, that their applications for thispurpose shall not exceed what may be absolutely necessary for thesupport of the common cause. Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, consulting with theSuperintendent of Finance, explain to the Minister of the UnitedStates at the Court of Versailles, the extensive advantages, whichhave resulted from moneys supplied by his Most Christian Majesty tothese United States, and the engagements, which have been entered intowith a view to render the next campaign decisive, the consequence offailing in those engagements, and the little prospect there is offulfilling them without an additional loan or subsidy, for the year1782, of at least twelve millions of livres tournois, in order thatthe said minister may present a memorial on this subject to his MostChristian Majesty, and at the same time lay before him the severalresolutions lately passed by the United States in Congress assembled, which evidence their unalterable resolution to make every exertion, for a vigorous campaign, which their present situation will allow. Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States ofAmerica at the Court of Versailles be, and he is hereby instructedand empowered to borrow, on account of these United States, the sum ortwelve millions of livres tournois, and to enter into engagements onthe part of the United States for the repayment of the same, togetherwith the interest, which is not to exceed the terms allowed or givenon national security in Europe. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, February 18th, 1782. Sir, The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of communicatingto Mr Livingston a letter from the Marquis de Bouillé, commandingofficer of the Windward Islands, and a memorial presented to thatGeneral by the Council and Assembly of the Island of Dominica. One ofthe two cases mentioned in them, that of the Dutch vessel, theResolution, has been decided by the Court of Appeals, and the sentenceof the Court of Admiralty of Philadelphia, has been amended in almostevery point. The case of the Eeirsten has been decided at Boston inthe first instance, and recently by the Supreme Court of Appeals. Asthe annexed papers seem to contain means for the revision of the firstcase, and proofs which were not known to the Judges when the decisionwas made, the undersigned has the honor of communicating them to MrLivingston, and requests him to be pleased, after reading them, tosend them back to him. The agent of the merchants at Dominica designs to solicit the saidrevision, with a view to have all the cargo, without exception, acquitted. The undersigned Minister flatters himself, that Congresswill be pleased to enable the said agent to avail himself of the newproofs, which he says that he has obtained. The letter of the Marquisde Bouillé, and the request of the Council and Assembly of Dominica, may hereafter serve to determine the true meaning of the capitulationsof the English Islands, taken by the forces of his Majesty; and it isfor this reason also, that the undersigned requests that they may belaid before the Tribunal of Appeals. This letter and this request, leave no room to doubt, that the Ostend ship Eeirsten sailed under thefaith of the capitulation, and that her owners ought to participate inthe advantages secured by it to the capitulators. The undersigned Minister appeals to the justice of Congress, and ofthe American tribunals, in favor of those inhabitants or capitulatorsof the Island of Dominica, who are interested in the cargo of thisship, as subjects of the King, his master, and in favor of thosepeople of Ostend who are interested, as subjects of his ImperialMajesty, who is allied to the King, his master, both by blood and bytreaties. LUZERNE. * * * * * THE MARQUIS DE BOUILLÉ TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Translation. Without date. Sir, I have the honor to transmit you a Memorial from the Council andAssembly of the Island of Dominica, who lay claim to the Dutch shipResolution, Captain Waterburg, which has been retaken from an Englishprivateer from Carolina, by the American privateer Ariel, belongingto Messrs Robert Morris, Samuel Inglis, and William Bingham, broughtinto Philadelphia, and condemned there as a legal prize. This neutral ship, employed in the exportation of the produce ofDominica by virtue of the proclamation of his Britannic Majesty infavor of neutral ships bound for the British Colonies, conquered byFrance in the course of this war, would not have been condemned as alegal prize, had it remained in the power of the British privateer, and been brought into a port belonging to his Britannic Majesty. Shecould not, then, be condemned by the Admiralty of Philadelphia, sincethat Court could not consider her otherwise than as a neutral vessel, sailing under the faith of his Britannic Majesty's proclamation, whichthe commander of the English privateer was no doubt ignorant of, andafter which she could no longer be considered as a recapture. This affair, Sir, deserves all your attention, and the particularprotection which I request you to grant it, that the owners of thisvessel may obtain, from the Council of Prizes of the United States thejustice due to them. It is feared at Dominica, lest the Ostendian ship Eeirsten, CaptainThomson, which sailed for the said Island, and was taken by anAmerican privateer and brought into Boston, may likewise have beencondemned; and should this have been the case, I also request yourinterposition in favor of the owners of the said vessel. I have the honor to be, &c. BOUILLÉ. * * * * * MEMORIAL OF THE COUNCIL OF DOMINICA. To his Excellency the Marquis de Bouillé, Marshal of the King's Campand Armies, Lieutenant General and Governor General, in and over theIslands of Martinico, Dominica, Grenada, and St Vincent, Tobago, &c. &c. The Memorial of the Council and Assembly, representing the capitulantsof this Island. By virtue of the 17th Article of the capitulation signed by yourExcellency, the capitulants of this Island were authorised to ship theproduce of their estates, in neutral ships, to neutral ports inEurope, and to receive from them the necessary supplies of provisionsand plantation stores. Annexed to the oaths of the respective shippers of produce on neutralvessels, his Excellency the Marquis du Chilleau, his Majesty'sGovernor in this Island, granted to the master of each vessel hiscertificate, that such shippers were capitulants, and the produceladen in such vessel was the growth of their estates, and thereinrecommended those vessels and their cargoes to the protection of allhis Majesty's subjects, those of his Most Catholic Majesty and to theAmericans in alliance with France. These certificates were alwaysrespected till now, and in consequence such neutral vessels, althoughdetained and examined at different times, arrived at their destinedports. To the infinite surprise of your memorialists, they have receivedadvice from Philadelphia, that the Dutch ship, the Resolution, CaptainWaterburg, was retaken from an English privateer, belonging toCarolina, by the Ariel, an American privateer, belonging to MessrsRobert Morris, Samuel Inglis, and William Bingham of Philadelphia, carried into that city, and was there condemned and sold with hercargo, without respecting either the capitulation, or the certificateand recommendation of his Excellency the Marquis du Chilleau. Thisship was loaded at Dominica and regularly cleared there for Amsterdamwithin the time limited by his Britannic Majesty's Proclamation infavor of Dutch vessels, loading in the conquered Island, the commanderof the Carolina privateer, unacquainted with the Proclamation, haddetained her as a Dutch ship. That this ship would certainly have beenreleased in Carolina cannot even be doubted, as she had before beencarried into the Island of Nevis on the same voyage, and released witha compensation after her papers were examined. Your memorialists have received further advice, that another Americanprivateer has taken and carried into Boston, the Ostend brig Eeirsten, Captain Thomson, bound from that port to this Island, and laden withprovisions and plantation stores for the estates of your memorialists, where we fear she will have the same fate. If the Americans should persist and be authorised to take andconfiscate neutral vessels, loaded with the produce of capitulants'estates under the authority of the French government, and those who inreturn are loaded with the provisions essentially necessary to them, what is the trade of this Island? This must put an effectual end toit; what resources are then left to us? The inhabitants of this Island are capitulants, and they dare flatterthemselves, that under their present government they have the merit ofhaving constantly manifested the most uniform propriety of conduct;the Americans should not only have respected, but protected theirproperty. Bound to do so by their treaty of friendship with France, by the capitulation, and by the certificate and recommendation of theFrench Governor. Your memorialists do therefore most earnestly entreat, that yourExcellency will be pleased to take this Memorial into consideration. Council Chamber, in Roseau, the 23d day of November, 1781. [5] ABRAHAM SHAW, _President in Council_. House of Assembly, Roseau, this 23d day of November, 1781. J. MORSOU, _Speaker of the House of Assembly_. FOOTNOTES: [5] Extract from an authentic copy of the capitulation, granted by theMarquis de Bouillé to the Island of Dominica. "ARTICLE 7th. That they (the inhabitants of Dominica) shall pay noother duty to his Most Christian Majesty, than they have paid to hisBritannic Majesty, without any charge or imposts. The expensesattending the administration of justice, the Minister's stipends andother customary charges, shall be paid out of the revenue of his MostChristian Majesty in the same manner as under the government of hisBritannic Majesty. "Granted, and that the inhabitants of Dominica may freely export theirproduce to all parts, on paying into the custom house the duties, which the inhabitants of the French Islands pay in the Islands or inEurope; but the expenses for administration of justice shall be paidby the Colony. "ARTICLE 17th. The merchants of the Island may receive vessels totheir address from all parts of the world, without their beingconfiscated, and they may sell their merchandise, and carry on theirtrade; and the port shall be entirely free, for them for that purpose, paying the customary duties paid in the French Islands. "Granted, until the peace, English vessels excepted. " * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs. February 20th, 1782. Sir, I was yesterday honored with your note, covering the papers, whichrelate to the ship Resolution's cargo, and the brigantine Eeirsten's. With respect to the first, I believe there is little doubt, that thatpart of the cargo, which is condemned would be acquitted upon arehearing, and proving, that it was the property of capitulants. Thecase of the brigantine is much more intricate, and carries strongmarks with it of a fraudulent design to protect British property, contrary to the spirit of the capitulation. One of the Judges whocondemned this vessel assures me, that there was strong proof, thatthe cargo belonged to British owners, even after she parted fromOstend, nor was there any evidence that the bottom was neutral. Thecapitulation does not certainly tend to cover any other property ofthe capitulants, but that which should be shipped from the Island, orto the Island from a neutral port, otherwise its trade with Britainwould stand upon the same footing as it did before the capture. However, I have not had such a view of facts, as will enable me togive an opinion upon the subject, and if I had it would not fallwithin my department to determine upon it. The line in which justice will most speedily be done, will be for theparties who conceive themselves aggrieved to petition Congress for arehearing. If, Sir, you shall approve it, I will lay before them yournote, with the papers annexed, and my opinion thereon. I doubt not, that they will readily adopt such measures as are most consistent withjustice, and the respect they will feel for your recommendation. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, March 8th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor of informing your Excellency, that I am about to takea journey to Virginia, and shall probably be absent some weeks. M. DeMarbois will remain here during this interval, as _Chargé d'Affaires_of his Majesty. Be pleased to honor him with your confidence, in casethat circumstances shall render it necessary for him to make anycommunication to Congress. If your Excellency has any commissions, with which to intrust me, forVirginia, I entreat you to be assured of my punctuality in performingthem. I am, Sir, respectfully, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, April 17th, 1782. Sir, I have repeatedly applied to the Department of War, to have asettlement made of the accounts of M. De la Radière, an officer ofEngineers, and General Baron de Kalb, both of whom died in the serviceof the United States. I have been answered, in the absence of General Lincoln, that thedemands, which I made by order of my Court, for the benefit of theirheirs, were just, but as yet no money has been paid to me, and Itherefore entreat you to be pleased to procure it as soon as possible. I have received several letters from the family of Baron de Kalb, andI wish to be able to send them a satisfactory answer. General Lincolnhaving returned, I hope that these two affairs will suffer no delay. The Count de Barras also demanded, in the month of July of last year, the payment of the sums due to the volunteers, who have served onboard the Ariel, Captain Paul Jones; and on leaving the Chesapeake hehas renewed his demands, in order that this money may be sent toFrance, where it will be paid to those to whom it belongs. This debtamounts to four thousand one hundred and ninetyseven livres tournois, not including the sum of one thousand one hundred and fiftyone livres, which has been paid to Joseph Caron, François Marais de Tulipe, JosephPowaruce, and Paterne Jean, who were on board the Hermione. Congress, by a resolution, the date of which I cannot recollect, last yearordered the whole of this sum to be paid. I entreat you, Sir, to bepleased to persuade the Board of Admiralty to bring this affair to aclose, and to transmit this sum to his Majesty's Consul, that he maysend it to those to whom it is due. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, April 13th, 1782. Sir, I embrace the first moment after my return from Virginia, to complywith the request of the principal officers of our army, in tenderingyou their sincere respects. I have already forwarded to your Excellency a letter from Count deRochambeau; on my return here, I found letters from my Court, dated inFebruary last. They do not announce anything pacific, on the part ofour enemies. No progress is made in the mediation of the Courts ofVienna and Petersburg, and the Court of London seems determined torisk the event of another campaign, in which they will employ all thestrength they have left. The plan for the campaign was not yet finallydecided, it depending on some arrangements, which were yet to be madewith the Court of Madrid, and on some advices, which were expectedfrom the Antilles. It nevertheless seemed to be the intention to actvigorously for the assistance of the United States, and though noparticular assurances could be given me on this head, yet from whatthey write me, it is probable that New York or Charleston, or perhapsboth, will be the object of their efforts next campaign. I think it, however, proper to inform you, that at the same time theyannounce to me their general views, they observe, that it is anunhappy circumstance, that the American army is so weak as it is; andthey seem to fear, that it will not be in a condition to second theirefforts, when it shall be necessary to strike, a decisive stroke, orto undertake operations, in which such extensive means are required asin a siege. I beg your Excellency would enable me to give my Court the necessaryinformation on a matter so important as this is. I am not curious toknow any of the particular details relative to your army, which it maybe necessary to keep secret, but the military operations of France andAmerica are so intimately connected, that it is indispensable for usto know what is the actual force and means which you have, in order tocalculate with any degree of probability what enterprises can beundertaken. Our ignorance in this respect cannot but be veryprejudicial to our affairs, because, if from false information weconsider your army as weaker than it really is, it will prevent ourforming plans, which it would be possible to execute; and if, on thecontrary, we are led to believe it stronger than it really is, we runthe risk of forming plans impracticable in their execution. It is fromthese considerations, that I beg of you to confide to me suchinformation on this head as you may think proper, both with respect tothe actual force you have at the different parts of the continent, andwhat it will probably be in the course of the campaign. It is equallyinteresting to know the force of the enemy, both in regulars andmilitia. I beg you to rest assured of the discretion, with which Ishall make use of these communications. I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of communicating to you thesentiments, with which our Court and the nation at large are inspired, from the reports of the French officers, respecting your Excellency, on their return to Versailles. Their testimony could add nothing tothe universal opinion of the great services you have rendered yourcountry, but to the esteem and admiration of the French are now addeda sentiment of affection and attachment, which are the just return forthat attention which our military experienced from you, and theprogress they made in their profession by serving under your orders. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Williamsburgh, April 16th, 1782. I send you under a flying seal, my dear Chevalier, the letter I havewritten to M. De Guerny, commanding the Emerald frigate. You willobserve, that I am yet in a state of ignorance, not having received myministerial despatches. It is of the greatest consequence, that thisletter should be forwarded by a safe route, through the hands ofGeneral Washington, that it may be despatched as quick as possible. Our last news from Edenton is of the 8th of April, by a captain of avessel, who left Georgetown the 25th of March. The enemy employ allthe wagons of Charleston in transporting their stores on board theempty vessels, which came from New York. I think General Washington would do well to have all the workslevelled, which we made at Rhode Island round Newport, and even thefort on Butts' Hill, if he has not troops vigorous and firm to keeppossession of it. The plans of the enemy seem to give their marine all the superioritythey can in these seas. I think they must have it much at heart tore-occupy the port of Rhode Island. The port of New York beingprecarious, the entry depending on the tides, they run the greatestrisks in their naval combats, in not having a port where they can takerefuge at all times. I have not time to translate this into English; I beg you to transmitit to our General, as well as that for M. De Guerny, that he mayforward it with the greatest despatch. I submit, with reason, all my reflections on Rhode Island to him. Ihave always in mind Lord North's speech, and the news which seemed tofollow, of the pretended evacuation of Charleston. Count Ferson sets off to meet my despatches; he tells me that there isa detachment of about one hundred men, which might be employed jointlywith the militia in levelling the works. ROCHAMBEAU. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, April 18th, 1782. Sir, On my return to this place, Count Beniowsky delivered to me a plan, which he wished to have communicated to your Excellency before yourdeparture from Philadelphia, but as he was particularly recommended tome by my Court, he deferred taking that step till my arrival. He willnot make any proposition to Congress without first consulting yourExcellency and obtaining your approbation, and it is with this view henow goes to the army. I need not recall to your Excellency's mind, the services and actions, which have recommended Count Beniowsky. His fervor you are acquaintedwith, and I am persuaded, that if you think he can be useful to theUnited States, no one will more sincerely support him in carrying intoexecution those views, which brought him to this continent. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Newburgh, April 28th, 1782. Sir, I receive with much gratitude the remembrance and compliments of theprincipal officers of the French army in Virginia, and thank yourExcellency for the trouble of being the bearer of them to me, and theletter from Count de Rochambeau. With equal sensibility and pleasure, I received and do now acknowledgemy obligations to your Excellency for the communications from yourCourt, which, though not decisive, are nevertheless important. Thelate instance of their generous aid, hinted at by your Excellency andparticularised by Mr Morris, is one among a variety of importantconsiderations, which ought to bind America to France in bonds ofindelible friendship and gratitude, never I hope to be sundered. Induced by that entire confidence, which I repose in your Excellency, and a full conviction, that a nation, who combines her force withours, for purposes of all others most interesting to humanity, oughtnot to be deficient in any information I can give to point objects tomeans, that an accordance with them may be inseparable, I shall, without hesitation, give you the state of our present force, and myideas of the increase of it by recruits, from the best view of itwhich is before me. It can scarcely be necessary to inform your Excellency, that ourmilitary establishment for the present year consists of one regimentof artillery, four legionary, and two partisan corps, and fiftyregiments of infantry, beside the corps of invalids; or that Congresshave called in pointed terms upon each State to complete its regimentsto the establishment, the aggregate of which, if complied with, wouldamount to thirtyfour thousand three hundred and eight men, exclusiveof commissioned officers, sergeants, and music, Hazen's regiment, andthe corps of invalids. Of this force, one legionary corps, tworegiments of artillery, and twentytwo of infantry, besides Hazen'sregiment and the invalids, compose the northern army; but as Hazen'sregiment is fostered by no State, discouraged from recruiting by all, and without funds if the case were otherwise, it must soon dwindle tonothing, being now very weak. The present totality of the rank and file, exclusive of sergeants, ofthose regiments which compose the northern army, amounts to ninethousand one hundred and fortysix. From this number the sick men, indifferent branches of the staff department, and such as are employedon other extra duties, which the peculiarity of our circumstancescompels me to furnish from the army, being deducted, will reduce theefficient operating force of these corps to seven thousand fivehundred and fiftythree rank and file, and I should be uncandid if Iwere not to acknowledge, that I do not expect it will be increased byrecruits in the course of the campaign, to more than ten thousand fitfor duty in the field. This, Sir, in my opinion will be the fullamount of the established regiments of the States east ofPennsylvania. To ascertain the number of militia, who may be assembledfor occasional offensive operations, is more than I can do. Thegeneral opinion is, that there will be no want of militia for myenterprise we can have in view. Be this as it may, this one thing iscertain, that this class of men are not only slow in their movements, but undertaking to judge also of the propriety of them in point ofamount, will wait till the necessity for it strikes them, which, inmost cases, is as injurious to the service as inability or want ofinclination; disappointment being the consequence of delay. Thisobservation I could not refrain from making, because in all combinedoperations, especially those which may depend upon the season or alimited period for their execution, it is of the utmost importance tobe known. The enclosed return, which is a copy of the last state of the forceunder the order of Major General Greene, which has come to my hands, will give your Excellency every information in my power, respectingthe state and condition of that army; which was to be augmented by thepartisan corps of Colonel Armand, consisting of about two hundredhorse and foot. Independent of those, there are two small regiments atFort Pitt. One from the State of Pennsylvania, the other fromVirginia, which are included in the general establishment of the army;but no particular return is here given of them. What measures are adopted by the States of Georgia and North and SouthCarolina, to recruit their battalions, I know not. Virginia marchedabout four hundred men the latter end of February for the southernarmy; and by an act of the legislature, passed at their last session, resolved to raise more; but in what forwardness they are, or what isto be expected from the act, I am equally uninformed. Maryland andPennsylvania depend upon voluntary enlistments, and are proceedingvery slowly in the business of recruiting. This, Sir, is an accurate state of the force we have at present, andmy expectation of what it may be, independent of militia. The enemy's force, from the best information I have been able toobtain of it, may stand thus at New York; Rank and File. Regulars, including their established corps of Provincials, 9, 000 Militia of the city, refugees, and independent companies, 4, 000 Sailors and marines, according to the number of ships which may be in the harbor;--this being uncertain no number is given, Now in New York, 13, 000 Charleston, about 3, 300 Savannah, about 700 In Canada, including British, German, and established Provincials, 3, 000 Penobscot, about 500 Halifax and its dependencies, uncertain, but say, 3, 500 ------ In all, 26, 000 The above estimate, so far as it respects New York, Charleston, andSavannah, is, I believe, to be depended upon. The force of Canada bysome accounts is more, by others less, than five thousand. The regularBritish and German troops in that country cannot exceed four thousand;but in addition to these, are the corps of Sir John Johnson andothers, which I am told have been considerably increased by thedisaffected of this, and other States, who have fled to Canada. But itis to be observed, that this force, be it what it may, is employed inthe occupation of posts from Quebec to Michillimackinac, and on LakeChamplain, through an extent of not less than seven or eight hundredmiles, and that all these posts are dependent upon the former forprovisions and supplies of every kind. I am less certain of theenemy's force in Nova Scotia than elsewhere. The number here given isnot from recent intelligence, or strengthened according tocircumstances. Cumberland, Windsor, Annapolis, St John's River, &c, are posts dependent upon Halifax, and included in the three thousandand five hundred men here mentioned. If this state of matters can be satisfactory to your Excellency, oruseful in the formation of any plans against the common enemy, I shallbe happy in having given it. Permit me now, Sir, to express the high sense I have of the honor youhave done me, in communicating the favorable opinion entertained of myconduct by the Court and nation of France, and to acknowledge myobligations to those officers who have inspired these sentiments. Tostand well in the eyes of a nation, which I view as one of the firstin the world, and in the opinion of a Monarch, whom I consider as thesupporter of the rights of humanity, and to whom I am personallyindebted for the command he has been pleased to honor me with, ishighly flattering to my vanity, at the same time it has a first claimto all my gratitude. It is unnecessary I hope to add fresh assurances of the respect andesteem, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * COMMUNICATION OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. In Congress, May 1st, 1782. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs having laid before Congress thefollowing minutes of a communication, made to him the 28th of April, by the Minister of France, from letters of the Count de Vergennes, dated the 24th of December and the 22d of January last, viz. "After expressing his satisfaction in the success of our arms inVirginia, he laments the weakness of our army, and the incapacity inwhich it leaves us of pursuing so important a blow, before England canrecover from it, he says, though the plan of the ensuing campaign isnot yet determined on, he has reason to believe, that means will beused to aid us in the exertions we shall make to expel the enemy fromthis continent; and he wishes that this consideration, and theobstinate adherence of the British to their plan of subduing thiscountry, evidenced by their answer to the mediators, may rouse theUnited States to an early and animated exertion. He observes, that theBritish are much embarrassed with respect to the measures they oughtto pursue; that they still continue to represent us as a weak anddivided people, in the hope, that this may have some effect upon thepowers of Europe, more particularly upon the mediators. He is ofopinion, that England will endeavor to make proposals to the severalStates separately; and though he does not apprehend, that they willsucceed in their attempt to detach them from the alliance, yet hepresumes, while the issue is unknown, that they will avail themselvesof it to induce a belief, that they have a considerable interest inthis country, and that the people at large wish to be connected withthem. He hopes the wisdom of Congress will devise some means tofrustrate this design. He expresses in strong terms the resolution ofhis Majesty to adhere to the principles of the alliance, and to formno treaty of peace, which does not secure to the United States theobjects of it. " And this communication having been referred to a committee, and thecommittee having reported thereon, it was Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be, and he is herebydirected to make a confidential communication to the several States ofthe intelligence received by Congress on the 29th of April lastthrough his department, in order that the States may be more fullyimpressed with the necessity of such united and determined exertions, as, with the co-operation of our generous ally, will expel the enemyfrom their remaining posts within the United States, and display tothe world the falsehood of the assertions of the British Court, thatthe people of these States are neither united nor determined insupport of their national independence. * * * * * DECREE OF THE KING'S COUNCIL IN FRANCE. Translation. Decree of the King's Council of State, prescribing the formalities tobe observed on the exportation, from the ports of the kingdom, ofmerchandise obtained from prizes. Extract from the records, of the Council of State. "The King having been informed, that the facility granted by theFourteenth Article of the decree of his Council of the 27th ofAugust, 1778, concerning merchandise obtained from prizes, has beenabused, so that merchandise of English origin is taken on board, whenunder sail, or in foreign countries, and is imported under thecharacter of merchandise taken as prize, into nations in alliance withhis Majesty, he has thought proper to explain his intentions. Wishingto remedy this evil, and having heard the report of M. Joly de Fleury, one of the Common Council of State, and of the Royal Council ofFinance, _the King in Council_ has commanded and commands, that allthe merchandise named in the said Fourteenth Article of the regulationof August 27th, 1778, and the adjudication of which is made only uponcondition of its re-exportation to a foreign country, cannot beexported from the ports of his kingdom, unless it be accompanied withthe copy of the _procés-verbal_ of the sale made by the Admiralty, orby the Intendant or the Director of the Marine, duly certified by theregister, or by the Controller of the Marine, and examined by theReceiver and Controller of the _Bureau des Fermes_, which, conformablyto the Eighteenth Article of the same decree, must mention, that thegoods have actually been taken from the mart, and embarked on board ofthe vessel designated. His Majesty forbids the clerks and overseers ofthe _Adjudicataire de ses Fermes_, under penalty of being deprived oftheir offices, and subjected to the severest punishment if it shouldbe done, to allow any of the merchandise in question to be exported, without the previous formalities having been observed. "Done, at the King's Council of State, his Majesty being therepresent, held at Versailles, the 4th of May, 1782. LA CROIX CASTRIES. " * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, May 7th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor of sending you the commission, by which the Chevalierd'Annemours has been appointed his Majesty's Consul in the fivesouthern States. Be pleased to have the kindness to lay it beforeCongress, that they may pass an act for the recognition of hischaracter, and that the necessary letters may in consequence bedespatched to the different legislatures. I will myself see that theyare forwarded, if you will send them to me. The representatives ofMaryland and Virginia being now assembled, you will confer aparticular favor on me, by bringing this affair to a termination assoon as possible. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 8th, 1782. Sir, I was yesterday honored with yours of that date. I have this daypresented the commission, with a draft of the necessary resolutionsthereon to Congress, and I doubt not that they will immediately pass, when the letters and papers you request will be put into your hands. I do myself the honor to enclose a letter from Mr Morris to me inanswer to one I had written him on the subject of the volunteers, whoserved on board the Ariel. You will see by that a state of theaccounts, and that the balance is ready to be paid to their order. Ihave requested the Paymaster General to make up the accounts of thelate Baron de Kalb, and M. De la Radière, and shall endeavor as soonas possible to enable you to give a satisfactory answer to theirrepresentatives on that subject. You will be pleased to return me theenclosed letter, after having made such use of it as you may thinkproper. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, May 9th, 1782. Sir, Several different bearers of certificates of the different loansobtained by the United States, have applied to me to induce Congressto pay them back their capitals, or to pay the interest stipulated. Their claims are supported by recommendations from his Majesty'sMinisters. I entreat you to be pleased to enable me to inform them ofthe measures taken on this subject. They have now suffered for a longtime on account of the suspension of the payments, and it is a longtime since I asked for the information, which has been successivelypromised to me. I am, Sir, respectfully, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 9th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose resolutions of Congress, settling theceremonial for the public audience on Monday. [6] Mr Morris will deliver you the commission of the Chevalierd'Annemours; when you shall have made the alterations and returned it, I will immediately lay it before Congress. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [6] See the result of this audience in the _Secret Journal ofCongress_, Vol. III. P. 107. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 12th, 1782. Sir, The undersigned, Secretary to the United States of America for theDepartment of Foreign Affairs, has the honor to notify to the MinisterPlenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, that Congress havedetermined, by a resolution of the 20th of July, 1778, that the styleof address to them should be in future "Gentlemen of the Congress. " The undersigned hopes, that the Minister Plenipotentiary of Francewill be pleased to make use of this form, in the address which heproposes to make to Congress tomorrow, as well as on every futureoccasion. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1782. Sir, I write only to acknowledge the receipt of the letter your Excellencydid me the honor to write on the 28th ultimo. I feel myself extremelyobliged by the freedom, with which you have been pleased to furnish mewith the information I requested, and I beg you to be persuaded, thatI shall make use of it only to contribute to the success of our commonoperations. The reports of the action between the fleets in the West Indies are sovague, that I can form no certain judgment thereon. I presume, however, that the handbill published at New York, the 12th of thismonth, is at least partly false. They write me from Martinique the13th of April, that Count de Grasse has beaten the English. I am, with the most respectful attachment, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE. [7] The United States in Congress assembled, to their Great, FaithfulFriend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre. Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, Among the many instances that Divine Providence has given us of hisfavor, we number the blessings he has bestowed on your Majesty'sfamily and kingdom. Nothing was wanting to the happiness of the first, but a son to wear the honors, which the father had earned; or, to theprosperity of the latter, but the prospect of seeing the Crowntransmitted to an heir, who would find in the example of his parent, apowerful incitement to promote the happiness of his people. Thisexample, we presume to hope, will also influence his future conducttowards these United States. When, in the history of the present day, he shall read your Majesty's generous interference in their behalf, their firm and affectionate attachment, and the blessings with whichboth were crowned, he will be studious to preserve to his kingdom andthese States, the reciprocal advantages of the alliance, which yourMajesty has formed, and to emulate his ancestor in adding to histitles the glorious appellation of Protector of Mankind. We receive with the most lively pleasure your Majesty's renewedprofessions of friendship. You will easily believe, that theattachment, which we have so often and so truly professed for yourMajesty, could suffer no diminution, when every day afforded us newinstances of your magnanimity, and of your affectionate interferencein our behalf. We pray God, Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, always tokeep you in his holy protection. Done at Philadelphia, the 20th day of May, in the year of our Lord onethousand seven hundred and eightytwo, and in the sixth year of ourindependence. By the United States in Congress assembled. YourMajesty's Faithful Friends and Allies. JOHN HANSON, _President_. FOOTNOTES: [7] See the letter, to which this is an answer, dated October 22d, 1781. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, May 25th, 1782. Sir, The Baron de Holzendorff, Major in the service of his Majesty, came toAmerica in 1776, to offer his services to the United States. He wasobliged by circumstances, which it would take too long to mention indetail, to return to France in 1778. Congress, before his departure, had adopted the annexed resolutions in relation to him; but thedeparture of this officer took place before he could procure theexecution of them, which he now solicits, Dr Franklin having told himthat the settlement of this business belonged to Congress. Theundersigned Minister, requests Mr Livingston to be pleased to takemeasures to forward to this officer a decision of Congress, or of theDepartment of War. The Chevalier de la Luzerne takes the liberty of renewing hissolicitations respecting the money to be paid to the heirs of MessrsDe Kalb and De la Radière, and also respecting the reasons, which havesuspended the payment of the interest on different classes ofcertificates. LUZERNE. * * * * * VERBAL COMMUNICATION OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. In Congress, May 28th, 1782. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs laid before Congress the followingverbal communication made to Mr Livingston. The Minister of his Most Christian Majesty has the honor to inform MrLivingston of several particulars relative to the negotiation, thatthe Court of London appeared disposed to open in Europe. The firststeps were taken under the former administration. This remark isessential, because it is possible that the new Ministers may takeothers more decisive; or it is equally possible, that they mayentirely change the system, and continue the war still longer. Emissaries have been sent to Paris and to the Hague, to sound, on theone hand, Mr John Adams, in the hope that his connexion with someindependent members might facilitate an accommodation; and, on theother side, in the hope that very advantageous offers might seduce hisMajesty, and engage him to make a separate peace to abandon hisallies. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is not informed of the steps thathave been taken at Madrid, or by the States General. The proposition made secretly to France tended to a partial peace. Itoffered France the possession of their conquests in the West Indies, the suppression of an English Commissary at Dunkirk, and advantages inthe East Indies. These offers were certainly satisfactory to hisMajesty; and he would have had no reason to reject them if he had hadno allies. But his engagements marked out another line of conduct. Hereplied, that how sincerely soever he was disposed to peace, he wouldcommence no negotiations to this end without the participation of hisallies. The emissary easily comprehended, that this answer related aswell to the United States as to Spain; and pretended that thecondition was inadmissible; that England, in treating upon thisfoundation, would acknowledge the independence of her colonies, whichmade no part of her system. The Minister of his Majesty replied, thattheir independence was considered by the King as an indispensablepoint, and that it made the basis of his system. The English Agent then demanded, if there were no means to avoidtreating with us of the affairs of America. The Count de Vergennesreplied, by referring him to the answer given to the first overturesof pacification made by the mediators, and communicated to MrLivingston. It should be observed, that whether England treats of the affairs ofthe United States with the Court of Versailles, or whether she opens adirect communication with the United States, she cannot avoid treatingwith the American negotiators sent by Congress. In either case shewill be under the necessity of acknowledging that body. The conduct of his Majesty on this occasion being strictly conformableto justice and his engagements, his Minister confines himself to asimple communication of it to Mr Livingston. He confides also to him, that the Count de Vergennes, in declaring to the English Agent, thathis Majesty could not listen to any negotiations of peace if the Courtof London did not treat at the same time with his allies, addedverbally, that the King did not attend to his own satisfaction tillthat of his allies was procured. Besides this, the effects of these steps taken by the Court of London, have been to engage France to pursue, with redoubled vigor, themeasures that have given birth to these appearances of peace, butwhich would certainly not terminate in it, if England perceived thather enemies relaxed their efforts in any manner. It is above allthings indispensable, that the United States should, in the course ofthis campaign, be in a situation to co-operate in vigorousenterprises, which may be formed. It appears that the design of theCourt of London, pointed out by the debates in Parliament, is toreduce, by a defensive war, their operations upon this continent. TheMinister of his Most Christian Majesty has at present no informationrelative to the plans of the approaching campaign. But whatever theymay be, it would be useful to be enabled to inform his Court, that theUnited States will not adopt an inactivity, which would be equivalentto the truce required. But that their design is to trouble the repose, that the enemy wish to deliver themselves to, and that the operations, whether combined or separately undertaken by the United States, willbe pushed with activity during the ensuing campaign. As to the place of the negotiations, Congress knew in 1779, when theynamed a Plenipotentiary, and in 1781, when they gave him threeColleagues, that it could only be in Europe, and that this was themost effectual means of preventing delays and jealousy, and ofmaintaining the confidence and harmony, which has so happily subsistedhitherto between the allies. It would be important, that the Ministerof his Majesty could inform his Court, that Congress persists in thesedispositions; and, that in case Commissaries offer to treat upon thiscontinent, they should be referred to the Ministers of the UnitedStates, who are provided with instructions on this subject in Europe;that the Court of London should address itself to them; and that it isimpossible that the seat of negotiation should be in America. Whenthese overtures were made to the Court of Versailles, the agent madeno mention of those that were to be made in America, or to theAmerican Ministers in Europe. It is obvious, that the design of thisconduct is to inspire reciprocal distrust; and the Chevalier de laLuzerne conceives it can in no way more effectually be prevented, thanby a full communication of every circumstance, which shall relate tothe pacification and to the interests of the alliance, which shallcome to his knowledge. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Head Quarters, June 5th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor of conveying to your Excellency the enclosed addressof the officers of the American army under my immediate command, onthe auspicious event of the birth of a Dauphin. Happy in this opportunity of presenting to you this united testimonyof respect and veneration for your royal Master, I pray you tobelieve, that I enjoy the highest satisfaction in having such anoccasion of manifesting to your Excellency the very particularpleasure I feel in every event, which affects the happiness of hisMost Christian Majesty, especially in one which is so interesting andimportant to his domestic felicity and that of his people. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 7th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose you an account of the moneys received byBaron de Kalb and Lieutenant Colonel La Radière, as extracted from thePaymaster's books. By this it will appear, that both have receivedmore than the amount of their pay, even if the depreciation isallowed. If their friends have furnished you with vouchers to accountfor the expenditure of still further sums upon the public account, thewhole, when stated, will be liquidated at the treasury offices, andthe balance paid. I have applied to Congress for direction on the subject of the Baronde Holzendorff, though it would appear to me, that if he had receivedthe thousand dollars directed to be paid him, there can be nothingfurther due to him, since the resolution itself implies, that therewould probably be a balance to be repaid in bills of exchange. Youmust see, Sir, the extreme difficulty of settling these accounts, unless the gentlemen, who have demands, will be at the trouble ofstating their accounts precisely, and produce vouchers for the money, which has passed through their hands. This is never dispensed with inthe case of our own citizens. I shall, however, do myself the honor tolay before you the determination of Congress in this case. I have written to Mr Morris on the subject of the interest due on theloan office certificates, and shall transmit to you his answer as soonas I shall receive it. I enclose for your perusal a very extraordinary letter from Mr Deaneto Governor Trumbull, together with his reply, which was unanimouslyapproved by the Legislature of Connecticut. You will please returnthem after you have read, or, if you think proper, taken copies ofthem. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 9th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose the copy of a letter from theSuperintendent of Finance in answer to one I wrote him on the subjectof the loan office certificates. I am sorry for the necessity whichdictated it, and look forward with some degree of impatience to theperiod when ample justice shall be done to all the public creditors. In the meanwhile foreigners will not feel themselves hurt when we makeno distinction between them and our own citizens. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF, AND OTHER OFFICERS OF THE AMERICAN ARMY, ON HUDSON'S RIVER. Translation. Philadelphia, June 10th, 1782. Gentlemen, I shall transmit to his Majesty the address you have been pleased tosend me on the birth of an heir to his crown. It will afford him infinite satisfaction to find with what joy thisevent has inspired you, and he will see with pleasure, that the samearmy which has given so many proofs of courage and patriotism, andwhich has in the most perfect harmony and concert with his own troopsfought the common enemy, now hastens to show, that nothing whichaffects the French nation can be indifferent to them. The young Prince, whose birth is the object of your congratulations, will, from his infancy, hear recounted the glorious actions, by whichyou have effected the independence and happiness of a vast continent;and when there shall be cited to him examples of disinterestedness, constancy, courage, and every other military virtue, there will berepeated the names of illustrious chiefs. He is born at a moment when victory has crowned both our nations. Thiscircumstance is a happy presage of his future glory, and promises, that he will one day be the support of your independence as well as ofthe alliance, which unites France with the Thirteen United States. The veneration that your actions and virtues have inspired me with, Gentlemen, augments the pleasure I have in conveying your sentimentsto the King, my master. I beg you to be persuaded, that no one is with more sincere respect, Gentlemen, your very humble and obedient servant. LUZERNE. * * * * * CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE. The United States in Congress assembled to their Great, Faithful, andBeloved Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France andNavarre. Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, We learn with extreme grief, an event which has disturbed yourMajesty's felicity, and unite with you in offering that tribute ofsorrow to the memory of your most dear and beloved aunt, the PrincessSophia Philippina Elizabeth Justina of France, which is due, as wellto the eminent virtues she possessed, as to the relation in which shestood to your Majesty. We trust that our sensibility on this occasion, will be considered as a fresh proof of the interest we take in everyevent, which may affect your Majesty, and that our sincere condolence, when such afflictions as are the lot of humanity put it out of ourpower to offer more effectual consolation, will evince our earnestdesire on every occasion to contribute to your Majesty's happiness. We pray God, Dear, Great, Faithful Friend and Ally, always to preserveand keep you under his holy protection. Done at Philadelphia, the 13th day of June, in the year of our Lordone thousand seven hundred and eightytwo, and in the sixth year of ourindependence. By the United States in Congress assembled. YourMajesty's Faithful Friends and Allies. JOHN HANSON, _President_. * * * * * TO COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU. Translation. Philadelphia, June 14th, 1782. My Dear General, I have just received your letter of the 8th of this month, and thepackets which accompanied it. I have not now time to reply to it, asI profit by an express on the point of departure, and whom I cannotdetain. The movements of the English troops at New York, indicate an intentionof sending off detachments from that garrison. It is even possible, though not very probable, that they propose to evacuate that place, either to reinforce the English Islands, or to act offensively againstthe conquered Islands, which will not be in so good a state of defenceas our ancient possessions. This last supposition cannot take place, unless they retain their superiority, and although I hope that thiswill not be the case, it is, however, but prudent to be in readinessagainst every event. The most sure means of preventing the enemy from making any detachmentfrom New York, is to approach that place, and to give a jealousy toGeneral Carlton, of a combined attack. Congress regard the matter inthis light, and think that General Washington will make a movementtowards New York, in case such a measure is agreeable to his designs, or to the intelligence he may have. I am ignorant what steps he willtake in this conjuncture. It is possible that he may think it propernot to quit his present station, till he hears that you approach. Inall cases the enemy will be cautious of weakening themselves, if theyhear that you are on the march to form a junction. I submit these ideas to you, my Dear General, and am persuaded thatyou will take such measures as are most advantageous. We have news, which I have no reason to believe that M. De la MottePiquet is not far distant from these coasts. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Head Quarters, Newburgh, June 24th, 1782. Sir, I was in the moment of sending off a despatch to Count de Rochambeau, of which I have the honor to enclose a copy, when your Excellency'sletter of the 14th instant arrived. I have only to refer you to my letter of the 20th of April, for aperfect statement of matters in this quarter; and as little alterationhas taken place since that period, your Excellency will readilyperceive the impracticability of the movement expected by Congress, (and mentioned in your letter to Count de Rochambeau, ) especially too, when you consider how unprepared we are to encounter any expense, thatcan possibly be avoided. My ideas on this head, the removal of the French army in our presentstate of uncertainty, the consequent call of the militia to occupy theposts they would leave, and cover the stores, shipping, &c. Which mustnecessarily remain, were communicated fully to the Secretary of War, when he was here, with a request that he would unfold them to yourExcellency, as I could not commit them to paper without a cypher. The enemy, from the best intelligence I get from New York, has made nodetachment. Things remain there in _statu quo_. They seem to besuspended and are waiting for orders from their Court, which I hearthey anxiously expect. As I am just stepping into a boat for Albany, and dare not commit more to paper, I have only to give a freshtestimony of the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, July 3d, 1782. Sir, I received a letter yesterday from Count de Rochambeau, dated on the24th of last month, wherein he informs me, that he had come to adetermination to move on the 27th towards the head of the Bay, wherehe will be at hand to take such measures as you may judge proper, assoon as we receive news from Europe. He desires me to communicate thisto your Excellency, till he can write you himself. As he does not goany distance from the Bay, and as he will always be ready to turn offto the southward if necessary, I hope it will meet your approbation. I wait his answer respecting the interview, which you have proposed tohim, and which I sincerely desire may take place here. It seems to meimpossible, that we should not have some news from France towards themiddle of this month. From the last intelligence from Europe, up to the 1st of May, we learnnothing important, except the general disposition of the Dutch to allythemselves with the United States. But it is probable, that Mr Adamswill open the negotiation by demanding the acknowledgment andguarantee of your independence, and this circumstance may prevent theconclusion of a treaty of commerce, which seems to be the point thathas most influence with the States General. But as the inclination ofthe people seems absolutely towards the alliance, I hope thedifficulties will be successively got over. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, July 8th, 1782. Sir, You will receive by M. De Vauban a letter from Count de Rochambeau, informing your Excellency that he will be here on the 13th or 14th ofthis month. I hope for the honor of seeing you here by the 15th atfarthest, and I felicitate myself, that matters will concur to bringyou here precisely at the time, when I shall celebrate the birth ofthe Dauphin. Your presence, and that of Mrs Washington, will renderthe festival complete, and I hope the gentlemen, who compose yourfamily, will accompany you. I do not send any written invitations tothem, nor to the Generals and other officers of your army, but yourExcellency knows, that nothing would be more agreeable to me, thantheir participation in celebrating an event, which is so interestingto us, and which I know is so to all our allies. Everybody, whom yourExcellency may bring with you, will be welcome. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * COUNT DE VERGENNES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Versailles, July 29th, 1782. Sir, It is not in quality of a King, the friend and ally of the UnitedStates, (though with the knowledge and consent of his Majesty, ) that Inow have the honor to write to your Excellency. It is as a man ofsensibility, and a tender father, who feels all the force of paternallove, that I take the liberty to address to your Excellency my earnestsolicitations in favor of a mother and family in tears. Her situationseems the more worthy of notice, on our part, as it is to the humanityof a nation, at war with her own, that she has recourse, for what sheought to receive from the impartial justice of her own Generals. I have the honor to enclose your Excellency a copy of a letter, whichLady Asgill has just wrote me. I am not known to her, nor was Iacquainted that her son was the unhappy victim, destined by lot toexpiate the odious crime that a formal denial of justice obliges youto revenge. Your Excellency will not read this letter without beingextremely affected; it had that effect upon the King and Queen, towhom I communicated it. The goodness of their Majesties' heartsinduces them to desire, that the inquietudes of an unfortunate mothermay be calmed, and her tenderness reassured. I felt, Sir, that thereare cases where humanity itself exacts the most extreme rigor; perhapsthe one now in question may be of the number; but allowing reprisalsto be just, it is not less horrid to those who are the victims; andthe character of your Excellency it too well known, for me not to bepersuaded that you desire nothing more than to be able to avoid thedisagreeable necessity. There is one consideration, Sir, which, though it is not decisive, mayhave an influence on your resolution. Captain Asgill is doubtless yourprisoner, but he is among those whom the arms of the King contributedto put into your hands at Yorktown. Although this circumstance doesnot operate as a safeguard, it however justifies the interest I permitmyself to take in this affair. If it is in your power, Sir, toconsider and have regard to it, you will do what is agreeable to theirMajesties; the danger of young Asgill, the tears, the despair of hismother, affect them sensibly; and they will see with pleasure the hopeof consolation shine out for those unfortunate people. In seeking to deliver Mr Asgill from the fate which threatens him, Iam far from engaging you to seek another victim; the pardon, to beperfectly satisfactory, must be entire. I do not imagine it can beproductive of any bad consequences. If the English General has notbeen able to punish the horrible crime you complain of, in soexemplary a manner as he should, there is reason to think he will takethe most efficacious measures to prevent the like in future. I sincerely wish, Sir, that my intercession may meet success; thesentiment which dictates it, and which you have not ceased to manifeston every occasion, assures me, that you will not be indifferent to theprayers and to the tears of a family, which has recourse to yourclemency through me. It is rendering homage to your virtue to imploreit. I have the honor to be, with the most perfect consideration, Sir, yours, &c. DE VERGENNES. * * * * * LADY ASGILL TO COUNT DE VERGENNES. [Enclosed in the preceding. ] London, July 18th, 1782. Sir, If the politeness of the French Court will permit an application of astranger, there can be no doubt but one in which all the tenderfeelings of an individual can be interested, will meet with afavorable reception from a nobleman whose character does honor, notonly to his own country, but to human nature. The subject, Sir, onwhich I presume to implore your assistance, is too heart-piercing forme to dwell on; and common fame has, most probably, informed you ofit; it therefore renders the painful task unnecessary. My son, (an only son) as dear as he is brave, amiable as he isdeserving to be so, only nineteen, a prisoner under the articles ofcapitulation of Yorktown, is now confined in America, an object ofretaliation. Shall an innocent suffer for the guilty? Represent toyourself, Sir, the situation of a family under these circumstances;surrounded as I am by objects of distress, distracted with fear andgrief, no words can express my feeling, or paint the scene. My husbandgiven over by his physicians, a few hours before the news arrived, andnot in a state to be informed of the misfortune; my daughter seizedwith a fever and delirium, raving about her brother, and without oneinterval of reason, save to hear heart-alleviating circumstances. Let your feelings, Sir, suggest and plead for my inexpressible misery. A word from you, like a voice from Heaven, will save us fromdistraction and wretchedness. I am well informed General Washingtonreveres your character; say but to him you wish my son to bereleased, and he will restore him to his distracted family, and renderhim to happiness. My son's virtue and bravery will justify the deed. His honor, Sir, carried him to America. He was born to affluence, independence, and the happiest prospects. Let me again supplicate yourgoodness; let me respectfully implore your high influence in behalf ofinnocence; in the cause of justice, of humanity; that you would, Sir, despatch a letter to General Washington, from France, and favor mewith a copy of it, to be sent from hence. I am sensible of the liberty I have taken in making this request; butI am sensible, whether you comply with it or not, you will pity thedistress that suggests it; your humanity will drop a tear on thefault, and efface it. I will pray that Heaven may grant you may neverwant the comfort it is in your power to bestow on ASGILL. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, August 5th, 1782. Sir, This letter will be handed you by M. De Cloisy, who will inform youparticularly of the motives of his journey to the northward. I address myself with freedom to your Excellency, for a service, thatno one has it more in their power to render than yourself, and whichis of the greatest importance to the naval army commanded by M. DeVaudreuil. It is not to be doubted, that a large naval force willarrive at New York, either from the West Indies or from Europe. It isessential that our naval commanders should have the most exact andmost frequent intelligence in this respect, respecting the number ofvessels, their names, their destination, the time of their arrival, oftheir departure, the number of troops they embark, or artillery; infact, not a single movement can be known with too much precision. AndI must request, that you will take the necessary measures to give M. De Vaudreuil regular information on all these points. It could bewished, that you would station regular expresses to facilitate thecommunication between you and him. I ought to be well convinced of your goodness to take so much liberty, but the object is of such importance to the common cause, that I haveno doubt of your excusing me. If the communication between you and M. De Vaudreuil is regular andsure, you might, I should think, correspond without cypher; if not Imust beg you to furnish M. De Vaudreuil with a cypher to make thematter more secure, and if your Excellency will from time to time giveme the same information I shall be exceedingly obliged. The procuring of the necessary intelligence must be attended withextraordinary expense; I must beg that your Excellency will chargesome one to acquaint me of the sums necessary for the purpose, and towhom I shall pay it. These expenses being wholly for the service ofour fleet, must be charged to the Department of the Marine, and I havetaken the necessary measures that they may be exactly paid. By our last accounts from France the Duc de Lauzun, and many otherofficers who had sailed, were obliged to put back, having met with astorm. It is supposed they may have sailed again towards the last ofJune. I am, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, August 14th, 1782. Sir, A cartel will probably have arrived at Boston with American sailorsfrom England. One is arrived here with two hundred and forty sailors, whom England has set at liberty. One of the Captains, with whom I haveconversed, tells me that a fleet of two hundred sail was to leavePortsmouth a few days after the cartels; they were to separate intothree divisions, one for Charleston, one for New York, and one forQuebec; they are to be convoyed by frigates only; and they assure methe last division is the most important, having soldiers on board, andmany articles necessary for the defence of Quebec, and for thesubsistence of the inhabitants. From the different accounts I can collect, it seems to be the designof England to make a general peace, but the demands on one side andthe other will render a conclusion extremely difficult, and in such acase, that power will spare nothing to effectuate a peace with theUnited States, and turn all her efforts against France. As to aseparate peace with the United States it will not take place. I amcertain that they will not make peace but in concert with France. I am, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, September 1st, 1782. Sir, The undersigned, Minister of France, has the honor of informingCongress, that he will transmit to his Court the resolution, by whichCongress offers the ship of the line America, to replace the ship theMagnifique, which ran ashore at Boston, and which there is little hopeof relieving. The Chevalier de la Luzerne cannot anticipate thedetermination of his Majesty, with regard to this offer, but as thedesire of Congress to substitute immediately the America for theMagnifique cannot be accomplished if the undersigned Minister waitsfor the orders of his Court on this subject, he will, without delay, inform the Marquis de Vaudreuil of the resolution adopted by Congresson the 4th instant. This General will judge for himself, whether thefleet of the King will be stationed on the coast long enough to allowtime for launching this vessel, arming her, and transporting on boardof her the crew, artillery, and rigging of the Magnifique. In thatcase, the America will immediately join the fleet, in conformity withthe wishes of Congress. But whether circumstances shall allow this vessel to join hisMajesty's fleet, or render it impracticable, the undersigned Ministercan assure Congress, that his Majesty will behold with great pleasure, the eagerness with which the United States, his allies, have made thisoffer, and that this new mark of their attachment and friendship willbe infinitely agreeable to him. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO ROBERT. R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, September 5th, 1782. Sir, A resolution of Congress of the 3d instant, has been communicated tome, containing the offer which that Assembly has been pleased to makeof the ship America, to be joined to his Majesty's fleet. I have thehonor of sending you a note, in answer to this communication. Whatevermay be the result of this offer, I entreat you, Sir, to be persuaded, that my Court will be very sensible of the kindness of it, and as anindividual, I am very desirous that this vessel should join the fleetof the King. [8] I am, with the most sincere respect, Sir, &c. LUZERNE. FOOTNOTES: [8] _In Congress, September 3d, 1782. _ "Whereas the Magnifique, aseventyfour gun ship belonging to the fleet of his Most ChristianMajesty, commanded by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, has been lately lostby accident in the harbor of Boston, and Congress are desirous oftestifying on this occasion to his Majesty, the sense they entertainof his generous exertions in behalf of the United States; "Resolved, That the Agent of Marine be, and he is hereby instructed, to present the America, a seventyfour gun ship, in the name of theUnited States, to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, for the service of hisMost Christian Majesty. " * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782. Sir, I have been honored by your favor of the 4th instant. [9] I have takenmeasures to obtain from the State of Pennsylvania the law youmention, which may be necessary to give validity to the eleventhArticle of the treaty of amity and commerce. The demand upon the State of Georgia shall be transmitted as soon aspossible, and I doubt not, that they will see that full justice isdone to the gentlemen in whose behalf you make the representation. As it appears clearly from the state of facts transmitted by Count deDurat, that the vessel taken by Mr Clintock and his associates islawful prize, agreeably to the marine laws of this country, I shallrenew my instances upon this subject, and direct Dr Franklin to applyto your Court for redress; I must, therefore, again request your aidin promoting this claim in that channel, in which you observe, that itought in future to be made. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [9] Missing. * * * * * THE MARQUIS DE VAUDREUIL TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Translation. Boston, September 20th, 1782. Sir, I have received with the greatest satisfaction the letter, with whichyour Excellency honored me on the 5th instant, with the copy of theresolution of Congress relative to the present, made by Congress tothe King's navy, of the ship America. The eagerness of the UnitedStates to replace the Magnifique, which was lost without hope of beingrelieved, and the cordial manner in which they have offered theAmerica, induce me to accept this vessel with much gratitude. I shalltake care that she is promptly armed, and that she joins his Majesty'ssquadron. M. De Macarty de Marteigne, who will command her, will go toPortsmouth today for that purpose, and I have given orders to thevessels in that port, to furnish him with all the assistance that hemay need. I shall enjoy the honor, with which I feel much flattered, ofnumbering among my ships, this mark of the friendship and regard ofour allies. I have the honor to be, &c. VAUDREUIL. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, September 23d, 1782. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has receivedorders to communicate to Congress, many details relative to thenegotiation for peace. He is desirous, that a committee should beappointed to receive these communications, and he will, at the sametime, have the honor of informing Congress of some circumstances, which concern the common cause, and relate to the actual situation ofaffairs in Europe. LUZERNE. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Head Quarters, September 24th, 1782. Sir, Sundry accounts from New York having reached me, informing me that theBritish were more than meditating an enterprise against the squadronof the Marquis de Vaudreuil, which they have learned is at present intwo detachments in Boston and Portsmouth harbors, and thatpreparations were making for that purpose, I have made the Marquisacquainted with this intelligence, and the probability of such anevent. At the same time that I gave this information to the French Admiral, Ihave written a letter to Governor Hancock, requesting thatarrangements may be made with the militia of his State, in such manneras to give immediate and effectual support, in aid and protection ofhis Most Christian Majesty's ships, in case an attempt should be madeupon them. The like information I shall give to the Governor of the State of NewHampshire, and request similar assistance from him, in case of theenemy approaching near Portsmouth. With the highest regard and esteem, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * COMMUNICATION OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS. In Congress, September 24th, 1782. The committee appointed to hold a conference with the Chevalier de laLuzerne, Minister of France, in pursuance of his note to Congress ofthe 23d, report; That yesterday your committee held a conference with the Minister ofFrance, agreeably to the said appointment, the substance of whichconsisted in the communication of advices lately received by the saidMinister of France, from his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, asfollows. The Minister informed the committee he had received several despatchesfrom his Court, of which he thought it his duty to communicate anextract to Congress. The first was dated 9th April last. It expressed the opinion of theCount de Vergennes, that the Court of St James had formed a design tomake a separate peace with one or more of the powers at war with it. That France was perfectly easy with respect to the disposition ofCongress; and that the uniformity and steadfastness of their conductdid not leave the least doubt with regard to the part they would takein this circumstance. That the steps the King had taken on a similaroccasion, and the disappointment of several British emissaries, wasalready known to Congress. That they had met with the same receptionat Madrid; and there was the greatest probability, that theirintrigues would not be more successful at the Hague. The Minister ofFrance observed, that the glory and honor of the present confederacy, of which his Majesty was the centre, would be their having beeninaccessible to artifice; and this extraordinary instance would becrowned with success, if the four powers persisted invariably in afirm attachment to their union, and if, on the one hand, making thegreatest exertions to procure the completest satisfaction, they, onthe other hand, confined themselves within such bounds of moderationas would give no umbrage to any one of the powers at war with GreatBritain. That the King had, in different circumstances, taken the propermeasures to deprive the enemy of all hopes, which they might haveformed of introducing dissensions between his Majesty and his allies. That it was to be wished, that the Court of London was fully convincedof the impossibility of treating separately with America. That thishad always been the chimerical and favorite idea of England; and thatso long as it subsisted, there would perhaps be no possibility oftreating seriously about the conditions of a peace. That theirnegotiations would only be an artifice to scatter divisions among theallies, and retard their exertions for continuing the war. That theshortest way to put a stop to their intrigues, would be to let it beknown publicly in the most explicit manner, that the United Statesneither can nor will make any peace without the concurrence of theirally; and that if England has any overtures of peace to make to them, the American Plenipotentiaries are sufficiently empowered to receivethem, and to negotiate a peace, if those overtures are admissible. That this peremptory language would free Congress from all theembarrassments, which the English Ministers could throw in the way;that it would bring them to a sincere disposition to make peace; putan end forever to their machinations with the mediating powers;deprive them of the means of feeding the Parliament and people ofEngland with the hopes of a separate peace; and finally save theAmericans from all the difficulties, which would infallibly take placeif England were allowed to negotiate in America. It would convinceEngland, that the United States are not less attached to theirengagements with their ally than sensible of the respect due to theCourts of Vienna and Petersburg, whose mediation Congress haveaccepted. The Minister added, that though the situation of the belligerentpowers, the distance of America, and the slowness and difficulty ofcommunication made it advantageous that the seat of negotiation shouldbe in Europe, and that the enemy should be informed of thisresolution, yet Congress had the fullest liberty to follow the systemwhich France had pointed out in her answer to the mediating powers, inconsequence of which the American Ministers might negotiateimmediately and directly, conformably to the instructions they hadreceived from Congress; but the negotiations of France and Americawould be carried on in an equal progression, a continual andreciprocal communication would be given, and the two treaties signedat the same time, and one be ineffectual without the other. The Count de Vergennes in the same despatch, gave information of theDutch having acknowledged the independence of America, of whichCongress are already informed. The letters of May 2d and June 28th, urged the same point of referringthe British negotiators in America to the American Plenipotentiariesin Europe, with this addition in the letter of May 2d, that it was nowevidently the object of Great Britain to lessen their exertions onthis continent as much as in their power, and to adopt a defensivemode of carrying on the war; that being unable to support a double warby land and by sea, she proposed to suspend the one in order to carryon the other more effectually; and in case of success, to returnagainst the United States with redoubled efforts. The Minister mentioned the attempts, that had been alternately made atthe Court of Versailles, and with the American Plenipotentiaries, fora separate peace, and said, that Dr Franklin had communicated his andMr Adams's answers, to the British emissaries; that the King thoughtthem firm and consistent with the principles of the alliance, andwished that Congress might be informed of the satisfaction theyafforded him. That to remove forever such expectations, it behoovedthe wisdom of Congress to declare, that no peace but a general onewould be attended to; that when negotiations are entered into withsincerity, the King would most readily employ his good offices insupport of the United States, in all points relating to theirprosperity; that Congress were themselves sensible of the distinctionbetween the conditions of justice and rigor, and those of convenienceand compliance, which depended on the good or bad situation ofaffairs; that though the circumstances of the allies were verypromising, such events might happen as might make it advisable toadopt the part of moderation. But the best way to obtain every possible advantage, was to preserve aperfect connexion, and to let them know, that the United States wouldnot only reject a separate peace, but that they would continue the waragainst the common enemy by all manner of ways, until their alliesshould also conclude a peace; that this declaration would convince theBritish Ministers, that they would not get rid of the Americans bymerely acknowledging their independence; and that though they removedtheir troops from the continent, they would be attacked whereverfound. The despatch of the 28th of June dwelt chiefly on the negotiation; andcontained details, which the Count de Vergennes directed the Ministerto make to Congress, but which have in a great measure been alreadytransmitted to them by their Ministers in Europe. These detailsrelated to the emissaries sent to Dr Franklin and Mr Adams, and theirsatisfactory answers. Mr Oswald, in an interview with the Count deVergennes, hinted to him the desire of the Court of London, and thenecessity it was under to make peace; and received for answer, thatthe King was equally disposed to make an honorable and solid peace. MrOswald went to London to carry this information; returned soon, andwas immediately followed by Mr Grenville, the intimate friend of MrFox. Mr Oswald repeated to Dr Franklin the assurances of the disposition ofthe Cabinet of St James; and Mr Grenville, in answer to his overturesto the Count de Vergennes respecting the disposition of the King ofGreat Britain, was informed by the express order of the King, _thathis Majesty was disposed to negotiate for peace, provided it was ageneral one, and the allies and friends of his Majesty weresatisfied_. This answer was just given when the news of the action ofthe 12th of April reached Europe. Nevertheless, the King of GreatBritain sent full powers to Mr Grenville to negotiate the peace withhis Majesty. In communicating them the English Agent declared, _thatthe King of England, in order to facilitate peace, was disposed totreat of the independence of the United States with his Majesty, provided all other matters were put upon the footing of the treaty of1763_. To this the King answered, 1st. _That the powers of Mr Grenville wereinsufficient, as they did not mention the allies of his Majesty. _2dly. _That his Majesty could not himself negotiate for the interestsof America, having no powers to this purpose; and that it became thedignity of the King of England and of the United States to open adirect negotiation on this subject. _ 3dly. _That in order to concludea solid and lasting peace, it ought not to be founded upon the treatyof Paris, but upon justice and the dignity of all the contractingpowers. _ The British Ministry adopting these observations, sent new powers toMr Grenville, authorising him to treat with all the belligerentpowers. Mr Grenville presented to the Count de Vergennes a copy ofthese powers, and declared, _that the King of England, being disposedto acknowledge and declare directly the independence of America, itwould no longer be a conditional article of peace_. And as to France, the English Plenipotentiary proposed _to take the treaty of Paris forthe basis, not of the peace itself, but of the negotiations which wereto be entered into_. The Count de Vergennes, on the 21st of June, communicated to MrGrenville the answer of the King. In this communication his Majestydeclared his wishes for the restoration of peace, and hissatisfaction, that the King of Great Britain was disposed to treatwith all the belligerent powers, and that he intended to make a directacknowledgment and declaration of the independence of the UnitedStates of America, and that this point would no longer be aconditional Article of a general pacification. That the King consentsto adopt, according to the proposition of the King of England, thetreaty of Paris for a basis of the negotiation, not as a confirmationof all its stipulations, but with exceptions and alterationsrespecting the East Indies, Africa, the fisheries of Newfoundland, andcommercial regulations in Europe to mutual advantage. Restitution andcompensation to be treated of, when the negotiation shall beestablished, with respect to which the King will be governed by theprinciples of justice and moderation, which are the basis of hispolicy. If these overtures are agreeable to the King of England, hisMajesty will explain himself precisely on the different points. HisMajesty expects, that his Britannic Majesty will make to all thebelligerent powers and states, without delay, such overtures as he maythink conducive to promote the negotiation as far as it respects theirinterests. That no doubt may be left with respect to his Majesty'ssentiments, he declares anew, that he will neither treat nor terminateany negotiation, unless the interests of his allies and friends shallbe conjointly discussed and determined, or separately, according tothe wishes of his Britannic Majesty and the allied and friendly powersof his Most Christian Majesty. Such was the state of affairs on the 28th of June, at which time thereappeared some obstructions to the negotiation, owing, as it wasbelieved, to the misunderstanding which prevailed among the BritishMinisters. Tergiversations were discovered on the part of the Britishnegotiator. The bill authorising the King of England to treat with theColonies of America had not then passed. These uncertainties made itessential to guard against British emissaries on the continent ofAmerica; and to prevent with all care their admission; and torecommend the same measure to the several Legislatures. The Minister finished the conference by informing the committee of thefortitude of the King on receiving the news of the action of the 12thof April. He immediately gave orders for constructing twelve ships ofthe line, the greater part of the first rate. The city of Paris andseveral other cities and corporations had offered some others, and itwas expected, that the King would, in the course of the next campaign, have twenty new ships to oppose the enemy. His Majesty was resolvednot to make the least alterations in his plans for the futurenegotiation; and he exhorted his allies to the same resolution and thesame exertions. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, September 27th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor of sending to you a decree of his Majesty's Councilof State, made in consequence of the measures taken by Congress forpreventing the fraudulent importation of English merchandise into thiscountry. I desire that you would be pleased to communicate it toCongress, in order that it may be published under the seal ofauthority, and that American merchants and sailors may be informed, that it is in their own power to procure in the ports of France, thepapers necessary for making it certain, that the English merchandise, which they take on board, is obtained from prizes. This decree agreesvery well with the laws passed by several States, and particularlywith that passed by the Assembly of Pennsylvania during its lastsession, to prevent commerce and all communication with the enemy. Ihave also the honor of sending to you, Sir, the copy of a letter fromthe Marquis de Vaudreuil, which I request you to be pleased totransmit to Congress. [10] I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. FOOTNOTES: [10] See above p. 113. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, September 29th, 1782. Sir, I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor towrite to me on the 22d of this month, with the news which accompaniedit. I beg you to accept my sincere thanks. I have the honor to transmit you the extract of an answer, made byexpress order of the King, on the 21st of June, to Mr Grenville. Ipray you to be pleased to keep it a secret; all that I can add is, that the negotiations were still in agitation the beginning of July, but there had been in the conduct of the British Minister manycircumstances, which led to doubt his sincerity; I believe, that evenif there had been a sincere disposition to treat, the death of theMarquis of Rockingham had occasioned a change. I have just received your Excellency's letter of the 24th; I cannotbut thank you for the goodness, which you have had in transmitting methe detail, which it contains. I doubt not but M. De Vaudreuil willprofit by the advice, and put himself in a posture of defence. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia October 1st, 1782. Sir, I send to New York M. Barbe, who has the honor to be known to yourExcellency. The principal objects of his journey, are somearrangements relative to the French prisoners carried into New York, and of some Spaniards, who have been carried there also. I havecharged him to see M. De la Touche, and to give him such consolationas depends upon me. I would at the same time wish to repurchase in NewYork some effects, which I had coming from France in the Eagle, andwhich I cannot replace here. I could wish you, Sir, to give all theassistance in your power to M. Barbe's gaining admission into New Yorkand returning. I am, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON COMMUNICATIONS MADE BY THE FRENCH MINISTER. In Congress, October 3d, 1782. The committee, to whom were referred the notes of the communicationmade by the Minister of France to a committee of Congress, on the 24thof September, brought in a report, which was agreed to, as follows; That the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty beinformed, that the communication made by the said Minister on the 24thof September last, is considered by Congress as an additional proof ofhis Majesty's magnanimity, and has confirmed those sentiments ofaffection and confidence, which his wise, steady, and liberal conductin every stage of the war has so justly inspired. That his Most Christian Majesty's declaration to the British Ministerat Paris, that he will neither treat nor terminate any negotiationunless the interests of his friends and allies shall be considered anddetermined, is entirely correspondent to the part, which these UnitedStates are resolved to take in any negotiation for peace. That Congress, with the utmost satisfaction embrace this opportunityto renew their assurances, that in every event these United Stateswill inviolably adhere to their alliance with his Most ChristianMajesty, which they consider to be equally essential to their interestand their glory. That they will hearken to no propositions for peace, which shall notbe discussed in confidence and in concert with his Most ChristianMajesty, agreeably to the declaration made to his MinisterPlenipotentiary on the 31st day of May last. That upon this principle, Congress did not hesitate a moment, toreject the proposition made by the British General and Admiral, asCommissioners of Peace, for admitting Mr Morgan, their Secretary, toan interview at Philadelphia. And that they are resolved to prosecute the war with vigor, until ageneral peace shall be obtained, in which their allies shall becomprehended. That Congress place the utmost confidence in his Majesty's assurances, that he will readily employ his good offices in support of the UnitedStates in all points relative to their prosperity; and considering theterritorial claims of these States as heretofore made, theirparticipation of the fisheries, and of the free navigation of theMississippi, not only as their indubitable rights, but as essential totheir prosperity, they trust that his Majesty's efforts will besuccessfully employed to obtain a sufficient provision and securityfor those rights. Nor can they refrain from making known to hisMajesty, that any claim of restitution or compensation for propertyconfiscated in the several States, will meet with insuperableobstacles, not only on account of the sovereignty of the individualStates, by which such confiscations have been made, but of the wantondevastations, which the citizens of these States have experienced fromthe enemy, and in many instances from the very persons in whose favorsuch claims may be urged. That Congress trust, that the circumstancesof the allies at the negotiation for peace, will be so prosperous asto render these expectations consistent with the spirit of moderationrecommended by his Majesty. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, October 16th, 1782. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, requests Congressto be pleased to appoint a committee, to which he proposes tocommunicate some measures which are provisional, and which are toremain secret till the moment of their execution. LUZERNE. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Head Quarters, October 25th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to transmit to your Excellency the copy of twoletters[11] from the Count de Vergennes, which were sent out in thepacket from England, and have just come to my hands by a flag of trucefrom New York. They contain a very pathetic and affectionateinterposition in favor of the life of Captain Asgill. I lose no time in forwarding them by a special messenger to Congress, without any observations, being persuaded that Congress will not failto give a very early decision respecting his further treatment. The enclosed newspaper contains all the information I have been ableto obtain since the arrival of the packet. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. FOOTNOTES: [11] That is, the copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes, and onefrom Lady Asgill to him. See these letters above, pp. 105, 107. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, October 25th, 1782. Sir, I have received the letter your Excellency did me the honor to writeme on the 10th instant, with the amount of expenses incurred by theexpresses, which formed the communication with the Marquis deVaudreuil. The treasurer of our army will pay to your Quarter MasterGeneral the five hundred and thirtyseven dollars he has been so kindas to advance for that purpose. I beg also, that you will please tosend me the amount of expenses incurred in procuring the intelligencefrom New York, and that you will accept my thanks for the trouble youhave had in these details. I will be exceedingly obliged to your Excellency to inform me wherethe seventyfifth regiment of grenadiers actually is. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LUZERNE. Head Quarters, October 25th, 1782. Sir, The enclosed letter, which I have the honor to transmit to yourExcellency, was received this moment by a flag of truce from New York. It was accompanied by one addressed to me from the Count de Vergennes, on the same subject. [12] The case of Captain Asgill having, before the receipt of theseletters, been submitted to Congress, I have immediately transmitted tothat body, copies of the Count's letters to me, and have permittedmyself to solicit from them, an early decision of his fate, which, judging from my own feelings, I persuade myself cannot be anunfavorable one. I send your Excellency a transcript of intelligence, which I have thisday forwarded to the Marquis de Vaudreuil. I am, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. FOOTNOTES: [12] See this letter above, p. 105. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, October 28th, 1782. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most ChristianMajesty, has had too frequent opportunities of satisfying himself, that Congress fully perceives how intimately the interests of the twonations are connected, not to be convinced that they will learn withpain, that very considerable quantities of provisions have been sentby the Raritan to New York, and along the river opposite to StatenIsland. The undersigned Minister cannot enter into the details of thisproceeding, which he knows only by reports, though by reports uponwhich he has the strongest reasons for believing that he can depend. This trade is, moreover, carried on in the most open manner, and he isconvinced, that by inquiries, instituted with promptness and secrecy, he shall be able to obtain proofs of it, and to procure the means ofputting a stop to it. Cattle of all kinds have served to furnish withprovisions the enemy's fleet, which has just sailed down to the Hook. It is asserted, that the quantities sent from the Jerseys are immense, but the Chevalier de la Luzerne thinks it unnecessary to attempt atpresent, to determine them exactly, and contents himself withobserving, that the nineteen vessels thus supplied, will not, perhaps, depart immediately, and that it will be necessary to shut up thechannels by which these provisions have reached them. There are, besides, eight other ships of the line at New York, whichthey intend to supply with provisions in the same way. Congress areaware how important it is to prevent the enemy from obtaining from theUnited States the means of putting to sea, and even of supplying thegarrison. The undersigned also knows what efforts have been made bythat body, on different occasions, to put a stop to those illegaloperations, and how desirous it is effectually to guard against them. He also knows, that all the good citizens of the Jerseys grieve to seethe enemy obtaining from their own State, supplies, which are employedagainst the allies of the United States, and he is convinced, that itis only necessary to point out the evil, in order that all maycordially unite in providing a remedy for it. LUZERNE. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, October 30th, 1782. Sir, The Secretary of the United States for the Department of ForeignAffairs has the honor to inform the Minister Plenipotentiary of hisMost Christian Majesty, that a petition has been presented in behalfof the owners and officers of the brig Lætitia, commanded by RobertCollins, and commissioned by the United States. That the said brig, while at anchor in the road of Basseterre, on the 3d day of May last, near the Island of St Christophers, captured by her boat a brig calledthe Francis, belonging to the subjects of his British Majesty, boundfrom the port of Liverpool in England to the Island of Tortola, andhaving on board a valuable cargo. That after the prize had been brought to anchor in the road ofBasseterre, by the officers and mariners of the said brig Lætitia, theharbor master of the Island of St Christophers, aided by a guard, tookpossession of her, under pretence, that she was included in thecapitulation, though the contrary appears from the affidavits annexed;that the said prize was afterwards advertised and sold as a prize tothe subjects of his Most Christian Majesty, without any condemnationin the Courts of Admiralty of the Island. As the sale of this prizefully demonstrates, that she could never have been included in thenumber of those vessels protected by the capitulation, it is notdoubted, that the justice of his Most Christian Majesty's Ministerswill induce them to direct, that the value of the prize be repaid tothe legal captors, when the Chevalier de la Luzerne shall havesubmitted the above state of facts, and the annexed affidavits totheir inspection, together with such observations as his own candorand equity will induce him to wake thereon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 4th, 1782. Sir, Congress, in the year 1780, recommended to the different States topass laws analogous to the Thirteenth Article in our treaty ofcommerce. Some States have complied with this recommendation, others, among which is Pennsylvania, have neglected to do it. I know, thatseveral Frenchmen, who have acquired funds in this State do not trustto the protection of prosecutions _de l'échiquier général_ for want ofa law of this nature. I entreat you, Sir, to be pleased to procure thepassing of such a law, in case that you think, that the said Articleof the treaty is not sufficient to secure to them the quiet possessionof the funds, which they have acquired. I have the honor of sending you, Sir, a letter from the Count deDurat, Governor of Grenada, relative to an affair, concerning which Iwrote to him, by your recommendation. It seems to me, agreeably to hisanswer, that those interested should for the future apply to DrFranklin, to procure satisfaction. You will perhaps think proper tocommunicate to them the letter of M. De Durat. You will also find annexed, Sir, some papers relative to an affair, which concerns the United States, or the State of Georgia. Be pleasedto let me know what answer I can send to those inhabitants of the Capewho are interested. I am, Sir, with the greatest respect, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 6th, 1782. Sir, I duly received the letter your Excellency honored me with on the 25thultimo, relative to Captain Asgill; it appears that Congress arefavorably disposed, respecting him, but they have not yet passed anyresolution on that head. When they do, I doubt not it will befavorable. I have seen with much pleasure a Proclamation of the Governor of theState of New York, to prevent sending provisions to the enemy. Theaccounts I have recently received on that subject from the States ofJersey and Connecticut, give me more pain than I can express. They arepositive, and from people who had ocular demonstration; they prove, that the enemy's fleet could not have quitted New York for some time, if they had not received immense quantities of provisions, living anddead. This commerce is carried on regularly and openly, as if it werepeace, or as if the cattle were for your army. Your Excellency knowshow important the despatch or detention in fitting out fleets is, andI know the efforts you have made to put a stop to this destructivecommerce. I must however entreat you, Sir, to use your influence withthe Governors of Jersey and Connecticut, to adopt such measures as mayprove efficacious. I am sure there is not a single good citizen inAmerica, who is not hurt at seeing the enemy thus furnished from thiscontinent, and thereby enabled to distress us in the West Indies. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO COUNT DE DILLON, GOVERNOR OF ST CHRISTOPHERS. Translation. Philadelphia, November 8th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor of sending you a copy of the depositions of somesailors of the brig Lætitia. I entreat you to be pleased to cause anexamination to be made into this affair, for which they have presenteda Memorial to Mr Livingston, Minister of the United States for ForeignAffairs, who has sent it to me, in order that I might transmit it toyou. I have assured that Minister, that he may rely upon your justiceand care, that such restitution shall be made to the plaintiffs, asafter the investigation into the affair they shall seem justlyentitled to. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO SIR GUY CARLETON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 9th, 1782. Sir, It is with much pleasure, that I now have the honor to enclose you theresolution of Congress in favor of Captain Asgill. [13] I am wellpersuaded, that your justice and humanity will induce you to preventin future the excesses, that gave rise to this disagreeable affair. I shall send this resolution to France by different opportunities, andhope it will be forwarded immediately to Lady Asgill, and put an endto the anxiety she has suffered on account of her son. But as it ispossible that my letter may arrive later than yours, I beg you, Sir, to transmit it also by the first opportunity, I shall solicit GeneralWashington to permit Captain Asgill to return to Europe on his parole, that Lady Asgill may have her joy complete, and if possible berecompensed for the alarm she has been so long in. Receive the assurance, &c. &c. LUZERNE. FOOTNOTES: [13] _In Congress, November 7th, 1782. _ "On the report of a committee, to whom were referred the letter of the 19th of August from theCommander in Chief, the report of a committee thereon, and alsoanother of the 25th of October from the Commander in Chief, with thecopy of a letter to him from the Count de Vergennes, dated the 29th ofJuly last, interceding for Captain Asgill; "_Resolved_, That the Commander in Chief be, and he is hereby directedto set Captain Asgill at liberty. " _November 8th. _ "Resolved, that the Commander in Chief be instructedto call, in the most pointed terms, on the British commander at NewYork, to fulfil his engagement contained in his letter of the 13th dayof August last, 'to make further inquisition into the murder ofCaptain Huddy, and to pursue it with all the effect, which a dueregard to justice will admit. ' "Resolved, that to prevent any misconstruction, which may arise fromthe resolution directing Captain Asgill to be set at liberty, it bedeclared, and it is hereby declared, that the Commander in Chief, orcommander of a separate army, is, in virtue of the powers vested inthem respectively, fully authorised and empowered, whenever the enemyshall commit any act of cruelty or violence, contrary to the laws orusage of war, to demand adequate satisfaction for the same; and ineach case, if such satisfaction shall not be given in a reasonable orlimited time, or shall be refused or evaded under any pretencewhatever, to cause suitable retaliation forthwith to be made; and theUnited States in Congress assembled will support them in suchmeasures. " * * * * * TO SIR GUY CARLETON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 9th, 1782. Sir, By a letter I have this moment received from New York, I am informed, that M. De la Touche is yet prisoner on board the Lion, or on LongIsland. I should be extremely glad if he could be exchangedimmediately, promising to return the first officer of the same rank, who shall fall into our hands; or if that favor cannot be obtained, that he may be permitted to come to Philadelphia for some time. I amwell aware, that this matter is not properly in your department, butthe actual circumstance of the affair, and the letter of CommodoreElphinston to Baron Vioménil, must give weight to your recommendation, if you will please to employ it. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 12th, 1782. Sir, I hope you will not find it amiss, that I have sent directly toGeneral Carleton the two letters, of which the enclosed are copies. M. De la Touche wrote me, that he was yet detained at New York, and thathe would probably have time to receive my answer if it came directly, which induced me to write him by way of Elizabethtown, rather than byDobbs's Ferry. If there is any impropriety in the step I have taken, I hope your Excellency will excuse it in consideration of the objectin view. I dare even to ask your Excellency to enforce my request. I also take the liberty to request your Excellency to permit CaptainAsgill to return to Europe. The situation of his mother has been sounhappy for some time past, that he has a sort of claim on yourExcellency's goodness. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO CAPTAIN ASGILL. [14] Head Quarters, November 13th, 1782. Sir, It affords me singular pleasure to have it in my power to transmit youthe enclosed copy of an act of Congress of the 7th instant, by whichyou are released from the disagreeable circumstances in which you haveso long been. Supposing you would wish to go into New York as soon aspossible, I also enclose a passport for that purpose. Your letter of the 18th of October came regularly to my hand. I begyou to believe, that my not answering it sooner did not proceed frominattention to you, or a want of feeling for your situation; I dailyexpected a determination of your case, and I thought it better to waitthat, than to feed you with hopes that might in the end provefruitless. You will attribute my detention of the enclosed letters, which have been in my hands about a fortnight, to the same cause. I cannot take leave of you, Sir, without assuring you, that inwhatever light my agency in this unpleasing affair may be received, Inever was influenced through the whole of it by sanguinary motives, but by what I conceived a sense of my duty, which loudly called uponme to take measures, however disagreeable, to prevent a repetition ofthose enormities, which have been the subject of discussion, and thatthis important end is likely to be answered, without the effusion ofthe blood of an innocent person, is not a greater relief to you, thanit is to, Sir, your most obedient, and humble servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON. FOOTNOTES: [14] See other letters respecting Captain Asgill's case, above, pp. 105, 107, 128, 129, 133, 135. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Head Quarters, November 13th, 1782. Sir, I am honored with your Excellency's letter of the 6th instant, on asubject not more distressing to you, Sir, than to myself. I have atvarious periods of the war written to Congress and to the States, endeavoring to convince them of the necessity of passing the mostvigorous laws, to prevent the inhabitants from furnishing the enemywith provisions. I will write them again and will use every argument Iam master of for that purpose. In all other nations, I believe, thepersons guilty of that crime are punished with death, and unless theStates on this continent will pass similar laws, I see no means ofputting a stop to that destructive practice. Anything the militarycould do in that matter, would be in vain. To post as many guards aswould be necessary, would be destructive to the army, as those guardswould be continually liable to be cut off by the enemy; and, indeed, the whole army would not suffice to guard the extensive coasts wherethis illicit commerce is carried on. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO COUNT DE VERGENNES. Head Quarters, Newburgh, State of New York, } November 21st, 1782. } Sir, After I had the honor of receiving your Excellency's letter of the29th of July, I lost not a moment in transmitting it to Congress, whohad then under deliberation the proceedings of the British CourtMartial upon Captain Lippincot for the murder of Captain Huddy, andthe other documents relative to that inhuman transaction. What wouldotherwise have been the determination of that honorable body, I willnot undertake to say, but I think I may venture to assure yourExcellency, that your generous interposition had no small degree ofweight in procuring that decision in favor of Captain Asgill, which hehad no right to expect from the very unsatisfactory measures, whichhad been taken by the British Commander in Chief to atone for a crimeof the blackest dye, not to be justified by the practices of war, andunknown to this day amongst civilized nations. I flatter myself, however, that our enemies have been brought to see this transaction inits true light, and that we shall not experience a repetition of thelike enormity. Captain Asgill has been released and is at perfect liberty to returnto the arms of an affectionate parent, whose pathetic address to yourExcellency could not fail of interesting every feeling heart in herbehalf. I have no right to assume any particular merit from the lenientmanner, in which this disagreeable affair has terminated. But I begyou to believe, Sir, that I most sincerely rejoice, not only becauseyour humane intentions are gratified, but because the event accordswith the wishes of his Most Christian Majesty and his royal andamiable consort, who, by their benevolence and munificence, haveendeared themselves to every true American. I have the honor to be, with profound respect, Sir, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Foreign Affairs, November 26th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to inform you, that Congress were pleased, on the12th instant, to pass the enclosed resolution, by which they renewtheir appointment of Mr Jefferson, as Minister Plenipotentiary fornegotiating a peace. Mr Jefferson's established character, his abilities and the honorableoffices he has sustained with reputation in this country, leave noroom to doubt that this appointment will be highly acceptable to yourCourt, when you shall have placed them in that favorable point ofview, in which, I persuade myself, you take a pleasure in representingthem. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 29th, 1782. Sir, I have received the letter, in which you inform me of the renewal ofMr Jefferson's commission, and the resolution of Congress, whichaccompanied it. I was sorry to see that Minister decline taking partin the negotiation for peace, and I learn with great pleasure, that heis making arrangements for joining the other Ministers to whomCongress has intrusted it. The ability of Mr Jefferson, and theimportant services, which he has rendered to the United States, arevery well known in Europe, and you may be assured, Sir, that all, whoare interested in the prosperity and welfare of this country, willapprove of the choice made by Congress. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 30th, 1782. Sir, I received the letters your Excellency honored me with the 13th, 19th, and 22d of this month, and have forwarded yours for the Count deVergennes. From the reports which I have received from the Jerseys, itappears, that the care of the Legislature and the vigilance you haveexcited in the Executive, have produced happy effects in stopping thefacility, with which supplies were sent to New York. I well know theimpossibility of preventing that commerce by means of military guards;but in putting the zeal of the good citizens in activity, I ampersuaded some bounds may be put to a practice so destructive to theinterests of the United States as well as of her allies. I am under great obligations to your Excellency for communicating tome what has passed relative to the fleets of the enemy at New York. Ibeg you to continue this communication, even after M. De Vaudreuil hasdeparted, for by transmitting these accounts to the Minister ofMarine, I enable him to judge better of the measures he has to take, knowing the force and movements of the enemy on these coasts. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, December 11th, 1782. Sir, I have received the letter, with which you honored me yesterday. Ihave, in consequence, the honor of sending you triplicate copies of aletter, which I wrote to the Count de Durat, Governor of Grenada. Bepleased to send it to the persons whom it concerns, and to recommendto them to annex to it French copies of their Memorial. I hope thatit may contribute to their satisfaction. I can only invite theAdmiralties of our Islands to take affairs of this kind intoconsideration. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, December 18th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose your Excellency a letter, which, afterhaving read and sealed, I am to request you to forward with allpossible despatch. I hope that the arrival of my despatches willenable me to be more particular. It will be necessary to recommend tothe chain of expresses, to hold themselves in readiness to carry onthe despatches, which I shall have to send by another Courier. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE MARQUIS DE VAUDREUIL. Translation. Philadelphia, December 18th, 1782. Sir, I this instant learn by an express arrived from the Capes, that theDanaë entered the day before yesterday, and in a thick fog had themisfortune to get aground; probably she will be got off; she is withinthe Capes. She left France the 8th of November; the express has notbrought a single letter, and I do not expect them till tomorrow orthe day after. If there are any for you, they shall be sent on withthe greatest despatch, and if there are none, you shall have anexpress with the news. It is said, that there are many packets for thearmy, and one hundred and eighty thousand livres. The only Frenchmen of our acquaintance on board are General Duportailand M. De Gouvion. The whole of the force at Cadiz, as well land as naval, is destinedfor the West Indies. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, December 26th, 1782. Sir, The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor ofinforming Congress, that his Majesty has received, with the mostlively sensibility, the proofs of the measures taken by them on thebirth of the Dauphin. [15] The King has ordered the Chevalier de laLuzerne to assure this Assembly, that they could not have manifestedtheir attachment to him, on an occasion more dear to him, and thatthis circumstance will, if possible, add new force to his affectionfor the United States, as well as to his wish to establish theirhappiness upon a permanent foundation. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. FOOTNOTES: [15] See the proceedings of Congress here alluded to in the _SecretJournal_, Vol. III. P. 106. * * * * * SUBSTANCE OF A VERBAL COMMUNICATION FROM THE FRENCH MINISTER. Office of Foreign Affairs, December 30th, 1782. The substance of a verbal communication made to the Secretary forForeign Affairs by the Minister of France, on the 30th and 31st ofDecember, 1782, offered to the consideration of Congress on the 1st ofJanuary, 1783, by the said Secretary. The Minister of France came this day agreeably to appointment, to theOffice of Foreign Affairs, and read to Mr Livingston a letter from theCount de Vergennes to him, dated the 12th of August last, whichcontained in substance; that the negotiations begun by Mr Grenvilleand Mr Oswald were interrupted by the resignation of Mr Fox. Thatprevious to that, the King of England appeared disposed to acknowledgethe independency of America in express terms, without making it acondition of the peace; that Mr Grenville encouraged them to hope, that this object would be rendered complete by an act of Parliament;that they looked in vain for this act till they were apprised of theresignation of Mr Fox; that the difference which arose between him andLord Shelburne led them to suppose, that the design of the first wasto recognise the independency of America and treat for a general peaceupon fair and honorable terms; that Lord Shelburne's was, on thecontrary, to endeavor to excite distrusts, and particularly toendeavor to mislead the Americans; that in pursuance of this system inthe month of June last, at the very time that they opened theirtreaty in Europe, he proposed to offer the most advantageous terms toAmerica upon condition that the Americans laid down their arms andleft France to settle the dispute alone. This insidious conduct waspursued during Mr Grenville's negotiation. That Mr Fox's resignation suspended the negotiation, though the newAdministration declared, that this event should occasion no change ofmeasures; that the Court of France expected the effect of thisdeclaration, when a commission was expedited to Mr Oswald to treatwith the American Plenipotentiaries, and another to authorise MrFitzherbert to resume the negotiation begun by Mr Grenville; that hehad presented his credentials the 4th instant; that Mr Oswald had yetreceived only a copy of his, owing to the Chancellor's absence; thatMr Fitzherbert had returned the answer of Great Britain to the counterproposition given by France; that this contains full evidence of theunsteadiness of Lord Shelburne's conduct, since, instead of making theindependence of America a separate object, it proposes it as acondition, and as the price of peace, and adds, that every othercircumstance should be placed upon the basis of 1763. He observes, that the Chevalier de la Luzerne will judge from this, that they affected much surprise at the counter propositions, and thatthey did not assent to them; neither on the other hand, have they yetrefused them, but confine themselves to demanding explanations. Thatthis was then the state of their negotiations; that Mr Oswald hadpresented his commission, to which Mr Franklin and Mr Jay had yetgiven no reply, suspending it till they knew his (the Count deVergennes's) sentiments; that as yet he had formed no opinion, waitingthe result of a conference, which he was to have the next day withthose Ministers; that the commission was in the usual form, but speaksof the Americans as Colonies, without naming them rebels, or assertingany claims upon them. That he did not for his part believe, that Lord Shelburne wouldnegotiate a general peace sincerely, till he lost all hopes of sowingdissensions and treating separately; that they were convinced, thatneither France nor Spain were to be deceived, and that he (the Countde Vergennes, ) entertained the same sentiments with respect to theAmericans, but that the British Ministry, deceiving themselves, maycontinue to tempt them till a peace is signed; that the informationthey (the Court of France, ) had received from him (the Minister ofFrance, ) had left them little doubt on that head; and that thosedoubts will be entirely removed when the States shall haverespectively imitated the example of Maryland, Virginia, and NewJersey. That, however, good faith was not all that was required of an ally;that they must feel themselves in a situation to impose terms on theenemy; that unhappily the Americans had neglected this; that theMinister of France could not press this too closely upon us. He then proceeds to inform the Minister, that while the British hadset on foot a direct negotiation, the Imperial Court renewed theirinstances with that of London to engage them to accept theirmediation; that this gave birth to an answer, in which his BritannicMajesty, without taking notice of the negotiation begun at Paris, declared, that he was ready to receive through them, every pacificoverture, and even to admit the Dutch and the Americans to thenegotiation. This answer was dated on the 29th of April, when MrOswald was already in Paris. That they continued their negotiations, and sent Mr Grenville powers, which were dated on the 21st of May;that they did not conceal this from the Imperial Court, but pretendedthat it was at the instance of France. That this false accusation, and above all the fear of seeing themediation vanish, had engaged the Imperial Court to communicate to theCourt of Versailles and Madrid, the last Memorial of the Court ofLondon, and to exhort them to establish a negotiation under theirauspices; that it was easy to refute the unskilful accusation of theBritish, which he (the Count de Vergennes, ) thinks they (the Court ofFrance, ) have done with success; that the answer is transmitted; thatthey had determined, without rejecting the mediation, to pursue thedirect negotiation as long as it might be convenient to the Court ofLondon; that he had not seen the answer of the British, which couldnot, however, be very satisfactory, since they have expedited thecommission to Mr Fitzherbert and Mr Oswald; that he (the Count doVergennes, ) was ignorant of the part, that the Imperial Courts wouldtake upon their declinatory answer. But that they had always been candid, clear, and open, and would haveno objection to confide their interests with the mediators upon theestablished basis, whenever the Court of London shall decline thedirect negotiation she had begun; that the King did not doubt but thatCongress would think with him on this subject, and that he would nothesitate, if circumstances should require it, to give such assurancesto the two Imperial Courts. In a postscript he adds, that he had seenMr Jay and Mr Franklin, and that they had together discussed both thesubstance and form of the commission to Mr Oswald, and that in spiteof his (Mr Oswald's) instances, they had agreed to decline enteringinto the matter with him, until he shall have produced the original ofhis commission. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. December 31st, 1782. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has had the honorof communicating to the Secretary of the Department of ForeignAffairs, several facts and circumstances relative to the negotiationfor a general peace, which is now carried on at Paris, between thebelligerent powers. That Minister will communicate them to Congress;but the undersigned Plenipotentiary, has received orders himself, toexpress to that Assembly, the satisfaction of the King, his master, atthe conduct, which they have observed on occasion of the overtures, made by the English Commissioners commanding at New York, atdifferent times, for establishing a particular negotiation with theUnited States, or with any one of them. The King has seen with pleasure the resolutions taken by his alliesunder these circumstances, and their perfect harmony with those, whichhe has taken himself. He has observed with equal satisfaction the unanimity, which hasreigned in the different States of the Union, which have expressedtheir sentiments in relation to the proposal for a separate peace;their determination honorably to reject every proposal of this kind, corresponds perfectly with the opinion formed by his Majesty, of theirfidelity in the observance of their engagements, and of the wisdomwhich presides in their Councils. The communications made to the Secretary of the Department of ForeignAffairs, encourage the presumption, that conduct, as prudent andadvantageous as it is just and wise, will soon bring the allies to ahappy conclusion of the present war. The British Minister showed apeaceable disposition; he had reasonable fears respecting the fate ofseveral naval operations, which, on the contrary, have had a resultmuch more favorable than the Court of London seemed to expect. Possibly these unexpected successes may change his disposition forpeace, and on that supposition, the undersigned Minister thinks, thatit will be wise in the United States not to relax their efforts andtheir preparations for the ensuing campaign. Congress may be assured, that his Majesty will, on his part, hold himself in readiness to carryit on with vigor, and that he will apply all his resources to thatobject. [16] LUZERNE. FOOTNOTES: [16] _In Congress, January 3d, 1783. _ "On report of the Secretary ofForeign Affairs, to whom was referred the foregoing note, "Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs inform the Ministerof France, that Congress learn with great pleasure, that the stepstaken by Congress and the respective States, their constituents, inopposition to the attempts of the British Court to bring about apartial negotiation, has been satisfactory to his Most ChristianMajesty. That his Majesty's conduct in the progress of thenegotiations commenced in Europe, as it has been communicated toCongress, is sufficient to inspire a just abhorrence of every actderogatory to the principles of the alliance, and serves to fortifythe resolutions, which his repeated acts of friendship, and a sense oftheir own honor and dignity had dictated to the United States inCongress assembled, and the States they represent. " * * * * * RESOLVES OF CONGRESS ON THE DEPARTURE OF THE FRENCH ARMY. In Congress, January 1st, 1783. On Report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, The Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty havingcommunicated to Congress, through the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, onthe 7th instant, the resolution taken to embark the army under thecommand of the Count de Rochambeau, and on the 29th their havingactually embarked and sailed, together with his Majesty's intention todirect them to return, whenever an object should offer in which theymight effectually co-operate with the troops of the United States; Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs inform the Minister ofFrance, that though Congress cannot see without regret, the departureof an army to whose bravery and good conduct they are so greatlyindebted for the reduction of the enemy's force in this country, yet, that they have too much confidence in the attention of his Majesty tothe interests of the alliance, not to be persuaded, that the order fortheir departure was dictated by a conviction, that they couldelsewhere be more usefully employed against the common enemy. Thatthey wish him to make known to his Majesty the grateful sense theyentertain of his attention to their immediate interest, manifested inthe important aid thus long afforded them, and in his generousdetermination to direct his troops to return to this country, whenevercircumstances will admit of an advantageous co-operation with the armsof the United States. That they desire through him to recommend in aparticular manner the Count de Rochambeau, and the army under hiscommand, to the favor of his Majesty, having the highest reason to besatisfied with their bravery and good conduct, and with that strictdiscipline, to which they are indebted for the perfect harmony, whichhas so happily subsisted between them and the soldiers and citizens ofthe United States. Resolved, That the President make the acknowledgements of Congress, ina particular manner, to his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, andsignify to him the high sense they entertain of the distinguishedtalents displayed by him, with so much advantage to these States, inthe most important conjunctures, as well as of the strict andexemplary discipline, which has been uniformly conspicuous in thetroops under his command, and which has deservedly acquired theadmiration and esteem of the citizens of these States, by whom hissignal services, and the delicate attention at all times paid totheir private rights, will ever be held in affectionate remembrance. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, January 10th, 1783. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has made aseasonable report to his Court, of the inconveniences, which mightresult from the advantageous capitulations granted to the Islands ofSt Christopher, Nevis, and Montserrat, conquered by the forces of hisMajesty. The term of six months, which had been granted to thecapitulators for receiving the vessels, which they expected fromEngland, and for sending them back under a neutral flag, even to theports of Great Britain, expired some time ago, and thus noinconvenience can result from this stipulation. Some of the saidcapitulations gave power to the Governors to authorise by particularpermissions, even after the expiration of the six months, exportationsfrom these conquered Islands to the ports of the enemy. The undersigned has the honor of informing the Secretary of ForeignAffairs, that, in consequence of orders given to the Governor-Generalof these Islands, these permissions will not be given; and, therefore, nothing will prevent the entire execution of the resolutions ofCongress in relation to the importation of English merchandise intothis country. Congress may be assured, that his Majesty will concur inall measures of this kind, which shall have for their object theprevention of commerce with Great Britain. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO ROBERT MORRIS. Translation. Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783. Sir, I have the satisfaction of informing you, that his Majesty hasprocured for the United States, a loan of six millions, to be employedin the Department of War, during the course of the present year. Inannouncing to you, Sir, this new mark of the friendship of the Kingfor the United States, I must enter into some details, which relate toyour operations, and which will make you acquainted with the motives, which have induced his Majesty to make this new effort in favor of hisallies. In the course of the last year, Sir, I gave an account to hisMajesty's Minister, of the order, which seemed to me to be introducedinto the department intrusted to you, of the re-establishment of thepublic credit, and of the economy, which attended your operations. Iadded, that I considered the establishment of a public revenue, forthe payment of interest, and the progressive redemption of thecapitals, as extremely probable, and as the delay and the difficultyof communication would not allow me to wait till this operation wascompleted by the different Legislatures, before I should explain whatwere the wants of the United States, I took it upon myself to write tothe Count de Vergennes, that the disposition of the people to fulfilthe engagements made, and to be made by Congress, appeared to mesufficiently favorable to induce his Majesty to lend a new sum ofmoney to the United States, for this year, if the state of hisfinances should allow it. These assurances determined the loan of sixmillions; but the event has proved, that I had deceived myself in thehopes, which I had thought myself authorised to give to my Court, andso far from the financial affairs being improved since the month ofFebruary, the time at which my letters on this subject were written, they have, on the contrary, taken a retrograde direction, and I see nocertainty of the payment of the sums previously lent, and of thatwhich has just been lent. Thus, Sir, my hasty assurances have determined his Majesty to advancethis money, and, at the moment in which I am informed of it, I amunder the disagreeable necessity of acquainting his Minister, that thehopes, which I had given have vanished, and that my assurances werewithout foundation. I shall say nothing to you of the embarrassing situation, in which Iam personally placed by these circumstances. But I shall take theliberty of observing to you, that in the present juncture, the bestremedy is to take, as soon as possible, the measures which have notbeen taken within the time which I had announced. The Count de Vergennes, Sir, informs me, that the six millions arelent to the United States, in the same manner, and on the sameconditions, as the sum which was lent last year; that is to say, thatthey will be paid from month to month, at the rate of five hundredthousand livres a month; but as it appeared, according to what you didme the honor of writing to me previously, that you had anticipated apart of this loan, I must entreat you to observe, that the firstmonths of this year will serve for paying the money thus anticipated, and thus, that it is, accordingly, proper so to arrange the drawing ofyour bills, as that they may only be presented from month to month, and at the times when the money for paying them shall have beenobtained. I have had the honor to inform you, Sir, that this money was loaned tothe United States in order to enable them to continue the war; thewisdom of Congress will determine, according to circumstances, themanner of effecting this important object, and by united efforts, ofcompelling the enemy to conclude a firm and lasting peace. It remains for me to inform you, Sir, that the King has not been ableto make this last effort, without great difficulties. I have had thehonor of communicating to you those, which prevent the success ofloans of any considerable magnitude; they are so great, that I amordered to announce to you, in the most positive manner, that it willbe impossible for the King, under any supposition whatever, to procurenew advances of money for Congress, for the next year. With regard tothe resources, which you may seek in other places besides France, theletters, which I have had the honor of reading to you, do not allowany success to be looked for, until the United States shall haveestablished a permanent public revenue; and the delay and repugnance, with which they proceed in doing this, being known in Europe, theinclination for lending money to Congress, which may have existed, hasdisappeared; the lenders make other investments; the speculations, which might have been directed towards the United States, go fartherand farther from them, and it will certainly be difficult to bringthem back. I refrain from repeating here the other parts of the despatches of theCount de Vergennes, which I have had the honor of communicating toyou, because the truths contained in them are well known to you, Sir, and because they all may be reduced to this. _Without the speedyestablishment of a substantial public revenue, and without thevigorous execution of the engagements entered into by Congress, thehope of obtaining loans in Europe must be given up. _ I am also ordered, Sir, to represent to Congress, that my Court reliedupon final and satisfactory measures being taken to secure the paymentof the interest, and of the debt contracted by the United Slatestoward his Majesty. But I content myself with mentioning thiscircumstance to you, and before directly announcing it to Congress, Ishall wait till their present embarrassments are diminished. You will judge, Sir, by these details, how impossible it is to drawbills upon your Plenipotentiaries, beyond that part of the sixmillions' loan of this year, which is unappropriated. It is clearlyshown, that these bills will not be paid by us, and it is with a fullconfidence in your regularity in this respect, that I shall inform theCount de Vergennes, that he may be assured, that no demand will bemade for any sums whatever, beyond that sum, which has just beendetermined upon. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783. Sir, Your Excellency will doubtless receive directly, a state of affairs inEurope. I thought, however, that it would be interesting to inform youof some particulars, which I am ordered not to make public, but whichwill also be communicated to Congress. The British Minister hashastened to conclude an eventual treaty of peace with the UnitedStates, and to grant them in the utmost extent every advantage theycould desire. The malevolence with which that power has carried on thewar in America, did not forebode this extreme facility in them, and ithas been an agreeable surprise to the belligerent powers, and you willeasily judge, Sir, that our satisfaction has been complete, and inseeing the great obstacle to peace put, as it were, on one side. We think we may hope, that the epochs of a general peace is not fardistant. However, the English, though disposed to come to a conclusionwith the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, seem much more difficult inthe negotiation carrying on with the States-General. But the King, whothrough the whole of this war, has refused to conclude a peace withoutobtaining for his allies a just and reasonable satisfaction, persistsin these sentiments, and he doubts not that the United States will ontheir part fulfil their engagements by continuing the war till adefinitive treaty is concluded, and thereby entirely disconcert theprojects of the English, who flatter themselves, that by means of theeventual treaty, which they have concluded, they will be able toestablish on the Continent a suspension of hostilities equal to atruce, written and signed. It is possible, that the firmness and resolution of his Majesty willdetermine England to make those restitutions, to which she shows somuch repugnance; but it is also possible, that the war will continueanother year, and to put the United States in a situation to continuethe war with vigor, his Majesty has lent them six millions of livres;six hundred thousand livres are arrived in the Washington, but I havelearnt with much pain that Mr Morris has, through want of means, beenforced to anticipate the pecuniary succors he hoped to receive, sothat the six millions is not so considerable a help as was to havebeen desired. It remains to examine in what manner we can disturb and shut up theenemy during the next campaign. I shall not take the liberty to soundyour Excellency on these points, but I beg you to permit me to say, that it will be serving the common cause essentially to stop thoseexcessive exportations of subsistence to New York, and in case of anevacuation of that place, to prevent them as much as possible fromprocuring subsistence from hence to carry on the campaign in the WestIndies. The Duc de Lauzun will confer with you on these points on his returnfrom the eastward, and I beg you, Sir, to consider with him how tomake the legion early useful; it may be very usefully employed in theservice above mentioned, and the Duke will be happy to act in anymanner your Excellency may wish. In all cases, it cannot but be of service to hold ourselves in ahostile position. If the negotiations produce the happy effects wewish, I will lose no time in informing you, and knowing your humanedisposition, I think I never shall announce to you a more agreeableevent than a general peace, honorable and safe to the allies. You areconvinced how sincerely the King wishes it, and the sacrifices he hasmade to obtain it will prove this. If the treaty has been communicated to you, Sir, you will have seenthat the King of England has reserved to himself the liberty toconclude, or not to conclude, the treaty of peace with America, sothat the act signed the 30th of November by the respectiveCommissioners, is merely conditional and eventual. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783. Sir, I have the honor of sending you a copy of a letter, which I havewritten to Mr Robert Morris. I shall soon have the honor ofcommunicating to you some news, which I have just received from Franceby the packet boat Washington. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Head Quarters, March 19th, 1783. Sir, I am exceedingly obliged to your Excellency for your communication ofthe 15th. The Articles of the treaty between America and GreatBritain, as they stand in connexion with a general pacification, areso very inconclusive, that I am fully in sentiment with yourExcellency, that we should hold ourselves in a hostile position, prepared for either alternative, peace or war. I shall confer with the Duc de la Lauzun on the objects you arepleased to mention; and as I have ever viewed the practice of theStates in supplying the enemy in New York with the means ofsubsistence, as a very pernicious one in its tendency, both toourselves and to our allies, you may depend upon me to exert everymeasure in my power to prevent it. I am at all times happy in receiving any intelligence from yourExcellency, and should it be in your power to announce a generalpeace, you cannot make a more pleasing communication to me. Persuaded of the pure and benevolent intentions, which animate thebreast of his Most Christian Majesty, I am assured, if that happyevent should not result from the present negotiations, that thefailure will not rest on his part. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * MINUTES OF A VERBAL COMMUNICATION FROM THE MINISTER OF FRANCE. Office of Foreign Affairs, March 22d, 1783. The Minister of France, waiting upon Mr Livingston at 12 o'clockagreeable to appointment, communicated to him a letter from the Countde Vergennes, dated the 19th of November. This was wholly confined to matters of finance, and contained insubstance nothing more than Congress have already seen in the letter, written by the Minister of France to Mr Morris. He then read to MrLivingston a letter of the 22d of November, which related to thesatisfaction the King, his master, had received in the testimony theUnited States had given of their friendship, in presenting to him theship America. The substance of this letter has been inserted in thenote sent to Congress the 28th instant. The Minister also read to Mr Livingston, a letter of the 19th ofDecember, from the Count de Vergennes, in which he informs him, thattheir treaty was not so forward as that of the Americans. Though ifhis Majesty had wished it, he could have signed before the AmericanPlenipotentiaries, as no essential difference existed between Franceand Great Britain. But that the King's delicacy induced him to wish, that all his allies should be first satisfied, and he had accordinglyresolved to continue the war, whatever advantages might be offeredhim, if Great Britain should bear hard upon any of them. That it stillremained to reconcile the interest of Spain, and those of Holland. That he had reason to believe with relation to the first, that theywould soon be fully settled. That the foundation was already laid, andthat nothing now remained but to settle forms. That he was of opinion, that it was for the interest of the United States to facilitate aconnexion with this power, which will be their neighbor. That it would become the wisdom of Congress to discover moderationwith respect to them. That he is persuaded England will see withpleasure, divisions introduced between the United States and the Courtof Madrid, and that it is probable, that they will even endeavor toanimate them one against the other. That British emissaries have beenemployed to inspire Spain with apprehensions as to the ambitious viewsof America. But they will now avail themselves of this intimacy withthe American Ministers, to render them suspicious of Spain, and evento excite their resentments against her. Congress will defeat thisdesign by removing the difficulties, which now oppose themselves to aunion with his Catholic Majesty. That the King wishes so much to seehis allies enjoy a solid and durable peace, that in exciting theAmericans on one side to discover a more conciliatory spirit, he willspare nothing on the other to remove the difficulties, which may beraised by the Court of Spain. That he apprehends delays andembarrassments from Holland. That the British Administration appearvery unfavorable to them. The Minister of France then read to Mr Livingston another letter fromthe Count de Vergennes, of the 20th of December, 1782, which containedin substance; that peace was not yet concluded; that it was anxiouslydesired by the King. That his Majesty's obligations to his allies hadnot yet permitted him to pronounce with certainty as to thetermination of the war. That expecting peace, prudence required, thatthe allies should act as if the war was to continue. That Congresswill judge of the manner in which they can most effectually contributeto distress the common enemy. That in the present state of things itwould not be prudent to invite the Americans to form any directenterprise against the common enemy. That the Provisional Articleswould, when executed, at the general peace, put New York into thehands of the Americans, and that Congress could judge better than theycould what part it would be expedient for them to take in the thenstate of things. That proposing nothing they leave everything to theirdiscretion. That the Minister should however inform them, that hecould not yet determine whether they were at the eve of the war or ifanother campaign must be opened. That in the latter case there weretwo essential objects, on which the Minister of France should impartto Congress the opinion of his Court, and the desires of his Majesty. That though if their towns were evacuated the Americans could nottake an active part, yet they can compel the enemy to wish for peace, by excluding them from all connexion with them and prohibiting undervery severe penalties, the consumption or importation of Britishmanufactures. That a considerable party among the British wish to formcommercial connexion with the United States. That when they shall beconvinced, that they can reap no benefit therefrom, but by a soliddefinitive peace, conformable to the treaty already agreed upon, theywill become more tractable, and conclude the definitive treaty, whichwill give force and vigor to the provisional articles, and set theseal to the independence of America. That it would also be proper tostate to Congress the necessity of providing means to prevent thesending provisions into New York, by which the British armaments areamply supplied with fresh provisions of every kind. That the King persuades himself, that the Legislatures of therespective States will concur in measures for this salutary purpose, when they shall be informed of the injury occasioned to their ally bythe want of the necessary precautions on this subject. That theseprecautions will not be unnecessary if the enemy are about to abandonNew York, without which the enemy will carry with them the means ofsupplying the places to which they transport their troops. That he persuades himself, that Congress will perceive, that they areindebted to the harmony, that has subsisted between the King and themfor the present happy state of their affairs. But that nothing beingyet concluded, the present moment is precisely that in which it is ofmost importance to preserve the same system. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Head Quarters, March 29th, 1783. Sir, The news of a general peace, which your Excellency has been so good asto announce to me, has filled my mind with inexpressible satisfaction;and permit me to add, that the joy I feel on this great event isdoubly enhanced, by the very obliging manner in which you have beenpleased to express your congratulations to me and the army on thishappy occasion. The part your Excellency has acted in the cause of America, and thegreat and benevolent share you have taken in the establishment of herindependence, are deeply impressed on my mind, and will not be effacedfrom my remembrance, or that of the citizens of America, but with thelatest effects of time. You will accept, Sir, my warmestacknowledgements and congratulations, with assurances that I shallalways participate, with the highest pleasure, in every event whichmay contribute to your happiness and satisfaction. The articles of a general treaty do not appear so favorable to France, in point of territorial acquisitions, as they do to the other powers;but the magnanimous and disinterested scale of action, which thatgreat nation has exhibited to the world during this war, and at theconclusion of peace, will insure to the King and nation thatreputation, which will be of more consequence to them, than everyother consideration. Mrs Washington begs your Excellency to accept her sincerest thanks forthe joy you have communicated to her, and to receive a return of hercongratulations on this most happy of all events. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, April 10th, 1783. Sir, I have to inform your Excellency, that I have just receivedinstructions from the Minister, that in consequence of the peace, theFrench troops actually here, are to be sent to France without delay. If you see no cause to defer it, I shall accordingly take immediatemeasures for their departure. I impatiently wait the arrival of theDuc de Lauzun to give the necessary orders, as no definitivearrangements can be made in his absence. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, April 29th, 1783. Sir, I wrote sometime ago to General Washington to know whether he thoughtproper, that the legion of Lauzun, and the other detachments of thearmy of Rochambeau, should leave this continent, in order to return toFrance. According to his answer, dated the 23d inst. He entirelyapproves this measure; consequently I beg you will have the kindnessto inform Congress that the departure will take place immediately. Permit me to embrace this opportunity of assuring you, in concert withthe Duc de Lauzun, that the officers and soldiers of this army willalways recollect with pleasure the three years which they passed inthis continent, the union which has existed between the two nations, and the hospitality with which they have been treated by theinhabitants. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Head Quarters, May 13th, 1783. Sir, We are making some preparations in the army for a display of our joyon the happy event of a general peace. The exhibition will be delayedtill the arrival of the definitive treaty. If your Excellency can makeit convenient to honor us with your company on the occasion, it willbe a great addition to our happiness. I take the liberty to put under cover to your Excellency, severalletters, which I wish to convey to some gentlemen of your army, latein America. If the Duc de Lauzun should have sailed before theirarrival, I shall be much obliged by your care of their conveyance bysome other good opportunity. With great regard and respect, GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Translation. Philadelphia, May 19th, 1783. Sir, I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 4th ofthis month, and the Memorial of Mr Durham, which accompanied it. Icannot form any opinion upon such a statement, and I shall be unableto know whether the complaints are just, before I learn the motives ofthe conduct, which he professes to have observed on his part. I havethe honor of sending you a letter for the Marquis de Bouillé, inrelation to this affair, and I entreat you to have the kindness tosend it to that individual, who will take care to send it to thecommander. You have been informed, Sir, of the affair of Mr Gillon, or rather ofthe many affairs, which have been the subject of controversy betweenhim and the subjects of the King. You will find a statement of it in aMemorial which I annex, requesting you to be pleased to return it whenread; I have addressed it to the State of South Carolina; I requestyou to be pleased to read the resolutions taken in consequence of itby the Assembly of that State, and the annexed copies of which you maykeep. I have also the honor of sending you, Sir, some new demandsagainst that officer, which I have lately received. I shall make noreflection respecting the resolutions of Carolina; but I entreat youto be pleased to point out the most proper course for obtainingjustice, and to inform me whether it would seem to you proper, that Ishould lay this matter before Congress. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * COUNT DE VERGENNES TO M. DE LAFAYETTE. Translation. Versailles, June 29th, 1783. Sir, I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write on the17th of this month. You desire to know what is meant by _free port_. By this term, Sir, we mean a place to which all merchandises, as wellforeign as domestic, may be imported, and from which they may befreely exported. You will judge, Sir, by this definition, that all themerchandises of the north, without exception, may be imported intoL'Orient, and exported from it by the Americans. In a word, L'Orientwill be reputed foreign with regard to France, as far as it respectscommerce. The prohibitions and duties upon foreign merchandises willtake effect only in case any person desires to introduce into theinterior parts of the realm the merchandises subjected to the one orthe other. I have the honor to be, &c. DE VERGENNES. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, September 17th, 1783. Sir, The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary has the honor ofcommunicating to Congress an extract from a letter of the Count deVergennes, and a copy of a contract between the King and the ThirteenUnited States. He requests Congress to be pleased to send theratification of it to their Minister at his Majesty's Court, in orderthat he may settle this business with the Count de Vergennes. The undersigned received the papers, of which a copy is annexed, nearly four months ago. He had received orders, at the same time, toinform his Court of the measures, which the United States might havetaken, for the accomplishment of the different articles of thecontract of the 16th of July, of last year. The undersigned hasdeferred till this time, the communications in question, in the hopethat circumstances might become more favorable. As the peace has madethese stipulations, which were only eventual, executory, he canrefrain no longer from requesting Congress to acquaint him with thearrangements which may have been made by the United States, or thosewhich they propose to make, for the execution of the contract of the16th of July, of last year, as well as with those to be made for theexecution of the contract, of which a copy is annexed. LUZERNE. * * * * * COUNT DE VERGENNES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. (Annexed to the note, sent on the 17th of September, 1783. ) Translation. Versailles, March 10th, 1783. Sir, Dr Franklin, in the month of February last, communicated to medifferent decrees of the Congress of the United States of NorthAmerica, passed on the 14th and 23d of September, and several lettersfrom Messrs Morris and Livingston, which not only authorised thatMinister, but even expressly ordered him to negotiate in Europe a loanof four millions of dollars, amounting to about twenty millions oflivres tournois, for the service of the United States during thepresent year, and under their warranty. It was at the same timeenjoined on Dr Franklin, earnestly to solicit the continuance of thefavors of the King, in the crisis in which Congress was then placed. In the enumeration of the motives, which the Superintendent of thefinances alleged, in order to obtain a new loan of money from hisMajesty, he did not deny, that the Minister of France might assigngood reasons for declining to comply with this request, but he added, that, as it was the last of this kind, which Congress would haveoccasion to make, he hoped that it would not be rejected. Dr Franklin, on his part, in obedience to the orders of Congress, implored, in favor of the United States, the assistance of the King, and added to the reasons previously given, that, without thisassistance the continental army could no longer be kept together, nordisbanded without danger. After having conferred on this subject with M. Joly de Fleury, I madea report upon it to the King. I informed his Majesty of theembarrassments of Congress, and of their inability to provide fortheir necessities by means of taxes, which the imperfections or theweakness of a rising Administration did not permit them to levy. TheKing had already, by great sacrifices, fulfilled in their behalf, theduties of a most tender father, during the continuance of their moralinfancy. Since the nation reached the period of maturity, consecratedby its emancipation and political independence, it seemed that itought to be sufficient for itself, and not to require new efforts ofthe generosity of its ally; but without being prevented by theseconsiderations, the King, faithful to his attachment to the UnitedStates, was pleased, under these circumstances, to give a new proof ofit, and notwithstanding the difficulties, which his Majestyexperienced in his own finances, he determined, according to my reportof the 20th of December last, to grant to Congress a new loan of _sixmillions of livres tournois_, for the service of the United States, during the course of the present year. He also authorised theadvancing of a sum of money previously granted, which Dr Franklinearnestly solicited. I informed that Minister of it, who, in hisanswer of January 25th, gratefully accepted these new favors in thename of the United States. I informed him, moreover, that they couldnot be increased, and that his Majesty would in no case be a guaranteefor other loans, which he might procure in Holland or elsewhere. I have thought proper to enter into these details with you, Sir, inorder that you may be able to communicate them to Congress, and thatthat body may be informed by you of the last financial arrangements, which his Majesty has been pleased to decide upon, in favor of theUnited States. I have since concerted with Dr Franklin, thosemeasures, which were necessary for fixing the conditions and the termsof payment of the loan of six millions of livres, of which I have beenspeaking. They were stipulated in a contract made on the 25th ofFebruary last, which we signed by virtue of our respective fullpowers, as we had done with regard to preceding advances, by acontract previously made on the 16th of July, of last year, of which Iinformed you at the time, and of which we are now expecting theratification on the part of Congress. Although I do not doubt that DrFranklin has transmitted this new act to Congress, I have stillthought it proper to send the annexed copy of it to you. By the first article, you will see, Sir, that the King lends Congressthe sum of _six millions of livres_, payable at the rate of fivehundred thousand livres in each of the twelve months of the currentyear, on condition of the repayment of the capital with interest atfive per cent per annum. The second article recapitulates and verifies the preceding aidsfurnished by his Majesty, and divides them into three distinctclasses. The first consisting of the sums loaned, amounting toeighteen millions of livres. The second, of a fund of ten millions, arising from a loan obtained in Holland for the service of the UnitedStates, and guaranteed by his Majesty. The third, of subsidies, gratuitously furnished, amounting to nine millions of livres, the giftof which to the United States is confirmed by his Majesty. The third Article fixes the repayment to the royal treasury, of thenew loan of six millions, with the interest thereon, at six periods, fixed at the times most convenient for the financial operations ofCongress. By the fourth Article, it has been agreed, that the interest on thelast loan of six millions, shall not commence till the 1st of January, 1784. The King being pleased to give and remit to Congress the partialinterest on the capital for the present year. The fifth and sixth Articles contain stipulations of usage and form. All attesting the sentiments of affection entertained by the King forthe United States, and his tender anxiety to contribute to theirprosperity. I desire you, Sir, to assure Congress, that these sentiments aredeeply engraven on the heart of the King, that his Council feel themno less deeply; and that his Majesty will never cease to take the mostlively interest in the welfare of the United States, his allies. You will be pleased to inform me of the reception of this letter, andof the annexed paper. I have the honor to be, &c. DE VERGENNES. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, November 2d, 1783. Sir, I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor towrite to me on the 27th ultimo, and the resolutions of Congress, whichwere annexed to it, and which express the sentiments of Congress withrelation to the dispositions of his Majesty, and the other belligerentpowers, not to sign the definitive treaty, except in concert with theUnited States. It appeared by the last news received, that thisconduct has produced the desired effect, and that it has in fine, beenfollowed by a general peace. The United States may be assured, that his Majesty will adopt withpleasure all commercial arrangements, which may be advantageous tothem, and which will not be prejudicial to his subjects. I also know, that it is his Majesty's intention, that the United States shouldenjoy, in the ports of his kingdom, not only all the advantages, whichthey enjoyed before their independence, but even some favors, whichhave not heretofore been granted to them. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Translation. Philadelphia, November 21st, 1783. Sir, I have received the letter your Excellency did me the honor to writeme by Messrs Villefranche and Rochefontaine, the testimony you havebeen pleased to give in favor of these two officers will have thegreatest weight with those persons who can contribute to theiradvancement, and it gives me the greatest pleasure to receive thesetestimonies, from Congress and from your Excellency, of thesatisfaction the French officers have given in the service of theUnited States. I beg your Excellency to receive my sincere congratulations upon theevacuation of New York; this grand event completes your glory. I hopeto be at New York the 28th of this month, to be witness of therejoicings you have ordered, and to renew to you the assurances ofattachment, with which I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * M. DE CALONNE TO M. DE LAFAYETTE. Translation. Versailles, January 9th, 1784. Sir, I have communicated to the King the observations contained in thememoir, which you transmitted to me relative to the commerce ofAmerica, and those, which you made at our last conference. I am authorised to announce to you, that it is the intention of hisMajesty, to grant to the United States the ports of L'Orient andBayonne as free ports; and besides these, that of Dunkirk and that ofMarseilles, the first of which enjoys absolute freedom, and the otheris restrained in the exercise of that freedom only with regard totobacco, which is there subjected to a duty. The Americans may fromthis moment send their vessels to those four ports, where they willnot meet with any kind of difficulty. You may, if necessary, explain what is meant by _free ports_, agreeably to the signification thereof given by M. De Vergennes, inhis letter of the 29th of June last. [17] The Americans will find, above all at Dunkirk, all the facilities they can desire for the saleof their leaf tobacco, their rice, their timber, and othermerchandise, as well as for the purchase of what they want; such aslinens, woollens, brandy, &c. It is proposed to establish stores andmagazines there, which shall be well supplied, on terms veryadvantageous for their commerce. I have given orders to the Farmers-General to treat in preference, andat a reasonable price, for the purchase of the tobaccoes of NorthAmerica. And, moreover, the United States will be as much favored inFrance, in matters of commerce, as any other nation. The complaints, which they may make to you, or which Dr Franklin and the otherAmerican Ministers, whom I should be very glad to see, may transmit tome on their behalf, shall be examined with great attention; andgovernment will not suffer them to experience any kind of vexations. Every possible precaution will also be taken to prevent the sendingout bad merchandise, which if it has hitherto taken place, can only beattributed to the avarice of some merchants of the lowest order. I am going immediately to examine what relates to the customs andduties, which hurt commerce. This is an important subject, andrequires great attention. In fine, Sir, you may rely, that I shall bealways disposed, as well as the Marshal de Castries, and the Count deVergennes, to receive and listen with attention to the demands andfurther representations, which you shall think proper to make in favorof the commerce of America. I have the honor to be, &c. DE CALONNE. _P. S. _ The ports of Bayonne and L'Orient will be made similar to thatof Dunkirk with regard to entire freedom. FOOTNOTES: [17] See above, p. 170. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Annapolis, January 29th, 1784. Sir, I have the last year presented to Congress several notes, respectingwhich no answer has been given me. I have reason to believe, however, that it has taken resolutions on many of these notes. Not toimportune Congress by reiterations, I pray you to be pleased to informme of what has passed on this subject, and especially with regard tothe ratification of the contract entered into between the King and theUnited States, for the various loans, which his Majesty has made them, and concerning the measures taken for the payment of the interest onthe sums lent to the United States by his Majesty, or for which he hasbecome responsible. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Annapolis, January 30th, 1784. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor toinform Congress, that his Majesty desiring to favor the progress ofcommerce between his kingdom and the United States, has appointed fourConsuls and five Vice Consuls, to reside in those cities of thiscontinent, where he has judged that the presence of these officerswould be useful to his commercial and sea-faring subjects. He has alsoappointed a Consul-General, whose duty shall be more particularly toattend to the general objects of commerce. M. De Marbois has beenappointed to fill this office. His Majesty hopes, that this choicewill be the more agreeable to Congress, as he has resided many yearsin America, and especially as he has the honor of being known to thatbody. The new distribution, which has just been made of Consulates andVice Consulates requiring a particular attention, the undersigneddesires Congress to be pleased to appoint a committee, empowered totreat with M. De Marbois on every subject relative to the recognitionof the character of these new officers. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Annapolis, February 18th, 1784. Sir, The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor toinform Congress, that the family of the Sieur de la Radière, who diedabout four years ago, in the service of the United States, is desirousof receiving the benefits, which Congress grants to the other heirs ofthe officers, who have served in the armies of the United States. TheSieur de la Radière was attached to the corps of engineers. Theundersigned begs Congress to enable him to give an answer to thefamily of this officer, as well as to those who may be in the samesituation. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Annapolis, April 6th, 1784. Sir, The undersigned, Minister of France, has the honor to inform Congress, that the portraits of the King and Queen have arrived at Philadelphia, and that he has orders to present them to that body. The undersigned Minister has had the honor to transmit to hisExcellency, the President, his Majesty's letter, in answer to that ofthe 14th of June, 1779, in which Congress have expressed their desireto have the portraits of their Majesties. This letter expresses toCongress the pleasure, with which the King gives the United Statesthis testimony of his affection and friendship for them. Theundersigned has made the necessary arrangements for the safe keepingof these two portraits, until Congress can receive them. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Annapolis, April 9th, 1784. Sir, I have the honor to communicate to your Excellency an extract from aletter, which I received from Count de Vergennes, dated the 24th ofDecember last. I received orders at the same time to inform his Majesty's Minister ofthe measures, which have been taken by the United States, relative tothe payment of portions of the principal, and of the interest of thesums, which have been loaned them by the King. I make mention, Sir, ofportions of the capital, because, by the terms of the contract of the16th of July, 1784, the reimbursement of the first loan of eightmillions is to begin three years after the peace, and it is expedientto take seasonable measures with regard to this subject. I am also to inform my Court of the arrangements, which have been madefor the payment of interest on the loan of five millions of florins, made in Holland, the 5th of November, 1781, and for which his Majestybecame guarantee. I know the efforts of Congress to effect thedischarge of the public debt, and their wish to fulfil theirengagements; and I consider it superfluous to recall to yourExcellency all the motives, which combine to induce the United Statesto fulfil faithfully those, which they have contracted with the King. I confine myself to desiring you to enable me to dissipate theuneasiness, which may have been excited at my Court, by the delay inproceeding to raise funds to effect the payment of this debt. I am with respect, Sir, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * COUNT DE VERGENNES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Translation. Versailles, December 24th, 1783. Sir, His Majesty has decided irrevocably, that the port of L'Orient shallbe free, and American sailors may actually consider it so. The edictof the King has not yet been published, however, because his Majesty'sintention being to give this arrangement as wide an extent aspossible, the regulations should be drawn up after a carefuldeliberation, and conceived in such terms, that the advantages allowedto the merchants of the United States, may not be essentiallyprejudicial to our own commerce, and the revenues of the State. The merchants of the United States enjoy equally the liberty offrequenting the ports of Marseilles and Dunkirk, and they partake, like other nations, in the immunities and privileges of these twoplaces. DE VERGENNES. * * * * * CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE. The United States in Congress assembled to their Great, Faithful, andBeloved Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France andNavarre. Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, Your Majesty's letter of the 13th of August last, has been received bythe United States in Congress assembled, with a degree of satisfactionand pleasure, which those only can conceive, who, to the highestsentiments of respect, unite feelings of the most affectionatefriendship. The portraits of your Majesty and of your royal consort having arrivedat Philadelphia, have been carefully preserved by your faithfulMinister, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, whose attention on this, as onall other occasions, merits the acknowledgements of Congress. These lively representations of our august and most beloved friendswill be placed in our council chamber; and can never fail of excitingin the mind of every American, an admiration of the distinguishedvirtues and accomplishments of the royal originals. We beseech the Supreme Ruler of the universe constantly to keep yourMajesty and your royal consort in his holy protection, and to renderthe blessings of your administration as extensive as the objects ofyour Majesty's benevolent principles. Done at Annapolis, in the State of Maryland, this 16th day of April, 1784, by the United States in Congress assembled. Your faithful Friends and Allies, THOMAS MIFFLIN, _President_. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Finance, April 16th, 1784. Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose to Congress the duplicate of a letterfrom the Marquis de Lafayette, dated the 26th of December, togetherwith the copy of his letter of the 18th of June last, to the Count deVergennes; the Count's answer of the 29th of the same month; a letterto him from M. De Calonne of the 18th, and another of the 25th ofDecember, all which were enclosed in that duplicate to me, as werealso the observations on the commerce between France and the UnitedStates, which I have also the honor of transmitting. With respect tothis paper, I must pray leave to refer Congress to the cautioncontained in the letter to me, and pray their compliance with hisintention. The masterly manner in which the Marquis has treated asubject, certainly foreign to his former habits and views, meritsgreat applause, and will I doubt not, procure that approbation fromCongress, which will be to him a grateful reward for his zealous anddexterous exertions to promote the interests of America. [18] I pray leave also to submit to Congress the enclosed extract fromanother letter of the Marquis de Lafayette, of the 10th of January, together with the copy of M. De la Calonne's letter therein mentioned. This last, which shows the labors of that young nobleman to have beencrowned with the wished for success, will I doubt not be pleasing toCongress, as it is certainly very interesting to the commerce of theUnited States. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. FOOTNOTES: [18] This paper on commerce, as well as the letters above referred to, are missing. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Annapolis, April 21st, 1784. Sir, In the course of last summer I requested leave of his Majesty toreturn to France. By letters from my friends, I am informed that it isgranted; but the loss of the packet, which conveyed the Minister'sletter, lays me under the necessity of writing again on that subject. I should have waited his answer before I took leave of Congress, had Inot reason to believe, that it will not reach me till their recess. I cannot however depart, without entreating your Excellency tocommunicate to them my warm acknowledgements for the manner, in whichthey have treated with me during my mission, which has lasted nearfive years. I have had the satisfaction of agreeing with Congress onall the subjects, which I have had the honor of negotiating with them;and I owe my success to the good fortune I had of being theRepresentative of a just and generous Monarch, to a wise and virtuousRepublic. I shall ever retain a grateful remembrance of this, andshall always consider the time I have spent on this continent, as themost honorable period of my life. My satisfaction would be complete, were it not accompanied with regret, at parting from a Senate composedof members, on whose friendship I flatter myself I have a just claim, by an intimate acquaintance of several years. Your Excellency permitsme to rank you among those who honor me with their friendship; and Iam persuaded, that the expression of my attachment and respect forCongress will lose nothing of its force, if you will be pleased toconvey it. The letters, by which I have received advice of my having obtainedleave to return, inform me also, that M. De Marbois will be hisMajesty's _Chargé d'Affaires_ with the United States. His zeal, andhis attachment for the cause, which unites France and America, arewell known to Congress, and I have not the least doubt, but hisMajesty's choice will be agreeable to that assembly. I am, Sir, with great respect, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, April 28th, 1784. Sir, You will see by the subjoined letter of Mr Pierce, the situation ofthe Baron de Kalb with regard to the United States, at the time whenhe was killed at Camden. The continental money which he had receivedmust have been employed in subsisting the body of troops under hiscommand; or, if any part of these funds remained in his hands, it musthave been plundered and taken by the enemy, with all the baggage ofthis General. I think, then, that Congress will be pleased to take thesecircumstances into consideration, and excuse the heirs of the Baron deKalb from producing vouchers, which circumstances do not allow them toprocure. I pray your Excellency to be pleased, also to induce Congressto determine whether the resolutions of the 15th of May, 1778, and the24th of August, 1780, extend to the widow and orphans of the Baron deKalb. A difficulty has also arisen with regard to M. De Fleury, LieutenantColonel, and it can be removed only by a resolution, which I requestyour Excellency to solicit from the goodness of Congress in favor ofthis officer. He did not quit the American army without leave granted, and Congress, in consideration of his services and good conduct, hasbeen pleased to consider him as always being attached to the Americanarmy. It seems, then, right to ask, that he should enjoy the sameadvantages as the other officers, and the rather, that he was attachedto the French army, which served on this continent. General Lincoln, in 1782, did not place him on the list of officers retained in theservice; but this omission ought not to be prejudicial to the priorresolutions of Congress. He was, at this very time, detached to theRoanoke, with the troops of the French division, that he might supportGeneral Greene, in case the latter were attacked. Thus, ignorant ofwhat was passing in Congress, as well as in the War Department, it wasimpossible for him to make any representations on this subject. He wasborn without fortune, and if he did not, like the other officers, enjoy his pay to the 3d of November, 1783, his affairs would be foundrather involved than meliorated by his residence in this continent. The payments, which Mr Morris has been authorised to make, have beenclaimed for the years 1782 and 1783; and M. De Fleury would be foundexcluded, unless the justice of Congress should allow him the sametreatment, which the other officers receive, and the advantages of thecommutation. The third resolution of Congress of December 31st, 1781, seems to protect the rights of M. De Fleury, and authorise the demand, which I pray you to present to Congress in his favor. The different articles subjoined will enable Congress to judge of thejustice of the demands, concerning which I beg you, Sir, to inform meof the intentions of that body. [19] I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. FOOTNOTES: [19] The following is the statement of Baron de Kalb's account. MrPierce's letter is missing. Office of Accounts, April 19th, 1784. Sir, I have examined sundry papers relative to the claim of the Baroness deKalb, for the pay of her husband, (the late Baron de Kalb, deceased)as a Major General in the service of the United States of America, andfind, That from the 31st of July, 1777, the date of his appointment, to the 19th of August, 1780, the day of his death, being thirtysix months and twenty days, his pay, at $166-2/3 per month, amounts to $6, 111 10-90 That per certificate of John Pierce, Paymaster General, it appears he received sundry sums, in money of the old emissions, on account of his pay, which are extended to his debit in specie, by the Massachusetts scale, as follows, viz. 1778, February, 830 dollars, at 464 per cent $178 79-90 " May, 664 " " 580 " " 114 43-90 " October, 664 " " 690 " " 96 21-90 1779, January, 664 " " 834 " " 79 55-90 " May, 664 " " 1414 " " 46 86-90 " September, 664 " " 1695 " " 39 15-90 1780, November, 664 " " 2387 " " 27 73-90 That said certificate also includes a charge for $2000 old emissions, advanced him in August, 1777, which at 238 per cent are equal to 840 30-90 That he is also chargeable with the following sums, viz. Received from Silas Deane, in France, on the 22d of November, 1776, as appears per receipt annexed to his agreement with said Deane, 6000 livres, at 5 livres and 5 sols per dollar, are equal to 1, 142 79-90 Six thousand livres paid him in bills of exchange, agreeable to a resolve of Congress of September 14, 1777, at 5 livres 8 sols per dollar, equal to 1, 171 10-90 That on this account, there appears a balance of two thousand four hundred and thirtythree dollars and 61-90 due to the estate of the Baron de Kalb 2, 433 61-90 ------------ $6, 111 10-90 Exclusive of the sums carried to the Baron's debit in the foregoingstate, he is charged in the Paymaster General's books with thefollowing, in old emissions, viz. November 17th, 1777. Fifty dollars paid for transporting his baggage. If he was in actual service at the time, and in such a situation asrendered extra means necessary for this purpose, I am of opinion thathe ought not to be charged with this sum. May, 1780. Two hundred and twentysix thousand dollars, said to be forthe purpose of defraying the expenses of the Maryland line, on theirmarch to the southward, or for defraying the deficiencies of clothingdue to the Maryland line. To oppose to this charge there is nothingyet produced. I therefore submit to consideration, the propriety ofadmitting to the credit of his estate the balance, which appeals dueon account of his pay, as per the foregoing adjustment. WILLIAM RAMSEY, _Clerk of Accounts_. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, May 6th, 1784. Sir, The King having as yet made no appointment to the Consulate ofCharleston, the intention of his Majesty was, that M. De la Forest, Vice-Consul at Savannah, should in the interim perform its duties. Ihave, consequently, transmitted to him, as well as to M. De Marbois, letters of recommendation, which we thought sufficient to induce theGovernor and Council of South Carolina to recognise him in thisprovisional capacity. Our hopes with regard to this subject werebuilt upon the second article of the draft of a contract for theestablishment of Consuls; and we thought that its provisionalexecution, presenting no inconveniences, would meet with nodifficulty, although we are yet ignorant whether this contract hasbeen signed. As the interests of commerce render the actual establishment of aVice-Consul at Charleston of very urgent necessity, I pray yourExcellency to propose to Congress, to pass a resolution for theprovisional execution of this second article of the draft of thecontract. This measure is so much the more necessary, as it is theonly means of preventing the suspension of the Consular duties, whichhas often occurred in case of the absence or death of Consuls orVice-Consuls, and a year might sometimes pass before the arrival ofnew appointments or commissions, and before resolutions should bepassed by Congress. Such an interruption of the office of Consul wouldbe attended with inconveniences, which Congress will easily perceive. Moreover, Sir, we ask nothing on this occasion, but what is customaryin the other Consulates, and it is a power which will be readilyallowed to Mr Barclay. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Translation. Philadelphia, May 13th, 1784. Sir, I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor towrite to me on the 6th of the present month, and the acts of Congressaccompanying it. I pray you, Sir, to be pleased to inform Congress, that I havereceived a letter from the Count de Vergennes, which grants me theabsence, which I had asked. This minister informs me at the same time, that his Majesty has appointed M. De Marbois, his _Chargé d'Affaires_to the United States. I repeat to your Excellency the request that youwill be pleased to express for me to Congress, the regret with which Ileave this continent, and the sentiments of respect, which I shallcherish through life towards that body. Permit me to recall to your mind, Sir, the business of M. De Fleury, and of the widow of the Baron de Kalb. I pray you, also, to be pleasedto enable me to make known here the intentions of Congress relative toM. De la Radière, and to the money which was due to him at the time ofhis death, as well as with regard to the communication, if it takesplace. I have the honor to be, &c. LUZERNE. * * * * * CONGRESS TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. In Congress, May 17th, 1784. Sir, The United States in Congress assembled, are informed by the letter, which you were pleased to address to them, the 21st of April, thathaving the last year requested of his Majesty leave to return toFrance, you learn it has been granted, but that the official letter ofthe Minister being lost, you expect a duplicate, which will probablyarrive in the recess of Congress. It is with great concern, Sir, that Congress receive this information, as it respects a Minister for whom they entertain the most perfectesteem. From the time of your arrival in America, to the signing of theprovisional treaty, the conduct of the war has been attended withnumerous difficulties and perils, to surmount which the joint effortsof the United States and of their great and good ally have beennecessary. Congress consider it as a fortunate circumstance, that during thatperiod the affairs of his Most Christian Majesty in this quarter havebeen under the direction of an able and faithful Minister, whoseanxiety to promote the views and essential interests of his sovereign, has been ever attended with a laudable endeavor to reconcile them tothose of his allies. Without such a disposition it is evident therecould not have existed a concert of those measures, which by thesmiles of Providence, have hastened the conclusion of the latedistressing war. The abilities of the gentleman, who as you are informed, is to becharged with the affairs of your department, and his thoroughknowledge of the principles, on which the alliance was founded, willwe doubt not, conspire to produce on his part, such measures as willbest promote the mutual interest of the two nations. We now, Sir, bid you an affectionate adieu, with the fullestassurance, that you will be happy in the smiles and approbation ofyour royal sovereign; and we sincerely wish, that you may be equallyso in an interview with your friends, and in your future engagements. THOMAS MIFFLIN, _President_. * * * * * TO JOHN JAY, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Translation. Paris, (date uncertain) 1787? Sir, I dare not flatter myself, that your Excellency has any recollectionof a man, who had the benefit of your acquaintance but a few days, andeven at a time when he could not express himself in your language. I arrived in America, Sir, when, after having rendered the mostimportant services to the confederacy, and sustained with the greatestdistinction, the office of President of Congress, that body hadintrusted you with the important care of conducting their affairs inSpain, and in the principal Courts of Europe. I have resided in America five years, as Minister Plenipotentiary ofthe King to Congress, and though indeed I cannot but be well satisfiedwith the kindness and the confidence, which that illustrious body haveever shown me, I have always regretted, that you were not during thatperiod one of its members. You departed from Europe when I returned toit. At that time I flattered myself, that I should again see you inAmerica, and resume my duties there. But his Majesty has thought fitto give me another destination. Will you have the goodness to presentto Congress my letters of recall, and to express to that body for methe high sentiments of respect and veneration, with which I have longregarded them. Allow me also to request your Excellency to accept theassurances of the attachment and consideration, with which I have thehonor to be, &c. LUZERNE. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON; SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. For more than five years from the commencement of the Revolution, theforeign concerns of Congress were transacted through a committee, which was first appointed on the 29th of November, 1775, and calledthe _Committee of Secret Correspondence_. It was their duty tocorrespond with all the American Agents, Commissioners, and Ministersabroad, to report to Congress on these matters from time to time, andreceive such instructions from that body as occasion required. It isto be understood, however, that in this respect they acted only asubordinate part, for it was customary for the Ministers abroad todirect their letters to the President of Congress. After having beenread in that Assembly, they were put into the hands of the Committee, whose business it was to answer them. On account of the absence of themembers, the committee itself was frequently very thin, and sometimesfor weeks together not more than one member was present at the seat ofGovernment. Hence responsibility rested nowhere, and it is no wonderthat delays, neglect, and ill management were the consequences. Various causes retarded the adoption of a better system, but chieflythe warmth of party and internal jealousies, which prevailed withinthe walls of Congress for a long time, and too often defeated measuresof essential importance, when there was a probability that they wouldthrow a new weight of power into a scale of doubtful preponderance. Tothis state of circumstances it is in a great degree to be attributed, that no plan for a regular Department of Foreign Affairs was resolvedupon till the 10th of January, 1781, and that no person was appointedto fill the office thus created till seven months later. On the 10thof August, ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON was chosen _Secretary of ForeignAffairs_, but he did not enter upon the duties of the Department tillthe 20th of October. From this date a salutary change found its way into the management ofForeign Affairs. To abilities and other qualifications well suited tothe station, Mr Livingston added energy, diligence, and promptitude, as his numerous letters on a great variety of topics abundantlytestify. We hear no more complaints from the Ministers abroad, thattheir letters are forgotten and unanswered, or that they receive nointelligence nor instructions from home. The details of the Department were so modified, after he accepted theappointment, as to embrace Domestic Affairs to a certain extent. Hewas to correspond with the President of Congress, the Governors of theStates, the Commander in Chief, and generally with all persons ontopics in any manner connected with the primary objects of his office. His letters to the American Ministers at Foreign Courts, and to theFrench Ministers in this country, have already been printed in thecorrespondence of those persons respectively. This order was thoughtpreferable, as the continuity of the subjects embraced in thedifferent branches of correspondence would thus be more distinctlypreserved. The letters, which follow, are chiefly to the President ofCongress, and to other officers and persons, who were in the UnitedStates at the time they were written. Mr Livingston continued a little short of two years in the Departmentof Foreign Affairs. He resigned in June, 1783. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * ORGANIZATION OF A FOREIGN DEPARTMENT. In Congress, January 10th, 1781. Congress took into consideration the report of the committee appointedto consider and report a plan for the Department of Foreign Affairs, wherein they state, That the extent and the rising power of these United States, entitlethem to a place among the great potentates of Europe, while ourpolitical and commercial interests point out the propriety ofcultivating with them a friendly correspondence and connexion; That to render such an intercourse advantageous, the necessity of acompetent knowledge of the interests, views, relations, and systems ofthose potentates, is obvious; That a knowledge, in its nature so comprehensive, is only to beacquired by a constant attention to the state of Europe, and anunremitted application to the means of acquiring well groundedinformation; That Congress are moreover called upon to maintain with our Ministersat foreign Courts a regular correspondence, and to keep them fullyinformed of every circumstance and event, which regards the publichonor, interest and safety; That to answer those essential purposes, the committee are of opinion, that a fixed and permanent office for the Department of ForeignAffairs ought forthwith to be established, as a remedy against thefluctuations, the delay and indecision to which the present mode ofmanaging our foreign affairs must be exposed; whereupon, _Resolved_, That an office be forthwith established for the Departmentof Foreign Affairs, to be kept always in the place where Congressshall reside; That there shall be a Secretary for the despatch of business of thesaid office, to be styled "Secretary of Foreign Affairs;" That it shall be the duty of the said Secretary to keep and preserveall the books and papers belonging to the Department of ForeignAffairs; to receive and report the applications of all foreigners; tocorrespond with the Ministers of the United States at foreign Courts, and with the Ministers of foreign powers and other persons, for thepurpose of obtaining the most extensive and useful informationrelative to foreign affairs, to be laid before Congress when required;also to transmit such communications, as Congress shall direct, to theMinisters of the United States and others at foreign Courts, and inforeign countries; the said Secretary shall have liberty to attendCongress, that he may be better informed of the affairs of the UnitedStates, and have an opportunity of explaining his reports respectinghis Department; he shall also be authorised to employ one, or, ifnecessary, more clerks to assist him in the business of his office;and the Secretary, as well as such clerks, shall, before the Presidentof Congress, take an oath of fidelity to the United States, and anoath for the faithful execution of their respective trusts. * * * * * APPOINTMENT OF A SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. In Congress, August 10th, 1781. Congress proceeded to the election of a Secretary of Foreign Affairs;and, the ballots being counted, Robert R. Livingston was elected, having been previously nominated by Mr Floyd. * * * * * TO MAJOR GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE. Philadelphia, October 20th, 1781. [20] Dear Sir, Congress having done me the honor to appoint me their Secretary ofForeign Affairs, and made it my duty to collect and transmit suchintelligence as may be useful to our Ministers, I take the liberty toopen a correspondence with you. From the past, I have reason to hope, that your future operations will furnish the most agreeable and usefulinformation at foreign Courts; for nothing is more incontrovertiblytrue, than that splendid victories and a wise Administration at home, are the best negotiators abroad. Give me leave, Sir, to congratulate you upon your success. We havereason to hope, that it will be attended with the most importantconsequences, more especially, if as we may expect, the Commander inChief should be enabled to make a considerable addition to the bravecorps you command. The enemy have sailed from New York with twentysix ships of the line, including three of fifty guns, having on board their ships of war fivethousand land forces, in order to attempt the relief of Cornwallis. For that, happily, they are too late; but as sympathising friendsafford consolation to the distressed, he may possibly derive somecomfort from their sharing, at least in part, his fate. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [20] Although Mr Livingston was appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairson the 10th of August, he did not enter on the duties of the officetill this day. See his letter to John Adams, in Mr Adams's_Correspondence_, Vol. VI. P. 178. * * * * * TO GOVERNOR GEORGE CLINTON OF NEW YORK. Philadelphia, October 22d, 1781. Dear Sir, Give me leave to congratulate your Excellency, and through you theLegislature of our State, on the success of our arms at the southward. Cornwallis surrendered his army on the 17th of October. Count deGrasse was employed on the 18th in taking his marines on board, whichI hope, by the blessing of Heaven, will be the prelude to a secondvictory. My removal being far from having in any manner lessened my attachmentto New York, I shall be anxious to hear that the present attempt ofthe enemy upon our frontiers, has only added to their disgrace, andenabled my countrymen to increase the reputation they have so justlyacquired. Your Excellency will do me the honor to give me the earliestintelligence of the movements of the enemy. I am, Sir, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, October 29th, 1781. Sir, The business of the department in which Congress have been pleased toplace me, rendering it necessary to have recourse to the SecretJournals, and other books and papers in the possession of theirSecretary, I take the liberty to request them by their order, toenable Mr Thomson to admit me to examine, and copy from such books ofa secret nature in his possession, as may in anywise relate to thedepartment of Foreign Affairs. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Philadelphia, November 12th, 1781. Sir, Congress some time since, called upon the different States to makereturns of the damage done by the enemy within each of them, by thewanton destruction of property, and no measures, that I can learn, have as yet been taken to ascertain such damage, though as yourExcellency will easily conceive, it may become an important object ofinquiry, whenever a treaty shall be set on foot for a generalpacification, or be made to answer valuable purposes during the war, by showing our enemies in their true light to the nations of Europe. In this view, I think it my duty to endeavor to collect them, and youwill, Sir, I am persuaded, take the necessary measures to send as soonas possible, returns from the State over which you preside. I couldwish to have the damages, (particularly that to real property, )ascertained by the affidavits of people of known characters, andduplicate copies of such affidavits transmitted to my officers, underthe great seal of your State, and, if possible, accompanied with ashort recital of each transaction, so that it may at once appear, whether the injuries were such as the laws of war justified, orwhether they originated only in the malice and cruelty of the enemy. Your Excellency will oblige me, and serve the public, by transmittingto me accounts of every occurrence, in which the United States arematerially interested, which may arise within your government, orwhich you may derive from your correspondents abroad. I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, November 18th, 1781. Sir, The subject mentioned in the letters of Mr Adams, and theirenclosures, requiring their express direction, I humbly submit to theconsideration of Congress. In Dr Franklin's letter of the 6th of August to Mr Adams, he informshim, "that he cannot depend on receiving any more money in Franceapplicable to the support of the Ministers of Congress, and that whataids are thereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by thegovernment directly to America. " Congress need no arguments toconvince them of the disgrace and danger of permitting their mostconfidential servants to be necessitous in a foreign country. I will with their approbation, concert with the Superintendent ofFinance, the means of supplying our Ministers, Agents, andSecretaries. But to facilitate these means, and convince the powers towhom we are indebted for money, that we know the value of their aids, I would humbly submit to Congress the propriety of practising thestrictest economy, as far as it may be consistent with their honor, and the justice due to those they employ. That Congress may determinethe more readily whether their establishment will admit of anyreduction, or devise the most effectual means of defraying the expenseof it, I take the liberty to lay before them the annual amount of thesalaries of their servants now abroad. If I am well informed, it is usual to distinguish the allowances toMinisters by the expenses of the country in which they live, and thecharacter they are obliged to support. Such a rule would beproductive of great saving to us, whose policy it is to have agentswithout any acknowledged public characters, at Courts which refuse toreceive our Ministers. How far so important a station as that ofSecretary to an Embassy might be supplied by private secretaries withmoderate salaries, at least till the existence of the Embassy wasacknowledged, must be submitted to the wisdom of Congress. Certain itis, that foreigners who may not be acquainted with the dignifiedcharacters of those we employ abroad as secretaries, will be surprisedto find their emoluments equal, if not exceeding those allowed by therichest potentates in Europe, and that too, when the great object ofthe mission is to represent our wants, and solicit supplies for civiland military establishments at home. Perhaps, too, from the ground on which the successful issue of thiscampaign has placed us, Congress may see it improper to solicitCourts, who are so little disposed to serve us as those of Petersburgand Lisbon, or to expend additional sums of money on agencies toRussia or Portugal. Another part of the despatches referred to me, are those that relateto John Temple, to which Congress alone are competent to givedirections. The reports currently circulated in England relative tohis first mission, his coming by way of New York, his return toEngland, his abode there, his present visit to America, render him anobject of attention, not only to the people of this country, but tothose of Europe, and give weight to those suspicions of attachment toEngland, which, as it is her policy to keep up, it should be ours onevery occasion to discourage. Congress will judge how far it is properto suggest any measures to the State of Massachusetts. I take theliberty to submit to them, whether at least it would not be expedientto adopt such resolutions as would leave the Executive of that Stateuninfluenced in their conduct towards him, by his being the bearer ofpublic despatches. Congress will observe, that I have no personalacquaintance with Mr Temple, nor any knowledge of facts, which wouldlead me to suspect his principles, other than the matters, which areabove stated and publicly known. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, November 25th, 1781. Sir, I enclose to Congress the heads of the communication, which I had thehonor to make to them on the 23d, as far as I could obtain permissionfrom the Minister of France to reduce them to writing. There is butone omission, the reason of which was assigned at the time I made theverbal communication. I also enclose an extract of a letter from theCount de Vergennes to the Minister of France, as translated andcommunicated to me by him, which I have thought it necessary to submitto the perusal of the Superintendent of Finance. I am at a loss to judge whether Congress intended in their referenceof General Duportail's letter, that I should report to them, or writeto Dr Franklin on the subject myself; supposing the latter to havebeen the case, I have accordingly written; but lest I may have beenmistaken, I submit my letter to their inspection, and if it is notconformable to their intentions, I beg to be honored with theirfurther direction. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GENERAL GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Camp Round O, South Carolina, } December 13th, 1781. } Dear Sir, Your favor of the 22d of October came to hand a day or two since. I shall be happy to communicate anything from this quarter, that maybe useful to you, or to our affairs abroad, and I have the pleasure toinform you, that we have complete possession of all the SouthernStates, Charleston and Savannah excepted. Civil government is established in Georgia, and the Assembly of SouthCarolina will set the 1st of next month, at Camden. We are makingpreparations for the siege of Charleston, and are not altogetherwithout hopes of obliging the enemy to abandon the place, even if ourgood ally should not be able to co-operate with us. The tyrant ofSyracuse was never more odious than the British army in this country. Even the slaves rejoice, and feel a kind of freedom from oppression, in the return of their masters. I beg leave to congratulate you upon our late glorious success inVirginia, and upon your own appointment of Minister of ForeignAffairs. I have the honor to be, &c. NATHANIEL GREENE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, January 18th, 1782. Sir, I do myself the honor to submit to the inspection of the UnitedStates, in Congress, an affidavit made by Mr Marshall on the subjectof Mr Deane's letters, and have directed copies of the letters andaffidavit to be made out for the Minister of his Most ChristianMajesty, and the Superintendent of Finance. Measures have long sincebeen taken to put our Ministers upon their guard against Mr Deane. Ishall add to them, as opportunities offer, the new proofs which theseletters furnish of his defection. Copies will also be sent to theGovernor of Connecticut, unless the Representatives of that State, inCongress, who propose to make them the ground of judicial proceedings, should prefer taking copies to be examined and compared with theoriginal, by a person who could prove such examination, or toauthenticate them in any other way, which will ensure their beingreceived as evidence conformably to the practice of their Courts. I had proposed to mention them in my correspondence with the firstMagistrates of the respective States, as affording proofs of thedistant prospect of peace, and the necessity of relying only upon ourown exertions to procure it, but am deterred from this measure, by theweight which it might possibly give to Mr Deane's ill foundedassertions. I shall endeavor to conform to the views of the United States, in anyfurther direction with which they may please to honor me. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GOVERNOR JONATHAN TRUMBULL OF CONNECTICUT. Philadelphia, January 22d, 1782. Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose certified copies of two letters fromSilas Deane, which serve in some measure to authenticate those thathave been published in his name, and strongly mark such a change inhis sentiments and principles as is worthy of the attention of theState of which he is a citizen. The originals are lodged in thisoffice, to which your Excellency may at any time apply, if such copiesshould be required, as would amount to legal evidence; I have alsoenclosed a copy of an affidavit of Mr Marshall to prove the identityof the letters, and his having received them from Silas Deane. I some time since did myself the honor to write to you, relative tothe damage done by the enemy in your State, to that letter I have notbeen as yet favored with an answer. Your Excellency will easily seethe propriety of keeping up a correspondence with this office, sincethere are so many inferior objects, which escape the general attentionof Congress, which it may be extremely useful to detail in ournegotiations. Such, for instance, as an authentic account of thecruelties committed by the British at New Haven. Nor is it of lessmoment to be minutely informed by every State of the resources forcarrying on the war, the means used to call out those resources, thetemper and disposition of the people with respect to them. With a viewof obtaining these from you at your leisure, I have taken the libertyto open this correspondence with your Excellency. I persuade myselfyou will not put the trouble it may give you in competition with theslightest advantage, that our country may obtain from it. I shall inreturn give you from time to time, such European news as we mayreceive here, which I conceive will contribute either to youramusement or the advantage of your State. And as I have nothing positive at present, let me inform you, what Iwould wish every State to know, that we have not as yet anyintelligence, that leads to a speedy peace, so that we have everyreason to expect another campaign, and a campaign too, that will callfor our greatest exertions. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, January 25th, 1782. Sir, In the first organization of a new Department, some things arefrequently omitted, which experience will show ought to be inserted, and many inserted which might be omitted; it becomes the duty ofthose, who are placed at the head of such Departments, to mention thedifficulties that may arise from these causes, and leave it to thewisdom of Congress to alter them, or to judge whether they can bechanged without introducing greater inconveniences. Upon thisprinciple, Sir, I am induced to offer the following observations. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs is to correspond with the Ministersof the United States at foreign Courts, and with the Ministers offoreign powers. This correspondence must necessarily detail suchsentiments as the sovereign wishes to have known, and lead to suchinquiries as they choose to make. An intimate knowledge of theirsentiments is, therefore, absolutely necessary to a discharge of thisduty; and we accordingly find, that the Minister of Foreign Affairsis, in monarchical governments, considered as the most confidentialservant of the Crown. In Republics, it is much more difficult toexecute this task, as the sentiments of the sovereign sometimes changewith the members, which compose the sovereignty. It is more frequentlyunknown, because no occasion offers, on which to call it forth. It isnever perfectly expressed but by some public act. Waiting for thistime, the advantages of embracing a favorable opportunity arefrequency lost. There are numberless minutiæ, upon which no act isformed, and about which, notwithstanding their sentiments should beknown to their Ministers, there are even occasions, in which theirSecretary should speak a sentiment, which it would be improper forthem to declare by a public act. Congress, sensible of the inconveniency, that the officer intrustedwith the management of their foreign affairs must labor under in theexecution of his duty, without a more perfect knowledge of theirsentiments, than can be obtained from their public acts, have beenpleased to admit him to attend Congress, that (as the ordinanceexpresses it, ) he may be better informed of the affairs of the UnitedStates, and have an opportunity of explaining his reports respectinghis Department; but here it stops short, and does not say in whatmanner he is to gain the sentiments of Congress, when he does himselfthe honor to attend upon them. It is true they may in part becollected from an attention to the debates, but it often so happens, that the debate does not take the turn that he would wish, in order tosatisfy a doubt, and he goes away, after hearing a subject largelydiscussed, ignorant of the only point upon which he wishes to beinformed, when perhaps by a single question, his doubt might beremoved, or by a word of information, which he has the best means ofacquiring, a debate might be shortened. It is true the power of explaining his reports given by the ordinance, seems to imply a permission to offer his sentiments when they areunder consideration, but as I do not wish to assume a liberty which isnot expressly given, I must beg the sentiments of Congress on thissubject. The ordinance is also deficient, in not affording a power tothe Secretary of Foreign Affairs to take order upon the applicationeither of foreigners, or subjects, relative to matters not ofsufficient moment to engage the attention of Congress; as forinstance, applications for aid in procuring the release of anAmerican, taken under particular circumstances in English ships, andconfined in the French West Indies or elsewhere; claims upon prizescarried into the French Islands, &c. , which cases occur every day, andare attended with long memorials, which would take up much of the timeand attention of Congress. As I have hitherto taken the liberty to transact business of this kindwith the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, and the Governors orGenerals of the French Islands, I wish to be justified in so doing bythe orders of Congress. As a check upon myself, I keep a book, thoughit is attended with much labor, in which all such applications, andthe steps taken in consequence thereof, are inserted at length. The organization of this office will, too, I presume, render somealteration necessary in matters of form and ceremony as heretoforesettled by Congress in conformity to the practice of other nations, and to enable us to avail ourselves of the advantages they sometimesafford in creating useful delays, and concealing for political reasonsthe views of the sovereign. Congress having vested me with the power of appointing clerks, I haveappointed two gentlemen, in whose integrity and abilities I canconfide. These are barely sufficient to do the running business of theoffice, which is much greater than I imagined it would be, fivecopies, besides the draft being necessary for every foreign letter orpaper transmitted. To copy all the letters, which have hitherto beenreceived, with the Secret Journals and other extracts from the booksand files of Congress, though absolutely necessary, both for order andsecurity, will be impossible, without further aid for at least oneyear. Congress have not, indeed, limited the number I may employ, norhave they fixed their salaries, upon both of which I could wish fortheir direction. An interpreter is so necessary, both for thisDepartment and the Admiralty, that I cannot but recommend to Congressthe appointment of one, from whom, if a man in whom I could confide, Imight receive assistance as a Secretary when hurried with business. It may possibly be expected, Sir, that I should close this long letterby a report on the matters it contains, but as it is a delicatesubject to point out a mode for extending my own powers, I only begleave to recommend the enclosed resolve. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, } January 31st, 1782. } Dear Sir, I was this day favored with yours of the 13th ultimo. I need not tellyou, that the intelligence it conveyed, and the spirit in which it waswritten, afforded me the most sensible pleasure. The idea it holdsforth of an attempt upon Charleston, and the prospect of success init, is one that we dare not indulge here, more especially as troopshave sailed from New York, and as we presume to Charleston, but youhave taught us rather to measure your success by your genius than byyour means. I wish it were in my power to tell you, that our accounts from Europewere proportionate to our expectations. The combined fleets, as youknow, have returned and separated, without having effected anything. The British are again masters of the ocean. Gibraltar is a rock, onwhich all the exertions of Spain seem to split, and the siege of fortSt Philip seems to be carried on in the most energetic manner. We haveno prospect of forming an alliance, either with Spain or Holland, whoboth appear to sigh for peace. Our loan on the guarantee of Francewith the last, is nearly completed. But what is not a littleunsatisfactory, it is also nearly expended by advances, which Francehas made us on the credit of it. From Spain we are likely to getnothing. The negotiations for a peace are entirely, at a stand; the mediatingpowers have no interest in wishing it, and the belligerent nations areneither of them sufficiently weakened to request their interposition. The Count de Vergennes assures us, that Britain will still make themost vigorous exertions. I mention these circumstances not only foryour information, but that you may make the proper use of them inanimating the exertions of the Southern States. It is the misfortuneof America to presume too much upon each dawning of success, and tobelieve that peace must tread upon the heels of every littleadvantage, instead of being taught by her own struggles anddifficulties, that every nation has resources, that surpass theexpectations of its enemies. Would to God that you could be enabled, by the animated efforts of theSouthern States, to expel the enemy from them without the aid of ourallies. This would re-establish our character for activity in Europe, where I am sorry to say, it has for some time past been upon thedecline, and I do sincerely believe, that co-operating with thebrilliant successes of the last fall, it would incline the enemy topeace, without which I have no expectations of it. But I fear this israther to be wished for than expected. Domestic news we have none, but what Colonel Ternant will give, or youmay collect from the enclosed papers. If anything turns up worth your notice, you shall hear from me. Iflatter myself that you will think with me, that our distance is toogreat to wait for the ceremony of answer and reply, and favor me witha line as occasion offers. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Philadelphia, February 18th, 1782. Sir, I do myself the honor to transmit to your Excellency severalresolutions of Congress, which having a reference to the Department ofForeign Affairs, are in course to go through this office. Thenecessity of carrying them into effect is too obvious to needobservations. While we hold an intercourse with civilised nations, we must conformto laws, which humanity has established, and which custom hasconsecrated among them. On this the rights, which the United States ortheir citizens may claim in foreign countries must be founded. One of the resolutions passed Congress in consequence of a conventionabout to be concluded between his Most Christian Majesty and theUnited States of America, which affords an additional reason forpaying it the earliest attention. Your Excellency and the Legislaturewill see the propriety of rendering the laws on these subjects assimple, and the execution of them as expeditious, as possible, sinceforeigners, who are the great object of them, are easily disgusted atcomplex systems, which they find a difficulty in understanding, andthe honor and peace of a nation are frequently as much wounded by adelay as by a denial of justice. Another resolution relates to your boundaries, and is designed as onemeans of ascertaining the territorial rights of the United Statescollectively, which can only be accurately known by each State'sexhibiting its claims, and the evidence on which they found them. YourExcellency will therefore be pleased to direct, authentic copies fromyour records of all grants, charters, maps, treaties with the natives, and other evidences, to be transmitted to this office, as soon as youcan conveniently collect them. I could wish, that the copies might beproved, by having the great seal of your State annexed. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GOVERNOR RUTLEGE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, } February 19th, 1782. } Dear Sir, I wish to avail myself of the opportunity Colonel Ternant affords me, to convey the agreeable intelligence contained in the enclosed letterfrom Mr Harrison, our agent at Cadiz. Many other objects presentthemselves, on which I would write could I do it without detainingColonel Ternant, who only waits for this. I propose to have the honor of writing more at large by the next safeconveyance. In the meanwhile, I should consider it as a favor, whichmight be rendered useful to the public, as well as agreeable to me, ifyour Excellency would open a correspondence with this office, in whichan exact state of affairs in the government, over which you presideought to be detailed, which could not fail to have some influence inthe direction of our foreign affairs. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Philadelphia, February 19th, 1782. Sir, Where a Government is composed of independent States, united not bythe power of a sovereign but by their common interest, the ExecutiveDepartments form a centre of communication between each State andtheir Chief Council, and are so far links of the chain, which shouldbind them together, as they render to each similar views of greatnational objects, and introduce uniformity in their measures for theestablishment of general interests. A mistaken idea of our ownimportance to other nations, of their attachment to us, and of theweakness of our common enemy, having lulled us into a very imprudentsecurity, I beg leave to state to your Excellency the information lastreceived from Europe. Our success in this important war, under thefavor of Heaven, must be built upon the weakness of our enemy, thestrength and perseverance of her foes in Europe, and our ownexertions. It is an undeniable fact, that Britain has not, in the course of thelast campaign, gained any advantage of her enemies, but, on thecontrary, has seen their fleets ride triumphant in the seas, sheproudly called her own, and an army, in which she placed her fondesthopes, made captive. But, on the other hand, we are compelled toadmit, that she has met with no such reverse of fortune as materiallyto debilitate her, or weaken her resources for another campaign. Hertrade has, for the most part, returned in safety. Her fleets haveblocked up those of the Dutch, and, upon the separation of thecombined fleets, recovered the superiority in the European seas. Thearmy taken in America is only so far decidedly ruinous to her affairshere, as we know how to avail ourselves of the advantage it affords. That her pride is not humbled, that she did not wish for peace priorto this advantage, is obvious, 1st. From her refusing to make aseparate treaty with the Dutch, who, under the mediation of theEmpress of Russia, seemed anxiously to wish it; 2dly. From her neglectto notice the last proposals of the mediating powers, which yet remainunanswered; so that if any alteration is made in their sentiments ohthis subject, they must originate in their ill success in America, forin every other quarter their defensive war seems to have beensupported with advantage. How far this will operate admits of a doubt, which prudence directs us not to rely upon. Money, the great supportof modern wars, has been raised with more facility in England, than inany country in the world; and we find the minority last year censuringLord North for giving the advantage of lending to his friends. Theirlosses may indeed render subscriptions more expensive to the public;but there is no well grounded room to suppose they will not fill up;and still less reason to believe, if the means for carrying on the warare attainable, that the vindictive spirit of the King and hisministry, and the overweening pride of the nation, will soon yield tomake a peace, which involves their disgrace and humiliation. But asstrength or weakness are mere comparative terms, we can form nojudgment of the measures of Britain but by attending to the force anddisposition of her enemies. The United Provinces were evidently dragged into the war, and haveprosecuted it as if they momentarily expected a peace. The Colonies inthe West Indies have been taken, without being in a state to make thesmallest resistance, and the active interposition of France alonesaved those in the East from sharing the same fate. Our last lettersfrom Holland place the distress of their commerce in a strong point ofview. They are unhappily rent by parties, which clog the wheels ofgovernment; though it is said the party opposed to England are themost numerous and growing in strength, so that at some future day wemay reasonably hope they will assume the entire ascendency; yet we canbuild very little on this, till the close of another year. This muchis certain, they are not yet allied to us, nor have they given usreason to believe, that they intend to be so. They wish for peace, andwill take no measures that can obstruct it. They have lent us nomoney, nor are they likely to do it; from whence we may presume, either that they doubt our success, or do not much interest themselvesin it. Our expectations from Spain are scarcely more flattering. Some littleaids of money have been received after long solicitation, hardly somuch as paid the expense of soliciting. We have reason to suppose thatno more will be granted. They are still cold with regard to ouralliance; nothing but brilliant success can bring it to a conclusion. Nor have we the smallest reason to expect any pecuniary aid from her, even if she should confederate with us in time to be of use for thenext campaign. She has at this moment very many and very expensiveoperations on hand; and, till she has allied herself to us, we have nocertainty that she will choose to continue the war for the attainmentof our independence, if Britain should be sufficiently humbled tosacrifice to her the objects which led her into the war. To France, then, we turn, as the only enemy of Great Britain, who isat the same time our ally, who will persevere in the war for theattainment of our independence. She has already done so much for us, in order to afford us the means of doing something for ourselves, thatshe may reasonably hope to find the effects of her benevolence. Herfleets have protected our coasts, her armies have fought our battles;she has made various efforts to restore our finances, by paying theinterest of our loans, by obtaining credit in Europe on our accountfor clothing, arms, and necessaries; by advancing money, and byopening and guaranteeing a loan for us, to a considerable amount inHolland, when, by the abolition of paper, our finances were totallyderanged. These sums are nearly expended, and another campaign isabout to be opened. France assures, that it is not in her power tomake us any further grants of money, her ministers repeat this to usin every letter, in a tone that persuades us of their determination onthat point. What then is to be done? Are we to relinquish the hopes, which thepresent debility of the enemy affords us of expelling them by onedecided effort, and compensating all our losses by the enjoyment of anactive commerce? Are we to return to the wretched, oppressive systemwe have quitted? Are we to carry on a weak defensive war with anunpaid army, whose precarious subsistence must depend upon what can betorn by violence from the industrious husbandman? Shall we vainly, andI think disgracefully, supplicate all the powers of Europe for thosemeans, which we have in our own hands, if we dare call them forth, andwhich, after all, must be called forth if we continue the war, (andupon that subject there can be no doubt, till the end for which wetook up arms is attained. ) The only question is, whether each Stateshall fairly and regularly contribute its quota, or whether that whichhappens to be the seat of war shall (as has too often been the case)bear the whole burden, and suffer more from the necessities of our owntroops, than the ravages of the enemy. Whether we shall drive theenemy from their posts with a strong body of regular troops, orwhether we shall permit them to extend their devastations, while, withour battalions and fluctuating corps of militia, we protract a weakdefensive war, till our allies are discouraged, and some unfavorablechange takes place in the system of Europe. Your Excellency, I am persuaded, will pardon the freedom with which Iwrite. You see the necessity which dictates my letter, and were it inmy power to communicate all that our friends in Europe think of ourinactivity, I am persuaded you would urge your State to exertion inmuch stronger terms than I dare venture to use. When Congress call upon a State for supplies, they are usuallyanswered by pleas of disability, urged, too, by the State with goodfaith, and a firm persuasion that they speak their real situation, arecurrence to facts, that have passed under their own observation, will convince them that they are deceived. From the time that the depreciation of the Continental bills of creditbegan, till they were no longer current, the States that received thempaid a tax equal to all the expenditures of the army, and a veryconsiderable one beyond it; for if we suppose ten millions of dollars, in specie, a year, to be necessary for their support, then theexpense, till the close of the campaign of 1779, must have amounted toupwards of fifty millions, exclusive of the supplies from Europe; andyet, in March, 1780, the whole national debt contracted in America didnot, in fact, amount to five millions; so that forty five millionswere paid by the United States in those five years of the war, whenthey had the least commerce and agriculture, and when they were mostdistressed by the enemy; and this tax, too, was the most unjust andpartial that can be conceived, unless we except that, by which we havesince raised much more from the people, without giving so much to thepublic; I mean the laws for impressing, &c. , which placed the greatestburden of the war upon the shoulders of a particular order of men inparticular States only. Now surely, if by partial and unjust measures, for which necessityalone can plead, we have been able to draw from every State, a taxmore than equal to the present demand, no State can say, that itcannot afford its proportion of a more equitable tax. Those who havehitherto borne the weight of the war, must warmly espouse a measure, which is so greatly calculated for their relief. Those who havehitherto been eased from the burden, must be more able to take it upat this time, when they have the most promising expectation ofrelinquishing it soon. It is certain, that if we put ourselves in a state to take advantageof circumstances early in the ensuing spring, we have the bestgrounded reason to hope, that a few months will remove the war fromour doors. Whereas if we delay to enable Congress to say to theirallies, "we are ready for an effectual co-operation with any force youmay send, " they will turn their attention to other objects, and leaveus to lament in vain the opportunities we have lost. Every motivethen, national honor, national interest, public economy, private ease, and that love of freedom, which pervades every Legislature on theContinent, call loudly not only for a compliance with therequisitions of Congress, but for so early a compliance as to renderit effectual. It is true we are at present in such a situation as to have noapprehensions for the final establishment of our independence; butsurely it is a matter of some moment to us, whether we shall obtainit, or at least be freed from the ravages of the enemy and the burdenof the war in the course of six months at the expense of eightmillions of dollars, or whether we shall wait for it till a generaland perhaps a distant peace, and be subject in the meanwhile toinfinitely more expense, and all the distress that attends a countrywhich is the seat of war. But, Sir, it is time to dismiss a subject, which wants no arguments toillustrate it. I am confident that you will use every means toconvince the State over which you preside, of the danger which willresult from relying more upon the weakness of the enemy than their ownstrength, more upon the aid of their allies than their own exertions, more upon unjust, partial, hazardous, and expensive expedients, thanupon an equal and regular support of the measures, which Congress, upon the most mature deliberation have recommended to their attention. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 21st, 1782. Sir, I do myself the honor to lay before Congress the enclosed note fromthe Minister of France, a letter from the Marquis de Bouillé withtranslations of both, and the proceedings of the Council of Assemblyof Dominique; all of which relate to the case of the ship Resolution'scargo, part of which was adjudged lawful prize by the sentence of theCourt of Appeals; and the case of the brigantine Eeirsten and hercargo, which was also adjudged lawful prize by the said Court. [21] The case of the ship Resolution, as far as I have been able to learn, was simply this, she was a Dutch vessel, freighted on account ofcapitulants at Dominique, and bound for Holland, agreeably to theseventh Article of the capitulation. She was taken by a British ship, retaken by one of our privateers, and condemned by the Court ofAdmiralty of this State, whose decree was reversed and the ship andcargo acquitted, except a small part of the latter, on the principleof its not being the property of capitulants, and because, as wasalleged, it was not protected by the ordinances of Congress, approvingthe principles of the armed neutrality, Great Britain and Hollandbeing at open war; from whence it was inferred by the Court, that theDutch vessel could not be considered as sufficiently neutral toprotect the property of an enemy. The papers referred to in thememorial of the Minister of France serve to show, that the whole cargobelonged to capitulants. The other vessel, the Eeirsten, was purchased in London by a companyof Imperial subjects residing at Ostend, freighted in England withBritish property for the use of the capitulants at Dominique. Thevessel sailed from London, and on her way to Dominique touched at theport of Ostend, for the purpose of converting her English papers intoGerman. In the passage from Ostend to Dominique, this brigantine wastaken by an American privateer, carried into Boston and acquitted, with her cargo; but the Judges of Appeals have condemned as lawfulprize, both vessel and cargo. They consider the cargo as unprotectedby the capitulation of Dominique. They consider the vessel as carryingon a trade advantageous to the enemy, in contravention to theseventeenth Article of the capitulation; that she forfeited the rightof neutrality by not showing an exact _impartiality_ to thebelligerent powers; and because she had false and colorable papers onboard, with a view to give the cargo the appearance of neutralproperty. They allow, that a vessel under their circumstances is to beconsidered as an enemy's, and that by the law of nations, they shouldbe subject to seizure and confiscation. They consider the cargo asunprotected by the laws of Congress, because (as they affirm) thisvessel cannot be thought to be strictly _neutral_, that Congress meantto pay a regard to _right_ of neutrality, that the _right ofneutrality_ only extends _protection_ to the effects and goods of anenemy in neutral bottoms, not engaged in the violation of this right. I have sent the seventh and seventeenth Articles of the capitulationfor the information of Congress. From this statement Congress will judge of the expediency of directinga rehearing in both cases. In the first, it seems to be dictated by aregard for justice upon the new proofs. And in the second, thereasoning, which determined the Court, does not appear to be soconclusive as to render it improper in so intricate a case, moreparticularly as our situation with respect to the Emperor ispeculiarly delicate; from which consideration, as well as from therespect which is due to the representation of the Minister of his MostChristian Majesty, I am humbly of opinion that a rehearing ought to begranted, and that in the meanwhile the officers of the Court should bedirected to retain in their hands the proceeds of the vessel andcargo. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [21] See an account of these ships in _M. De la Luzerne'sCorrespondence_, above, pp. 66-72. * * * * * REGULATIONS FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. In Congress, February 22d, 1782. On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr Ellery, Mr Randolph, and Mr Eveleigh, to whom was referred a letter of the 25th of January, from the Secretary of Foreign Affairs respecting his department, Resolved, that the Department of Foreign Affairs be under thedirection of such officer as the United States, in Congress assembled, have already for that purpose appointed, or shall hereafter appoint, who shall be styled, "Secretary to the United States of America forthe Department of Foreign Affairs, " shall reside where Congress, orthe Committee of the States, shall sit, and hold his office during thepleasure of Congress. That the books, records, and other papers of the United States thatrelate to this department, be committed to his custody, to which, andall other papers of his office, any member of Congress shall haveaccess; provided that no copy shall be taken of matters of a secretnature without the special leave of Congress. That the correspondence and communications with the Ministers, Consuls, and Agents of the United States in foreign countries, andwith the Ministers and other officers of foreign powers with Congress, be carried on through the office of foreign affairs by the saidSecretary, who is also empowered to correspond with all other personsfrom whom he may expect to receive useful information relative to hisdepartment; provided always, that letters to Ministers of the UnitedStates, or Ministers of foreign powers, which have a direct referenceto treaties or conventions proposed to be entered into, orinstructions relative thereto, or other great national subjects, shallbe submitted to the inspection, and receive the approbation ofCongress before they shall be transmitted. That the Secretary for the Department of Foreign Affairs correspondwith the Governors or Presidents of all, or any of the United States, affording them such information from his department as may be usefulto their States or to the United States, stating complaints that mayhave been urged against the government of any of the said States, orthe subjects thereof, by the subjects of foreign powers, so thatjustice may be done agreeably to the laws of such state, or the chargeproved to be groundless, and the honor of the government vindicated. He shall receive the applications of all foreigners relative to hisdepartment, which are designed to be submitted to Congress, and advisethe mode in which the memorials and evidence shall be stated, inorder to afford Congress the most comprehensive view of the subject;and if he conceives it necessary, accompany such Memorial with hisreport thereon. He may concert measures with the Ministers or officers of foreignpowers, amicably to procure the redress of private injuries, which anycitizen of the United States may have received from a foreign power, or the subjects thereof, making minutes of all his transactionsrelative thereto, which have passed on such occasions. He shall report on all cases expressly referred to him for thatpurpose by Congress, and on all others touching his department, inwhich he may conceive it necessary. And that he may acquire thatintimate knowledge of the sentiments of Congress, which is necessaryfor his direction, he may at all times attend upon Congress; and shallparticularly attend when summoned or ordered by the President. He may give information to Congress respecting his department, explainand answer objections to his reports when under consideration, ifrequired by a member, and no objection be made by Congress. He shall answer to such inquiries respecting his department as may beput from the chair by order of Congress, and to questions stated inwriting about matters of fact, which lie within his knowledge, whenput by the President at the request of a member, and not disapprovedof by Congress. The answers to such questions may, at the option ofthe Secretary, be delivered by him in writing. He shall have free access to the papers and records of the UnitedStates in the custody of their Secretary, or in the offices offinance and war and elsewhere. He may be furnished with copies, ortake extracts therefrom, when he shall find it necessary. He shall use means to obtain from the Ministers and agents of theUnited States in foreign countries, an abstract of their presentstate, their commerce, finances, naval and military strength, and thecharacters of Sovereigns and Ministers, and every other politicalinformation, which may be useful to the United States. All letters tosovereign powers, letters of credence, plans of treaties, conventions, manifestoes, instructions, passports, safe conducts, and other acts ofCongress relative to the Department of Foreign Affairs, when thesubstance thereof shall have been previously agreed to in Congress, shall be reduced to form in the office of Foreign Affairs, andsubmitted to the opinion of Congress; and when passed, signed, andattested, sent to the office of Foreign Affairs, to be countersignedand forwarded. If an original paper is of such a nature as cannot besafely transmitted without cyphers, a copy in cyphers, signed by theSecretary for the Department of Foreign Affairs, shall be consideredas authentic, and the Ministers of the United States at foreign Courtsmay govern themselves thereby in the like manner as if the originalshad been transmitted. And for the better execution of the dutieshereby assigned him, he is authorised to appoint a Secretary, and one, or if necessary more clerks, to assist him in the business of hisoffice. Resolved, That the salaries annexed to this department shall be asfollows; To the Secretary of the United States for the Department of ForeignAffairs, the sum of four thousand dollars per annum, exclusive ofoffice expenses, to commence from the first day of October last. To the Secretary, one thousand dollars per annum. To the clerks, each five hundred dollars per annum. Resolved, That the Secretary for the Department of Foreign Affairs, and each of the persons employed under him, shall take an oath beforea Judge of the State where Congress shall sit, for the faithfuldischarge of their respective trusts, and an oath of fidelity to theUnited States, before they enter upon office. Resolved, That the act of the 10th of January, 1781, respecting theDepartment of Foreign Affairs, be and hereby is repealed. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 23d, 1782. Sir, The resolution passed by Congress on the 22d of February, for the moreperfect organization of the Department of Foreign Affairs, having noreference to the time past in fixing the salaries of the secretariesor clerks, I am left without a rule for that purpose, but presume as Ihave had two gentlemen employed for some time, without any distinctionof rank, that no objection will lie to my giving them orders for thetime that they have served at the rate of seven hundred and fiftydollars a year each. I am sorry to be the means of taking up a moment of the time ofCongress, but find myself embarrassed by their present arrangement, which fixes one secretary, and reduces the other gentleman in theoffice to the rank of a common clerk. If no material objection shouldlie against the measure, I would propose, as the business of theoffice naturally divides itself into two branches, foreign anddomestic, that instead of a secretary there should be two undersecretaries, whose rank and pay shall be settled according to theirmerit and abilities by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, provided thatthe pay of both taken together shall not exceed the sum of fifteenhundred dollars; this will not only be an incitement to diligence andattention, but possibly enable me to procure two persons, in whoseintegrity and abilities I can confide, instead of a common clerk, without increasing the expense of the department. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 26th, 1782. Sir, I am somewhat at a loss to determine upon what principle the petitionof John Jordan and others, was referred to me, but presume, that itwas with a view to obtain from me such information relative to thedistribution of the prize money arising from the prizes taken by theBon Homme Richard, as the papers in this office can afford. There were no papers relative to this transaction in this office; butamong those of the Board of Admiralty, I find a letter from DrFranklin to Francis Lewis, dated the 17th of March last, covering someinquiries on this subject, and a copy of a _Concordat_ entered into byJohn Paul Jones, commanding the Bon Homme Richard; Pierre Landais, captain of the Alliance; Dennis Nicolas Cottineau, captain of thePallas; Joseph Varage, captain of the Cerf; and Philip Nicolas Ricot, captain of the Vengeance; by which, among other things, they agree todivide their prizes, agreeably to the American regulations, as theysailed under American colors and commissions; and constituted M. Chaumont their agent to receive and distribute the prize money inbehalf of the crew of each ship, and to be answerable for it in hisown private name. From Dr Franklin's letter, it appears that the whole of the prizesbelonged to the captors; that the King offered to purchase the shipsof war they had taken, according to an established rate; that theseamen objected to it, and chose they should be sold at vendue; thatthis occasioned a delay in the sale; that he does not know the amountof the value of the prizes, nor whether they were distributed, whichhe considers as a private transaction between the officers and crewsof the ships and M. Chaumont. From this state of facts, Congress will judge if anything more can bedone relative to the claim of three of the petitioners to their shareof the value of the prizes, (the fourth being out of the question)than to assist them in the mode of authenticating the evidence oftheir being entitled thereto, and to forward it with powers ofattorney to the Consul of the United States in France. This I willreadily do for them, and write to Mr Barclay on the subject, withoutany express direction from Congress, when the petitioners shall callat this office. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT SMITH, COMMERCIAL AGENT AT HAVANA. Philadelphia, February 26th, 1782. Sir, Your letter to the Superintendent of Finance was received, andreferred by Congress to this office, when upon mature deliberation itwas determined for various political reasons, not to recommend theissuing of any commissions for letters of marque, or reprisals fromany of the Spanish Islands. Congress having considered these reasons, came into this view, and passed the resolution, which I enclose inpursuance of their orders. It is expected, that the several Consuls and agents of Congress, wherever settled, will keep up a regular and constant correspondencewith me, in order that the United States, in Congress, may have thefullest information of every transaction in which they may bematerially concerned. This task I dare say you will readily imposeupon yourself, when you reflect on the advantages that may result fromit. The points on which I shall chiefly trouble you for information, are the naval and military strength of the Island at the time youwrite, not merely as to the number of ships and men, but their actualstate of preparation for defensive or offensive operations, theirstations, their prospects and designs, as far as you can learn them. At your leisure, I wish to have an account of the population, militia, commerce, husbandry, and revenue of the Island, the sentiments of thepeople with respect to this war, and everything else you may deemcurious or interesting. If a paper is printed at the Havana, you will be pleased to send it tome by every opportunity. I need not suggest to you the necessity ofpreparing your letters, so that they may be sunk in case of danger, when they contain anything which may be of use to the enemy. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO DON FRANCISCO RENDON. [22] Philadelphia, March 6th, 1782. Sir, I will with pleasure give you such information on the subjects youwrite upon, as I can with propriety mention to a gentleman of whoseattachment I entertain no doubt, but who has, nevertheless, given meno reason to think, that his inquiries have any farther object thanhis personal satisfaction. 1. In answer to the first question, I can only inform you, thatCongress have voted thirtysix thousand infantry, which, with thecavalry and artillery, will amount to about forty thousand men. It isnot probable, however, that the whole of this number will be raised; Ithink it would be prudent to make a deduction of about one fourth. Butyou have been too long in this country to form any judgment of thestrength of our army from the regular establishment, since it hasbeen, and always will be increased (more particularly in the NorthernStates) by large bodies of militia, when their apprehensions, or thehope of splendid advantages shall call them forth. Of this, the eventsof the year 1777, among others, afford the most striking evidence. 2. It is not expected, that in the present situation of the country, the whole sum of eight millions of dollars can be raised in time. Whatthe deficiency will be, must depend on the motions and strength of ourenemy early the next spring; the success of our commerce; theremittances that shall be made to this country by our allies, which, being expended here, may, by frequent taxes, be brought into thepublic treasury, and repeatedly applied to public use. 3. The resources of the next campaign lay in taxation, in thestrictest economy, and in the assistance which we may reasonably hopeto receive from the enemies of Great Britain, while we are makingevery exertion in the common cause. We flatter ourselves, that thosepowers who wish for peace, and who see America as the great object inBritain, in carrying on the war, will not suffer it to be lengthenedout beyond the present year, when, by a moderate supply to us, theycan terminate it in the course of one campaign. We form someexpectations from the wisdom and generosity of Spain; and as we knowshe has the means, so we cannot suppose she can want the inclinationto promote her own interests, and insure the esteem and gratitude of arising nation, whose commerce and alliance cannot but be importantfrom the situation of her Colonies. 4. This question is answered above, only it may be proper to observe, that if, in this reasonable expectation, America should bedisappointed, she will still find resources in herself, not indeed toexpel the enemy, but to preclude them from extending their conquests, and to compel them to offer her such terms as are necessary for hersecurity, though perhaps short of her wishes. 5. The commercial connexion between the United States and Spain, willnaturally be very extensive, if it meets with the leastencouragement. The Spanish Islands will be supplied with provisionsfrom them, at such easy rates as must give them great advantages inthe cultivation of sugars, for which America will afford aconsiderable market; fish, lumber, and iron will also be exported tothem if it should be permitted; and salt, as well as sugar, broughtback in return, if the duties should be lowered, or a drawback allowedon the exportation. Our trade with Spain will consist chiefly in navalstores, masts, iron, furs, fish, and tobacco; in return for which weshall take the produce and manufactures of Spain of almost every kind. 6. It is impossible for the United States to use means to prevent anillicit commerce with the Spanish Colonies, without interfering intheir internal regulations. All they can do, is, to consider theregulations made for that purpose as binding upon their subjects, andnot to demand satisfaction if they suffer by the penalties, which thelaws attempted to be infringed, may impose. To this they will notobject, while the punishment is reasonable, and not confined to crimescommitted within the jurisdiction of the power imposing it. If it isextended further, such further extension must depend upon treatiesbetween the United States and Spain, and will be the subject ofdiscussion whenever such treaty shall be set on foot. 7. Spain will be allowed, without the least difficulty, either topurchase vessels built in America, or to appoint agents of her own forbuilding vessels of any kind, as well as for arming them, if shethinks proper, from the iron founderies, which are lately erectedhere, and which will continue to increase in proportion to theencouragement which shall be given them. The last question must be referred to a general treaty, and is of sucha nature as not to be properly answered here. [23] I am, with great regard and esteem, ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [22] A Spanish gentleman residing in Philadelphia, and apparentlyintrusted with some kind of agency by the Spanish government. [23] The question here referred to is as follows; "In case that Spainsucceeds in conquering East Florida, what will be the pretensions ofCongress in regard to the Southern boundaries of Georgia?" * * * * * TO JOHN PAUL JONES. Philadelphia, April 17th, 1782. Sir, I enclose an extract from a protest made by Captain A. De Neef, commanding the brigantine Berkenbosch, which has been transmitted toCongress, and by them to me, in order that I might inquire into thefacts therein alleged. I must beg the favor of you to state them to meas far as they come within your knowledge, that measures may be takento vindicate your reputation, and that of the American flag, if, as Ipresume, the charges are ill founded, or to repair any injury, whichyou may undesignedly have occasioned him. Complaints have been made to Congress by officers and men, whoformerly belonged to the crew of the Bon Homme Richard, and theAlliance frigate, of their not having yet been able to obtain theshare of prize money due to them; in consequence of which Congresshave directed me to draw a memorial to the Court of France, prayingits interposition, in obtaining justice for them. As this wholebusiness, as far as I can collect from the _Concordat_ entered intoby you and the gentlemen commanding the other vessels under yourcommand, appears to have been a private transaction, I am at a lossupon what to ground an application to the Court, more particularly asneither of the parties have as yet called upon this office with proofof their having applied to M. Chaumont, or been denied justice by him. You will oblige me by giving me all the light in your power upon thissubject, if possible, by the next post. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * THOMAS S. LEE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Annapolis, in Council, April 19th, 1782. Sir, We have been duly honored with your several letters of the 12th ofNovember, 1781, and the 18th and 19th of February, 1782, which shallbe laid before our Assembly, at their meeting the 25th of the presentmonth, when, we doubt not, their very important contents will meetwith the consideration they so well deserve. Whenever we are possessed of anything, in which the United States arematerially interested, we shall with great pleasure communicate it. The document you require, in consequence of the resolution ofCongress, enclosed in the letter of the 18th of February, shall beproperly authenticated, and transmitted as soon as the whole can becollected. We have the honor to be, &c. THOMAS S. LEE. * * * * * ROBERT MORRIS TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Office of Finance, April 27th, 1782. Sir, His Excellency, the Minister of France, having informed on the part ofhis Court, that no extraordinary sums will be paid to the Ministers ofthe United States in Europe, I must request that you will furnish mewith an account of their several salaries, payable to the foreignMinisters and their Secretaries, and I will make out bills in yourfavor on the banker of the United States in Paris for the lastquarter, commencing with the present year. I must at the same timepray, you will require of those gentlemen, the state of their severalaccounts with the public for salaries, that the whole may be adjusted, and all future expenses of that sort be classed under the proper headof the Department of Foreign Affairs. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, May 2d, 1782. Sir, The enclosed resolution of Congress will explain the cause of thisletter. The information it refers to, is an assurance that Britain hadabsolutely declined any interference of the mediating powers betweenthem and what they call their rebel subjects. They persist on everyoccasion in representing us as a divided people, who anxiously wishto return to our connexion with England. In this they have two objectsequally important to them. 1st. They encourage England to continue awar, which they expect to see terminated by our own weariness andlanguor; and 2dly. They put such a face upon their affairs as willentitle them on a negotiation to make demands at our expense, whichthey would not presume to think of, if the mediators were acquaintedwith our firm resolution never to return to our obedience to theirGovernment. Besides which, they cast a degree of odium upon theconduct of France, representing it as the support of a discontentedfaction, rather than as the generous ally of an oppressed nation. There is reason to apprehend, that in order the better to secure theadvantages of this deceitful policy to themselves, they will makeproffers to each of the United States. If any of them should listen tothem, (which cannot, however, be presumed, ) they will urge this, as aproof of their assertions, even if they should decline receiving theirproposals and refer them to Congress, as from the nature of our Unionthey undoubtedly must; still as the result of the experiment cannot beknown for some time in Europe, they will avail themselves of it inpart, if negotiations should open. This artifice of the enemy may be counteracted in two ways, both ofwhich deserve the serious attention of your Legislature. The first andmost important is, by making such exertions to procure a respectablearmy early in the season, that the mediators casting their eyes uponthe muster rolls, may there read a full refutation of all thatBritish artifice can suggest. I need not observe, that this measuremust go hand in hand with taxation, since an army without the means ofsupporting it, would only increase our evils. The second is toanticipate the attempt of Great Britain by such resolutions as theinformation contained in this letter suggests, resolutions whichstrongly mark a spirited determination in the Legislature of eachState to listen to no negotiations, except through the intervention ofCongress, which manifest their attachment to the independence of theircountry, and inviolable regard to the faith they have pledged to eachother, and to their allies. These may either prevent the attempt Iapprehend, or arrive in time to counteract this effect, which thefalse expectations built thereon might otherwise have in Europe. I mention this to your Excellency without any express direction fromCongress. It is more than probable, that your judgment, and the zealand wisdom of the Legislature, may improve these loose hints to thegeneral advantage of the United States. I have the pleasure ofassuring your Excellency and the Legislature, that the fairestprospects are now before us of terminating the war by a singleexertion, though I am not at liberty to say, that the plan of theensuing campaign is absolutely determined on, yet I have great reasonto believe, that we shall receive such powerful military aid, as, withbecoming exertions on our part, will free every State in the Unionfrom the grasp of the enemy. Here, Sir, I might pause, and suffer my imagination to dwell upon theanimating prospect before us; but reasoning from the past to thefuture, I dare not indulge the pleasing idea. We have at no periodbeen in a situation to second fully the endeavors of our ally to serveus; we either neglected to assemble our army in time, or to providethe means for supporting or moving them; a feather would have turnedthe balance last year, notwithstanding the powerful aid we receivedfrom abroad. Providence blinded our adversaries; to their temerity weowe our success. But, Sir, let me ask, whether any State did then, or has even now, done all in its power to enable our Generals to prosecute thisvictory? Or rather let me turn to what is more within our line, byobserving, that the inferiority of our army in point of numbers tothat of our ally while they acted at Yorktown, has been considered inEurope as a proof of the assertions of Britain, and has been urged asan argument of our weakness, our weariness of the war, or our internaldivisions. A moment's reflection will show the advantages, that thisaffords our antagonist in a negotiation. How much it weakens theclaims we make, and how many important benefits may be lost forever byour appearing in Europe to receive our independence rather as a gift, than to have established it by our exertions! But, Sir, it is still in our power to repair these errors. Let usavail ourselves of this favorable moment for expelling the enemy, andrecovering our diminished credit among the nations of the earth. I make no apology for the liberty I take. Your Excellency, I ampersuaded, is too sensible of the truth of these observations, tothink they could be delivered with less earnestness by one, who feelstheir importance, and I am confident that you will bring them beforethe Legislature of your State in such manner as will best serve toensure them their attention. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT MORRIS. Philadelphia, May 8th, 1782. Dear Sir, I enclose the list of salaries you requested. The charges of those whoact as secretaries to Dr Franklin and Mr Adams are not yet settled. Ishall lay the list before Congress and make them some propositions onthe subject. It will be necessary to afford a small sum to each of theMinisters to enable them to defray contingent expenses, which arecontinually happening, particularly to Dr Franklin, who is at thecentre of all our communications. I will converse with you on thissubject, and endeavor to form an estimate of what this ought to be. I am, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, May 8th, 1782. Sir, The enclosed account of the annual expense of the Department ofForeign Affairs, exclusive of contingent expenses, was made out atthe request of the Superintendent of Finance, that measures might betaken to discharge the salaries of the gentlemen in Europe, whoexpress great uneasiness on the subject; but as it is incomplete tillthe allowance to the private secretaries of Dr Franklin and Mr Adamsare ascertained, I have thought it proper to lay the whole beforeCongress, for their direction thereon. Congress were pleased to order by their resolution of the 2d ofJanuary last, that the Secretary of Foreign Affairs should lay beforethem an estimate of the expenses, which will probably be incurred bythe foreign Ministers of the United States respectively, and theirsecretaries. I find myself under great embarrassments in preparing areport agreeably to their order, from not being able to enter fullyinto their views. I should presume, that the expense of foreignMinisters ought to be regulated by their salaries, though I feel thatthe desire of supporting the dignity of an office, to which the salaryis incompetent, often urges men to quit the line, how much soever theymay be embarrassed thereby. Justice and policy suggest, that thesalaries of officers, who are engaged in so delicate and difficult adepartment as that of Foreign Affairs, should have such appointmentsas to free them from embarrassments with respect to their privateaffairs. I believe Congress had this in view when they settled thoseof their foreign Ministers, none of whom complain of their beinginadequate, unless it be Mr Jay, who has given us some reason to thinkhis salary, in his opinion, is barely sufficient for his support, andthat his manner of living is not equal to what he conceives thedignity of the United States requires. With respect to the salaries ofthe secretaries to the Embassies, it is in my opinion, (founded uponthe practice of other nations) at least the double of what it ought tobe. If, as I presume, Congress intended by their resolution, that I shouldlay before them an account of the manner in which our foreignMinisters live at present, that they might themselves be enabled tojudge of the proportion it bore to their appointments, I can only say, that the result of inquiries on this head must necessarily beextremely uncertain. I submit them as far as they have come to myknowledge. Dr Franklin has a part of M. Chaumont's house at Passy; he keeps achariot and pair, and three or four servants, and gives a dinneroccasionally to the Americans and others; his whole expense is, as faras I can learn, very much within his income. Mr Adams lives in lodgings, keeps a chariot and pair, and two menservants; he has hitherto retained a private secretary in the absenceof Mr Dana, who will, if is to be presumed, be paid by Congress. Ihave lately heard that Mr Adams was about to take a house. Mr Dana's salary, even if he should assume a public character, in acountry where the relative value of money is so high, that, if I amwell informed, an elegant house may be had for fifteen guineas a year, is very ample. Of Mr Jay's manner of living, I have been able to obtain no account, but should conclude from the price of the necessaries of life, in thepart of Spain in which he lives, from the port the Court and thepeople about it maintain, and above all, from its sitting in differentparts of the kingdom, that to live in the same style with Dr Franklinor Mr Adams, his expenses must amount to nearly double of theirs. But as every conjecture of this kind must be very uncertain, all I cando is to lay before Congress the relative expense, as far as I canlearn it, between the different places at which our Ministers reside, taking Philadelphia for the common standard. Paris, if wine, clothing, and the wages of servants are included, isabout twenty per cent cheaper than Philadelphia; Amsterdam ten, and atMadrid the expenses of a family are somewhat higher than at thisplace. But the unsettled state of those who follow the Court, theirtravelling equipage and charges must greatly enhance this expense. Congress will make their own deductions from these facts, afterallowing for their inaccuracy. I would, however, take the liberty tosubmit the enclosed resolutions to Congress; the first is founded uponthe propriety of supplying Dr Franklin with a secretary, which his ageand the dignity of his employment render necessary. As Mr Jay is notyet acknowledged, Mr Carmichael's services in Spain may be dispensedwith. The second, third, fifth, and sixth, are designed to make a reform inthe article of expense. The fourth to prevent the claim which any gentlemen, who may beappointed to any of the Northern Courts, may have to the salarysettled by Congress on the 5th of October, and to adapt the characterto the allowance. The sixth to enable Congress, without injuring the dignity of theirMinisters, to proportion the allowance to the expense of the Courtthey reside at, as well us to the port which they would wish them tomaintain. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * Office of Foreign Affairs, May 9th, 1782. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs humbly submits the followingresolutions to the consideration of Congress. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Resolved, That Mr Carmichael be appointed Secretary to the Embassyfrom the United States to the Court of Versailles, with a salary offour thousand dollars per annum. Resolved, That Mr Jay be empowered to appoint a private secretary, with a salary of one thousand dollars per annum. Resolved, That Mr Laurens, when he enters upon his mission to theUnited Provinces of the Low Countries, be empowered to appoint aSecretary with a salary of one thousand dollars per annum. Resolved, That the Commissioners for negotiating a peace, in case MrDana shall not return, appoint a Secretary to the Commission, with asalary of one thousand dollars per annum. Resolved, That the commission of Minister Plenipotentiary from theUnited States of America to the Court of Petersburg be revoked, andthat a commission issue to Francis Dana, constituting him Resident atthe said Court. Resolved, That when he shall have been received in that character, hebe empowered to appoint a private secretary, with a salary of eighthundred dollars per annum, who shall remain in office till Congressthink it proper to make another appointment. Resolved, That the appointment of no Secretary to any of the NorthernCourts in future, shall exceed a thousand dollars per annum, and thatthe appointments of a Secretary to the Embassy in France, Spain andHolland, shall in future be twelve hundred dollars, excepting suchSecretaries have been heretofore appointed. Resolved, That the salary of a Minister Plenipotentiary from theUnited States, from the 1st day of January next, shall not exceed fivethousand dollars, or that of a Resident three thousand, but that anallowance be made for household expenses, at and after the followingmanner; To the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, To the Minister in Spain, To the Resident in the United Provinces, (a Minister beingunnecessary, ) To the Resident at the Court of Petersburg, and each of the otherNorthern Courts. * * * * * CHARLES THOMSON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. May 9th, 1782. Sir, The United States in Congress assembled, having appointed Monday, the13th instant, at twelve o'clock, for giving a public audience to theMinister of France, and having resolved, that a place be assigned tothe principals in the three Executive Departments under Congress, I have the honor to inform you, that the place assigned to thosegentlemen, is within the bar to the right, and next to the members ofCongress on the left of the chair. The United States in Congress assembled have further resolved, Thatthe assistants and principal secretaries in each of the departments, be admitted without the bar of the house. The Messenger of Congresshas orders to furnish you with tickets for such of the gentlemen inyour department, as come within the above description. I have the honor to be, &c. CHARLES THOMSON, _Secretary_. * * * * * TO THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF, AND MAJOR GENERAL GREENE. Philadelphia, May 13th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to inform you, that the Minister Plenipotentiary ofFrance this day announced to the United States in Congress assembled, at a public audience, the birth of a Dauphin, and that Congressreceived this annunciation of an event, in which the happiness oftheir ally was so deeply engaged, with the most lively marks ofsatisfaction. It is their wish, that your Excellency, and the troopsunder your command should partake in this pleasure. I have theirorders to inform you of this event, to the end, that you may cause thesame to be published in the army, until such demonstrations of joy asyou shall direct. [24] I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [24] The same intelligence was communicated in the same formal way tothe Governors of the States. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, May 13th, 1782. Sir, The late change in the measures and in the administration of GreatBritain, and the arts that are daily practised to infuse a belief inEurope, that the most perfect harmony does not subsist between theUnited States and their ally, induce me to wish that Congress wouldembrace the opportunity, which this day's audience affords, to declaretheir attachment to the alliance in such terms, as will serve fully todefeat every expectation of sowing the seeds of division between theUnited States and France. For which purpose I humbly submit the following addition to the answerproposed to be given to the address of the Ministry Plenipotentiary ofFrance. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * Office of Foreign Affairs, May 13th, 1782. The following addition to the answer to the address proposed to bemade by the Minister of France, is humbly submitted to the approbationof Congress, by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. "A union, the mutual advantages of which become daily moreconspicuous, and which has derived new lustre and additional forcefrom every effort of the common enemy to dissolve it; Congress do notenlarge upon the subject, but satisfy themselves with therepresentations, which your own observations will enable, and yourregard to the interests of both countries will induce you to make ofthe affectionate attachment, which every rank of people within theseUnited States manifest to your Sovereign, and of their inviolablefidelity to the principles of the alliance. " * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, May 15th, 1782. Sir, In order to have the sense of Congress upon Mr Jay's request, contained in his letter of the 6th of February last, I do myself thehonor to submit the enclosed resolve; for though I do not see anyadvantage, which would at present result from his leaving Madrid, yetas cases may arise, which would render it proper, it may safely beleft to his discretion. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * Office of Foreign Affairs, May 15th, 1782. The following resolution is humbly submitted to the consideration ofthe United States in Congress, by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. It having been represented to the United States in Congress, thatcertain circumstances might render it expedient to permit Mr Jay toleave the Court of Madrid, and repair either to the United Provincesor to Versailles, Resolved, that such permission be granted him, provided he shallconceive, that such absence will be attended with important advantagesto the United States, and that it does not exceed three months. * * * * * TO RICHARD HARRISON OF CADIZ. Philadelphia, May 21st, 1782. Sir, You have probably heard of Colonel Livingston's misfortune, whichdeprived me of the pleasure of bearing from you by him. Our ports havebeen so closely blocked up for some time past, that it is with greatdifficulty we can get any vessels in or out. He shared the commonfate, and was carried into New York, from whence he is come out withMr Vaughan upon parole. He destroyed all his letters, and his paroleclosing this month, we have been able to learn nothing of importancefrom him. The new system, which England seems to be about to adopt, with respectto America, has not yet discovered itself here, except in generalprofessions, which the present Commander in Chief, Sir Guy Carleton, is continually making of his kindness and the affection, that stillsubsists in England towards the people of this country. This hasproduced not the least effect here; all ranks of people consider itrather a proof of their imbecility, than of their good will, and theLegislatures of the several States will I imagine enter intoresolutions, similar to those passed by Maryland, which you will findin the enclosed papers. I direct them to you; after you have readthem, I wish you to enclose and send them to Mr Jay as soon aspossible, I commit to your particular care the several packets, thatgo with this; trusting that you will send them in such way as toescape inspection. They contain very important papers, as well thosethat go to Mr Adams as to Mr Jay. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, May 21st, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose for the inspection of Congress, the draftof a letter to Mr Dana, together with a quadruplicate copy of onewritten the 2d of March, that Congress by seeing both may judgewhether any further directions are necessary. I must take the liberty, Sir, to request you to turn their attention to this subject, and tothe draft, which I had the honor to lay before them, of a letter tothe King, as soon as possible. Unless Congress decide upon them today, I shall lose a favorable opportunity of transmitting them to Europe. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Head Quarters, May 22d, 1782. Sir, I have been honored with your favor of the 13th, communicating to methe formal annunciation to Congress, by the Minister of France, of thebirth of a Dauphin. Measures are ordered to convey to the army the news of this happyevent, which will be celebrated with such demonstrations of joy as theoccasion requires, and our circumstances will admit. This information will be transmitted to General Greene, that the armyunder his command may participate in the general joy. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * GOVERNOR TRUMBULL TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Hartford, May 23d, 1782. Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose you copies of a letter, which Ireceived some time since from Mr Deane; as he appears to be somewhatknowing in the counsels of Great Britain, I thought it not improper toreturn him an answer; you will find copies of what I have writtenlikewise enclosed, and it is my duty to acquaint you, that upon beinglaid before the General Assembly of the State, this answer wasapproved by both houses _nemine contradicente_. You will be pleased to lay both papers before Congress and theMinister of France, and you will judge of the propriety of sending acopy likewise to Dr Franklin, or our other Ministers in Europe. I beg leave also to recommend to your care for conveyance, the lettercovered for Mr Deane, and am, Sir, with the sincerest sentiments ofesteem, &c. JONATHAN TRUMBULL. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 5th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to submit to Congress, the enclosed letter from MrLee with his accounts. As Congress were pleased to give no directionsrelative to the brigantine Berkenbosch, I presume it was theirintention, that I should transmit to Dr Franklin a state of theinformation I had collected on that subject, which I have accordinglydone. If Congress have any further commands, I wish to be honored withthem as soon as convenient. I am, Sir, with the highest respect, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT MORRIS. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 6th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose the translation of a letter from theMinister of France to me, on the subject of an interest due on LoanOffice certificates, as this relates peculiarly to your department, you will do me the honor to enable me to return some answer to thisapplication, which has been several times reiterated. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO ROBERT MORRIS. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 6th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose the translation of a correspondencebetween the Count de Vergennes and Dr Franklin, on the subject ofcomplaints contained in the Memorial accompanying the letter from theCount, a translation of which is also enclosed. You will be pleased tocause an inquiry to be made into the facts, and to favor me with suchinformation, as will enable me either to show, that the complaint isill founded, or that it will be treated with the attention it merits. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * ROBERT MORRIS TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Office of Finance, June 7th, 1782. Sir, I received this morning the letter you did me the honor to write onthe 6th. Congress have asked from the several States a five per centduty on goods imported, and on prizes and prize goods, as a fund forpaying the principal and interest of their debts, this fund whengranted will not be sufficient, and it is not yet granted by all. Iexpect, however, the requisition will speedily be complied with. Ishall not cease urging it, and also such further revenues as may besufficient for the purpose. When they shall have been obtained, theywill be duly applied in liquidation of the public debts; but untilthat period arrives, neither the principal nor the interest of suchdebts can be paid. I have the honor to be, with very great respect, ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO GOVERNOR TRUMBULL. Office of Foreign Affairs, June 12th, 1782. Sir, I was honored with your letter of the 23d of May, with both theenclosures, which I laid before Congress, and furnished copies to theMinister of France. The spirit in which your answer to Mr Deane'sletter is written, is such as must bring him to some sense of thedisgraceful and contemptible part he is acting, and awake in him thatremorse, which is the severest punishment of guilt. I shall availmyself of the permission you give me to transmit it to Dr Franklin, since I see that important advantages may result from declaring toEurope your sense, and that of so reputable a body as the Legislatureof Connecticut, upon the important points it discusses. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GOVERNOR GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Newport, June 15th, 1782. Sir, I had the honor of receiving your address of the 14th of May past, informing me, that the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most ChristianMajesty, had announced to the United States in Congress assembled, ata public audience, the birth of a Dauphin of France, which I laidbefore the General Assembly, who were pleased to request me totransmit the enclosed letter of congratulation upon that happy eventto his Excellency the Minister of France, which I request may bedelivered to him in the name of the Governor, Council, andRepresentatives of the State of Rhode Island and ProvidencePlantations, in General Assembly convened. I have the honor to be, &c. W. GREENE. * * * * * ROBERT MORRIS TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Office of Finance, June 20th, 1782. Sir, I do myself the honor to request that you will be pleased to make outaccurate estimates for your Department during the year 1783, that Imay form those general estimates for the service, which it is my dutyto lay before the United States in Congress. I am, with perfect esteem and respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * ROBERT MORRIS TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Office of Finance, June 20th, 1782. Sir, The copy of a Memorial from the Minister of France, of the 25th oflast month, which you handed me, has been laid before the Controllerof the treasury, who has examined the resolutions of Congress, andreported to me. I am now, therefore, to observe, that if the gentlemenmentioned in that Memorial, or their representatives, have any claimsagainst the United States, they must form accounts thereof, and statethem in the usual manner to the Controller of the treasury, with thevouchers, who will cause them to be examined, according to the rulesand regulations in that behalf established, and any balances which mayappear due will be by him certified to me, at which time, and notbefore, I can decide on the subject. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * THE GOVERNOR OF NORTH CAROLINA TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. North Carolina, June 24th, 1782. Sir, Your letters of the 18th and 19th of February, covered the resolutionsof Congress, dated November 28th, January 25th, and February 11th, Iwas favored with in May last, which I did myself the honor to laybefore the General Assembly. The important observations you are pleased to make relative to ouraffairs, our friends, allies, and enemies, have their just weight, which the Legislature are very sensible of. To be prepared, therefore, for whatever measures the enemy may take, they have passed a law todraft every twentieth man in the State, to serve in our Continentalbattalions eighteen months; as enlistments during the war cannot beobtained in this State, so as to answer any general purpose. I flattermyself, we shall have a respectable body of men soon in the field, under Major General Greene. In August they are to rendezvous. Onehundred wagons, for the Continental service, the State is also tofurnish, in lieu of one hundred men. I have given directions for the damages, which the inhabitants of thisState have received from the British, to be ascertained as nearly asmay be, agreeably to your request. The records of our Secretary's office being scattered in differentparts, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, duringtheir incursions and marches through the State, I have been preventedfrom procuring you copies of the papers you mention; but I have sentby Mr Blount, the bearer, and one of our Delegates, a map, or shortsketch of the outlines of the State; extending to the westward as faras Mississippi, the boundary formed by the treaty of Paris in 1763, which we consider ourselves not absolutely bound by, having a previousright by the charter of Charles the Second, which I shall shortlytransmit to you. By this our territory extends from sea to sea, thatis from the Atlantic to the Western ocean. I have the honor to be, &c. ALEXANDER MARTIN. * * * * * TO THE MINISTER OF FRANCE. Philadelphia, July 3d, 1782. Sir, The undersigned, Secretary of the United States for the Department ofForeign Affairs, has the honor to deliver the enclosed letter ofcongratulation, on the birth of the Dauphin, in the name and behalf ofthe Governor, Council and Representatives of the State of Rhode Islandand Providence Plantations, in General Assembly convened, agreeably tothe request of his Excellency, Governor Greene. The undersigned willdo himself the honor to transmit to them any reply, which the Ministerof France shall think it proper to make thereto. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO WILLIAM LEE, AT BRUSSELS. Philadelphia July 18th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose a resolution of Congress, directing DrFranklin to discharge the balance of your account against the UnitedStates. I have written to him upon the subject, and doubt not that themoney will be paid immediately upon your application. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GOVERNOR MARTIN TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. North Carolina, August 20th, 1782. Sir, Only a few days ago I was favored with your letter, of the 2d of May, 1782, covering a resolution of Congress of the 1st, on a report of acommittee to whom was referred a communication of the Secretary ofForeign Affairs. However insidious the designs of the Court of Britain may be inrepresenting us as a divided people to the several mediating Europeanpowers, the several great exertions making by the Continental Union, to prosecute the war with vigor against her, I make no doubt, willshortly undeceive them, and expose our enemy to the just contempt andridicule he will draw upon himself by such false and illusiveinsinuations. Whilst the enemy held the important post of Wilmington, the abovesuggestion might be too true respecting its environs, and thedisaffected settlements of this State, but since they have abandonedthe same, our late revolted citizens, conscious of their delusion, return with cheerfulness to their allegiance and duty in support ofthe common cause, and I flatter myself we shall soon be a reunitedpeople, and join our efforts with more efficacy to those of our sisterStates, in terminating the war with honor to our arms. Sensible of the great attention paid to the several States by theCongress in this resolution, and the pertinent observations you havemade thereon, with a zeal becoming its importance, in putting ourLegislature on their guard against any separate overtures that may bemade to them by Britain, without the intervention of Congress, I shallwith pleasure do myself the honor to lay the same before them at theirearliest meeting, which will be on the 1st of November next, atHillsborough. In the meanwhile, Sir, I can venture to pledge the faithof the State, that the General Assembly will listen to no negotiation, however flattering, and apparently advantageous, but what is madethrough the great Council of the Continent. Yours of the 14th of May, announcing the birth of the Dauphin ofFrance, I have had the honor to receive, which joyful event as itconcerns the happiness of our great and illustrious ally, and futurewelfare of his kingdom, I have communicated to the good citizens ofthis State. Enclosed you have a copy of the acts of our last General Assembly, agreeably to your request, which by the delay of the printer could notreach you sooner. I hope my letter, accompanied with a map, has safelycome to hand. I have the honor to be, &c. ALEXANDER MARTIN. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, August 23d, 1782. Sir, By a late arrangement of the Superintendent of Finance, he hasdirected that the salaries of the Ministers and their Secretaries bepaid here, and only one account opened with the office of ForeignAffairs; in consequence of which I have, at his request, stated theiraccounts quarterly, and laid out the proceeds in the purchase ofbills, which I have remitted to Dr Franklin, with direction to answertheir several drafts to the amount of the money so remitted. But asthese bills are endorsed by me, I by that means render myselfresponsible for their payment in my private character; and as I am notauthorised by Congress, or by the gentlemen in whose behalf the moneyis remitted, to act as their agent, I am liable to answer to them forthe money received here, if they should disapprove of its having beenlaid out in the purchase of bills. I also render myself accountable tothem severally, if the money remitted to Dr Franklin should, byneglect or other cause, be applied to some other use than that forwhich it was remitted. I have endeavored to obviate these inconveniences by writing to theMinisters and their Secretaries, informing them of this arrangement, and requesting them to appoint agents, who shall manage their businesshere. In the meanwhile, I must request, for my justification, someresolutions of Congress, authorising me to act as their agent tillthey shall make such appointments. I have thought it reasonable tocharge them the usual commission upon the purchase of bills, and shallcontinue to do so, till they appoint other agents. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO WILLIAM MOORE, PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 8th, 1782. Sir, The State of Pennsylvania not having as yet passed laws conformably tothe eleventh Article of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce between hisMost Christian Majesty and these United States, agreeably to therequisition of Congress to the several States, passed the 14th day ofJanuary, 1780, a copy of which is enclosed, I find myself called uponby the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, inbehalf of such of the subjects of France, as in confidence thereofhave purchased real property in this State, to solicit for them thesecurity they are entitled to by this article. I have the honor, therefore, to request your Excellency to takemeasures for calling the attention of the Legislature to thisstipulation in the Treaty, when at their earliest leisure from suchbusiness as they conceive requires more immediate despatch. I beg alsoto be informed, whether any, and what steps, have been taken to carryinto effect the several resolutions of the United States in Congressassembled, contained in the letters I did myself the honor to write toyour Excellency, of the following dates, 18th and 19th of February, and 2d of May, 1782. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GOVERNOR WEARE, OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 9th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose copies of letters, which have beenreceived from the Governor of the Island of Granada, in consequence ofletters written, on my application, by the Minister of France, and thestate of Mr Mc Clintock's case, transmitted by me. From this answer, I think the justice of Mr Mc Clintock's claim is putout of doubt; but, at the same time, redress will be rendered moredifficult, by our being now obliged to seek it in another channel. Ishall, however, direct a memorial to be presented on the subject tothe Court of France, and send over authentic copies of the documentsin my possession. It would greatly facilitate this business, if Mr McClintock had an agent in France, who would prosecute his claim, and towhom I would afford all the facilities in my power. I mention thismatter to your Excellency, because the Legislature of New Hampshire, having interested themselves therein, I presumed that it would beagreeable to them to know that it was not neglected. I beg you to assure them, Sir, that I shall receive with pleasure anyfurther instruction with which they may please to honor me, relativeto this or any other subject, in which I may promote the views of theState, or the interest of its members. Not having been honored with answers to my several letters to yourExcellency of the following dates, 18th and 19th of February and 2d ofMay, 1782, I beg leave to ask, whether they have been received, andwhat measures have been taken in consequence of them. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 9th, 1782. Sir, The situation of my affairs rendering my personal attention necessary, I take the liberty to request your Excellency to communicate toCongress my design, (if it meets their approbation, ) to visit theState of New York for a few weeks. I shall take measures to have theearliest communication made to Congress of such intelligence as may bereceived in my absence, and for the general direction of the businessof the department. Your Excellency will do me the honor to obtain thesense of Congress upon this subject, and to believe me, with thehighest respect, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GOVERNOR MARTIN, OF NORTH CAROLINA. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 9th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency'sletter of the 24th of June, by Mr Blount, together with the map youwere pleased to transmit. I shall expect at your leisure, the otherdocuments you mention as explanatory of your boundaries. Copies of themost westerly grants, that have been made by the Crown within yourState, would tend greatly to elucidate your claim, as would alsocopies of acts of the Legislature laying out the back country intocounties or parishes, if any such exist. I receive, with great pleasure, the account you give of the exertionof your State in filling their line, though I think we have somereason to hope, that you will not be able to find employment for themnear home. I could wish to have had it in my power to give your Excellency someaccount of our foreign negotiations, but by an extraordinary neglect, or, which is more probable, by some accident, we have had no officialinformation either from our own Ministers, or through the Minister ofFrance, for a very long time past. As to public news, it is not worthwhile to trouble you with it, as this letter will probably lay somedays before the gentleman, who has promised to charge himself with it, calls. I shall therefore direct, as the best means of giving the newsof the day, that the latest papers of this place be sent with it, whenhe is just about to set out. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 11th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to lay before Congress a number of letters receivedlast night by Captain Smedley, from Mr Adams, Mr Dana, and Mr Barclay. I have arranged and numbered them, and translated those of Mr Dumas. The compliment of the merchants of the town of Schiedam being verylong, it is not yet translated, when it is, it will be laid beforeCongress. Mr Dana has by some accident neglected to put up the firstsheet of his letter, so that the subject is broken in upon, and we areignorant of its date. I take the liberty to recommend that some attention be paid to MrAdams's request with respect to Mr Dumas, who has certainly been avery assiduous servant of the United States; I could wish at least tobe enabled to inform him of the sense of Congress thereon. Perhaps itwould be expedient to commit it to the committee appointed to considerthe salaries of foreign Ministers, &c. Mr Adams has as yet received noanswer to the letter on the subject of his purchase at the Hague. Should Congress approve the form, which Mr Adams proposes for theratification of his agreement, I presume Mr Thomson will have theirorders for endorsing it, and the agreement will be immediatelyreturned to this office, so that Congress may avail themselves of themeans, that now offer for transmitting it. I also lay before Congress a large packet, containing Mr Deane'saccounts, which I shall deliver to the Office of Finance, unlessCongress would choose to have it disposed of in some other way. I mustbeg, Sir, that the letters be returned to this office, as soon asCongress have examined them as I wish to avail myself of the presentopportunity to answer them. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to lay before Congress two letters from Messrs deNeufville and Son, under cover of which last I received the enclosedletter, which contains what I suppose to be the first sheet of MrDana's letter, probably sent immediately after he had discovered hismistake. I send the other parts with it. I also enclose for theperusal of Congress an act of the British Parliament for the exchangeof American prisoners, which, when returned to the office I shall havepublished. I find in a Leyden paper some account of Mr Grenville's negotiation, and the alterations proposed by the committee of the States General tothe treaty submitted to their consideration by Mr Adams. These may beobjects of curiosity, and as such I enclose them. They will be printedon Saturday if the papers are returned in time. A Dutch paper of the 13th of July, mentions that the Baron Vioménil, the Marquis de Lavall, and other officers, left Paris the beginning ofJuly, in order to sail in the ---- frigate; that the Marquis deLafayette was not to accompany them, as it was proposed; that he waswaiting the issue of the negotiation in Paris. The Count D'Artois has obtained leave of the King of Spain to serve asa volunteer at the siege of Gibraltar. This may perhaps be concludedas an indication of their hope of success in the attempt to reduce it. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose two reports upon Mr Adams's letters. Iwould propose in addition to the first to direct the substance of MrAdams's letter of the 23d of April, containing his note, and theappointment of a committee, to be printed as articles of intelligence, not under the express direction of Congress, since the business is notconcluded. With respect to the second report, I am led to make it by Mr Adams'srecommendation, and by my sense of the zeal and diligence, which M. Dumas has so long testified in the cause of America, when it was veryfar from being a popular one in Holland. Though I must confess I feelsome reluctance in seeing any but an American in the line, which oughtto serve as a school for future Ministers. But this case has peculiarcircumstances by which it must be determined. The commission of_Chargé d'Affaires_ I should conceive too important and tooconfidential to be placed in any hands, but those of a citizen of theUnited States. There are other reasons, which will suggest themselvesto Congress, against this measure, which it is unnecessary to mention. The salary I have left blank, as that subject is under theconsideration of a committee. The second resolution is to take awaythe necessity of making it greater than our circumstances will allow. The merits of the other gentlemen mentioned by Mr Adams, together withhis recommendation, might justly perhaps induce Congress to show themsome marks of their attention, if the situation of their financeswould permit, but as neither of those gentlemen are in the service ofCongress, it is to be presumed that they will not choose to take anypublic notice of that part of his letter, till they are incircumstances to satisfy the just claims of those who have demandsupon them. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782. Sir, Having carefully examined Mr Laurens's letter, [25] I believe Congresswill think with me, that the subjects of it are such as I can in noother way report on, than by recommending it to be submitted to aspecial committee. The two great points are his resignation and exchange. The first ofthese Congress only are competent to decide upon; and the last, notrelating in any way to my Department, is intimately connected with asubject already under the consideration of a committee. With respectto his support, I believe that there can be no doubt that Mr Laurens'ssalary is to be paid, till Congress determine to accept hisresignation. I have considered it as a part of the expenses of thisDepartment, and accordingly remitted the amount of two quarters'salary to Dr Franklin, commencing in January last, previous to which, that business was under the direction of Dr Franklin. I shall continueto include his salary in my drafts on Mr Morris, till I receivedirections from Congress to discontinue it. Congress having empoweredMr Laurens to appoint a secretary, there can be no doubt about thepropriety of discharging his salary. The enemy having published an account of Mr Laurens's petition forrelief, &c. Which appears by his letter to have been withoutfoundation, I beg leave to submit to Congress the propriety ofprinting his own account of this transaction, since it evidences incontradiction to their reports, that he always acted with the dignityand firmness, which became his station and character. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [25] See this letter in _Henry Lauren's Correspondence_, Vol. II. P. 463. * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782. Sir, Agreeably to the direction of Congress, contained in the enclosedresolution, I am to solicit your Excellency's attention to the objectof it, and to pray that means may be used by the State over which youpreside, to furnish the returns they require, sending quadruplicatecopies of them, under the seal of the State, to this office. I amsorry to have reason to complain of the little attention that therecommendations of Congress, and my letter of the 12th day ofNovember, 1781, relative to a similar object, has met with from yourState, since the want of those returns will, without doubt, beseverely felt by our Ministers, whenever they shall commence thenegotiations for a general peace. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Office of Foreign Affairs, September 15th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to inform you, by the direction of Congress, that Ihave lately received official advices from Mr Adams, of theresolutions of their High Mightinesses the States General, to receiveand acknowledge the said Mr Adams in quality of MinisterPlenipotentiary of the United States of America, and to request yourExcellency to cause this interesting event to be made public. I havethe honor to enclose copies of the resolutions of their HighMightinesses on this subject, and to inform you that the StatesGeneral did, on the 23d day of April, appoint a Grand Committee toconfer with Mr Adams, to whom, having been introduced in the usualforms by two noblemen, he laid before them the plan of a Treaty ofAmity and Commerce, which was immediately printed, and sent to thedifferent members of the sovereignty. I cannot conclude without congratulating your Excellency upon anevent, which widens the basis of our independence, and leads to animmediate connexion with a powerful nation, whose alliance a varietyof circumstances in their origin and government render extremelydesirable. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GENERAL GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Head Quarters, October 2d, 1782. Sir, Your letter of the 13th of May did not come to hand until some time inAugust, before the receipt of which his Excellency, GeneralWashington, had communicated the agreeable information of the birth ofa Dauphin, and directed that some public declaration of our feelingsshould be had upon the occasion. Accordingly, on the 4th of July, wefired a _feu de joie_, and gave every testimony in our power of thepleasure and happiness we felt upon an event so interesting to ourgood ally, and so intimately connected with the welfare of America;and I beg you will communicate to the Minister in Philadelphia, howsincerely the officers of this army participate in the general joy, which this public blessing diffuses through France and America. It is with infinite satisfaction that I inform you, that the enemy ismaking every preparation for the evacuation of Charleston, the lastand only place they hold in any of the Southern United States. I hope a general peace will follow, and that America may long enjoy, without interruption, the blessings she has been so long contendingfor. I have the honor to be, &c. NATHANIEL GREENE. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, October 29th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose, for the inspection of Congress, a letterfrom Mr Harrison. So much of it as relates to the state of hisaccounts, has been sent to the Office of Finance. As this subject hasbefore been strongly insisted upon by Mr Jay, I doubt not that MrMorris will pay every attention to it, which the means in his handswill permit. Mr Harrison is so well spoken of by Mr Jay, and has manifested, onmany occasions, watchful attention to the welfare of the UnitedStates, and discovered such disinterestedness in every transactionwhich related to them, that I cannot but hope that Congress will thinkhim worthy of some public notice. Should they be of opinion, that itwould be improper to appoint him consul at a time when he could not bereceived in his public character, and when an attempt to display itmight draw upon the United States new indignities, yet it would giveme pleasure to be enabled to assure him from Congress, that theyentertain a just sense of his services, that they wish him to continueto act under the authority he has received from Mr Jay, till thepolitics of Spain shall render it proper to vest him with more amplepowers. This earnest of the favor of Congress would stimulate him tomerit further marks of their confidence. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, November 13th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to transmit a resolution of Congress, appointing youone of their Ministers Plenipotentiary for negotiating peace. Irejoice in this fresh proof of their confidence in your virtue andabilities. The sacrifices you have heretofore made to the interests ofyour country, induce me to hope that you will suffer no personalconsideration to prevent their being employed in its service upon thisimportant occasion. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GOVERNOR MATTHEWS, OF SOUTH CAROLINA. Philadelphia, November 20th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to transmit the copy of a letter from Count deVergennes to Dr Franklin, accompanied with a memorial from Messrs LeMarque and Fabre, on the subject of debts contracted by Mr Gillon, asis said, in behalf of the State of South Carolina. I wish, Sir, youwould enable me to afford such an answer to it as will exculpate theState from any censure which Mr Gillon may have deservedly incurred. If he was vested with such powers as enabled him to bind the State, they will doubtless have the justice to direct that his engagements bemade good, notwithstanding any loss they may incur thereby. If he hadno such powers, they will embrace the earliest opportunity ofdisavowing them. I shall trouble your Excellency to apprize me of the steps, that maybe taken in consequence of this information, that I may embrace theearliest opportunity, by placing this matter in its true light, to dothat justice to the integrity and good faith of the State, which theywill undoubtedly merit. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THOMAS BARCLAY. Philadelphia, November 26th, 1782. Sir, I have the pleasure of transmitting a resolution of Congress, by whichyou are appointed a Commissioner for adjusting their accounts inEurope. I flatter myself, that this fresh mark of their confidence inyou will be highly acceptable, and that you will take the earliestopportunity to enter upon the task assigned you, since not only theinterest, but the honor of the United States, has greatly suffered bythe delay, which this necessary business has heretofore experienced. I am, Dear Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Chesterfield, November 26th, 1782. Sir, I received yesterday the letter, with which you have been pleased tohonor me, enclosing the resolution of Congress of the 12th instant, renewing my appointment as one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary fornegotiating a peace, and beg leave through you to return my sincerethanks to that august body, for the confidence they are pleased torepose in me, and to tender the same to yourself for the obligingmanner in which you have notified it. I will employ in this arduous charge, with diligence and integrity, the best of my poor talents, which I am conscious are far short ofwhat it requires. This I hope will ensure to me from Congress a kindconstruction of all my transactions; and it gives me no smallpleasure, that my communications will pass through the hands of agentleman, with whom I have acted in the earlier stages of thiscontest, and whose discernment and candor I had the good fortune thento approve and esteem. Your letter finds me at a distance from home, attending on my familyunder inoculation. This will add to the delay which the arrangement ofmy particular affairs would necessarily occasion. I shall lose nomoment, however, in preparing for my departure, and shall hope to paymy respects to Congress and to yourself some time between the 20th andthe last of December. I have the honor to be, &c. THOMAS JEFFERSON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, December 2d, 1782. Sir, Having lately been informed, that the business of the Court ofChancery in the State of New York has increased so much as to demandmore of my attention than is consistent with the duties of the place, which I have the honor to hold under the United States, I must prayyour Excellency to lay before Congress my request to be permitted toresign the latter, and to assure them at the same time, of thegrateful sense which I shall always retain, not only of the honor doneme by the appointment, but of those distinguished marks of confidence, which they have repeatedly shown me in the execution of my trust. That the business of this office may sustain no injury by myresignation, I shall, if Congress approve, continue to perform itsduties till they shall be pleased to appoint a gentleman to succeedme, or direct some other mode for carrying it on, in confidence thatthey will make their arrangements as early as is consistent with thedeliberation they may conceive them to require. I take the liberty to recommend to the protection of Congress, and thegentleman who is to succeed me, Mr Morris and M. Duponceau, mysecretaries, having the greatest reason to confide in their fidelityand attention to the business intrusted to their care. The Reverend MrTetard, who is likewise employed in the office, has some claim totheir attention; he rendered essential services to our army in Canada, suffered many personal inconveniences there, and finds himselfreduced, at an advanced age, to absolute ruin by the enemy and our ownarmy, both having contributed to lay waste his farm, destroy hisbuildings, and pillage his property. For these facts, I take theliberty to refer Congress to his Memorial. As Congress in making a new appointment will probably wish to adaptthe salary to the necessary expense of the department, of which theyhave heretofore had no opportunity to be fully informed, it is a dutyI owe to them, as well as to my successor, to assure them that myexpenses, exclusive of purchase and wear, carriages, horses, andhousehold furniture, have exceeded my allowance from Congress, upwardsof three thousand dollars. As I have now no personal interest inmentioning this circumstance, Congress will, I am persuaded, attributethe liberty I have taken, to my desire of seeing a department, inwhich I have had the honor to preside, supported with dignity. Be pleased, Sir, to receive my thanks for your personal attention, andbelieve me to be, with the most respectful attachment and esteem, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO RICHARD HARRISON. Philadelphia, December 5th, 1782. Dear Sir, I have this moment learned that a vessel will sail for Cadiz in anhour's time. I beg to recommend to your particular care the letter forMr Carmichael, which the captain will deliver to you. It contains acypher, and must not therefore pass through the post office. Congress, as yet, have done nothing in your affair, though it has beenparticularly recommended to them, and now lies before them. Oneobstruction is the difficulty of appointing Consuls, till some treatyor convention between us and Spain shall authorise it. The season of the year admits of no military operations here; and thepacket of newspapers sent herewith, will give you the current news. You will find by them, that we are still in suspense with respect tothe fate of Charleston, though it is generally believed, that itcannot be long ere the evacuation will be completed. The French fleetare still at Boston, though prepared to sail. Nothing astonishes usmore, than the effrontery of the British publications, which affirmboldly, that great tumults have been excited in the Eastern States, onaccount of their reluctance to the war, when there is not theslightest foundation in fact for such an assertion. This I suppose, iscalculated to give a momentary popularity to Lord Shelburne. I am, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, December 9th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to inform Congress, that the Minister Plenipotentiaryof France communicated to me the contents of a letter, received onSaturday from Count de Rochambeau, by which he was apprized, that theCount, in pursuance of his instructions, had ordered the troops underhis command to embark, and that they were to proceed with the fleet tothe Islands. The legion, and a detachment of about six hundred men, together withthe convalescents are to remain on the continent. The whole may amountto about sixteen hundred men. The Minister further informed me, thatin consequence of his representations on the subject, he had receivedassurances, that such a force should be detached from the West Indies, as would be adequate to the protection of the trade upon this coastduring the winter. The enclosed extract of a letter from Boston, contains an account ofthe success of the British in relieving Gibraltar. Though it is notofficial it is to be feared it is too well founded. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, December 16th, 1782. Sir, I have the honor to enclose for the inspection of Congress a shortletter from Mr Jay, which contains important information, and explainssome passages in Dr Franklin's letters. Unless the commission given toMr Fitzherbert on the 24th of July is revoked, it will be difficult toaccount for Mr Oswald's being appointed to treat with the ThirteenUnited States, unless we suppose, either that his powers are morelimited, or that the British Administration design to treat under themediation of some neutral Prince, upon the plan proposed by theImperial Courts, so as that the negotiations with America may bedistinct from those with the other belligerent powers. Just as I was closing this, a private letter from Mr Jay was deliveredof the 4th of September, which contains the following remarkablepassage. "I am preparing a map to show you the line, which Countd'Aranda proposes for our western boundary. It will not be finished intime for this conveyance. I am persuaded it is best for us to taketime. My further reasons shall be explained at large in a futureletter, which I shall begin as soon as my health will permit. " Headds, "that Spain has issued more bills, and that the depreciation hasincreased. " I delay reporting on the passage in Dr Franklin's letter, relative to the demands of Spain, as there is no immediate opportunityof writing to Europe, and as I am in hourly expectation of receivingsomething more particular on this subject. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GENERAL GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Head Quarters, South Carolina, } December 19th, 1782. } Dear Sir, The Southern States, so long oppressed by the weight of a destructivewar, are now happily relieved by the evacuation of Charleston, and thetotal departure of the British troops from this country. This event, so very important to all America, took place on the 14th instant. The fleet, with the troops on board, fell down into Rebellion Road, and on the 17th crossed the bar and went out to sea. The Britishregiments are said to be destined for the West Indies, and the Germantroops for New York. They took with them a great deal of property, andbetween five and six thousand negroes, the greater part of which theyhad once promised to deliver up. Governor Matthews, with all the officers of government are now intown; and civil police fully established and supported. I am, &c. NATHANIEL GREENE. * * * * * TO THE COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS APPOINTED TO REPAIR TO RHODE ISLAND. Philadelphia, December 20th, 1782. Gentlemen, I can only reply to your inquiries with respect to the probability ofextending our loans in France, by informing you, that the generaltenor of our public despatches discourages the idea, as will appear bythe extracts of letters herewith sent you. To them I have added suchofficial communications as I have received from time to time from theMinister of France. I might add to these the result of several private conversations withhim upon that subject, having frequently introduced it, to know howfar we might in case of extreme necessity lean on France. He hasalways expressed on these occasions a strong sense of our wants, and awish to relieve them, accompanied with an apprehension, that the heavyexpense incurred by France, in creating and supporting a large marine, would render it highly imprudent to expect, that she should addanything to the liberal supplies already afforded us, and themaintenance of an army in America on our account. Of late, too, theunproductiveness of our taxes, and the uneasiness of the publiccreditors in the United States, has not escaped his observation. Hisreflections on this subject are so obvious, that I need not repeatthem. I am seriously alarmed for their effect on the loans we havealready opened. A private letter from Mr Jay informs me, that thepaper struck by Spain has greatly depreciated, so that had we neededany further assurances on that head, we must now be fully convinced, that we have nothing to expect from that quarter. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, December 22d, 1782. Sir, I have just received my despatches, which consist of duplicates fromDr Franklin and the enclosed, which have not yet been submitted toCongress, together with a copy of Mr Oswald's commission. Mr Jay has also written, but his letter is not yet decyphered. Aprivate letter from the Marquis de Lafayette to me, (the whole ofwhich is not yet decyphered) contains much the same account of ournegotiations, with that given by Dr Franklin, and the followingpassage from a letter of Mr Adams to him of the 29th of September; "We have at length the consent of the Cities, States, and Provinces, and have adjusted and agreed upon every article, word, syllable, letter, and point, in the treaty of commerce, and clerks are employedin making out fair copies for signature, which will be done thisweek. " By a paper of the 22d of October, I find the treaty was signed byseven deputies, one for each Province, and by Mr Adams on the 4th ofOctober. The Marquis also mentions, that several accounts, but none official, say, that Madras has been taken by the French troops, that landed atPort Novo, in conjunction with those of Hyder Ally. He adds, thatthough this account is believed, yet it is not confirmed. I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GOVERNOR MARTIN TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. North Carolina, December 23d, 1782. Sir, I am favored with your two letters of the 12th and 15th of Septemberlast, and your circular, in which you announce the acknowledgment ofthe independence of the United States by the States of Holland; anevent that will greatly add to the national importance of America, not only in the councils of Europe, but through the world. The resolution of Congress respecting damages, which the inhabitantsof this State have received from the British enemy, I cannot carryinto effect until I have an Act of Assembly for this purpose, to pointout the particular mode in obtaining the same; the account of which, as soon as it can be procured from the different parts of the State, shall be transmitted to you, without loss of time. I have the honor to be, &c. ALEXANDER MARTIN. * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Philadelphia, December 23d, 1782. Sir, The steps that may lead to so important an event as peace upon safeand honorable terms, are too interesting to be withheld from you; Ihave the honor, therefore, to enclose a copy of Mr Oswald's commissionto treat with the Thirteen United States of America, which willcertainly smooth the way to it, though the variety of interests to beadjusted at a general Congress (and, perhaps, too, the success of theBritish arms at Gibraltar) may place it further off than our wisheswould otherwise lead us to imagine. Your Excellency will see the propriety of not suffering copies of thiscommission to be taken for the press, and of accompanying thecommunication you may think proper to make of it, with suchrecommendations to exertion and vigilance, as prudence and thecritical state of our affairs may require, since on a review of theconduct of the enemy, it will not appear extravagant to suppose, thatthis may be another of those artifices so often practised to deceiveand put us off our guard. Though we have no official accounts, yet wehave every reason to believe, that the treaty of commerce with theUnited Provinces was signed on the 7th of October. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO WILLIAM GREENE, GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND. Philadelphia, January 4th, 1783. Sir, Agreeably to the order of Congress, I have the honor to lay beforeyour Excellency the enclosed copy of a motion made by Mr Howel, andthe resolutions of Congress thereon, together with the state of theapplications for foreign loans, and the results thereof. Without troubling your Excellency with those inconsiderable and secretaids, which we received at the beginning of the controversy, I shalltake the applications and the grants, that were made in the year onethousand seven hundred and seventynine, and since. To begin with _Spain. _ The 9th of September, 1779, Congress proposed to obtain a subsidy fromSpain during the continuance of the war, which they offered topurchase by a very important cession. Spain having hitherto declinedan alliance with the United States, no such subsidiary treaty tookplace. In the same month Mr Jay was instructed to borrow five millions ofdollars. After long and continued solicitations, he obtained onehundred and fifty thousand dollars, and was compelled to protest billsof exchange drawn upon him by Congress, on the presumption, that Spainwould certainly enable him to redeem them. This protest, which wasmade on the 16th of March last, was as follows; "Mr Jay says, that when he accepted the bills hereunto annexed, he hadgood reason to expect to be supplied with funds necessary to pay them;that he has been disappointed in the expectation he was encouraged toentertain on this subject, and that his endeavors to obtain money, both here and elsewhere, have been unsuccessful, although the billswhich remain to be paid by him, together with his other engagements, do not exceed twentyfive thousand pounds sterling, but thesedisappointments being unexpected, he cannot for want of time haverecourse to Congress, and therefore finds himself reduced to themortifying necessity of permitting them to be protested. " These billswere redeemed after the protest, by money borrowed in France. I havereason to believe, that no money has since been obtained on account ofthe United States in Spain; so that the application for five millionsof dollars has only been answered by the grant of one hundred andfifty thousand dollars. _Portugal. _ On the 11th of January, 1782, Mr Jay was directed, in conjunction withthe Superintendent of Finance, to undertake a loan in Spain orPortugal, without limiting the amount of such loan. And Mr Jay wasdirected to send Mr Carmichael to aid their endeavors. This power wasrestricted by a subsequent resolution, directing Mr Jay not to send MrCarmichael, unless he had some prospect of succeeding. Not havingsent him, it is to be presumed he had no prospect of succeeding. _Holland. _ On the 26th of October, 1779, Mr Laurens, having been appointed acommissioner for that purpose, was directed to borrow a sum notexceeding ten millions of dollars. Mr Laurens having been captured, his place was supplied by Mr Adams, who had similar powers andinstructions. He made several attempts to open a loan, but with solittle success, that he never has transmitted an account of theamount, but has since informed me, that he had applied it in part ofpayment for a house purchased at the Hague. His salary has hithertobeen paid by money drawn from France. A loan, however, has been openedwith success in Holland on our account by his Most Christian Majesty, and under his special guarantee for ten millions of livres. Mr Adamsinforms Congress by a letter dated the 5th of July last, that he alsohas opened a loan in Holland on account of the United States for fivemillions of florins, but adds, that he does not expect to obtain thatsum for a long time, that if he gets a million and a half byChristmas, it will be more than he expects. In a letter of the 18th of August, the last I have received from MrAdams, he says, that "when he receives the ratification of his treatyfor a loan, there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousandguilders to be paid to the orders of Congress. " This is confirmed by aletter to the Marquis de Lafayette, of which he sends me an extract. As that ratification must have been received long since, we may setthe loans actually made in Holland on our credit, at Three millions of livres, 3, 000, 000 Those made under the guarantee and on the credit of France, at 10, 000, 000 ---------- Ten millions of livres, 13, 000, 000 Our further prospects of borrowing are too uncertain to be stated. Asthis is a private loan it is reasonable to suppose, that the clamorsof the public creditors here, when heard in Holland, will have someeffect upon our credit there. _France. _ In France various applications were made, and several grants obtainedprevious to the year 1779, though they are not clearly stated, fromthe irregular manner in which the books of the Secret Committee, andthe Committee of Foreign Affairs were formerly kept. It appears, thatthe whole sum obtained from France previous to the year 1780, exclusive of one million obtained on a contract for tobacco with theFarmers-General amounted to nine millions of livres. In November, 1780, Congress applied to the Court of France for an aid of twentyfive millions of livres in money, exclusive of a considerable supplyof arms, ammunition, and military stores, which they declared wouldfall short of their wants for the ensuing year without the greatestinternal exertion. They sent Mr Laurens as a Minister on this special occasion, and inthis year and the year 1781, Congress received fourteen millions oflivres, including the goods and military stores, without counting theloan opened for the United States in Holland, of which mention is madebefore. But as this sum fell very far short of our wants, Dr Franklin wasinstructed on the 8th of February, 1782, to borrow twelve millions oflivres. In answer to which, that Minister, writing to me on the 25thof June, after acknowledging the receipt of my letters, one of whichwas written on the subject of the above instruction, says, "the second(the second letter) enforces some resolutions of Congress sent me withit respecting a loan of twelve millions of livres to be demanded ofFrance for the current year. I had already received the promise of sixmillions, together with the clearest and most positive assurances, that it was all the King could spare us, that we must not expect more, that if drafts and demands came upon me beyond that sum, it behoovedme to take care how I accepted them, or where I should find funds forthe payment, since I could, certainly not be further assisted out ofthe royal treasury. Under this declaration, with what face could I askfor another six millions? It would be saying, 'you are not to bebelieved, you can spare more, you are able to lend me twice the sum, if you were but willing. ' If you read my letter to Mr Morris of thisdate, I think you will be convinced how improper any language capableof such a construction would be to such a friend. " On the 14th of September Congress were pleased to direct that fourmillions of dollars be borrowed in Europe, exclusive of the loannegotiating in Holland. A copy of which resolution is directed to becommunicated to his Most Christian Majesty, with directions to DrFranklin to assure his Majesty of the high sense the United States inCongress entertain of his friendship and generous exertions, theirreliance on a continuance of them, and the necessity of applying onthe present occasion to him. And on the 23d of September Congressresolved further, in answer to the above letter from Dr Franklin, andone of a similar nature to the Superintendent of Finance of the samedate, that, notwithstanding the information contained in thoseletters, it is the direction of Congress, that he use his utmostendeavors to effect the loan, which, by the resolve of the 14thinstant is to be negotiated. I should observe that in the above statement of the grants made to theUnited States, I have not distinguished between loans and gifts, butincluded both in the gross sums above mentioned, though about eightmillions of that granted by France has been given, without anyexpectation of being repaid. It is unnecessary to draw those inferences from the above facts, whichthey naturally suggest. They cannot escape your Excellency'sobservation. I can only wish, that the low state of our credit abroadmay excite us to such internal exertions as must be its best support. Those only can borrow with dignity, who give unequivocal proofs of thedesign to repay their debts with honor. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Baltimore, February 7th, 1783. Sir, I arrived here on the 30th of last month, and had a short interviewthe same evening with the Chevalier de Ville Brune, commander of theRomulus. There appeared at that time little apprehension, but that wemight sail within a few days, but we were not very particular in ourconference, as we expected so soon to see each other again; theseverity of the cold, however, which commenced that night, obliged theChevalier de Ville Brune to fall twelve miles below this place, andexcluded all correspondence with him till yesterday, when I foundmeans to get through the ice on board his ship. He then communicatedto me, by direction of his Excellency the Minister of France, intelligence as to the number and force of the cruisers now actuallywatching the Capes of the Chesapeake. I must acknowledge, that these appear such as to render a capturecertain were we to hazard it. The Minister was pleased at the sametime to submit the Guadeloupe to my wishes, if I chose to adventure. Itake the liberty of troubling you with a copy of my letter to him onthat subject. I should certainly be disposed to run very considerable risks myselfto effect my passage, but I should think it an unfortunateintroduction to an ally, who has already done so much for us, were Ito add to his losses and disbursements, that of a valuable ship andcrew. I wish that the present delay offered some, period less distantthan the lassitude of an avaricious enemy to watch for prey. Perhapsyou may be able to put me on some more expeditious mode of passagethan the one under which I am acquiescing at present. I shall be muchpleased to adopt any such, which may come recommended from you, without regard to personal risk or trouble. In the meantime, anyintelligence which you can be able to collect, and will be pleased togive me as to the state of our coast, will be of utility indetermining whether and when we shall depart hence. I have the honor to be, &c. THOMAS JEFFERSON. * * * * * THOMAS JEFFERSON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Baltimore, February 7th, 1783. Sir, The Chevalier de Ville Brune was so kind as to communicate to me yourExcellency's letter to him of January, together with the intelligencetherein referred to. I feel myself bound to return you my thanks foryour orders to the Guadeloupe frigate to receive me. If I should thinka passage should be hazarded under present circumstances, according tothis information, (which is the most worthy of credit of any we havereceived here, ) it would seem, that our capture would be unavoidablewere we to go out now. This then is a risk, to which I cannot think ofexposing his Majesty's vessel and subjects, however I might bedisposed to encounter personal hazards, from my anxiety to executewith all the promptitude in my power a service, which has beenassigned to me. I shall, therefore, wait with patience the arrival ofthe moment, when the Chevalier de Ville Brune shall be of opinion, that the one or the other of the vessels may venture out without anygreater risk, than he shall think proportioned to her proper object, independently of mine. It has been suggested to me this evening, that perhaps their safedeparture might be greatly forwarded by their falling down to York orHampton, there to be ready at a moment's warning, to avail themselvesof those favorable circumstances, which the present season sometimesoffers, but of this yourself will be the proper judge. I cannot close my letter without expressing to you my obligations tothe Chevalier de Ville Brune for the particular attention he has shownto my accommodation on board his ship. The apartments he has hadconstructed for me are ample and commodious, and his politeness andmerit as an officer are an agreeable presage of everything, whichshall depend on him. I have the honor to be, with the highest sentiments of esteem, &c. THOMAS JEFFERSON. * * * * * TO GENERAL GREENE. Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783. Dear Sir, Receive my congratulations on the important event, you have announcedin your favor by Major Burnet. The influence that the evacuation ofCharleston will have on our affairs if the war continues is obvious. The southern States, by this means relieved from their burdens, willbe capable of contributing largely to the general cause, and I doubtnot when they have breathed a little, that they will be as willing asthey are able. I feel, Sir, a personal interest in this great eventfrom the distinguished honor it reflects upon you. In every otherdepartment our expectations have gone beyond our means of satisfyingthem. You have afforded the first instance of the contrary, and bycreating the means have exceeded our most sanguine expectations. We have the highest reason to conclude, that the preliminaries of apeace are signed before this. I have reason to hope that the terms ofpeace will comprize most of the great objects we have in view, and insome points almost exceed our expectations. The present policy ofBritain is to make sacrifices to the Manes of the affection, whichonce subsisted between her and us. I have just put the last hand toour treaty of amity and commerce with the United Provinces by signingthe ratification, which Congress have directed. I congratulate youupon this event, which adds not a little to our political importance. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783. Sir, I have delayed answering your favor of the 7th instant, till I couldobtain the sense of Congress on the matter it contains. I conceive ithardly possible, while the British cruisers retain their presentstation, for you to elude their vigilance, in either of the shipsoffered to your choice. This, concurring with the late advices, fromEngland, has induced Congress to pass the enclosed resolution. We havereason to conjecture that peace is already concluded, whether it is ornot, a few days must determine. I transmit you the speech of His Britannic Majesty, which, with whatyou already know of the state of our negotiations, will enable you toform your opinion on the same ground that we do. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, February 18th, 1783. Sir, I was honored yesterday with your favor of the 14th, which I shall laybefore Congress this morning. As you have by this time received theirresolution, which I had the honor to send you by the last post, andagain enclose, you will be relieved in some measure from yourembarrassments, though not entirely from your suspense with respect totheir final determination. But that cannot be long doubtful, since thenegotiations have certainly arrived at such a crisis, as either toterminate soon in a peace, or a total rupture. In the latter case, youwill necessarily be obliged to proceed on your voyage, as Congressseem anxious to avail themselves of your abilities and information inthe negotiations; unless they are fully assured that a speedy peacewill preclude them from that advantage. I enclose a paper, which contains all that we have yet received onthis interesting subject. It may, perhaps, be difficult to account forour Ministers having signed before those of France. But if this letteris genuine, it serves, when compared with their instructions, to provethat the terms are acceptable to us, and not disagreeable to France. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, February 18th, 1783. Sir, I have the honor to lay before Congress, the enclosed letter from MrJefferson, upon which I presume they will not think it necessary atpresent to take any other resolution than that already transmitted tohim. I also enclose an extract from a letter of Mr William Lee to me, dated the 31st of March last, which merits attention, though, in thepresent state of our affairs, Congress may not think it advisable topass any resolutions thereon, till they are more perfectly acquaintedwith the actual state of our affairs in Europe, and what alterationsmay be occasioned by a peace. I have letters from Messrs De Neufville of the 27th of September and24th of October; but as they contain little more than a pressingrequest to have their accounts settled, and the balance paid, I shallnot trouble Congress with them, but deliver copies to theSuperintendent of Finance. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783. Sir, I have the honor to lay before Congress a letter received yesterdayfrom Mr Dana. I must confess, I am at a loss to discover any reasonfor detaining that gentleman longer at a Court, where it is, as hejustly observes, improbable that he can be publicly acknowledged tillBritain has no longer any objections to such acknowledgment. Afterwhich a treaty can be concluded, if necessary, here or at the Hague; acommission for that purpose being sent to Mr Adams, with as much easeas at Petersburg. Congress will then judge whether it will be properto have a Minister at the Court of St Petersburg, or whether aResident, with consular powers, will not answer all their purposes, and save expense. The desire which Mr Dana expresses to return, takes from me thedelicacy I before felt in stating this matter so fully to Congress. Ialso enclose, in obedience to the commands of Congress, a list of thenames, titles, salaries, and places of residence, of the officers ofthe United States, employed in the Department of Foreign Affairs. I take the liberty to remind Congress that a variety of matters, whichhave been submitted by me, remain yet not acted upon; and that thebusiness of the office is very much obstructed as well by this delay, as by the detention of the letters and papers which refer to them. Asthis has probably been occasioned by a change in the Committees, Ihumbly submit to Congress the propriety of directing them to be filledup. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783. Dear Sir, In compliance with the directions of Congress, contained in theenclosed resolution, I have the honor to inform your Excellency, thatour last despatches, dated in October, announce a disposition in thebelligerent powers to terminate the war by a general peace. The Courtof London, whose sincerity was most suspected, because it was to makethe greatest sacrifices, appears to have smoothed the way by thecommission to Mr Oswald (which your Excellency has seen, ) empoweringhim to treat with the Thirteen United States of America; M. DeRayneval (brother to M. Gerard) having been sent from France to soundthe intentions of the British Ministry, returned perfectly satisfiedof their sincerity. A little before our despatches were closed, our Ministers haddelivered their propositions to the Court of London. They consisted ofthree general heads, which comprised our right to the fisheries, theextent of our territories, and commercial objects. Though thesepropositions contained all we could ask under each of these heads, yetMr Oswald gave our Ministers reason to conclude, that they would begranted; which I am inclined to believe they have been, in theirfullest extent, from the lead which our Ministers have taken insigning Provisional Articles. France, Spain, and Holland, had madetheir proposals; so that the King of Great Britain was perfectlyapprized of their demands before he met his Parliament; there islittle room, therefore, to doubt, when these facts are compared withthe speech of His Britannic Majesty, that unless some unforeseenevent should arise, a general peace will be concluded before theopening of the next campaign. I was honored with your letter of the 18th, and have delivered the oneenclosed to Mr Jefferson, who is detained by order of Congress, tillthey receive more certain advices as to the issue of the negotiation. I should also acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 8th ofJanuary, which I found here on my return from the country. I think, with you, that the British administration will choose to take theadvice of Parliament on the terms of peace, before they agree to them. Yet they have gone every length with respect to us. In this, however, they are perfectly safe, as the opposition have all along dictatedthat measure, so that on this quarter they are secured from theirattack. More circumspection will be necessary in adjusting thearticles with the other belligerent powers. To this cause, we mayprobably attribute the delays that this business still seems tostruggle with. Be pleased to accept my compliments, and those of my family, who joinme in returning our best respects to Mrs Washington. I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783. Dear Sir, The Washington packet arrived this morning. I have not yet had leisureto read all my letters, but as an express is ready to go earlytomorrow, I rather choose to rely upon your goodness to excuse aletter written in extreme haste, than to hold myself inexcusable, bynot informing you of what we yet know of the state of ournegotiations. None of my letters is of a later date than the 25th ofDecember. All difficulties had then been removed with respect to us, and the preliminaries were signed; they consist of nine articles. The _first_ acknowledges our Independence. The _second_ describes our boundaries, which are as extensive as wecould wish. The _third_ ascertains our rights as to the fishery, and puts themupon the same footing that they were before the war. The _fourth_ provides that all British debts shall be paid. The _fifth_ and _sixth_ are enclosed for your perusal, as they arelikely to be the least satisfactory here. The _seventh_ stipulates that hostilities shall immediately cease, andthat the British troops be withdrawn without carrying off anyproperty, or dismantling fortifications; that records and archivesshall be restored. The _eighth_ stipulates that the navigation of the Mississippi shallbe open to us and Great Britain. The _ninth_, that all conquests made in America after the ratificationshall be restored. These preliminaries are only provisional upon the determination of apeace with France, whose negotiations have not made such progress asours. I believe they find themselves very much embarrassed by thedemands of their other allies. The Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th of December, says, "Icannot foresee the issue, for difficulties arise from the dispositionwe have shown to remove them. It would be well, Sir, to prepareCongress for every event. I do not despair; I rather hope; but all isyet uncertain. " But, Sir, whatever the event of the negotiations may be, I persuademyself the enemy will leave these States. Mr Oswald has made somepropositions to our Ministers upon this subject, proposing that theymight be permitted to embark without molestation, and endeavor torecover West Florida from the Spaniards. This last communication, (which you will consider as confidential, ) I thought might beimportant to your Excellency. By attending to their conduct, you willbe able to judge if they mean to pursue this system, or if it was onlythrown out to deceive. I enclose also for your perusal, extracts from the addresses, nothaving time to have them copied at large. They are mere echoes to thespeech. Supplies were voted, without one dissenting voice. I must pray your Excellency to send on the enclosed packets; anyexpense it occasions will be paid by the Governor. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GENERAL GREENE. Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783. Dear Sir, The arrival of the Washington packet affords me an opportunity ofsending you the preliminary articles, agreed upon between ourMinisters and those of Great Britain. In every point but one they areunexceptionable; in that one I believe our Ministers have labored toobtain all that circumstances would admit, and by the reference of thetories to their respective States, they have made a very slenderprovision for the restitution they stipulate. What it imports you more to know is, that though our principaldifficulties are removed, yet many remain to retard the peace. Ourallies do not appear to have made much progress in their negotiations, and Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th of December, speakswith great uncertainty of the issue of his negotiations; yet not so asto destroy our hopes of a happy conclusion; at all events, I believethat the war will be removed from us, and directed to other objects inthe spring. The British commissioners have made some propositions to ours about aconvention for permitting the army to depart in peace; but as nothingwas concluded, some doubts may still remain on this head; though youwill find in Lord North's speech, in the enclosed paper, a passagethat seems to take the evacuation for granted. As, however, I havereason to suppose, that they do not mean to rest contented with theloss of West Florida, and are apparently collecting a force for itsreduction at Augustine, I should think it prudent to maintain sorespectable a force in Georgia and South Carolina, as would discourageany attempts upon them in case the negotiations should prove abortive. A treaty is now on foot between Sweden and us. The commission to hisSwedish Majesty's Minister, contains an ample and an honorablerecognition of our independence. The committee charged with the arrangements for the establishment of aMinister from the United Provinces at this place, have reported to theStates of Holland on his salary and appointments, so that theDiplomatic Corps here will shortly be increased. The general news of this place, as well as what relates particularlyto the arrangements made and now making for the army, you will learnfrom Major Burnet, who does me the favor to be the bearer of this. Itwill not be necessary, therefore, to lengthen this further than todeclare the sincere esteem and respect, with which I have the honor tobe, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, March 13th, 1783. Sir, I have the honor to lay before Congress the enclosed letter from MrJefferson, who is waiting at this place their determination. As MajorBurnet is now in town, and will be the bearer of despatches to GeneralGreene, I take the liberty to request the earliest attention ofCongress to those parts of the despatches submitted to them, thatinduce a belief that the enemy will turn their arms against WestFlorida, which the force they now have at Augustine renders probable. Congress may, perhaps, think it advisable to order that the force inthe Southern States should be so respectable as to discourage a secondattempt upon them in case the failure of the negotiation shouldoccasion any change in the British Cabinet. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, March 18th, 1783. Sir, The important matter contained in the despatches lately received, renders me unwilling to reply to them without being well satisfied ofthe sentiments of Congress. But, as the subjects on which I wish to beinformed, are of too delicate a nature to be rendered formal acts, Ishall submit to them the drafts of my reply to the joint letter of ourMinisters, now at Paris. Previous to this, it will be necessary thatCongress come to some express determination upon points which ariseout of the treaty, and which, if they see in the same light that I do, they will consider as the most embarrassing, as well as the mostimportant that can claim their attention. Congress have hitherto, in all their acts, both of a public andprivate nature, manifested the utmost confidence in the Court ofFrance. In answer to every communication, they have reiterated theirresolutions on that subject, and so lately as the 4th of October last, resolved unanimously, "That they will not enter into the discussion ofany overtures of pacification but in _confidence_ and in _concert_with his Most Christian Majesty;" and directed that a copy of theabove resolution should not only be furnished to the Minister ofFrance, but be sent to all the Ministers of the United States inEurope, and published to the world. Yet, Sir, it has unfortunately sohappened, that the Ministers of these States have imagined they hadsufficient grounds to suspect the sincerity of the Court of France, and have not only thought it prudent to agree upon and signpreliminaries with Great Britain, without communicating them, tillafter the signature, to the Ministers of his Most Christian Majesty, but have permitted a separate article to be inserted in their treaty, which they still conceal from the Court of France. This reduces Congress to the disagreeable necessity, either of makingthemselves parties to this concealment, and thereby to contradict alltheir former professions of confidence in their ally, made not only tothat ally, but to their own citizens, and to every Court at which theyhad a Minister, or of revealing it at the expense of the confidencethey would wish to maintain between their Ministers and the Court ofFrance, and that, too, when those Ministers have obtained such termsfrom the Court of London, as does great honor to them, and at leastequals our highest expectations. I feel the more pain on this subject, because, from the manner inwhich this treaty is drawn, as well as from the article itself, I aminclined to believe that England had no other view in its insertion, but to be enabled to produce it as a mark of the confidence we reposedin them, and to detach us from our ally, if the nation could bebrought to continue the war. The preamble, drawn by our Ministers, contained professions ofattachment to the alliance, and declared that the treaty should not beobligatory till His Britannic Majesty shall have agreed to accept theterms of a peace between France and Britain, proposed or accepted byhis Most Christian Majesty, and shall be ready to conclude _with him_such treaty. The preamble, agreed to, and, as there is reason toconclude, framed in England, is so expressed as to render it verydoubtful whether our treaty does not take place the moment France andEngland have agreed on the terms of their treaty, though France shouldrefuse to sign till her allies were satisfied. This construction isstrongly supported in the House of Commons by the administration. The separate article is in itself an object of no moment; theterritory it cedes is of little importance, and if, as our Ministersassert, it made a part of West Florida previous to the war, it will, on the peace, be annexed to the nation that shall retain that Colony;but it is extremely well calculated to sow the seeds of distrust andjealousy between the United Stales and their allies. It demonstrates amarked preference for the English over the present possessors, andseems to invite Britain to reconquer it. Though this may promote ourparticular interest, it never can consist with our honor to prefer anopen enemy to a nation engaged in the same cause with us, and closelyconnected to our ally. This article would, in my opinion, if avowed bythe United States, fully justify Spain in making a separate peacewithout the least regard to our interest. But this, Sir, is an inconsiderable evil, compared with those whichmay result from its having been concealed from the Court ofVersailles. Mr Laurens informs Congress (and that too from letters ofa late date from London, ) "that the people of England still retain theidea of _our late Colonies_ and of _reconciliation_; _that Governmentgives every possible encouragement to this humor_; that it has beentheir incessant endeavor to detach us from our ally, and that it isgiven out in London, that, _by signing the late preliminaries, theyhave out-manoeuvred the Court of France_; that every engine had beenset at work; that every degree of craft, under the mask of returningaffection, will be practised for creating jealousies between theStates and their good and great ally. " Mr Adams's letters of November, speak the same language. If, Sir, we suppose these gentlemen to havebeen well informed, how much reason have we to apprehend that thissecret article will prove in the hands of Britain a most dangerousengine. They may reveal to the Court of France the jealousies ourMinisters entertain, the confidence they repose in them, with suchfalsehoods and additions as will best serve their purposes, and, byproducing this secret article, gain credit for all they advance. Thisline they certainly pursued with respect to France, revealing all thatthey learnt from the Count de Vergennes, relative to his opinion ofthe first commission; nor is there room to doubt, that Marbois' letterwas received through the same channel. And there is no reason tobelieve, if (as our Ministers suppose) the Court of France had putthemselves more in their power, that they would neglect such promisingmeans of increasing the suspicions our Plenipotentiaries alreadyentertained. Add to this, that this article may be used in Parliament, and with theBritish nation at large, as a most powerful argument for continuingthe war, adducing, from the resentment it discovers to Spain, and thedistrusts it manifests of France, that the quadruple knot is untied. But suppose, what may possibly be the case, that the Britishadministration are sincere, how is the honor and good faith of theUnited States to be justified to their allies, and to the world, if byany of those causes which daily operate, this secret, which is nowknown to sixty or seventy people, should be discovered? To tell theworld that we suspected France, will not suffice, unless we can showprobable grounds for such suspicion. Our Ministers inform us, thatwhen they communicated the articles of the treaty to Count deVergennes, "he appeared _surprised_, but not _displeased_ at theirbeing so favorable to us. " Mr Laurens declares expressly, "That hesees no cause for entertaining more particular jealousy, than ought tobe kept up against every negotiating Court in the world, and not halfso much as should at this moment be upon the watch against everymotion arising from our new half friends. " I confess, Sir, though my sentiments are of little moment that I amfully of this opinion, and that I tremble lest we should at this hourbe on the edge of a precipice, the more dangerous, as we have fixedour eyes on the flattering prospect which lies beyond it. I ampersuaded that, the old maxim, "Honesty is the best policy, " applieswith as much force to States as to individuals. In that persuasion, Iventure humbly to recommend, that such measures be adopted as tomanifest, that repeated professions of fidelity to their engagements, and confidence in their ally, may not appear to have been made byCongress to mask deceit. The caution, which negotiations require, andthe light in which objects have appeared to our Ministers, may justifythem, and perhaps entitle them to credit for attempting to serve us atevery personal hazard. But, Sir, it certainly cannot consist with the honor of these States, upon such slight grounds, to contradict their own resolutions, andforfeit the confidence of an ally, to whom it has been so muchindebted, and whose aid it is at this moment supplicating for themeans of carrying on another campaign. Under these impressions, I humbly submit these resolutions, namely; "That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be directed to communicate theSeparate Article in the Provisional Preliminary Treaty with GreatBritain, to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, in such manneras will best tend to remove any unfavorable impression it may make onthe Court of France, of the sincerity of these States or theirMinisters. "That the Ministers for negotiating be informed of this communication, and of the reasons which influenced Congress to make it. That they beinstructed to agree, that in whatever hands West Florida may remain atthe conclusion of the war, the United States will be satisfied thatthe line of Northern boundary be as described in the said separate, articles. "That it is the sense of the United States in Congress, that thearticles agreed upon between the Ministers of these States, and thoseof his Britannic Majesty, are not to take place until a peace shallhave been actually signed between their Most Christian and BritishMajesties. " Congress will easily believe, that I offer these sentiments with theutmost diffidence; that I see many and powerful arguments thatmilitate against them; that I feel extreme pain in advising a measure, which may hurt the feelings of Ministers, to whom we are indebted fortheir continued zeal and assiduity, all of whom I respect, and withone of whom I have had the closest and most intimate friendship fromour earliest youth. But, Sir, it is a duty that my office requires;and I am happy in reflecting that this duty is discharged, when I haveproposed what I think right, and that the better judgment of Congressis to determine. [26] I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [26] See further remarks by Mr Livingston on this subject in _JohnJay's Correspondence_, Vol. VIII. P. 215; also _Correspondence of theCommissioners for Peace_, Vol. X. P. 129. * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783. Sir, Congress a few days since directed me to transmit to your Excellency acopy of the provisional treaty for a peace between the United Statesand Great Britain. I should have done it at an earlier day without anyparticular direction, had not an order passed in Congress forfurnishing the Delegates of each State with a copy, that it might betransmitted through them. In conformity to the second direction I havethe honor to enclose a copy, though I have no doubt that I have beenalready anticipated by that forwarded by the Delegates of your State. Yet, Sir, this letter may not be entirely useless when it assures youthat the conclusion of the treaty is still very uncertain. My publicletters are of such a nature as not to free me from apprehensions thatBritain still seeks rather to divide her enemies than to be reconciledto them. Though this suspicion may not perhaps be well founded, yetsuch conduct is so conformable to the general tenor of BritishCouncils, that it is at least the part of prudence to be upon ourguard against it. But whatsoever their intentions may be, the peacemust still depend upon so many contingencies that no preparation foranother campaign should be omitted on our part. None is neglected byour antagonists. They have voted one hundred and ten thousand seamenfor the ensuing year. France continues her preparations, and will notclose the war till she can obtain honorable terms for her allies. Little progress was made in their negotiations when my letters werewritten. Count de Vergennes has thought it prudent to advise Congressof this circumstance, that they might be prepared for every event. Icommunicate it to your Excellency with similar views. I doubt not youwill avail yourself of this information to urge the State in whichyou preside, to take such measures that they may not be foundunprovided in case our hopes of peace should be frustrated. It would give me pleasure to learn the measures that have beenadopted, in consequence of the requisitions made in my letters to yourExcellency or your predecessors in office at different periodsrelative to my Department, and more particularly to receive theaccount so frequently called for of the damage done by the enemy inyour State. [27] I have reason to think had it been furnished in time, it might have been of singular use to our Ministers, and perhaps havetended to obtain some relief for the sufferers. It may not yet cometoo late to be useful. Let me pray your Excellency to take measuresfor furnishing three authentic copies by the earliest opportunity. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [27] Proper alterations were made to this paragraph in the letter tothe Governor of Connecticut, as he had already sent the accountsherein mentioned. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, } March 21st, 1783. } Sir, I enclose for the inspection of Congress a letter received by theWashington from Mr Barclay. I take this opportunity to remindCongress, that I had the honor of laying before them, on the 23d dayof December, a letter from the same gentleman, which containedobjections to the convention for the appointment of Consuls, proposedto be entered into between France and the United States, reasons forsending him a new commission, constituting him Consul General inFrance, with Count de Vergennes' objection to the one he now holds;also a request of blank commissions for privateers and letters ofmarque. This letter was committed to a special committee. I have notyet been informed, whether they have reported; nor have I been honoredwith the commands of Congress relative to these objects. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Philadelphia, March 24th, 1783. Dear Sir, You will by this express receive the agreeable intelligence of _ageneral peace_, upon which I most sincerely congratulate you and thearmy. Harmony, a regard for justice and fidelity to our engagements, are all that now remains to render us a happy people. The vessel thatbrought these despatches was sent out by the Count d'Estaing to recallthe French cruisers. As the Minister tells me he will forward theorders and passports to your Excellency, I will not detain themessenger till I have mine copied. This should in my opinion beimmediately sent either by Congress or your Excellency to Sir GuyCarleton. A private letter to me mentions, that the Bahama Islands are alsoceded to the British. Holland seems to have come worst off, and Franceby getting little for herself has laid in a store of reputation, which will be worth more than much territory. I must request yourExcellency to send on the enclosed letters by express to the Governor. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. _P. S. _ I have thought proper to send Mr Lewis Morris to New York, toinform General Carleton of the happy re-union of the powers at war, and also of a resolution of Congress of this day, directing theirAgent of Marine to take proper measures to stop all furtherhostilities by sea. * * * * * TO SIR GUY CARLETON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S FORCES IN NORTH AMERICA. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, } March 24th, 1783. } Sir, I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that a vessel arrived herelast night from Cadiz, despatched by order of Count d'Estaing torecall the cruisers of his Most Christian Majesty, and to prevent thefurther effusion of blood at sea. A copy of the order is enclosed, having been certified by the Chevalier de la Luzerne to be a truecopy. Though this may not be considered by your Excellency asofficial, yet your humanity will induce you to think it sufficientlyauthentic to justify your taking immediate measures to stop thefurther effusion of blood, on which principle Congress have beenpleased to pass the enclosed resolution. The vessel which brought these orders did not sail with express designto come to the port of Philadelphia, and has, therefore, brought noofficial letters, so that I have it not in my power to afford you anyfurther information as to the terms of a general peace, than what arecontained in the enclosed extract transmitted to me by the Marquis deLafayette; with this further addition, that the Bahama Islands arerestored to Great Britain. Mr Morris, one of my Secretaries, will have the honor to deliver thisto your Excellency, and may be intrusted with any despatches which youmay choose to deliver him, that may contain further information thanwe have yet received on an event so interesting to us and to humanityas the return of peace. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO REAR ADMIRAL DIGBY. Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, } March 24th, 1783. } Sir, I have the honor to enclose for your perusal the copy of a letter, which I have just written to his Excellency General Carleton. If thesubject of it should relate more to you than to his Department, I amsatisfied that you will find equal pleasure in adopting such measuresas humanity dictates, and mutually concur with the United States inthe best means of extending, as early as possible, the blessings ofpeace to the subjects or citizens of the nations at war. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. New York, March 26th, 1783. Sir, I have received your letter of the 24th instant, enclosing aresolution of Congress of the same date, taken in consequence of thearrival of the cutter, Triomphe, commanded by Lieutenant du Quesne, with, orders of the 10th of February last, given at Cadiz by ViceAdmiral d'Estaing, for him to put to sea and cruize on such stationsas he shall judge most likely to meet with ships of his nation, andinform them of the happy reconciliation of the belligerent powers, andto order all their ships of war to cease hostilities against those ofGreat Britain; the Preliminary Articles of a general peace beingsigned the 20th of January. You thereupon are pleased to express yourexpectation that I would think this information thus conveyed, "sufficiently authentic to justify my taking immediate measures tostop the further effusion of blood. " For my own part, I have hitherto abstained from all hostilities, andthis conduct I meant to continue so far as our own security wouldpermit; but how great soever my desire is to put an entire stop to thecalamities of war, and whatever respect this information may deserve, yet I do not find myself thereby justified in recommending measuresthat might give facility to the fleets and armies menacing any part ofthe King's possessions, to carry their hostilities into execution. To adopt a measure of this importance, it is necessary I shouldreceive orders from home, which I may reasonably expect every hour, asa cruiser sent out on other purposes is already arrived atPhiladelphia; and I assure you, Sir, I only wait the officialcertainty of this great event, to assume the language, and the spirittoo, of the most perfect conciliation and peace. I perceive, Sir, by the resolution enclosed in your letter, thatCongress have thought fit to consider this information as authentic, and, thereupon, have taken one considerable step towards carrying theterms of peace into immediate execution. Another, not less important, I presume, has been taken, or is taking. With the cessation of hostilities, I perceive, is connected in theseventh Article of the provisional treaty an engagement, that "allprisoners on both sides shall be set at liberty;" of this event, therefore, I hope likewise speedily to receive the very necessary andwelcome notice, as I shall find the highest satisfaction in seeingreleased on all sides, men upon whom the evils and calamities of warhave more peculiarly fallen. I am, Sir, &c. GUY CARLETON. * * * * * ADMIRAL DIGBY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. New York, March 27th, 1783. Sir, I have received your letter, enclosing me the resolve of Congress, with a copy of a letter to his Excellency, Sir Guy Carleton, but, as Ihave as yet received no official accounts from England, I must waittill you, on your side, relieve our prisoners, before I give thatgeneral relief to you, I so much wish. There can be no reason fordetaining our prisoners one moment, as Congress must suppose the peacesigned. I shall take every precaution in my power consistent with myduty, to stop any further mischief upon the seas, but shouldrecommend the preventing any vessels sailing, as I have not yetreceived sufficient authority to enable me to withdraw my cruisers. I am, Sir, &c. ROBERT DIGBY. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, March 28th, 1783. Sir, There remains in my hands the sum of thirtyeight thousand threehundred and thirtytwo livres, equal on exchange at par to about seventhousand three hundred and ten dollars, arising from the excess on thepayment of the salaries of the Ministers of the United States inEurope, occasioned by the course of exchange during the last year, which Congress have been pleased to direct that I should pass to theaccount of the United States. In this I have not calculated sixhundred and eightyeight livres excess upon M. Dumas's account, beingtoo inconsiderable to make a deduction worth attention. Desirous of settling all my accounts on the 1st of April, previous tomy leaving the department, I pray Congress to pass some order relativeto the disposition of the money, so that I may discharge myself of it. As Congress may be led to suppose, from a passage in Mr Laurens'sletter, that I have charged a commission on this transaction, I takethe liberty to inform them, that though this is an extra serviceattended with some trouble and risk, I once had it in view, if ourMinisters compelled me to be their agent, to charge a commission whilethe exchange was in their favor, yet not having then done it, I cannotthink it would be reasonable to deduct a commission from the reducedsum that is now paid them. I have honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, April 4th, 1783. Sir, I have the honor to inform you, by the direction of Congress, inanswer to your letter of the 13th of March, "that they consider theobject of your appointment as so far advanced, as to render itunnecessary for you to pursue your voyage; and that Congress are wellsatisfied with the readiness you have shown in undertaking a service, which from the present situation of affairs, they apprehend can bedispensed with. " I have caused your account to be settled to the 1st of April, and hopeto be able to send you the warrant for the amount tomorrow. If youplease, I will apply for such further sum as you may think proper tocharge for the time that may be necessary to carry you home, as Ithink that within the spirit of the resolution of Congress. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * WILLIAM PACA TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. In Council, Annapolis, April 4th, 1783. Sir, We have been honored with your favor of the 18th ultimo. The requisitions made in your former letters have been regularly laidbefore the Legislature of this State, (Maryland) and we are very sorryto find that the early attention which their importance merited hasnot been paid to them. The Assembly at their last session, passed an act directing persons tobe appointed in each county to ascertain upon oath the damages done bythe enemy within their respective counties, and to report the same tothis Board. As soon as we are furnished with their returns, you mayrest assured, Sir, that no time shall be lost in transmitting to you, properly authenticated, the information you have been solicitous toobtain. With great regard and respect, &c. WILLIAM PACA. * * * * * SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. New York, April 6th, 1783. Sir, A packet from England arrived at this port last night, by which I havedespatches from Mr Townshend, one of his Majesty's principalSecretaries of State, communicating official intelligence, thatPreliminary Articles of Peace with France and Spain were signed atParis, on the 20th of January last, and that the ratifications havebeen since exchanged at the same place. The King, Sir, has been pleased, in consequence of these events, toorder a Proclamation to be published, declaring a cessation ofarms, [28] as well by sea as land, and his Majesty's pleasuresignified, that I should cause the same to be published in all placesunder my command, in order, that His Majesty's subjects may payimmediate and due obedience thereto, and such Proclamation I shallaccordingly cause to be made on Tuesday next, the 8th instant. In consequence thereof, and in conformity to the Articles of peace, all our prisoners of war are to be set at liberty and restored, withall convenient despatch; entertaining no doubt, but that similarmeasures will be taken on the part of the United States of America. Inlike manner no doubt can be entertained, but that Congress, inconformity to the fifth Article of the provisional treaty, will loseno time in earnestly recommending to the Legislatures of therespective States, to provide for the restitution of confiscatedestates, and to reconsider and revise all laws of confiscation, thatthey may be rendered perfectly consistent, not only with justice andequity, but with that spirit of conciliation, which on the return ofthe blessings of peace should universally prevail. And I am further to inform you, Sir, that an instrument of accessionto the suspension of hostilities, by the States General of the UnitedProvinces, having been received in England, a cessation of arms withthose States has been thereupon included in the Proclamation. Upon this great occasion, Sir, I am to offer my strongest assurances, that during the short period of my command here, I shall be ready andearnest to cultivate that spirit of perfect good will, which betweenthe United States of America, and the King of Great Britain, and thesubjects and the citizens of both countries, will I trust alwaysremain. I am, with much consideration, Sir, &c. GUY CARLETON. FOOTNOTES: [28] See this Proclamation in the _Correspondence of the Commissionersfor Peace_, Vol. X. P. 124. * * * * * ADMIRAL DIGBY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Lion, off New York, April 6th, 1783. Sir, I have this moment received the enclosed Proclamation from hisMajesty's Secretary of State, and shall immediately despatch one ofthe sloops of war to withdraw all my cruisers upon the coast, andshall also release all the prisoners as quickly as I can dispose ofthem in the most convenient way to themselves. I am, Sir, &c. ROBERT DIGBY. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Foreign Affairs, April 10th, 1783. Sir, I have the honor of laying before Congress two letters, receivedyesterday by express from New York, the one from General Carleton andthe other from Rear Admiral Digby. Both covered copies of hisBritannic Majesty's Proclamation for a cessation of hostilities. Ipresume Congress will consider this advice as sufficiently authenticto justify the discharge of their prisoners, who are now a uselessexpense, though not so much so as to render it proper to proceed tothe measures directed by the fifth Article of the provisional treaty, till that treaty is officially communicated and ratificationsexchanged. I am at a loss to determine when hostilities are of right to ceasebetween the United States and Great Britain. If, as the Proclamationasserts, the times therein mentioned were agreed between the Ministersof the several powers at war, to take effect upon their respectiveratifications, then hostilities have not yet ceased between us andGreat Britain, except so far as the King of Great Britain has thoughtproper to shorten the term by his special act. If no such ratificationwas necessary on our part, then hostilities ceased immediately afterratifications were exchanged between France and England. If the sameterm has been fixed for the cessation of hostilities between GreatBritain and the United States, as that agreed upon between France andGreat Britain, then it becomes a question, what is meant by "_as faras the Western Islands_?" If it refers to the latitude, then allprizes made after the 3d of March, on the greater part of our coast, must be restored. As much property may depend upon the decision ofthese questions, I presume Congress will do no act, which shall leadto a determination of it, till we receive further advices from our ownMinisters. I shall be pardoned when I take the liberty to request, that theenclosed letters may not find their way into the papers, unlessCongress shall determine, that this publication may answer some usefulpurposes. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, April 10th, 1783. Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose the draft of a Proclamation for thesuspension of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain, and the resolution for the discharge of prisoners, together with onefor referring a part of Mr Adams's letters, which is all that it isnecessary to report upon the letters referred to me. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GENERAL GREENE. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783. Dear Sir, I am now to congratulate you on the return of peace, and a cessationfrom your labor. I some time since sent you the Provisional Treatybetween Great Britain and the United States. On Wednesday last, SirGuy Carleton sent me the enclosed Proclamation of his BritannicMajesty, and informed me, that he had directed a similar Proclamationto issue at New York, and proposed to discharge all our prisoners. Ihad a letter from Admiral Digby to the same effect; the next day Ireceived advices of the agreement of the cessation of hostilities, from our Ministers. Congress, in consequence of these advices, yesterday issued the enclosed Proclamation. I reported to them on the propriety of releasing their prisoners. Thereport is to be considered today, and I doubt not that it will beagreed to. The British Parliament appear to be extremely dissatisfiedat the terms of peace; a majority, headed by Lord North, has beenobtained against the Administration, so that I think Lord Shelburnehas little prospect of continuing in the Administration; but this isof no consequence to us, unless we are bound to like an Administrationthat has served us against their will. As doubts may arise withrespect to the restitution of prizes taken after the epoch fixed bythe Proclamation, it may not be improper for me to mention to you, that we conceive, that hostilities ceased in those parts of theAtlantic Ocean, which lay in the same _latitude_ with the Canaries, onthe 3d of March. I am, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO SIR GUY CARLETON. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783. Sir, I received your letter of the 6th instant, informing me of the arrivalof a Packet, by which you have official intelligence, that thePreliminary Articles of Peace with France and Spain were signed atParis on the 20th of January last; that the ratifications have beensince exchanged, and that his Britannic Majesty has ordered acessation of arms to be proclaimed, as well by sea as by land; andthat you propose, agreeably to his orders, to issue a similarProclamation, and to set at liberty your prisoners of war. This interesting intelligence was communicated to the United States inCongress, who, though they had yet received no official accounts, would immediately have made it the basis of pacific measures, withoutentertaining doubts of its authenticity, or yielding to suspicionswhich would tend to prolong the calamities of war; but while thesemeasures were under consideration, they received from their Ministersofficial advices of the agreement between them and the Court of GreatBritain relative to a cessation of hostilities, on which they havefounded the enclosed Proclamation. [29] They have likewise underconsideration measures for the discharge of their prisoners; thesemeasures will be carried into effect as soon as possible after theyare determined on. It cannot be doubted, Sir, as you justly observe, that Congress willembrace the earliest opportunity to perform the stipulations containedin the fifth, as well as every other of the Provisional Articles, immediately after the same shall have been ratified. In the meanwhile, it must be obvious to your Excellency that a recommendation to restoreto the loyalists the estates they have forfeited, will come with lessweight before Legislatures composed of men, whose property is stillwithheld from them by the continuance of his Britannic Majesty'sfleets and armies in this country, than it will do when peace and thefull enjoyment of their rights shall have worn down those asperities, which have grown out of eight years' war. This reflection will, Idoubt not, induce you to give every facility in your power to theexecution of the seventh Article of the Provisional Treaty, and to fixas early a day for the evacuation of New York, and its dependencies, as may consist with your orders. I give the fullest credit, Sir, to your assurances, that you are readyto cultivate the spirit of harmony and good will between the subjectsand citizens of his Britannic Majesty and these States, since I findthem warranted by the humanity which has uniformly distinguished yourcommand in America. But, Sir, time only, with liberality in those thatgovern in both countries, can entirely efface the remembrance of whathas passed, and produce that perfect good will, which I sincerelyconcur with you in wishing to cultivate. I am, Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. FOOTNOTES: [29] See this Proclamation in the _Correspondence of the Commissionersfor Peace_, Vol. X. P. 133. * * * * * TO REAR ADMIRAL DIGBY. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783. Sir, I received your letter, enclosing a Proclamation for the suspension ofhostilities, and informing me of your design to recall your cruisersand release your prisoners. In return, Sir, I have the pleasure toenclose a Proclamation by the United States of America for asuspension of hostilities. Congress have the measures necessary forthe return of their prisoners under consideration; I shall acquaintyou with those they adopt. The resolution transmitted in my last, has already informed you, thatthe humanity of Congress induced them, on the first intimation of thecessation of hostilities, to recall their cruisers. It is to be hoped, Sir, that no difficulties will arise on either side as to therestitution of such vessels as may have been taken after the epochmentioned in the Proclamations of his Britannic Majesty and the UnitedStates. For though this may be of no great moment when considered in anational light, yet it becomes important, from the number of capturesmade on this coast within the latitude of the Canaries, since the 3dof March last, as well as from the presages, which the first steps mayfurnish, of the respect that will in future be paid to thestipulations in the treaty. The gentleman, who delivered me your letter, will inform you, that itcame open to my hands from a mistake in the direction. I am so fullypersuaded, Sir, that I do not deceive myself, when I impute thisrather to mistake, than to the principle followed, in some instances, in an early period of the late war, that I should not have noticed itnow but to prevent, in future, the inconveniences, with which it hasbeen in this instance attended. I am, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783. Dear Sir, I congratulate your Excellency most sincerely upon the cessation ofhostilities, which you will learn from the enclosed Proclamation. Youwill doubtless have heard directly from General Carleton on thesubject, so that it will not be necessary to trouble you with thesubstance of his letter to me. Congress will this day, upon my report, take into consideration thepropriety of discharging the prisoners, and the manner in which it isto be done. Sir Guy Carleton presses hard in his letter for theexecution of the fifth of the Preliminary Articles. I have replied, that it cannot be executed till the treaty is ratified; and in themean time endeavored to convince him, that the recommendation ofCongress will be received with much more respect, when the persons, who compose our Legislatures, have returned to their respective homes, and the asperities occasioned by the war shall be a little worn downby the enjoyment of peace. It is a very capital omission in ourtreaty, that no time has been fixed for the evacuation of New York. It were to be wished, that General Carleton's intentions on this headcould be sounded by your Excellency. I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783. Sir, Permit me to offer you my congratulations on the important eventannounced by the United States, in Congress, in the enclosedProclamation for the cessation of hostilities; an event, which is notonly pleasing, as it relieves us from the accumulated distresses ofwar in the bowels of our country, but as it affords the fairest andmost flattering prospects of its future greatness and prosperity. Ineed not, I am persuaded, Sir, use any arguments to urge yourExcellency and the State over which you preside, to the mostscrupulous attention to the execution of every stipulation in ourtreaty, which may depend on you or them. A national character is nowto be acquired. I venture to hope, that it will be worthy of thestruggles by which we became a nation. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. New York, April 14th, 1783. Sir, As I observe in the seventh article of the Provisional Treaty it isagreed, after stipulating that "all prisoners on both sides shall beset at liberty, " that "his Britannic Majesty shall with all convenientspeed, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away anynegroes, or other property of the American inhabitants, withdraw allhis armies, garrisons, and fleets from the United States, and fromevery port, place, and harbor within the same, &c. ;" and asembarkations of persons and property are on the point of being made, Iam to request that Congress would be pleased to empower any person orpersons, on behalf of the United States, to be present at New York, and to assist such persons as shall be appointed by me to inspect andsuperintend all embarkations, which the evacuation of this place mayrequire; and they will be pleased to represent to me every infractionof the letter or spirit of the treaty, that redress may be immediatelyordered. I am, Sir, &c. GUY CARLETON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, April 21st, 1783. Sir, I have the honor to enclose a letter, just received from Mr Dana. I ammuch surprised to find that such considerable sums as he mentions arenecessary on the signature of a treaty with Russia, since I cannotlearn that money is demanded of right on similar occasions by anycivilized nation in Europe; though it is usual among them to presentgratifications to the Ministers on both sides, which being for themost part of equal value, the account is balanced. As I do notconceive, that we are under the least necessity of buying a treatywith Russia, I think it would be well for Mr Dana, (if he should nothave been misinformed) to declare to the Court of St Petersburg, thatthe Ministers of the United States are restrained from receivingpresents, that to make them in such circumstance, would be either toarrogate a superiority to which they were not entitled, or toacknowledge that they were so far the inferior of those with whom theytreated, as to be compelled to purchase a connexion, which should befounded in equality and mutual advantage. That he therefore foundhimself compelled in the one case, by respect for the Empress, in theother by a regard to the United States, rather to break off thetreaty, than to take a step which might be supposed to derogate fromeither. After all, I apprehend, that Mr Dana has not received hisinformation on this subject through the best channel, and that he musthave mistaken a particular case for a general custom. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Head Quarters, April 22d, 1783. Sir, I have been honored with your two favors, dated the 12th and 15thinstant. In consequence of the resolutions of Congress on the 15th instant, andthe express declarations of the Secretary at War, respecting thesense and expectations of Congress, arrangements have been agreed uponbetween him and me, for an immediate liberation of all land prisoners;and I have yesterday given this information to Sir Guy Carleton. Theparticulars of the arrangement, with the opinion given the BritishCommander in Chief, you will obtain through the Minister at War. In order to obtain the sense of Sir Guy Carleton upon the matters, contained in the resolution of the 15th, I have proposed a personalinterview with him at an early day. The result of this meeting, ifacceded to, will probably lead us to a decision upon some questions, which are more doubtful, and that with greater decision and despatch, than could otherwise be procured. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. Head Quarters, May 13th, 1783. Sir, Your favor of the 3d came to hand by the last post. Before this timeyou will have seen the report I made to Congress of the interview withSir Guy Carleton. I am very sorry its result proved so indecisive. That this arises from the cause you mention I am not fully persuaded. I believe a want of information from his Court, which had been forsome time without any administration, has been a great embarrassmentto him. The civil jurisdiction of West Chester County Sir Guy Carletonappeared very willing, in his conversation, to relinquish to theState; but what reply he will make to the Governor, when he comes toreduce it to writing, I know not. Long Island he seemed to think couldnot be so easily delivered up. It would be attended with manyinconveniences, and he mentioned particularly the facility it wouldgive to desertions, and the necessity of holding it for theaccommodation of those people, who must eventually be obliged to leavethe country. Staten Island was also necessary for his convenience. I have had no reply from Sir Guy since his return to New York, nor, Ipresume, has Governor Clinton heard anything from him. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * TO THE CHAIRMAN OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, May 19th, 1783. Sir, The inquiries that the committee were pleased to do me the honor tomake this morning, relative to my continuing to exercise the office ofSecretary of Foreign Affairs, were extremely embarrassing to me, because, on the one hand, I find it impossible to continue in theoffice on the present establishment, without material injury to myprivate affairs, and, on the other, to propose the terms on which Iwould stay would be to overrate my own importance, and to suppose thatothers could not be had upon such conditions as Congress have beenpleased to consider as sufficient. Having given my whole time, and aconsiderable part of my property to the public during the war, I see, with pleasure, that the affairs of the United States are not now insuch a situation as to render the contributions of an individualnecessary. It is my wish to endeavor to repair the injuries my estatehas sustained by the ravages of the enemy, and my own neglect, by theoffices I have held. From my former letter, Congress will be able to judge how far myexpenses in the office exceed the salary. But as it by no meansfollows, that another by greater economy and humbler, but, perhaps, more just ideas of the importance of this office, could not live atless expense, I do not think that mine should be any reason to induceCongress to make other changes, than such as they shall of themselvesdeem necessary. And in this view, I requested the committee, thatcalled upon me last winter, to keep the matter of emoluments entirelyout of sight in their report, as I then considered my stay only as atemporary inconvenience. At present, Sir, I must choose between the office I have been honoredwith from Congress and an important State office. If I continue in thefirst, I must suppose it the business of years, and lose sight of allother objects in my own State, where I have something to hope from myconnexions and the favor of my countrymen, and where I possess anestate, the value of which depends in a great measure upon myattention to it. Under these circumstances, I flatter myself that thecommittee will not think me blamable, when I assure them, that thoughI am willing to give my time and services to the public if they shouldbe deemed necessary, yet I cannot in justice to myself or my family, add to this gift that of such a portion of my property as I findabsolutely necessary to support the office I hold. Permit me, Gentlemen, to add, that having no wishes upon thissubject, I am sincerely desirous that personal considerations may notenter into the arrangements that Congress make thereon. I feel myselfextremely honored by the attention they have shown me in directing youto confer with me on this subject; and I reflect with great pleasureon the reasons I have had to be satisfied with their conduct towardsme since I have been honored with the office. I am, Gentlemen, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO JOSEPH NOURSE. Philadelphia, May 26th, 1783. Sir, In compliance with your request, I have collected from the papers inmy office the following account of the moneys received by loans, orotherwise, from Holland, France, and Spain. The first loan that was opened in Holland on our account with success, was opened by His Most Christian Majesty, and under his specialguarantee, for ten millions of livres. Since that, another loan wascontracted by Mr Adams with private banking houses, to the amount offive millions of florins. These houses, in a letter directed to me of the 16th of August last, write that they had at that time in cash by them, one million fourhundred and eightyfour thousand florins, of which the interest ran asfollows; 1, 314, 000 florins, from the 1st of June, 170, 000 florins, from the 1st of July. They add, that they had already paid to the order of Mr Adams, infavor of sundry individuals, the sum of two thousand nine hundred andtwo florins, and that that Minister had hinted to them, that it wouldbe necessary to pay some drafts of Mr Laurens's when arrived, and afew other unavoidable expenses, which would amount to about twohundred thousand florins. By a letter of the 18th of November last, they have acknowledged the receipt of the contract duly ratified, sothat the money they had on hand has been since that time at thedisposal of Congress. The moneys received from France before the year 1780, cannot be veryaccurately stated, for the want of order in the books kept by theCommittee of Foreign Affairs. By the best estimate I have been able tomake, the amount of such moneys appears to be about nine millions oflivres, exclusive of one million received from the Farmers-General ona particular contract. To this, must be added the grants obtained byColonel Laurens, which, _including_ military stores, amount tofourteen millions of livres. So that the whole of the money receivedfrom France, amounts to about four and twenty millions tournois. Ishould observe, that I have not here made any distinction betweenloans and gifts, though about eight millions of the above sum havebeen granted by France without any expectation of being repaid. From Spain we have only received one hundred and fifty thousanddollars, which were granted to Mr Jay in the beginning of the year1780. I have not mentioned the engagement, which France has lately enteredinto to supply the United States with six millions of livres, as youmay find everything that relates to it in the appendix to the addressof Congress to the States. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, June 2d, 1783. Sir, I have the honor to submit to Congress a letter from M. Dumas, withseveral papers relative to a negotiation, which appears to have beencommenced by the States of Holland with our Ministers. As this subjectmay be very important in its consequences, it is to be presumed, thatthey would wish to have the direction of Congress. I would thereforetake the liberty to suggest, that these papers be committed to aspecial committee. As my stay in town will not admit of my executing the commission, which M. Van Berckel requires, I must pray Congress also to give somedirection therein. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ROBERT MORRIS, SUPERINTENDENT OF FINANCE. During the first years of the Revolution the financial concerns ofCongress were managed by a Committee, under the general supervision ofthat body. Disorder and confusion were the gradual results of such asystem. It was at length resolved to put this Department into thehands of a responsible individual, and ROBERT MORRIS was unanimouslychosen _Superintendent of Finance_, on the 20th of February, 1781. Various reasons prevented his engaging in the duties of the officetill the May following. The high expectations of Congress, and of the country, were fullyanswered by the ability and success with which Mr Morris administeredthe affairs of this new Department. Funds were provided, and publiccredit restored. He remained in office till November 1st, 1784. Nothing can afford a stronger proof of his zeal, assiduity, andunwearied labor, than the correspondence which he has left respectingthe transactions of his office. The letters here published are aselection only from the large mass, which has been preserved. Theypertain chiefly to the foreign relations of the United States, eitheras effected by European loans, or by the agency of the internalresources of the country. In fact, all the financial operations ofCongress were more or less connected with their Foreign Affairs sinceloans from abroad were necessary, and these could be produced only onthe strength of public credit and the means of sustaining it athome. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * ORGANIZATION OF THE FINANCE DEPARTMENT. In Congress, February 7th, 1781. Congress resumed the consideration of the plan for the arrangement ofthe civil executive departments of the United States; and thereupon, Resolved, That there be a Superintendent of Finance, a Secretary atWar, and a Secretary of Marine; That it shall be the duty of the Superintendent of Finance, to examineinto the state of the public debts, the public expenditures, and thepublic revenue; to digest and report plans for improving andregulating the finances, and for establishing order and economy in theexpenditure of the public money; to direct the execution of all plans, which shall be adopted by Congress respecting revenue and expenditure;to superintend and control the settlement of all public accounts; todirect and control all persons employed in procuring supplies for thepublic service, and in the expenditure of public money; to obtainaccounts of all the issues of the specific supplies furnished by theseveral States; to compel the payment of all moneys due to the UnitedStates, and in his official character, or in such manner as the lawsof the respective States shall direct, to prosecute in behalf of theUnited States, for all delinquencies respecting the public revenue andexpenditures; to report to Congress the officers who shall benecessary for assisting him in the various branches of his Department. _In Congress, February 20th. _ Congress proceeded to the election of aSuperintendent of Finance; and the ballots being taken, Robert Morriswas unanimously elected. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, March 13th, 1781. Sir, I had the honor to receive your Excellency's letter of the 21st oflast month, enclosing the Act of Congress of the 20th, whereby I amappointed, by a unanimous election of that honorable body, to theimportant office of SUPERINTENDENT OF FINANCE. Perfectly sensible ofthe honor done me by this strong mark of confidence from the sovereignauthority of the United States, I feel myself bound to make theacknowledgments due, by pursuing a conduct formed to answer theexpectations of Congress, and promote the public welfare. Were myabilities equal to my desire of serving America, I should have givenan immediate determination after this appointment was made; butconscious of my own deficiencies, time for consideration wasabsolutely necessary. Little, however of that time, which has elapsedhave I been able to devote to this object, as the business before theLegislature of Pennsylvania wherein I have the honor of a seat, hasdemanded and continues to demand my constant attendance. So far as the station of Superintendent of Finance, or indeed anyother public station or office, applies to myself I should without theleast hesitation have declined an acceptance; for after upwards oftwenty years assiduous application to business as a merchant, I findmyself at that period when my mind, body, and inclination combine toseek for relaxation and ease. Providence had so far smiled on myendeavors as to enable me to prepare for the indulgence of thesefeelings, in such a manner as would be least injurious to the interestof my family. If, therefore, I accept this appointment, a sacrifice ofthat case, of much social and domestic enjoyment, and of everymaterial interest, must be the inevitable consequence; and as myambition was entirely gratified by my present situation and characterin life, no motive of that kind can stimulate me to the acceptance. Putting myself out of the question, the sole motive is the publicgood; and this motive I confess comes home to my feelings. The contestwe are engaged in appeared to me, in the first instance, just andnecessary; therefore, I took an active part in it. As it became_dangerous_, I thought it the more _glorious_, and was stimulated tothe greatest exertions in my power, when the affairs of America wereat the worst. Sensible of the want of arrangement in our moniedaffairs, the same considerations impel me to this undertaking, which Iwould embark in without hesitation, could I believe myself equalthereto; but fearing this may not be the case, it becomesindispensably necessary to make such stipulations, as may give ease tomy feelings, aid my exertions, and tend to procure ample support to myconduct in office, so long as it is founded in and guided by a regardto the public prosperity. In the first place then, I am to inform Congress, that the preparatorysteps I had taken to procure to myself relaxation from business, withleast injury to the interests of my family, were by engaging incertain commercial establishments with persons, in whom I had perfectconfidence as to their integrity, honor, and abilities. Theseestablishments I am bound in honor and by contracts to support to theextent agreed on. If, therefore, it be in the idea of Congress, thatthe office of Superintendent of Finance is incompatible withcommercial concerns and connexions, the point is settled; for I cannoton any consideration consent to violate engagements or depart fromthose principles of honor, which it is my pride to be governed by. If, on the contrary, Congress have elected me to this office under theexpectation, that my mercantile connexions and engagements were tocontinue, an express declaration of their sentiments should appear onthe minutes, that no doubt may arise or reflections be cast on thisscore hereafter. I also think it indispensably necessary, that the appointment of allpersons who are to act in my office, under the same roof, or inimmediate connexion with, should be made by myself; Congress firstagreeing, that such secretaries, clerks, or officers, so to beappointed are necessary, and fixing the salaries for each. I conceive, that it will be impossible to execute the duties of this office witheffect, unless the absolute power of dismissing from office oremployment all persons whatever, that are concerned in the officialexpenditure of public moneys, be committed to the Superintendent ofFinance. For unless this power can be exercised without control, Ihave little hopes of efficacy in the business of reformation, which isprobably the most essential part of the duty. These being the only positive stipulations that occur to me at thistime, the determination of Congress thereon will enable me todetermine whether to accept or decline the appointment. I must, however, observe that the act of Congress of the 7th of February, describing the duties of the Superintendent of Finance, requires theexecution of many things, for which adequate powers are not provided, and it cannot be expected, that your officer can in such case beresponsible. These however may be the subjects of future discussions. With sentiments of the highest respect, for you and Congress, I havethe honor to subscribe myself, your Excellency's most obedient andmost humble servant. ROBERT MORRIS. [30] FOOTNOTES: [30] During the whole period in which Mr Morris held the office ofSuperintendent of Finance, he kept a _Diary_, in which he entereddaily the principal transactions of his department. The following isan extract from the Diary. "On the 21st of February I received a letter from the President ofCongress, enclosing the resolves of the 20th, whereby I wasunanimously elected the Superintendent of Finance of the UnitedStates. This appointment was unsought, unsolicited, and dangerous toaccept, as it was evidently contrary to my private interest, and ifaccepted must deprive me of those enjoyments, social and domestic, which my time of life required, and to which my circumstances entitledme; and a vigorous execution of the duties must inevitably expose meto the resentment of disappointed and designing men, and to thecalumny and detraction of the envious and malicious. I was thereforedetermined not to engage in so arduous an undertaking. But thesolicitations of my friends, acquaintance, and fellow citizens, a fullconviction of the necessity, that some person should commence the workof reformation in our public affairs, by an attempt to introducesystem and economy, and the persuasion, that a refusal on my part, would probably deter others from attempting this work, so absolutelynecessary to the safety of our country; these considerations, aftermuch reflection and consultation with friends, induced me to write aletter to the President of Congress, dated the 13th of March, 1781. " * * * * * PROCEEDINGS IN CONGRESS. _March 20th. _ A letter of the 13th instant from Robert Morris wastaken into consideration, and it was _Resolved_, that the United States in Congress assembled do notrequire him to dissolve the commercial connexions referred to in thesaid letter. _March 21st. _ The consideration of the letter of the 13th instant, from Robert Morris being resumed, a motion was made, and it was _Resolved_, that the Superintendent of Finance be, and he is herebyempowered to appoint and remove at his pleasure, his assistants in hispeculiar office or chamber of business in immediate connexion withhim; it being first determined by the United States in Congressassembled, that such assistants so to be appointed are necessary, andwhat the salary of each shall be. _Ordered_, that the remainder of Mr Morris's letter be referred to acommittee of three. The members appointed were Messrs Houston, Burke, and Wolcott. * * * * * TO THOMAS BURKE, WILLIAM HOUSTON, AND OLIVER WOLCOTT, COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS. Date Uncertain. Gentlemen, When I had the honor of a visit from you on the subject of myinterview with Congress, it was agreed that I should make out anddeliver you a list of the several officers concerned in theexpenditure of public money, over whom I judged it necessary for theSuperintendent of Finance to have the uncontrolled power ofdismission. But on reflection I found it was not in my power to rendersuch a list, because I do not know the several degrees of officers nowin employment, and even if I did, such a list would not answer theend, because others may hereafter be created, who should also besubjected to the power of the Financier, and it would be verytroublesome for Congress on every such appointment to pass aresolution for the purpose. There will also be appointments madeoccasionally by the Commander in Chief, the Heads of Department, andby other officers, in which the expenditure of public moneys will beinvolved, and of course such appointments must also be subject to thesame authority. For these reasons, it seems proper that the power ofthe Minister of Finance, with respect to the control and dismissionfrom office of all persons concerned in the expenditure of publicproperty, should be defined in one Act of Congress, vesting him withthat authority. To me it appears absolutely necessary, that this power should bevested in the Financier to enable him to remedy and prevent publicabuses; and the _extent_ should be measured by the _necessity_ and the_use_. As to myself, I am far from desiring power for the sake ofpower. Indeed I think it is generally more dangerous to the possessorthan to the objects of it. Consequently I cannot have a wish to extendit beyond the necessity and utility mentioned. The whole business of finance may be described in two short butcomprehensive sentences, if I have proper notions on the subject. _Itis to raise the public revenues, by such modes as may be most easy andmost equal to the people; and to expend them in the most frugal, fair, and honest manner. _ In our case the first part must ever be thebusiness of Congress, and the Legislatures of the respective States;because the powers of taxation cannot be delegated. The second I taketo be the most essential part of the duty of the Superintendent ofFinance. He must ever have it in view to reduce the expenditures asnearly as possible to what in justice and in reason they ought to be;and to do this, he must be vested with power to dismiss fromemployment those officers he shall find unnecessary, unequal to theirstations, inattentive to their duty, or dishonest in the exercise ofit. In a monarchy this power need not be officially vested in a Minister, because he can have constant intercourse with the Sovereign, and bythat means he is in the daily exercise of it. Where the sovereignty isvested in a public body of men, such an intercourse is impracticable;and I am persuaded that a Minister who would venture to execute theduties of his office with vigor, without possessing uncontrolled thepower of dismission, would in a few months put it out of his power toproceed in his business, and Congress would have full employment tohear and determine between him and suspended officers. On thecontrary, if a dismissed officer can have no appeal but to the laws ofthe land, Congress will not be troubled, business may be conductedwith decision, and the very knowledge that such a power exists, willhave a tendency to prevent the frequent exercise of it, after thefirst reforms are effected. I have been told, that some gentlemen considered the expressions in myletter to Congress on this subject so general as that they might beconstrued to comprehend the Commander in Chief, Heads of Department, &c. But this cannot be. The Commander in Chief is not concernedhimself, but employs others in the expenditure of public money, towhom he grants warrants or drafts on the military chest; and thepersons so employed ought to be accountable, and subject todismission. I suppose officers of the army may frequently be soemployed, and in that case it cannot be supposed, that the power ofthe Financier extends to the military commission, for it certainlymust be confined to the money matters. There is one exception withrespect to what I have said of the Commander in Chief, and that is theexpenditures for secret service, and in this respect I think he shouldbe responsible to the Sovereign only. The Quarter Master General, having a military as well as a civil duty, he cannot be under the control of the Financier, for the first, although he certainly ought to be the last, which has great connexionwith heavy expense, and perhaps it would be best, that he shouldexecute all the business of expenditures by one or more deputies, which would exonerate him from that power, which they must besubjected to. The Commissary General, and every person employed underhim, are the immediate objects of this power. The Paymaster General, may be considered as a channel of conveyance, through which moneypasses from the treasury to the army, and as he is subjected to thelaw military, the Minister of Finance needs no other authority overhim and his officers, than the power of putting under arrest andsuspending for mal-conduct in office. All persons employed as Commissaries of military stores, of clothing, or any other denomination, wherein the expenditure of public money orproperty is connected, ought to be subjected to this authority. Theexpenses in the medical department are said to have exceeded those ofthe like kind in any other country. It is, therefore, evident that thePurveyors, Commissaries, &c. In this department should be subject tothe same immediate control as others; and although the Financiercannot judge of the medical skill of the Director General and hisofficers, yet if any waste or misapplication of public property intheir department should come to his knowledge, he should haveauthority to bring offenders to a Court Martial. There is no possibility of introducing public economy without thefrequent adjustment of accounts; and the more various these may be, the greater is the necessity of constant attention to liquidate themspeedily and well. The Financier ought, therefore, to have the powerof removing any of the officers, whose business it is to examine andsettle the public accounts, that so he may be enabled to obtain aproper and early settlement, and prevent the dangerous effects ofinattention or corruption on one hand, or of delay, insolence, andtyranny to individuals concerned in such accounts, on the other. Andon account of this power the Financier should have no accounts withthe public himself, but wherever expenditures are necessary in hisdepartment, he should employ proper persons therein, subject to thesame powers and modes of accounting with every other person employedin expending public property; or if of necessity he shall at any timehave accounts with the public, Congress can appoint a committee, orspecial board, to examine and settle his accounts. From what I have already said, I think it is evident, that the power Ihave stipulated for is absolutely necessary; and although it is notpossible to enumerate every object of that power, yet the generallines within which they may be comprehended can be drawn from theobservations I have made, although I have said our foreigndepartments, as these may be brought into consideration hereafter whenit shall appear necessary. Whoever contemplates the extent of the United States, and the vastamount of their present expenses, while at the same time all ouroperations languish, must certainly be convinced that some immediateremedy ought to be applied. The office of Superintendent of Finance Isuppose is meant as one means of restoring economy and vigor; andnothing will keep up in the minds of the public servants such aconstant sense of their duty, as a knowledge of the power to removethem in the hands of a person of vigilant and decisive character. Whether I shall have sufficient courage and perseverance to act up tothat character, and whether my small abilities, supported byapplication and attention, will enable me to render essential servicein the execution of this office, is become an object of greatconsideration, that fills my mind with much apprehension, and inducesme to wish I had declined this arduous undertaking in the firstinstance. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * PROCEEDINGS IN CONGRESS. _April 21st. _ On a report of the committee, to whom was referred MrMorris's letter of the 13th of March, _Resolved_, That the Superintendent of Finance be, and he is herebyauthorised, to remove from office or employment, for incapacity, negligence, dishonesty or other misbehavior, such persons, notimmediately appointed by the United States in Congress assembled, asare or may be officially intrusted with, and immediately employed inthe expenditure of the public supplies, stores, and other property; instating, examining and passing the public accounts, or in the receiptof the continental revenues of the United States, and such of the saidpersons as are or may be in his judgment unnecessary, reporting tosuch authority, board, minister, or office, to whom it may belong tosupply the vacancy, the respective names of the persons so removed. That he be authorised to suspend from office or employment, forsimilar causes, persons officially employed and intrusted asaforesaid, immediately appointed by the United States in Congressassembled, reporting forthwith their names and the reason ofsuspension. Provided, that in all cases where any of the persons aforesaid, are ormay be amenable to the law martial, the Superintendent be, and he ishereby authorised and directed, if he shall deem it most expedient forthe public service, to put them in arrest by order in writing, and toapply to the officer whose duty it may be, to order a court martial;and such officer is hereby directed to order proceedings on the arrestaccordingly. That in every case of suspension, all pay and emoluments cease fromthe date thereof, unless the persons suspended be, upon trial, acquitted and restored; and the Superintendent shall have power tosupply the place when it may be necessary, by a temporary appointment, to continue until the person suspended be restored or dismissed. That the aforesaid powers shall not be construed to interfere with therank, commission, or military duty of any officer in the line of thearmy, or those who may be duly intrusted with money for secretservices by Congress, or the Commander in Chief of the army, orcommanding officer of a separate department. That the powers aforesaid be exercised during the pleasure ofCongress, but not to extend beyond the duration of the war. _April 27th. _ On a further report of the committee on Mr Morris'sletter of the 13th ultimo, _Resolved_, that in order that the Superintendent of Finance may be atliberty to devote his time and attention to the more immediate dutiesof his office, he be, and hereby is authorised, to appoint by letterof attorney, or otherwise, such person or persons, as he may thinkproper, to prosecute or defend for him, in his official capacity, orin behalf of the United States, in all places where the same may benecessary. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, May 14th, 1781. Sir, The honor conferred by Congress in appointing me Superintendent ofFinance, their several resolutions of the 20th of March, and the 21stand 27th of April, which your Excellency has been pleased to transmit, and a serious conviction of that duty, which every citizen owes to hiscountry, especially in times of public calamity, will no longer permitme to hesitate about the acceptance of that office, although I mustagain repeat, that I have the fullest sense of my own inability. Ishall, however, strive to find such assistance as will enable me, insome measure, to answer the reasonable expectations of Congress, towhom I can promise for myself nothing more than honest industry. You will readily perceive, that much time must be consumed inprocuring proper officers; fixing on men for assistants, whoseabilities and integrity may be depended on; in laying plans forobtaining money with the greatest ease to the people, and expending itwith the greatest advantage to the public; forming arrangementsnecessary to carry these plans into execution; and obtaininginformation as to the present state of things, in order that abusesmay be, if possible, speedily and effectually remedied. Besides this, it will be necessary that I should confer with theCommander in Chief, on the various expenditures of the war, and themeans of retrenching such as are unnecessary. Let me add, that theaccounts of my private business must be adjusted, so as that all myaffairs may be put into the hands of other persons, and subjected totheir management. My necessary commercial connexions, notwithstandingthe decided sense of Congress, expressed in their resolution of the20th of March, might, if the business were transacted by myself, giverise to illiberal reflections, equally painful to me and injurious tothe public. This reason alone would deserve great attention; but, further, I expect that my whole time, study, and attention will benecessarily devoted to the various business of my department. Having thus stated some of the causes, which will prevent me fromimmediately entering on the arduous task assigned me, I pray leave tocall the attention of Congress to the advanced season, and then I ampersuaded their own good sense will render it unnecessary for me toobserve, that very little can be expected from my exertions during thepresent campaign; they will, therefore, easily perceive the proprietyof the request I am to make, that the business may go on according tothe present arrangements, or such other as Congress may devise, untilI can take it up, which I promise to do as speedily as possible. Bythis means, I may be enabled so to dispose of the several members ofmy department, as to form them into a regular system; whereas, bythrowing the whole immediately upon me, I shall be inevitably involvedin a labyrinth of confusion, from which no human efforts can everafterwards extricate me. Another consideration of great magnitude, to which I must also praythe attention of Congress, is the present public debts. I am sure nogentleman can hope that these should be immediately paid out of anempty treasury. If I am to receive and consider the applications onthat subject, if I am to be made responsible, that alone will, I fear, be full employment for the life of one man, and some other must bechosen to attend to the present and provide for the future. But thisnot all; if from that, or any other cause, I am forced to commit abreach of faith, or even to incur the appearance of it, from thatmoment my utility ceases. In accepting the office bestowed on me, Isacrifice much of my interest, my ease, my domestic enjoyments, andinternal tranquillity. If I know my own heart, I make these sacrificeswith a disinterested view to the service of my country. I am ready togo still further; and the United States may command everything I have, except my integrity, and the loss of that would effectually disable mefrom serving them more. What I have to pray, then, is, that theadjustment of all past transactions, and of all that relates to thepresent system, may be completed by the means already adopted, thatwhatever remains unpaid may become a funded debt, and that it may inthat form be committed to me, to provide for the yearly interest andfor the _eventual_ discharge of the principal. This task I willcheerfully undertake; and if, in the progress of things, I am enabledto go further, with equal cheerfulness it shall be done; but I mustagain repeat my serious conviction, that the least breach of faithmust ruin us forever. It is not from vanity that I mention the expectations, which thepublic seem to have formed from my appointment. On the contrary, I ampersuaded, they are raised on a weak foundation, and I must lamentthem, because I foresee they must be disappointed. I must, therefore, entreat that no flattering prospect of immediate relief may be raised. Congress will know that the public credit cannot be restored withoutmethod, economy, and punctual performance of contracts. Time isnecessary to each; and therefore the removal of those evils we laborunder can be expected from time only. To hold out a different ideawould deceive the people, and consequently injure the public service. I am sure it is unnecessary to add, before I close this letter, that Iconfidently expect my measures will meet with the fullest support fromCongress, so long as they are honestly directed to the generalwelfare. In this conviction, and with every sentiment of respectfulattention, I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. [31] FOOTNOTES: [31] _May 14th. _ Wrote a letter to the President, promising to acceptthe office. At this time, however, various reasons occurred to preventan immediate acceptance of the Commission; but particularly it wasnecessary to retain my seat in the Assembly of Pennsylvania, in orderto lay a foundation for such measures as might tend to their supportof me in pursuing the public good, not doubting but their examplewould have proper influence on the Legislatures of the other States, especially in their determination upon general points, such as theirrepealing those tender and penal laws, which in their operation haddestroyed all public and private confidence and credit; in passingeffective tax bills, that might yield substantial aid to the UnitedStates for calling in the paper money, that had lost its credit; andis adopting plans of reviving and establishing the credit of such ashad been injured in some degree, but which, being necessary incirculation, and originally issued on funds sufficient for itsredemption, ought not to be given up to ruin, if possible to preventit. _Diary. _ * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1781. Sir, I beg leave to submit the enclosed plan for establishing a NationalBank in these United States, and the Observations on it, to theperusal and consideration of Congress. Anticipation of taxes and funds is all that ought to be expected fromany system of paper credit. This seems as likely to rise into a fabricequal to the weight, as any I have yet seen or thought of; and Isubmit whether it may not be necessary and proper, that Congressshould make immediate application to the several States, to investthem with the powers of incorporating a bank, and for prohibiting allother banks, or bankers, in these States, at least during the war. [32] I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. FOOTNOTES: [32] See the _Plan of the National Bank_ here mentioned, and also the_Observations_ on it, in _John Jay's Correspondence_, Vol. VII. P. 444. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, May 23d, 1781. Sir, As I have heard in times past, that the treasury has frequently beenin want of hard money, to comply with engagements made with theapprobation of Congress, and sometimes obliged to obtain it on termsinconsistent with the dignity of government, and not very consonantto the public interest, I would wish to guard against the likeinconveniences by importing from foreign countries a supply at leastsufficient to pay rents of the houses and offices necessarily employedfor the Continental service; also to answer, as far as may be, thecalls for secret service. And even if I could devise the means ofobtaining it, I should suppose it would be agreeable to bring suchsums as may answer other valuable purposes; but as it cannot beimported but at the risk of being captured by the enemy, and thedanger of the elements, you will perceive the necessity of my beingauthorised by Congress to enter on and execute this business at therisk, and for account of the Continent, on the best terms in my power. The sum may be limited if thought needful; although I should supposeit is not possible in our circumstances to obtain too much; yet thesum to be risked in any one bottom may very properly not exceed acertain amount in a line of battle ship or frigate, and a smaller inany one merchant vessel. Should Congress think proper to authorisethese measures, as I hope they will, the private journals will be mostproper to insert the proceedings in; as a want of secrecy may endangerthe money. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, May 26th, 1781. Sir, It is some time since I received your performance, dated the 30th ofApril last. I have read it with that attention, which it justlydeserves, and finding many parts of it to coincide with my ownopinions on the subject, it naturally strengthened that confidence, which every man ought to possess to a certain degree in his ownjudgment. You will very soon see the plan of a bank published, and subscriptionsopened for its establishment, having already met with the approbationof Congress. It only remains for individuals to do their part, and afoundation will be laid for the anticipation of taxes and funds, by apaper credit that cannot depreciate. The capital proposed fell farshort of your idea; and, indeed, far short of what it ought to be; butI am confident if this is once accomplished, the capital mayafterwards be increased to almost any amount. To propose a large sumin the outset, and fail in the attempt to raise it, would be fatal. Tobegin with what is clearly within our power to accomplish, and on thatbeginning to establish the credit, that will inevitably command thefuture increase of capital, seems the most certain road to success. I have thought much about interweaving a security with the capital ofthis bank, but am apprehensive it would convey to the public mind anidea of paper being circulated on that credit, and that the bank inconsequence must fail in its payments, in case of any considerable runon it; and we must expect, that its ruin will be attempted by externaland internal foes. I have, therefore, left that point to the futuredeliberations of the Directors of this bank, to whom in due time, Ishall communicate your address. I esteem myself much your debtor for this piece, not merely on accountof the personal respect you have been pleased to express, but chieflyon account of your good intentions; and for these, and the pains youhave taken, I not only think, but on all proper occasions shall say, the public are also indebted to you. My office is new, and I am young in the execution of it. Communications from men of genius and abilities, will always beacceptable, and yours will ever command the attention of, Sir, yourobedient humble servant, ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO MAJOR GENERAL PHILIP SCHUYLER. Philadelphia, May 29th, 1781. Dear Sir, You will probably have heard that Congress have done me the honor tobestow their confidence, by appointing me to the important station ofSuperintendent of Finance of North America; a station that makes metremble when I think of it, and which nothing could tempt me toaccept, but a gleam of hope, that my exertions may possibly retrievethis poor distressed country from the ruin with which it is nowthreatened, merely for want of system and economy in spending, andvigor in raising the public moneys. Pressed by all my friends, acquaintances, and fellow citizens, and still more pressed by _thenecessity_, the _absolute necessity_, of a change in our moniedsystem, to work salvation, I have yielded, and taken a load on myshoulders, which it is impossible to get clear of without the faithfulsupport and assistance of those good citizens, who not only wish, butwill promote the service of their country. In this light I now makeapplication to you, Sir, whose abilities I know, and whose zeal I haveevery reason to believe. The object, however, before me, is not ofsuch magnitude as to require any great exertion of either at present, although it is of sufficient importance to induce the invocation. General Washington is distressed for want of an immediate supply offlour, and as I am not even yet fairly entered on the execution of myoffice, and when I do, have to meet an empty treasury, and a totallyexhausted credit, it must be some time before funds can be created ormoney be commanded for any purpose whatsoever; and as I do not knowany gentleman of such resources as General Schuyler, he seems the mostlikely of all men to give assistance under the present circumstances. I must, therefore, request that you will take the most speedy andeffectual measures to deliver to the order of his Excellency, GeneralWashington, one thousand barrels of flour, which I am sure you willpurchase and cause to be transported on the most reasonable terms thatare practicable. No time must be lost, but the flour must be sent downin the parcels as fast as procured. The Pennsylvania Bank had all theflour they supplied to the army, secured with outside lining hoops oneach head of every barrel, and the weight and tare marked on eachcask. If you were to cause this to be done, and add to the mark yourname, it would save a waste of flour, oblige the Issuing Commissary totake notice of an account for the weights as well as barrels, andteach the army to think that they are indebted to your exertions for aseasonable supply. I have the means of raising hard money to pay for this flour, and thecharges on it; but the longer time I am allowed to do it, the more Ican consult the public interest. I take it for granted, that you can, upon your own credit and engagements, either borrow the money for afew months, necessary to accomplish this business; or that you canmake the purchases on such credit, without giving higher prices; andfor your reimbursement, you may either take me as a public or aprivate man, for I pledge myself to repay you with hard money wholly, if required, or part hard and part paper, if you so transact thebusiness. In short, I promise, and you may rely that no considerationwhatever, shall induce me to make a promise, that I do not see mycapability to perform, that I will enable you to fulfil yourengagements for this supply of flour, if you find it convenient, youmay draw on me for hard money or paper, payable in such sums, and atsuch times, as you can conceive may not be inconvenient, judging bywhat I have said on this subject. Should good bills on France bewanted, at about ---- hard money your currency, for five livrestournois, I will furnish them, drawn or endorsed by myself, for thewhole, or any part of this purchase. I hope we shall hereafter supply our army by contracts, and yourinformation and observations on this subject would be very obliging. Perhaps if you are not fully employed otherwise, you might start someworthy man under your patronage, that might render essential serviceto the public, with proper advantage to himself and connexions in thisline. I am, Dear Sir, yours, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. _P. S. _ Remember, that I put absolute dependence on you for this onethousand barrels of flour, and it must be sent to the army directly. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, June 4th, 1781. Sir, Having been informed by several members of Congress, as also by hisExcellency, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, that it was determined to putthe management of the moneys lately granted by his Most ChristianMajesty under my direction, in order that they might be punctuallyapplied to the purposes for which the grant was made, viz. A vigorousprosecution of the present campaign; I had, in conjunction with theMinister of France, formed some arrangements for drawing part of thismoney into immediate use; but, on applying to the Secretary ofCongress, I do not find that any act has been passed giving meauthority over the moneys so granted; consequently, all proceedingsmust stop until the previous steps are taken by Congress. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO B. FRANKLIN. Philadelphia, June 8th, 1781. Dear Sir, In a private letter, which I did myself the honor to write you on the6th instant, I announced the appointment I have received from thehonorable Congress, to the office of Superintendent of the Finances ofthe United States of North America; and I now beg leave to address youin my official character. Congress have thought proper to commit to me the disposition andmanagement of the money granted to the United States by his MostChristian Majesty, in aid of our operations for the present campaign, in order that the same may be solely applied to that use; and for thisreason, I have found it necessary to keep the whole sum of this grantseparate and distinct from any other, so that its application may atany time be clearly seen. Instead, therefore, of drawing upon yourExcellency, who have many other bills running upon you, I have judgedit expedient to name Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. , bankers in Paris, toreceive the money from his Majesty's Ministers, so that they may beable to honor my bills with acceptance whenever they appear, andpunctually to acquit them as they fall due. I have written to MessrsLe Couteulx, that you would join and support them in any applicationthat may become needful to his Majesty or his Ministers, which I hopeyou will readily do. And, on the other hand, your attention to the interest of this countrywill lead you to inform yourself whether the house of Le Couteulx andCompany, are as perfectly safe and rich as they ought to be, toentitle them to this trust. They are represented to me as one of thesafest and most prudent banking houses in Europe; and his Excellency, the Minister of France at this place, now writes to have five hundredthousand livres tournois deposited with them, on account of the UnitedStates, subject to my drafts or orders. Should their credit notentitle them to this trust, you will please to interfere, and consultwith M. Necker what banker to employ in such case, directing those youdo employ, to accept and pay my drafts. However, I imagine thesegentlemen will be found sufficiently safe. Should it be more agreeable to M. Necker that any other banker be madeuse of, give me the name and write me the propriety of suchalteration, and I shall acquiesce in such change immediately on thereceipt of your letter, for I have no partiality in public business. All I wish is to act with security, and to the best advantage. If you think it proper to inquire into the terms on which the bankerswill receive and pay this money, and settle their commissions on themost reasonable footing, I shall be happy in your doing so. I do not, however, wish to give you any trouble that is not proper andnecessary; being, with the highest respect, your Excellency's mostobedient, humble servant, ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO MESSRS LE COUTEULX & CO. , BANKERS IN PARIS. Philadelphia, June 8th, 1781. Gentlemen, In a private letter, I have already informed you of my appointment, bythe honorable Congress, to the office of Superintendent of theFinances of the United States of North America; and in that characterI now address you. His Most Christian Majesty, having been graciously pleased to grant anaid of money for the purpose of invigorating our operations during thepresent campaign, I find it convenient to make use of your house asbankers to receive from his Majesty's Ministers such sums as they mayhave occasion to deposit, in order that you may accept and pay mydrafts on you as fast as they shall appear. His Excellency, theMinister Plenipotentiary of France at this place, now writes to hisCourt, at my request, desiring that five hundred thousand livrestournois may be placed in your hands thirty days after the receipt ofhis letter, the said sum to be subject to my drafts or orders, and Ishall proceed to draw upon you as fast as purchasers offer for thebills; therefore, I beg you will be prepared to honor my bills, drawnas Superintendent of Finance, whenever they offer; for I would not, onany account, that there should be the least demur; and I am confident, that his Most Christian Majesty's Minister of Finance will enable youpunctually to make payment as they fall due. I shall communicate thismatter to his Excellency, Benjamin Franklin, Minister Plenipotentiaryfrom these States to the Court of Versailles, who will join you in anyapplication that may become necessary in this business; which, however, I expect will be conducted much to your satisfaction. And asit may become important, I hope your attention to it can be relied on, and that you will render the charges as moderate as possible. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO M. DE LA LUZERNE, MINISTER OF FRANCE. Philadelphia, June 8th, 1781. Sir, The honorable Congress having thought proper to invest me with thepower, disposition, and management of the moneys granted by his MostChristian Majesty to the United States, for the purpose of assistingthem to carry on the present campaign with vigor, I have, with yourconcurrence, taken some arrangements for drawing it into the uses forwhich the grant has been made; and in conformity with your promise, Ipray you to write immediately to his Majesty's Ministers, that theycause the sum of five hundred thousand livres tournois to bedeposited with Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. , bankers in Paris, for accountof the United States of North America, and subject to my drafts ororders as Superintendent of Finance of the said United States. This deposit I hope may, without inconvenience, be made in thirty daysafter the receipt of your letter; and I shall proceed to draw onMessrs Le Couteulx & Co. In full confidence thereof, until my bills onthem shall amount to the said sum of five hundred thousand livrestournois, when I will give you timely notice, that another deposit maybe made for the like purpose, and by this means I hope we shalloccasion as little trouble to his Majesty's Minister of Finance as thenature of this transaction will admit of. With great respect and esteem, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * CIRCULAR RESPECTING THE NATIONAL BANK. Philadelphia, June 11th, 1781. Sir, No doubt you have seen in the public papers, the plan for establishinga National Bank, the necessity of which everybody sees, that allowshimself the least time for reflection on the present state of publiccredit. All the public bodies in America have, more or less, lost theconfidence of the world as to money matters, by trying projects andapplying expedients to stop a course of depreciation, which originalerrors had fixed too deeply to admit of any radical cure. It is vain to think of carrying on war any longer by means of such adepreciating medium, and at the same time an efficient circulation ofpaper that cannot depreciate, is absolutely necessary to anticipatethe revenues of America. A National Bank is not only the most certain, but will prove the most useful and economical mode of doing so. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that this first essay, confined asit is in point of capital, should be brought into action with thegreatest expedition. I am sensible that plans of public utility, however promising and pleasing they may be on their first appearance, soon grow languid, unless it be the particular business of some man, or set of men, to urge them forward; this may be said to be my duty inthe present instance. But as I cannot be everywhere, I must apply forsupport to gentlemen of your character and zeal for the service oftheir country, requesting in the most earnest manner, that you willurge your friends and fellow citizens to became proprietors of thisbank stock. Every subscriber will find his own interest benefited in proportion tothe capital he deposits, and I dare say few will find the other partsof their fortunes to yield them so large or so certain an income asthe stock they may have in the bank; and at the same time they willhave the satisfaction to be considered forever as the promoters of aninstitution that has been found beneficial to other countries, andinevitably must be so in the highest degree to this; an institution, that most probably will continue as long as the United States, andthat will become as useful to commerce and agriculture in the days ofpeace, as it must be to government during the war. The capital proposed is but small, when the extent and riches of theUnited States are considered; but when put in motion, the benefitsflowing from it will be so perceptible, that all difficulty aboutincreasing the capital or securing its credit, will vanish, and weshall only have to appeal to the interest of mankind, which, in mostcases, will do more than their patriotism; but there have been, andwill continue to be, many instances, where interest is sacrificed topatriotism; and in that belief, I ask you to devote some of your timeto this infant plan, which, as it gathers strength, may in the endprove the means of saving the liberties, lives, and property of thevirtuous part of America. My good opinion of you is an excuse forgiving you this interruption. I am, Sir, yours, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Philadelphia, June 21st, 1781. Sir, I find that the new payment of the moneys due to the subscribers tothe Pennsylvania Bank materially injures and impedes the subscriptionto the National Bank. At the same time, I am informed, that Congressare unwilling to dispose of the bills lodged as a security, lest theMinister of the United States at Madrid should be incommoded by it. Ihave the honor to observe to your Excellency, that if these billsshall be submitted to my disposal, I think I can pay the debts, abovementioned, and cause the greater part of the money to be subscribed tothe National Bank, thereby rescuing, in some measure, the publiccredit and forwarding the service, while, at the same time, I shallput the bills in such a train of negotiation, that at least a veryconsiderable time must elapse before they can be presented, andprobably they may not be presented at all. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. [33] FOOTNOTES: [33] _July 4th. _ I met the Directors of the Pennsylvania Bank, and anumber of the subscribers to that bank called, at my desire; and Iproposed that they should transfer their subscriptions from thePennsylvania to the National Bank, and deliver up to me the bills ofexchange deposited by Congress with the Directors as security; and Iundertook to place the amount of what remained due to them fromCongress, in the hands of Messrs Clymer & Nixon, in payment of suchtransferred subscriptions to the National Bank; which all that werepresent agreed to. _Diary. _ * * * * * TO B. FRANKLIN. Philadelphia, July 13th, 1781. Sir, The unanimous appointment to the Superintendency of our Finances, withwhich Congress have honored me, and my conviction of the necessitythat some _one_ person should endeavor to introduce method and economyinto the administration of affairs, have induced me, though withreluctance, to accept that office. Mr Jay will receive by thisconveyance, and forward to you, copies of those resolutions andletters which may be necessary to explain my appointment and powers. I wish I could as readily effect, as I most ardently desire, theaccomplishment of all proper arrangements. Thoroughly convinced thatno country is truly independent, until, with her own credit andresources, she is able to defend herself and correct her enemies, itshall be my constant endeavor to establish our credit and draw out ourresources in such manner, that we may be little burdensome, andessentially useful to our friends. I am sure I need not mention to _you_ the importance of collecting arevenue with ease, and expending it with economy. As little need Idetail the time, the authority, the ability, the favorablecircumstances, that must combine for these purposes. But I think thatI may assert, that the situation of a country just emerging fromdependence and struggling for existence, is peculiarly unfavorable;and I may add, that this country, by relying too much on paper, is ina condition of peculiar disorder and debility. To rescue and restoreher, is an object equal to my warmest wishes, though probably beyondthe stretch of my abilities. Success will greatly depend on the pecuniary aid we may obtain fromabroad; because money is necessary to introduce economy, while, at thesame time, economy is necessary to obtain money; besides that agreater plenty of solid circulating medium is required to supportthose operations, which must give stability to our credit, fruitfulness to our revenue, and activity to our operations. Amongthose things, which, after the experience and example of other agesand nations, I have been induced to adopt, is that of a national bank, the plan of which I enclose. I mean to render this a principal pillarof American credit, so as to obtain the money of individuals for thebenefit of the Union, and thereby bind those individuals more stronglyto the general cause by the ties of private interest. To the efficacyof this plan, as well as to the establishment of a Mint, which wouldalso be of use, a considerable sum of money is necessary, and, indeed, it is indispensably so for many other purposes. Be not alarmed, Sir, from what I have said, with the apprehensionthat I am about to direct solicitations to the Court of Versailles;which, after the repeated favors they have conferred, must bepeculiarly disagreeable. On the contrary, as I am convinced that themoneys of France will all be usefully employed in the vigorousprosecution of the war, by her own fleets and armies, I lament everysum which is diverted from them. Our necessities have indeed calledfor her aid, and perhaps they may continue to do so. Those calls havehitherto been favorably attended to, and the pressure of ournecessities has been generously alleviated; nor do I at all doubt thatfuture exigencies will excite the same dispositions in our favor, andthat those dispositions will be followed with correspondent effects. But I again repeat my wish, at once to render America independent of, and useful to her friends. With these views, I have directed Mr Jay to ask a considerable sumfrom the Court of Madrid, to be advanced us at the Havana, and broughtthence by us, if it cannot conveniently be landed here from Spanishmen-of-war. [34] I say _a considerable sum_, because, as I havedeclared to him, I do not wish to labor under the weight of obligationwithout deriving from it any real benefit; and because I consider theadvance of small sums rather as a temporary palliation than a radicalremedy. Our disorders are such, that the former can be of no use, andit would be better to desist in a desultory defence, than to put onthe delusive appearances of a vigor we do not feel; for this lulls thepeople into a dangerous security, and softens those hopes of theenemy, which give duration and extent to the war. It is the disorderof our finances, which have prevented us from a powerful co-operationwith our allies, and which have enabled the enemy to linger on ourcoasts with the dregs of a force once formidable; and it is from thiscause that they have been permitted to extend the theatre, andmultiply the victims of their ambition. America alone will not derive benefit from the advances which Spainmay make to her. All the associates in the war will feel the_consequential_ advantages. The expense of the American war now hangsa heavy weight about the neck of Britain, and enfeebles her on thatelement, which she called her own. An increase of that expense, or theloss of her posts here, must necessarily follow from additionalefforts on our part, and either of these must be a consequentialbenefit to those who are opposed to her. France will derive a small_immediate_ benefit from it, as she will thereby get more money herefor her bills of exchange, than she can at present procure. But it isnot so much from any advantage, which may be expected to that kingdom, or from any motives of _interest_, as from the generosity andmagnanimity of the Prince, that we hope for support. I will not doubta moment, that at your instance, his Majesty will make pressingrepresentations in support of Mr Jay's application, and I hope thatthe authority of so great a Sovereign, and the arguments of his ableMinistry, will shed auspicious influence on our negotiations atMadrid. From the best returns I have been able to collect, and which are insome measure imperfect, from the confusions and disasters of theSouthern States, I find that there are about seven millions twohundred thousand dollars due on certificates, which bear an interestof six per cent, payable in France, at the rate of five livres forevery dollar. Many causes have conspired to depreciate thecertificates, notwithstanding the interest is so well secured, and hasbeen punctually paid. This depreciation is so great, that they aredaily offered for sale at a very considerable discount, which isattended with two pernicious consequences; one, that a considerableexpense is unnecessarily incurred, and the other, that the publiccredit is unnecessarily impaired. If I had the means, therefore, Iwould remove this evil by purchasing in the certificates; and toprocure the means, I am to pray that you would state this matter fullyto the Ministers of his Most Christian Majesty. The interest beingguarantied by the Court of France, they now pay for this purpose, twomillions one hundred and sixty thousand livres annually; a sum, whichin less than ten years, would pay a debt of fifteen millions of livresat five per cent interest. With fifteen millions of livres, however, prudently managed, the whole of these certificates might be paid. I amsure it is unnecessary to dwell on the advantages, which would resultfrom making such a loan for this purpose, and, I trust, that if thismatter is stated to M. Necker, that enlightened Minister willco-operate in the plan, to the utmost of his ability. I again repeat, that I do not wish to lay any burdens on France; but this proposal iscalculated to relieve us both; and, in any case, the expense to Francewill be the same. Should it be adopted, I must request the earliestnotice, that my operations may commence; and, in any case, I hope thatsecrecy will be observed, for the most evident reasons. I am sorry to inform you, that we have as yet no satisfactory news ofthe ship Lafayette; but, on the contrary, her long delay occasions themost alarming apprehensions. If, as but too probable, that ship islost, you will more easily conceive than I can describe what will bethe situation of our troops next winter. I could wish, as soon as possible, to have a state of all the publicaccounts transmitted, to the end that moneys due to the United Statesmay be paid, and measures taken to provide for such sums as they standindebted in to others. Your Excellency will, I dare say, send them assoon as may be convenient; and I hope the public affairs willhereafter be conducted in such a manner as to give you much less ofthat unnecessary trouble, which you have hitherto experienced, andwhich could not but have harassed you exceedingly, and, perhaps, takenup time, which would otherwise have been devoted to more importantobjects. I shall, probably, have frequent occasion to address you, and shallalways be happy to hear from you; but the mischiefs, which arise fromhaving letters intercepted, are great and alarming. I have, therefore, enclosed you a cypher, and in the duplicate of my letters, I shallenclose another. If both arrive, you will use one, and, in case ofyour absence, leave the other with such person as may supply yourplace. Let me know, however, which cypher you use. The bearer of this letter, Major Franks, formerly an Aid-de-camp toGeneral Arnold, and honorably acquitted of all connexion with him, after a full and impartial inquiry, will be able to give you ourpublic news more particularly than I could relate them. He sails hencefor Cadiz, and on his arrival will proceed to Madrid, where havingdelivered my letters to Mr Jay, he will take his orders for you. Hewill then wait your orders, and I hope, will soon after meet a safeopportunity of coming to America. With the most perfect esteem and regard, I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. FOOTNOTES: [34] See a letter from Mr Morris, in _John Jay's Correspondence_, Vol. VII. P. 421. * * * * * TO B. FRANKLIN. Philadelphia, July 14th, 1781. Dear Sir, If Major Franks had departed yesterday, as was expected, he would haveleft the enclosed cypher behind. It was supposed to have been with theplans of the intended bank, but was left out by accident. I wish youwould, when leisure and opportunity will permit, converse with some ofthe eminent bankers in Paris on this plan, and ask whether acorrespondence and connexion with the directors will be agreeable, andwhether they would establish a credit for this bank, and to whatamount, to be replaced again by remittances in other bills within suchtime as they may limit. Or, if they decline giving such credit, thenthe terms on which they will receive remittances and pay drafts of thebank. An American bank must deal largely in bills of exchange. It willthereby rule the price of bills so as to keep it pretty steady, bypassing most of the bills drawn on the continent through theirchannel, so as to leave a certain moderate profit. And the use of acredit in Europe will be, to have paid for their honor such bills asmay be protested on account of the drawers; by which means the bankwill secure the damages of twenty per cent, and pay only interest foradvance and commission for negotiating. Occasion may also offer, whenthe bank, by drawing on Europe, shall get a high price for bills, andin a few months replace them much cheaper. I do not wish to give you trouble on this occasion; but, ifopportunities offer, you can mention the subject, and if any of thebankers will write me proposals, I will lay them before the directors. You will tell them, that although the very moderate sum of fourhundred thousand dollars is proposed as the first capital, I intend toincrease it gradually to ten times that sum. The only difficulty is toget it into action now that people have but little money and lessconfidence. I should be glad to see your name in the list ofsubscribers to an institution, that I believe will be permanent. I ever am, Dear Sir, yours, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE GOVERNOR OF HAVANA. Philadelphia, July 17th, 1781. Sir, The favorable attention shown to me by your Excellency in my privatecharacter, has excited those sentiments of esteem and respect, whichnow impel me to ask your assistance for my country. The United States of North America, are at the present moment, possessed of more strength in men, arms, and ammunition, than whenthey first ventured to wage war with Great Britain. The means ofsubsistence are abundantly equal to our own wants, and willessentially contribute to the relief of our friends. A variety ofcauses, too numerous to be detailed, in the compass of a letter, havecombined to destroy the credit of that paper money, which has enabledus hitherto to support the war. It has therefore become necessary toprovide the means for paying the expenses to be incurred hereafter. Our people are not yet inured to taxation, neither has the revenue, which this country is capable of affording, been drawn fairly or fullyinto use. The derangement of our credit and finances, consequent uponthe loss of faith in our paper, rendered it necessary for Congress tocreate a Superintendent of the Finances of the United States, inorder, that he might regulate and settle the present debts, point outnew funds, with the best means of collecting them, and superintend thepublic expenditures, so as to prevent as much as possible all excessor abuse. This arduous task is assigned to me, by a unanimous choiceof that honorable body; and nothing could have induced me to undertakeit, but my perfect conviction, that it is necessary that some personshould undertake the work of reformation and economy. I have engagedin this business with the sole view of saving my country, andtherefore think myself entitled to seek support from all who arereally friends to her independency, and particularly from thosenations, which have become parties in the war. I have commenced my administration with a proposal to establish aNational Bank; the plan of which I take the liberty to enclose. Thesubscriptions to it are going on, and I expect the very moderate sumtherein proposed will soon be completed. When that is done, thedirectors will be chosen, incorporated, and proceed on their business. As the bank notes are intended to be made use of by government inanticipation of the revenues of this country, you will easilyperceive, that the sum proposed is far short of the object, which itis intended to accomplish. My present pursuit, therefore, is to obtainsuch additional sums as will, when deposited in the bank, not onlyfacilitate the anticipations above mentioned, but induce furthersubscriptions among our own countrymen. For when they see and feel theuse of an institution, which they are yet unacquainted with, they willcheerfully and liberally support it. It is to your Excellency that I apply for foreign aid. The vicinity ofyour situation, the frequent intercourse between your port and this, and your ability to comply with what I shall request, all point outthe propriety of that application. Your friendly disposition towardsthese United States, and above all your strong attachment to theinterests of your own country, will dispose you to yield me everyassistance in your power. The United States have already received veryconsiderable aid from the Court of Madrid. Much more, however isexpected, [35] and in time to come these services will be repaid withhonor, as they now are acknowledged with gratitude. Our distresses induced Congress to order certain bills of exchange tobe drawn on their Ministers at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid. The former have been all negotiated and paid off by the assistance ofthat Court. Many of the latter have also been negotiated, and thosethat have appeared for payment have been discharged. There is everyreason to believe, that this would still happen; but we learn that theadvance of money in Europe is rendered inconvenient during the war, by the impediments, which it occasions to the usual course ofremittances from his Majesty's American territories. We have desisted, therefore, from the further sale of those bills, especially as we havereason to expect, that in consequence of measures adopted here, Mr Jaywill obtain from your country a much larger sum than we had beforeasked for; and that the greater part, if not the whole of it, will bepaid to us at your port. However this may be, my present view is toobtain from Havana, as expeditiously as possible, four hundredthousand Mexican dollars, in order to deposit them in the bank, andthereby doubling the capital, give its operations such force as willdraw the attention of our own citizens, and induce them to afford itsuch assistance as will reduce our necessities, and place us in asituation to be less troublesome to our allies and friends in thecommon cause. His Excellency the Chevalier de la Luzerne, Minister of France at thisplace, in consequence of orders from his Court, has authorised me todraw bills of exchange on Paris to a very considerable amount; andbeing sensible of the propriety of my proceedings, he will give youassurances, that they shall be punctually paid. I transmit a bill forfive hundred thousand livres to Robert Smith, now appointed agent forthese United States at your port, in order that he may negotiate it, and ship the money back to my address. Should it in any manner promotethe interest of your Court he will certainly give your Excellency apreference in the purchase; and I am confident, that if this shouldnot be convenient to you, you will countenance and promote hisnegotiations with private persons. I have also transmitted to Mr Smithcertain bills, drawn some time past by order of Congress, on hisExcellency John Jay, to the amount of one hundred and twenty thousand, three hundred and eightyone dollars. I am to request, and have stronghopes, that when Mr Smith shall have deposited these bills with you, your Excellency will advance that sum, so that he may immediately shipit to my address. We are convinced that these bills, if sent forward, would have beenpaid by your Court; but as such a negotiation would bring no moneyinto the treasury, I propose that you keep them in your possessionuntil the pleasure of the Court shall be known. I will write veryfully to Mr Jay on this subject, and obtain the earliest information. But lest the Court should not choose that these bills be finallyaccepted by you in discharge of the moneys advanced on them, I haveempowered Mr Smith for your perfect security to enter into conditionalstipulations to repay your Excellency that money by a delivery offlour to the amount, at such price as you and he may agree for; thepayment to commence as soon after the pleasure of the Court shall beknown as circumstances will admit. I hope, Sir, you will find it agreeable to your inclinations, andperfectly consistent with the duties of your station to gratify mydesires. They are very moderate considering the necessities of thiscountry, and your ability to minister to its relief. Besides, yourExcellency's good sense will readily perceive, that money granted toinvigorate the operations of America will weaken and distress thecommon enemy much more than the same sums expended in Europe, becausethe enemy must prosecute the war here at more than four times theexpense at which it must be carried on there. Assuring myself of assistance from your Excellency I have ordered oneof the continental frigates to proceed with these despatches forHavana. She will take with her some flour, which I have orderedreturns for in dollars. There are two most cogent reasons why this frigate should bedespatched instantly from your port with the money. The first is, because we are much in want of it; and the second is, to prevent ourenemies from the possibility of receiving any advice of her. We haveso contrived things here, that everybody believes she is going to jointhe French fleet at Rhode Island, and to carry the flour for theiruse. On the whole, I most earnestly entreat your Excellency, that if it beat all convenient and consistent with your duty, you will advance thewhole of the four hundred thousand dollars in question to Mr Smith, sothat the frigate may immediately return. I am sensible that there are certain duties payable to his Majesty onthe exportation of money from your port; but as this which I applyfor, is to be expended in carrying on the war against his Majesty'senemies, I hope it may be dispensed with; if not, our Minister atMadrid will be directed to make application to the Court on thatsubject, so that the duty being charged to us in the first instance, may, if not remitted, be added to the general sum. The sameobservations will apply to the flour on board this frigate, which isalso public property. I hope it is not necessary to add anything more to induce a fullcompliance with my requests. But his Excellency the Chevalier de laLuzerne, Minister of France, and Don Francisco Rendon, your own Agenthere, will also write you on the subject of this application. I have the honor to remain, with sentiments of the highest esteem andrespect, &c. [36] ROBERT MORRIS. FOOTNOTES: [35] This anticipation was never realized, as the whole amount of theSpanish loan to the United States during the war, was no more than onehundred and fifty thousand dollars. [36] For several letters from Mr Morris to Mr Jay, on the subjectof loans in Spain, and the National Bank, see _John Jay'sCorrespondence_, Vol. VII. Pp. 421-449. * * * * * TO ROBERT SMITH, AGENT FOR THE UNITED STATES IN CUBA. Philadelphia, July 17th, 1781. Sir, Upon a proper representation of your character, situation, andattachments to your country and its cause, the Congress of the UnitedStates of America have thought proper to appoint you their Agent atthe port, of Havana and Island of Cuba. I take much pleasure intransmitting your commission, which you will find enclosed herein;because my knowledge of you leads me to expert every exertion, whichyour situation and the circumstances attending it will admit of, infavor of your country. You will not find any salary annexed to your appointment for thisplain reason, that we cannot afford any. It is our present business toreduce salaries heretofore given, and not to create new ones. Thisappointment, however, may be attended with pecuniary advantages, because a public character may, and no doubt will, point you out toAmerican merchants as the proper person to intrust with theircommercial affairs. Continental prizes and other objects mayoccasionally turn up, which will leave a reasonable commission behind;and you will have the pleasure of serving Congress when necessary, andthe citizens and commerce of your country, as often as opportunitiesfor so doing may occur. I shall now put your talents to the proof. You will find enclosed aletter I have written for his Excellency Governor Navarro (or shouldhe be gone, for his successor) which will unfold to you very fully myintentions. You will find enclosed in it for him, as in this letterfor you, the plan of a National Bank, which I have proposed toestablish for many valuable purposes. You will observe that the sumproposed as a capital is far short of what it ought to be; but I wasafraid of attempting too much at first, and must now endeavor toincrease it by other means. If any of your acquaintances in the Havanahave a mind to speculate in the American funds, I think they cannotplace their money on a more secure or profitable establishment. ThisBank will, I believe, exist for ages to come; and I am persuaded theannual dividends will not be less than from eight to ten per cent. They may also have the honor and pleasure of seeing their namesenrolled among the first promoters of this useful institution, onwhich the salvation of our country in some measure depends. Should anyof them incline to subscribe, they must send hither money at their ownrisk; consigning it to whomsoever they please, with power to act forthem. I hope you will promote this business, and in order that you maybe able to show the profits arising from it, I am to observe, thatwhen once, by punctual payment, the notes of the bank have obtainedfull credit, the sum in specie, which will be deposited, will be such, that the bank will have the interest of a stock two or three timeslarger than that which it really possesses. Should M. Miralles, or anyof the family be so inclined, I will put any part of their money intothe bank, which they may think proper. By captain James Nicholson, commanding the frigate Trumbull, I send abill of lading and invoice of five hundred barrels of flour, which isall fresh and good, and a considerable part of it superfine. Thisflour I have caused to be shipped to your address, on account and riskof the United States of North America. Be pleased to receive it asquickly as may be from the ship, make the most advantageous sale ofit, which you can, and remit the net proceeds in Mexican dollars, consigned to my order, for account and at the risk of the UnitedStates. I expect you will not charge more than five per cent fortransacting the business, that is, two and a half per cent on thesales, and the same on the returns. I have also enclosed a bill of exchange, drawn by myself on Messrs LeCouteulx & Co. Bankers in Paris, to the amount of five hundredthousand livres tournois; this bill is at sixty days' sight, and youmay depend it will be punctually paid, for I have the authority of theCourt of Versailles to draw it, and every assurance I could wish. Youwill observe, by my letter to the Governor, that he is to have therefusal of this bill; you will therefore offer it to him in the firstinstance. When I consider the risk, which must attend sending moneyfrom Havana to Cadiz, and the remittances, as well private as public, which are to be made from one place to the other, I cannot butpersuade myself, that unless the government and the people are alikeblind to their interests, good bills must sell at a very considerableadvance. Should the Governor decline taking the bill on Paris, as itis not probable that any one private person would purchase it, you mayeither remit it to the House of Le Couteulx & Co. In Paris, or to theHouse of Messrs. J. L. & L. Le Couteulx & Co. At Cadiz, as may be mostconvenient for your operations. You will then draw on the House towhom you remit the bill, and sell your bills to the same amount. Should you remit to the House in Cadiz, let me know it, that I maywrite and apprize them of it; but this I shall do provisionally, beforehand, so that they may be prepared for you. I have also, as you will perceive, written to his Excellency on thesubject of certain other bills of exchange, drawn on Mr Jay. You willendeavor to get the money for these, if possible; and in case it isrequired, you will enter the stipulations there mentioned, as to theshipment of flour. In this last case, get the flour fixed at as high arate as possible, and let me have due notice, so that I may punctuallycause to be fulfilled, whatever contracts you shall, on the part ofthe public, have entered into. Should his Excellency be inclined to make those advances of money, which I have so earnestly pressed upon him, you will be able thesooner to despatch the frigate, which I hope will be done withoutdelay. But as there is a risk in placing large sums on board of anyone vessel, I am to observe, that if there should be any fast sailingvessels about to leave the Havana at the same time, and if inconsideration of convoy, they will take the public money freight free, you will then prudently distribute it among them, and direct CaptainNicholson to give them signals, and to take them under his convoy. ButI must caution you, that on no consideration is any private propertyto be covered as belonging to the public, either to save the duties orfor any other purpose. You will, therefore, use all proper vigilanceto prevent everything of this sort, should it be attempted. If thereare not such vessels as Captain Nicholson and you shall approve ofready to sail, then ship the whole money in the frigate; for the riskof being waylaid by the enemy in consequence of any unnecessary delay, is greater than that of being otherwise intercepted. It is unnecessary for me to mention to you, that we want moneyexceedingly. This very measure must convince you of it. Exert yourselftherefore to get it, and you will merit much at the hands of yourcountry. Should you not succeed in getting the whole sum I have askedfor, get as much as you possibly can; and if the Governor shoulddecline advancing any money on the bills drawn by order of Congress onMr Jay, perhaps the Intendant may accept your contract for flour, andtake these bills in security, or you may possibly borrow on theircredit from individuals, to be repaid when I shall send you shipmentsof flour, which I will cause to be done so soon as I shall hear fromyou to this effect. I have forbidden Captain Nicholson to cruise, but should fortuneenable him to bring a good prize into Havana, the Continent has onehalf, and you must send that half to me in dollars. Whatever suppliesthe frigate is absolutely in need of, you must let her have; but Ientreat, that the expenses may be as moderate as possible, and thebest way to secure this is to despatch her quickly, for the momentthey get clear of the salt water air, and feel, their land tacks onboard, every soul of them will try to get his hands into your pockets;but take care. I have desired Captain Nicholson to consult with and obey you whilstin Havana, and to push off whenever you say the word. I shall send youflour by private vessels, for the sake of getting money back, andwrite you further, as occasion may require. I am, Dear Sir, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO B. FRANKLIN. Philadelphia, July 19th, 1781. Sir, The foregoing are duplicates of my letters of the several dates therementioned, by Major Franks, who has sailed for Cadiz. I now enclose toyou duplicate copies of the letters and resolutions, referred to inmine of the thirteenth. I do not write to Colonel Laurens, because I know not whether he isstill in France, and because I am confident you will make to him allnecessary communications. I pray you, if he is still with you, topresent my compliments to him, and inform him of the reasons of mysilence. Colonel Laurens's letter of the 9th of April last, fromVersailles, has been received, and I am induced to hope, that the tenmillions of livres mentioned in it, to be borrowed in Holland, willbe, as he says he shall request, advanced from the treasury of France. He mentions also a promise of the Marquis de Castries to makeimmediate arrangements for the safe transportation, of the pecuniaryand other succors destined hither. It would be well that the money, oras much of it as possible, were in heavy half Johannes. Whether thisletter may arrive in time I know not, but if it should, you will, Ihope, be able to effect my views. If the fifteen millions of livres I mentioned in my letter of the13th, can be obtained, it will be best that they should be retained inFrance, provided the ten millions be sent to America; for in thatcase, the exchange may, I believe, be put upon such a footing as toanswer every valuable purpose. Of consequence the risk will be savedto America, and France will not suffer by the exportation of so muchcoin. To this it may be added, that a loan will probably be moreeasily obtained, if the days of payment of the money by thesubscribers to it be somewhat distant, which will answer very well forbills of exchange, though not quite so well for the exportation ofmoney. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO B. FRANKLIN. Philadelphia, July 21st, 1781. Sir, I have now to inform you, that the State of Pennsylvania had emittedfive hundred thousand pounds in bills of credit, funded in suchmanner, that there could be no reasonable doubt of their redemption. But the public confidence had been so impaired, that these bills, soonafter they came out, rapidly depreciated, notwithstanding the solidityof the funds by which they had been secured. The executive authorityof Government, therefore, declined issuing more of them than were thenin circulation (being one hundred and thirty thousand pounds), andcalled together the Legislature. The Assembly, at their late meeting, took measures for the collection of a very considerable tax, sufficient to absorb all the paper then in circulation, and which wasreceivable in taxes, as also a considerable balance in specie. It istherefore evident, that if the tax has time to operate before any moreof the paper be issued, it must necessarily rise in value. The Assembly did me the honor to commit this sum of five hundredthousand pounds to my care, for the purpose of paying to Congress abalance due on the resolutions of that honorable body, of the 18th ofMarch, 1780, and of procuring the specific supplies which had beencalled for, the greater part of which had been unpaid. In thissituation, it has been my study to effect both these objects, withoutmaking any new issues of the paper money. I cannot easily describe toyou the good consequences which would follow from the appreciation ofit. You will partly conceive them, when I inform you, that it is nowat five for one, and that my expectation of specific supplies, orrather of furnishing rations to the amount of them, is very muchfounded upon the rise of its value. Finding, however, that the balance of money due to the United Stateshas been already drawn for by them, and that the holders of thosedrafts are very clamorous for payment, I must put money into the handsof the proper officer immediately. To accomplish this, I have fallenupon an expedient, which, while it answers that purpose, will beproductive of another very considerable advantage. To explain which, Imust previously inform you, that I have lately refused to draw billson Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. For any other than specie; so that thepaper will no longer answer the purpose of procuring a remittance toEurope. I shall, at the same time, borrow such of it as I can discoverto have been hoarded, and by paying it to the holders of the draftsdrawn by Congress, throw it again into circulation. I shall then drawbills on you for four hundred thousand livres, payable at six months'sight or more, for which I expect to get four hundred thousand paperdollars; a sum sufficient to satisfy the demand. I shall draw onMessrs Le Couteulx & Co. In your favor, to this amount, payable atsixty days' sight, which will probably leave four months for myoperations; but at any rate, it will leave three months, which will beamply sufficient; and, therefore, in three months after I shall havedrawn on you, I shall remit you my drafts on Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. If in that period this money can be appreciated, it will be a gain tothe United States of the difference, which you will clearly see to bevery considerable. By this means, also, I shall so economise the fundsplaced in my hands, that I can make them productive of the suppliesfrom this State. In mentioning these supplies, it occurs to me, also, to make mentionof what has passed, relative to the contract you entered into for apart of them, to the amount of four hundred thousand dollars. ColonelMennonville spoke to me on this subject, from the Count deRochambeare, shortly after my appointment. Upon considering the veryslender situation of our revenue, or rather the total want of it, andthat the several States had omitted furnishing the specific suppliesdemanded of them, I told Colonel Mennonville, and told him truly, thatI had but little prospect of complying with your promise. It is noteasy to convey to your mind an idea of the pain I suffered from beingobliged to make this declaration. I felt for you, for Congress, forAmerica. There is no man in the world more deeply impressed thanmyself with the importance of fulfilling every compact made by aproper authority. All my reasonings, my feelings, and my experience, have concurred in producing a thorough conviction, that it isessential according to the principles of justice, from a regard to ournational honor, and for the sake of our general interests. I shall, therefore, notwithstanding what has passed between Colonel Mennonvilleand myself, assiduously endeavor to perform your promise, and I amhappy to add, that I am not without hopes of success. With respect to the bills I intend to draw on you, I must apologizefor the trouble they will give you, which I hope will be but little. It will be only necessary to accept them, and direct the holders whatbanker to apply to for payment. That banker will be enabled to makepayment, by the bill I shall draw on Messrs Le Couteulx, & Co. In yourfavor. Perhaps it may be most convenient to send the bill holders tothem, but this you will be the best judge of. It is unnecessary tostate any reasons to you for accepting these bills, as I cannotsuppose you will have the least hesitation on that subject. I takethis opportunity, however, of pledging myself to you, that you shallsuffer no inconvenience from honoring them with your acceptance, as Ishall most certainly remit in time the bills sufficient to dischargeall I draw on you. My reason for drawing them on you at all arisesfrom this circumstance, that I am desirous of keeping the transactionentirely distinct, and that many inconveniences would follow fromdrawing bills on Messrs Le Couteulx, & Co. At six months' sight forpaper, while I draw others at sixty days' sight for specie, especiallyafter my refusal to draw on them except for specie, which refusal was, as you will perceive, a necessary part of my plan. Add to this, also, that the arrangements I had made with the Minister of his MostChristian Majesty would not permit it. When this transaction shall befinished, that is, when my remittances to you and my drafts on you areall paid, be pleased to send me copies of the bankers' accounts. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Philadelphia, July 25th, 1781. Sir, I had the honor to write to you on the ---- instant, enclosing acertified copy of the account of your State, as it stands in thetreasury books of the United States. I now pray leave to recall yourattention to it. It gives me great pain to learn, that there is a pernicious ideaprevalent among some of the States that their accounts are not to beadjusted with the continent. Such an idea cannot fail to spreadlistless languor over all our operations. To suppose this expensivewar can be carried on without joint and strenuous efforts, is beneaththe wisdom of those who are called to the high offices of legislation. Those who inculcate maxims, which tend to relax these efforts, mostcertainly injure the common cause, whatever may be the motives whichinspire their conduct. If once an opinion is admitted, that thoseStates who do the least and charge most will derive the greatestbenefit, and endure the smallest evils; your Excellency must perceivethat shameless inactivity must take the place of that noble emulation, which ought to pervade and animate the whole Union. It is myparticular duty, while I remind my fellow citizens of the tasks, whichit is incumbent on them to perform, to remove, if I can, everyimpediment which lies in the way, or which may have been raised bydisaffection, self interest, or mistake. I take, therefore, this earlyopportunity to assure you, that all the accounts of the several Stateswith the United States, shall be speedily liquidated if I can possiblyeffect it, and my efforts for that purpose shall be unceasing. I makethis assurance in the most solemn manner, and I entreat that theconsequences of a contrary assertion may be most seriously weighed andconsidered, before it is made or believed. These accounts naturally divide themselves into two considerablebranches, viz. Those which are subsequent to the resolutions ofCongress of the 18th of March, 1780. [37] The former must be adjustedas soon as proper officers can be found and appointed for the purpose, and proper principles established so as that they may be liquidated inan equitable manner. I say, Sir, in an equitable manner, for I amdetermined that justice shall be the rule of my conduct, as far as themeasure of abilities, which the Almighty has been pleased to bestow, shall enable me to distinguish between right and wrong. I shall neverpermit a doubt, that the States will do what is right; neither will Iever believe that any one of them can expect to derive advantage fromdoing what is wrong. It is by being just to individuals, to eachother, to the Union, to all; by generous grants of solid revenue, andby adopting energetic methods to collect that revenue; and not bycomplainings, vauntings, or recriminations, that these States mustexpect to establish their independence and rise into power, consequence and grandeur. I speak to your Excellency with freedom, because it is my duty so to speak, and because I am convinced that thelanguage of plain sincerity is the only proper language to the firstmagistrate of a free community. The accounts I have mentioned as subsequent to the resolutions of the18th of March, 1780, admit of an immediate settlement. The severalStates have all the necessary materials. One side of this accountconsists of demands made by resolutions of Congress, long sinceforwarded; the other must consist of the compliances with thosedemands. This latter part I am not in a capacity to state, and forthat reason I am to request the earliest information, which the natureof things will permit, of the moneys, supplies, transportation, &c. Which have been paid, advanced, or furnished, by your State, in orderthat I may know what remains due. The sooner full information can beobtained, the sooner shall we know what to rely on, and how to doequal justice to those who have contributed, and those who have not, to those who have contributed at one period, and those who havecontributed at another. I enclose an account of the specific supplies demanded of your State, as extracted from the journals of Congress, but without any mention ofwhat has been done in consequence of those resolutions. Because as Ihave already observed, your Excellency will be able to discover thebalance much better than I can. I am further to entreat, Sir, that I may be favored with copies of theseveral acts passed in your State since the 18th of March, 1780, forthe collection of taxes and the furnishing supplies, or other aids tothe United States; the manner in which such acts have been executed, the times which may have been necessary for them to operate, and theconsequences of their operation. I must also pray to be informed of somuch of the internal police of your State as relates to the laying, assessing, levying, and collecting taxes. I beg leave to assure yourExcellency, that I am not prompted either by an idle curiosity, or byany wish to discover what prudence would dictate to conceal. It isnecessary that I should be informed of these things, and I take theplain, open, candid method of acquiring information. To palliate orconceal any evils or disorders in our situation, can answer no goodpurpose; they must be known before they can be cured. We must alsoknow what resources can be brought forth, that we may proportion ourefforts to our means, and our demands to both. It is necessary, thatwe should be in condition to prosecute the war with ease, before wecan expect to lay down our arms with security, before we can treat ofpeace honorably, and before we can conclude it with advantage. I feelmyself fettered at every movement, and embarrassed in every operationfrom my ignorance of our actual state, and of what is reasonably to beasked or expected. Yet when I consider our real wealth and numbers, and when I compare them with those of other countries, I feel athorough conviction, that we may do much more than we have yet done, and with more ease to ourselves than we have yet felt, provided weadopt the proper modes of revenue and expenditure. Your Excellency's good sense will anticipate my observations on thenecessity of being informed what moneys are in your treasury, and whatsums you expect to have there, as also the times, by which they mustprobably be brought in. In addition to this, I must pray you tocommunicate the several appropriations. A misfortune peculiar to America, requires that I entreat yourExcellency to undertake one more task, which perhaps is far from beingthe least difficult. It is, Sir, that you will write me very fully asto the amount of the several paper currencies now circulating in yourState, the probable increase or decrease of each, and the respectiverates of depreciation. Having now stated the several communications, which are mostindispensable, let me entreat of your Excellency's goodness, that theymay be made as speedily as possible, to the end, that I may be earlyprepared with those propositions, which from a view of allcircumstances, may be most likely to extricate us from our presentdifficulties. I am also to entreat, that you will inform me when yourLegislature is to meet. My reason for making this request is, that anyproposals to be made to them, may arrive in season for their attentivedeliberation. I know that I give you much trouble, but I also know, that it will bepleasing to you, because the time and the labor will be expended inthe service of your country. If, Sir, my feeble but honest efforts, should open to us the prospect of American glory; if we should beenabled to look forward to a period, when, supported by solid revenueand resources, this war should have no other duration or extent thanthe wisdom of Congress might allow, and when its object should be thehonor and not the independence of our country; if with these fairviews the States should be roused, excited, animated, in the pursuit, and unitedly determining to be in that happy situation, findthemselves placed there by the very determination; if, Sir, thesethings should happen, and what is more, if they should happen soon;the reflection that your industry has principally contributed toeffect them, would be the rich reward of your toils, and give to yourbest feelings their amplest gratification. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. FOOTNOTES: [37] It stands thus in the manuscript, but there seems to be anomission of what is meant by the _first branch_ of the accounts. * * * * * B. FRANKLIN TO ROBERT MORRIS. Passy, July 26, 1781. Dear Sir, I have just received your very friendly letter of the 6th of Junepast, announcing your appointment to the superintendence of ourfinances. This gave me great pleasure, as from your intelligence, integrity and abilities, there is reason to hope every advantage, thatthe public can possibly receive from such an office. You are wise inestimating beforehand, as the principal advantage you can expect, theconsciousness of having done service to your country; for the businessyou have undertaken is of so complex a nature, and must engross somuch of your time and attention, as necessarily to injure yourprivate interests; and the public is often niggardly even of itsthanks, while you are sure of being censured by malevolent critics andbug-writers, who will abuse you while you are serving them, and woundyour character in nameless pamphlets; thereby resembling those littledirty insects, that attack us only in the dark, disturb our repose, molesting and wounding us, while our sweat and blood are contributingto their subsistence. Every assistance that my situation here, as longas it continues, may enable me to afford you, shall certainly begiven; for, besides my affection for the glorious cause we are bothengaged in, I value myself upon your friendship, and shall be happy ifmine can be made of any use to you. With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, Dear Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN. * * * * * B. FRANKLIN TO ROBERT MORRIS. Passy, July 26th, 1781. Dear Sir, I have received the letter you honored me with, of the 8th of Junepast, acquainting me, that as Superintendent of Finance, you havenamed Messrs Couteulx, & Co. At Paris to receive from his Majesty'sMinisters the money granted to Congress, that they may be enabled tohonor your bills whenever they appear; and you intimate a desire to beinformed of the responsibility of that house. With regard to the six millions given by the King in aid of ouroperation's for the present campaign, before the arrival of MrLaurens, 2, 500, 000 of it went in the same ship with him in cash;stores equivalent to 2, 200, 000 more of it were ordered by him, and areshipped; 1, 500, 000 were sent to Holland, to go in the ship commandedby Commodore Gillon. Add to this, that Captain Jackson, by his orders, purchased clothing and stores in Holland, to the value of about£50, 000 sterling, for which he has drawn bills on me, which bills Iaccepted, and also agreed to pay those drawn on Messrs Laurens, Jay, and Adams; expecting aid from a projected loan of 10, 000, 000 of livresfor our use in Holland. But this loan meeting with unforeseendifficulties, and its success uncertain, I have found myself obligedto stop the money in Holland, in order to be able to save the honor ofthe Congress drafts, and to comply with my engagements. By these meansyou have really at present no funds here to draw upon. I hope, however, that Messrs Couteulx, & Co. Will be enabled to honor yourdrafts; but I trust in your prudence that you will draw no more tillyou have advice of funds provided. And as the laying out so much moneyin Holland instead of France is disapproved here, and the paymentwill, therefore, not be provided for, I must earnestly request youraid in remitting that sum to me before December next, when myacceptances will become due, otherwise I shall be ruined with theAmerican credit in Europe. With regard to the wealth and credit of the House of Le Couteulx, &Co. I have never heard it in question. But as Mr Ferdinand Grand, banker at Paris, and his broker, Sir George Grand, banker in Holland, have been our zealous and firm friends ever since our arrival inFrance, have aided us greatly by their personal interest andsolicitations, and have often been six or seven hundred thousandlivres in advance for us, and are houses of unquestionable solidity, Icannot but be concerned at any step for taking our business out oftheir hands, and wish your future bills may be drawn on FerdinandGrand, for I think it concerns our public reputation, to preserve thecharacter of gratitude, as well as that of honesty and justice. Thecommission hitherto charged to us by Mr Grand for receiving and payingour money is a half per cent, which, considering the trouble given bythe vast number of small drafts for interest of the loans, appears tome a moderate consideration. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN. * * * * * TO THE GOVERNORS OF MASSACHUSETTS, RHODE ISLAND, NEW YORK, DELAWARE, MARYLAND, AND NORTH CAROLINA. Philadelphia, July 27th, 1781. Sir, I find upon examination, that the recommendation of Congress of the 3dof February last, for laying an impost of five per cent on goodsimported, and a like impost of five per cent on prizes and prizegoods, has not been complied with by your State. The object which Congress had in view when they issued thisrecommendation was of the utmost importance, and every day gives it anadditional weight and magnitude. Whether these States are able tosupport the annual expenses of the war by their annual revenue, andwhether it would be prudent and wise to draw forth such revenue, arequestions which may hereafter be agitated, considered, and answered. For the present it is sufficient to observe, that no methods havehitherto been adopted to produce a revenue by any means adequate tothe current expenses. The public debt, therefore, is large andincreasing. The faith of the United States is pledged to the publiccreditors. At every new loan it must be pledged anew, and an appeal isnow made to the States individually, to support the public faith sosolemnly pledged. If they do, it is possible that public credit may berestored, if not our enemies will draw from thence strong arguments infavor of what they have so often asserted, that we are unworthy ofconfidence, that our union is a rope of sand, that the people areweary of Congress, and that the respective States are determined toreject its authority. I fear that a mere verbal contradiction of theseassertions will have but little effect. No words will induce men torisk their property upon the security of a nominal union. YourExcellency will be able at once to determine whether that union ismore than nominal, in which any part shall refuse to be bound for thedebts of the whole, or to contribute to the general defence. I must bepermitted, however, to observe, that in matters of public credit longdelay is equivalent to direct refusal. Despotic governments are in war superior to others by the union ofefforts, the secrecy of operations, and the rapidity with which everywheel may be moved by one sovereign will. This superiority, however, is amply compensated to free governments by the ardent attachment oftheir citizens, and the general confidence, which enables them to makeexertions beyond their force, and expend in one year the revenues ofmany. A single view of our enemy, in the unequal contest she nowcarries on, will demonstrate these advantages more clearly than anyarguments. The credit of Great Britain is not only her chief, but itis almost her only support. Inferior in everything else to theassociates combined against her, she still makes head everywhere, andbalances the opposition through the four quarters of the globe. Whilewe feel the force of these last struggling of her ambition, we mustadmire the source from whence they flow. Admiring, we should endeavorto imitate, and in order to succeed, we need only to make the attempt. There was a time when public confidence was higher in America than inany other country. Hence the existence of that paper, which bore usthrough the conflict of five years' hostility. In the moment when noothers dared oppose Great Britain in her career towards universalempire, we met her ambition with our fortitude, encountered hertyranny with our virtue, and opposed her credit with our own. We mayperceive what our credit would have done, had it been supported byrevenue, from what it has already effected without that support. Andwe have no reason to doubt but that it may be restored, when wereflect on the fate which paper currencies have formerly sustained. The appeal, as I have already had the honor to observe, is made byCongress to the several States. Some of them have answered by passingthe laws required, others are silent. Whence this silence proceeds, Iconfess myself at a loss to determine. Some reasons, indeed, I haveheard assigned by individuals in conversation, but I cannot conceivethat they should have weighed with the Legislatures. Indeed I canhardly conceive how any reasons can have weighed against a matter ofsuch importance as the keeping public faith inviolate. I have heard it said, that commerce will not bear a five per centduty. Those who make such assertions must be very little acquaintedwith the subject. The articles of commerce are either such as peoplewant, or such as they do not want. If they be such as people want, they must be purchased at the price for which they can be had; and theduty being on all, gives to no seller any advantage over another. If, on the contrary, the article be such as people do not want, they musteither increase their industry so as to afford the use of it with theduty, or else they must dispense with that use. In the former case, the commerce is just where it was, and in the latter case the peopleconsume less of foreign superfluities, which certainty is a publicbenefit. [38] I have also heard it said, that the duty should be carried to theaccount of the State where it is levied. What can be the object ofthose, who contend for this point, I know not. If there are doubts asto the justice of Congress, that body should not have been intrustedwith the power of apportioning quotas on the several States. If, onthe contrary, those who make this proposition, expect that thecommercial States, by carrying the five per cent duty to their privateaccount, can derive from their neighbors, the idea is as fallacious asit is unjust. The equity of Congress would lead them to relax so muchin the quotas as would render the contribution of the Statesproportionate, or if that could not be done, the suffering State wouldbe induced to carry on its commerce. Thus the end would be defeated, as indeed it ought; for surely the advantage derived by the mercantileStates, as a mercantile profit, is sufficient without exacting arevenue in addition to it. Articles imported into the country areconsumed in the country. If each pays a duty, that duty will be paidby all. The tax will fall equally on all, and therefore ought, injustice, to be carried to the general account. I have also heard it suggested, that the public debts ought to bedivided among the several States, and each be called to provide forits proportion. This measure would be sufficient to destroy the creditof any country. The creditors trust the Union, and there can be noright to alter the pledge which they have accepted for any other, evenfor a better one, without their free consent. But this is not all;there is in it a principle of disunion implied, which must be ruinous. Even at this late period, the States might singly be subjugated. Theirstrength is derived from their union. Everything, therefore, whichinjures that union, must impair the strength which is dependent uponit. I shall not encroach longer upon your Excellency's patience byadducing farther arguments. Everything for and against theproposition, has doubtless been considered by the United States inCongress assembled, with that attention which is due to theimportance of those objects on which they deliberate. I think, however, it may fairly be concluded, that those who wish tore-establish the credit and confirm the union of these States, willcomply with this requisition. As I do not doubt that this is thesentiment of that State over which you preside, I shall believe thatthe Legislature at their next session, will pass the proper laws, andI shall at present only entreat that it may be done as speedily aspossible. I take the liberty, however, on this occasion, to make an observation, which applies indeed to many others. Those who have the public wealvery seriously at heart, cannot but lament that the acts passed bymany States on the requisitions of Congress, have been fettered withrestrictions, as to their operation and effect, very inconsistent withthat confidence which is due to the integrity of the United States inCongress assembled. Nothing can be more pernicious than the jealousywhich dictates clauses restraining the operation of laws, untilsimilar laws shall have been passed by the other States, or confiningthe revenue or supplies to partial or particular objects, not withinthe design of Congress, or short of their intentions; or any otherclauses, which show a distrust of the States in the sovereignrepresentative of America, or in each other. Such jealousies mustprove highly detrimental, if not ruinous. And surely there can be noground to entertain them, for the Congress is composed ofRepresentatives freely chosen, and is of consequence under the controlof those by whom they were appointed. Nothing, therefore, ought toprevent the free and generous communication of all necessary powers toCongress; and I am confident that such a communication will moreeffectually dishearten the enemy, encourage our friends, and promotethe general and unanimous efforts of the whole community, than anyother circumstance which could possibly happen. It is a truth, thatthe enemy does not even pretend to hope anything except from sowingdiscord among us, and it is but too true, that while the whigs ofAmerica are daily more firm and united in the cause of independence, there has been too little attention paid to give to that union ofsentiment a proper political form and consistency. I am not, however, the less confident that in this, as in everything else, the enemywill, to their cost, discover that their hopes have been extremelyfallacious. With every sentiment of respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. FOOTNOTES: [38] For a very interesting letter from the President of Congress tothe Governor of Rhode Island, on the matter of duties to be levied bythe States, reported by a Committee, of which Hamilton was Chairman, see the _Public Journals of Congress_, under the date of April 29th, 1783. * * * * * TO JOHN JAY, MINISTER IN SPAIN. Philadelphia, July 29th, 1781. Sir, I enclose you copies of my letters, of the 17th, to the Governor ofHavana, and Robert Smith. These letters will require no explanation toyou. In addition, however, I am to inform you, that my letter to theGovernor was shown to Don Francisco Rendon, whose full approbation ofit is contained, in the enclosed copy of his note to me. I am to request your early attention to this matter, and that you willsupport and justify the measures I have taken, and which may be takenin consequence of them by others. With every sentiment of respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA. Philadelphia, July 30th, 1781. Sir, I am favored with your Excellency's letter, of the 27th instant, forwhich I beg leave to make my acknowledgements. I must again repeat my regret, that the means devised by theLegislature are unequal to the exigencies of the State. A majority ofthe Assembly seemed much disposed, at their late meeting, to adoptsuch measures as were calculated to promote the public service; andtherefore it is to be lamented that they were not called, afterpassing the resolutions mentioned in your letter, to appropriate tothe disposition of Council, such funds as might have been adequate tothe demands they are liable to, if those which remained for thatpurpose were deemed insufficient. I still hope, however, that thecollection of specie in taxes may enable the Council to effect morethan present appearances promise; but it is evident, that the moneyallotted to my disposal is intended for the procuring specificsupplies, and paying the balance of the four tenths of the newContinental emission, and that I cannot apply any part of it to otherpurposes, without crediting the State in account with the UnitedStates for such part, at a value equal to gold and silver. I mustobserve, that the resolutions taken by the Assembly, were consequentupon a report made to them, and communicated to me by order of theHouse, after it had been made. This report also was by a committeeappointed on a message from your Excellency in Council to theAssembly, and it is therefore to be presumed, that it originated inthat message. Be that as it may, this at least is certain, that theresolutions of the Assembly were proposed by them, and accepted by me. With respect to the balances due from the State, I am to observe, thatI have a perfect conviction of and reliance on the justice ofCongress, who will I am persuaded, make every equitable and properallowance; and your Excellency will perceive by the circular letters Ihave had the honor to transmit, my determination to have the accountsof every State with the United States settled on just principles, withall possible expedition. I am obliged by your communication as to Mr Searle's mission, [39] andassure you, that I lament his disappointments, and still more so, thathis negotiations have met with any opposition, which to me was quiteunexpected. I freely confess, that I did not expect he would besuccessful; nevertheless, he had my good wishes, and had it been in mypower, he should have experienced my readiness to assist every publicmeasure. I wish his efforts in Holland may be productive, but I havevery little expectation of it, being convinced that war with Englandwill create such demand for money, and procure for the lenders suchsecurity as will prevent them from listening to American proposals. Itwas from a belief that your Excellency and the Council would give yoursupport to measures which have the public good for their object, thatI sought your confidence, asked your advice, and relied on yourassistance. Entertaining still the same opinion, I shall freely andcandidly give my sentiments and opinions on every proposition, whichthe Council may think proper to refer to me. The arguments against drawing paper money from the treasury, andthrowing it into circulation, had forcibly impressed my mind; andnothing but necessity will compel me to have recourse to it, beingvery desirous to pay every possible attention to your Excellency'srequest. The determination to proceed with vigor and energy in the collectionof taxes, coincides with my judgment, and of course meets with myearnest wishes for success. And your promise to strengthen my hands, and enable me to proceed with cheerfulness, in the great work I haveundertaken, excites my warmest gratitude. The delays which attend thecollection of taxes, are indeed great and alarming. To remedy themwill be highly beneficial, and perhaps the modes suggested in yourletter may be effectual. Every proposition of this sort will commandmy serious attention; and if it shall appear to me productive of thepublic good, your Excellency may rely that it shall meet with all thesupport in my power. I am, respectfully, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. FOOTNOTES: [39] Mission to Holland, for the purpose of borrowing money for theState of Pennsylvania. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS. Head Quarters, Dobbs's Ferry, } August 2d, 1781. } Dear Sir, The expectation of the pleasure of seeing you, has prevented mehitherto from making a communication of a most important andinteresting nature. But circumstances will not admit of further delay, and I must trust it to paper. It seems reduced almost to a certainty, that the enemy will reinforce New York with part of their troops fromVirginia. In that case, the attempt against the former must be laidaside, as it will not be in our power to draw together a forcesufficient to justify the undertaking. The detachment, which the enemywill probably leave in Virginia, seems the next object which ought toengage our attention, and which will be a very practicable one, shouldwe obtain a naval superiority, of which I am not without hopes, and beable to carry a body of men suddenly round by water. The principaldifficulty which occurs, is in obtaining transports at the moment theymay be wanted; for if they are taken up beforehand, the use for whichthey are designed cannot be concealed, and the enemy will makearrangements to defeat the plan. What I would therefore wish you to inform yourself of, without makinga direct inquiry, is what number of tons of shipping could be obtainedin Philadelphia at any time between this and the 20th of this month, and whether there could also be obtained at the same time, a few deepwaisted sloops and schooners, proper to carry horses. The number ofdouble decked vessels which may be wanted, of two hundred tons andupwards, will not exceed thirty. I shall be glad of your answer assoon as possible, because, if it is favorable, I can direct certainpreparations to be made in Philadelphia, and at other convenientplaces, without incurring any suspicions. There certainly can be nodanger of not obtaining flour in Philadelphia, and as you seem to havedoubts of procuring salt meat there, I shall direct all that which isto the eastward, to be collected at points from whence it may beshipped at the shortest notice. You will also oblige me by giving me your opinion of the number ofvessels which might be obtained at Baltimore, or other places in theChesapeake, in the time before mentioned, or thereabouts. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Philadelphia, August 2d, 1781. Sir, Agreeably to the intimations I made to your Excellency some days ago, it was my intention to have gone to camp yesterday. But an act ofCongress of the ---- of July, rendered it necessary for me to hold aconference with a Committee of Congress and the Board of War. This wasdone; and it was determined, that a member of the Board of War shouldgo with me to camp. This circumstance has postponed my journey for a few days. But this isnot all; the daily demands on me for money are considerable, andbeyond the utmost extent of any funds I can command. The demands forpast dues in compensation for past services, and the like, arerejected; but those for the prosecution of the campaign must beattended to. If, in my absence, and from that cause there be anystoppage, or considerable delay, the consequences will be equallyinjurious to my reputation, and to the public service. I have before mentioned to you, that my dependence for immediatesupplies of money, is on the produce of bills of exchange. I am sorrynow to observe, that this dependence fails, and from a cause equallyprejudicial to France and to the United States, considered in theircollective capacity, though, perhaps, advantageous to individuals. Your Excellency will remember, that when I was called to theadministration, the bills of your army had been selling for twothirds, and even so low as for one half of their value in Europe. Whatmight have been the causes of this, it is not my business to inquire. The fact is incontestable. Your Excellency observed it, and endeavoredto remedy the evil, by holding your own bills at five sixths. But themerchants, who had benefited by the former low rate, could not bebrought at once to make so considerable an advance. They expected thatthe same causes, which had reduced bills to one half, must again bringthem down; and, therefore, were disposed to wait the event. I take the liberty here to observe, that the fluctuation of exchangewill naturally strengthen that expectation, and nothing but steady, firm perseverance on the part of the administration, can, or indeedought, to produce a ready sale on good terms. Bills of exchange areremitted to France in payment for European commodities. If the cost ofthis remittance is fixed, commerce may so far be established on truecommercial principles; otherwise, it is a mere game of hazard. Sensible of this, the merchant will rather wait, with his money in hischest, the event of public necessity, than invest that money in bills, which may shortly after be bought on better terms by his more cautiousneighbor. Hence it follows, that the public will really command lessmoney than they otherwise might. Nor is that all. While the public cancommand the money of the merchants as fast as it comes into theirhands, the servants of the public can spend that money to advantage, and the very expenditure will increase the circulation, so as to bringit again sooner into the hands of the merchant. Your good sense, Sir, your experience, and the unremitted attention, which I have perceived you pay to every object which can relate to theservice of your Sovereign, will render it necessary for me toprosecute any further these observations. It was from a knowledge of this subject, which many years' constantattention to this business had imparted, that I saw the necessity ofraising the value of bills by degrees, and, at the same time, ofopposing the most inflexible firmness to every attempt at loweringtheir price. The bills I drew on Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. , at sixtydays' sight, were selling readily at four fifths, until the bills foryour army were offered at thirty days' sight, and at a lower rate, This, Sir, has checked my sales; and this induces me to mention to youanother matter, which will, I foresee, become of great importance. The concurrence of many venders of bills cannot be more perniciousthan the concurrence of many purchasers of supplies. The merchantcannot reason more effectually on public necessities, which he mayconjecture, than the husbandman on such wants as he has oculardemonstration of. Melancholy experience has shown, that the contestbetween our purchasers has been extremely pernicious. What may havebeen the manner of conducting the business by the agents of the King, I do not positively know; but if I were to credit many tales which Ihave heard about it, I should believe there had been errors at least. But I know too well the weakness and impropriety of listening toslanderous reports; and I am very confident, that all possible carewill be taken of the interests of his Majesty. But, Sir, if the supplies for the French army and navy are kept in adistinct channel, I do not believe it will be possible to obtain themso cheap as they might otherwise be had. The ration consisting of onepound of bread, one pound of beef, or three quarters of a pound ofpork, one gill of country made rum; and to every hundred rations onequart of salt, two quarts of vinegar; also to every seven hundredrations eight pounds of soap, and three pounds of candles, is nowfurnished to the United States in this city, at nine pence, with ahalf penny allowed over for issuing. It may perhaps cost more tofurnish rations to the army, perhaps as high as ten pence or elevenpence, Pennsylvania currency. You I suppose, Sir, can command the necessary accounts to determinewhat the King now pays for the subsistence of his troops; but as theFrench and American rations differ, I take the liberty for yourfurther information to mention, that the parts of the ration areestimated as follows; for one pound of bread, two ninetieths of adollar; for one pound of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, four and a quarter ninetieths; for one gill of rum, two ninetieths;for soap, candles, vinegar, and salt, one and a quarter ninetieths foreach ration. You will also observe, Sir, that when exchange is at fourfifths, one livre tournois is equal to fourteen pence and two fifthsof a penny, Pennsylvania money. I go into these details to enable your Excellency exactly to determinewhat is most for the interest of France, for I conceive it my duty togive you a confidential state of our affairs, whenever it can promotehis Majesty's service, which I beg leave to assure you, I have everypossible desire to assist; being convinced, that I can by no othermeans more fully comply with the wishes of the United States inCongress assembled. I beg leave further to observe, that I have no personal wish tonegotiate your bills, or to supply your fleets and armies. You must bevery sensible that I have already before me a field of businesssufficiently large. To extend it, will give me labor and pain, I canderive no advantage from it, nor will anything induce me to engage init, except it be the prospect of rendering effectual service to thecommon cause. I make this declaration, not because I conceive itnecessary to you, or from an ostentatious display of those motives, which actuate my conduct, but there may be persons to whom I am not sowell known as I have the honor of being to your Excellency, and whofrom ignorance or interest might give to the present intentions thefoulest interpretation. I have been led much further, Sir, than the occasion strictlyrequired, but perhaps my observations may demand your attention; theycertainly appeared to me of importance, or I would not have given youthe trouble of so long a letter. I pray you to believe me, with respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Philadelphia, August 4th, 1781. Sir, I was honored with your letter of the 3d yesterday evening; I am happythat the sentiments expressed in mine of the 2d, meet with yourExcellency's approbation, and shall readily confide in your direction, to make such use of it as you think proper. The two questions you ask do not admit of a precise answer. The rateof exchange ought by no means to be under four fifths; indeed I couldwish that it were higher, and am not without hopes of raising it; butthat must depend on circumstances, which I cannot command. The sum, which can be furnished to the French army monthly by the sale ofbills, admits still less than the other of being preciselyascertained. Let me add, Sir, that the sum, which your army may want, must greatly depend upon the measures, which may be taken to supplythem. Government ought to know its expenses precisely, if that werepossible. Upon this principle, it will be of use, that yourstipulations should be to pay a certain sum in France for everyration; consequently you will want no money here for that purpose. I wish it were in my power to reply more pointedly, for I am wellconvinced of the importance of information on that subject. Whenever Iam in a condition to know more, I shall readily communicate to you theextent of my inquiries. But while it is my determination to speak toyou with that confidence, which your ingenuous conduct has merited, Iam equally determined neither to compromise myself nor mislead you, byrelying on unfounded conjecture. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS. Office of Finance, August 4th, 1781. Sir, On the 23d of June last, the United States in Congress assembled, directed me to take measures for the speedy launching and equippingthe ship America, and directed the Board of Admiralty to assign to methe share of the United States, in the prizes taken by Captain Barry, to enable me to carry their orders into effect. By a letter from the Navy Board in the eastern district, dated the18th of July at Boston, it appears, that the greater part of thismoney is already expended, and that more is wanting to fit the Deaneand Alliance for sea. Congress have referred this letter to me, and inconsequence, as I am convinced that expense will constantly accruewhile those vessels continue in port, I request of your Excellency tofurnish to the Navy Board, such moneys as may be necessary to fit themout, with all possible expedition. I must further entreat to befavored with an account of the sums furnished, that they may becarried to the credit of your State on the late requisitions ofCongress, and the Navy Board to be debited with them in the treasurybooks. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE GOVERNORS OF DELAWARE, MARYLAND, AND NEW JERSEY. Philadelphia, August 4th, 1781. Sir, Being obliged to go to camp on public business, I shall set off thisday. During my absence, it is highly probable that the service mayrequire various applications to your Excellency. Should this be thecase, they will be made to you by Mr Gouverneur Morris, who is myofficial assistant. I am, therefore, to pray the same attention tohis letters as if they were written by me. With great respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. [40] FOOTNOTES: [40] _August 4th. _ Having omitted in my minutes to make mention of theassistance I have received from Gouverneur Morris, I think it properto declare, that he has most cheerfully afforded me every advice andassistance, which his genius and abilities enabled him to afford, frommy first appointment to this time; and that I found him so capable anduseful as to induce me to solicit his assistance in an officialcharacter, which having readily consented to, I made a verbalengagement with him, since confirmed by my letter of appointment, dated on the 6th of July last, being the date of the Acts of Congress, which fixes a salary for my assistant, and he is of course entitled tothat salary from date. _Diary. _ * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Camp, August 13th, 1781. Sir, The orders of Congress, which we have the honor to communicate, directing us to confer with your Excellency on the subject of theproposed numbers and arrangements of the army for the next campaign, not having pointed out the reasons for inducing the measure, we havethe honor to lay before you our ideas on the subject, so far as we areacquainted with the matter, from a long conference at which we werepresent in Philadelphia, held by a committee of Congress, theSuperintendent of Finance, and the Board of War, pursuant to aresolution of Congress, with a copy of which your Excellency has beenfurnished. After the full conversation with which we were honored on the 12thinstant, it is unnecessary to enter at large into those reasons, or tourge the pressing necessity of economising our affairs so as to makeour revenues in a great degree meet our expenses. Your Excellency mustbe equally sensible with us of the necessity, and we are perfectlyconvinced that you are disposed to assist in every measure tending topromote so desirable an object. You are also sensible of the impolicyof calling on the States for men or money, in numbers or quantities soextensive as to excite among even the zealous and considerate, ideasof the impracticability of carrying on the war on such terms. Demandsof this nature, instead of animating to exertions, are only productiveof hopeless languor. Your mortifying experience of the inadequatecompliance of the States heretofore, with your former requisitions, will explain the motives inducing to the expediency of moderatingthose demands, so as to render them productive, and in case of failureto leave the delinquent State without excuse. Your Excellency has nodoubt considered that the class of men who are willing to becomesoldiers is much diminished by the war, and therefore the difficultiesof raising an army equal to former establishments has increased, andwill continue to increase, and embarrass the States in their measuresfor filling up their quotas, should the mode of recruiting the army becontinued in the present line. You will also have considered, that theenemy proportionably debilitated by war, is incapable of opposing tous the force we originally had to encounter; and, therefore, thenecessity of such extensive levies as we formerly raised, seems to bein some measure superseded. In what degree the forces of these States should be decreased, we donot pretend to determine, leaving this to your Excellency's betterjudgment. But from past experience it appears, that the States areincapable of bringing into the field an army equal to that called forby the last arrangement; or, if all the demands of Congress on theStates become merely pecuniary it does not seem probable that they canor will furnish money for raising, equipping, and supporting such anarmy. We wish we were capable, from any information we are possessed of, toassist your Excellency in the investigation of the subject withrespect to the probable designs or force of the enemy the nextcampaign. This must in its nature depend upon contingencies at presenteven beyond conjecture. At this time, therefore, in our apprehension, the only solid grounds of procedure is to consider what force theseStates are capable of producing. Having thus, in general, mentioned the ideas which have arisen on thesubject, we beg to leave the matter to your consideration, and takethe liberty of proposing the following queries, after further statingthat it has been thought that it would be expedient, in case of areform, to lessen the number of regiments so as to make fewercommissioned officers and privates in the regiments. It has beensupposed that a considerable saving would arise from this measure, bynot having so many officers in full pay, with their horses, servants, baggage, and other consequent expenses in the field. Or if they remainin quarters from want of commands, they are in a situationdisagreeable to their own feelings, and uselessly expensive to thepublic. We presume that gentlemen qualified for staff officers, andthat artificers and other persons employed by the staff department, should not come into the calculation, as the officers at the head ofthose departments should be enabled to carry on their business withouttaking men from the line, a practice introduced from necessity, veryprejudicial to discipline, and productive of pernicious consequencesby lessening the effective force of the army. Quere 1. Is a reduction of the number of the officers and men, asfixed by the last arrangement, expedient or proper? 2. How can the reduction be brought about, consistently with the goodof the service? and what arrangement should be made in consequence ofthis resolution? The answer to the above queries will no doubt include the number ofmen necessary for the next campaign, and the organization of them soas to designate the numbers of regiments, and the numbers in thoseregiments, both of commissioned and non-commissioned officers andprivates, as well regimentally as by companies. The expediency ofhaving fewer regiments of artillery and horse, and of consolidatingthe independent corps, will also, we presume, come into yourExcellency's consideration. 3. What periods of enlistment, under present circumstances, are mostproper to be adopted? 4. What regulation can be made to modify the practice of takingservants from the line by officers? and, on this head we beg leave tosubmit to your opinion a copy of a motion made in Congress on thissubject. 5. What is to be done with officers by brevet, or those who have noparticular commands? Can they not be placed in the regiments, orretire on half pay? 6. Would it be practicable, consistent with justice, and the good ofthe service, to call into actual service officers who have retired onhalf pay, by the former arrangement, to fill vacancies happening inthe lines to which they respectively belong? We have the honor to be, with much regard, &c. ROBERT MORRIS, RICHARD PETERS. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS. Head Quarters, Dobbs's Ferry, } August 17th, 1781. } Dear Sir, I have in confidence imparted to you the alteration of our late plan, and made you acquainted with our intended operations. Besides theprovision necessary at the head of the Elk to carry the troops downthe bay, a very considerable quantity will be wanted in Virginia. Ishould suppose three hundred barrels of flour, as many of salt meat, and eight or ten hogsheads of rum, would be sufficient, at the Elk. For what will be consumed in Virginia, I imagine the order must begeneral, as we can neither ascertain the number of men which will bedrawn together, or the time they will be employed. I have written to the Count de Grasse, and have requested him to sendup his light vessels of every kind to the Elk; but I would, nevertheless, wish to have all that may be at Baltimore, and the upperparts of the bay, secured. I shall therefore be obliged to you, totake measures at the proper time for that purpose. When that time willbe, and when you shall give orders for the deposit at the Elk, I willhereafter inform you. I shall direct the Quarter Master in due season to take up all thesmall craft in the Delaware, for the purpose of transporting thetroops from Trenton to Christiana. Should he have occasion for adviceor assistance from you on this occasion, I most request you to givehim both. I am confident it will be necessary to give the American troops, destined for Southern services, one month's pay in specie. This willamount to about ---- dollars. If it will be possible for you toprocure this sum, you will infinitely oblige me, and will much benefitthe service. I shall also stand in need of a sum of specie for secretservices; I suppose about five hundred guineas. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Office of Finance, August 22d, 1781. Dear Sir, I arrived in town the day before yesterday. Having taken the earliestopportunities to acquire information, I am sorry to inform you, that Ifind money matters in as bad a situation as possible. The exchange, bythe concourse of venders, has run down to five shillings, and billsare offered at that rate in such great numbers, as to command all themoney which is to be disposed of; so that reducing the price of billsstill lower, would not command money, or answer any other goodpurpose. The paper of this State, (Pennsylvania) is indeed appreciating; but toissue it, in the present moment, would destroy in embryo all my hopesfrom that quarter, cut off the only resource which I have the chanceof commanding, and shake a confidence which has been reposed in me, and which the public interest calls upon me to cherish. I am sorry toobserve, in consequence, that you must expect to meet withdisappointments; but I assure you, that I will make every possibleexertion to place you in the most eligible situation which my meanswill admit of. I am, Sir, your most obedient, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE GOVERNORS OF NEW JERSEY AND DELAWARE. Office of Finance, August 22d, 1781. Sir, I have, in a former letter, forwarded to your Excellency, an accountof the specific supplies, which Congress had demanded from your State. It now becomes my duty again to press for a compliance with thosedemands. The exigencies of the service require immediate attention. Weare on the eve of the most active operations; and should they be inanywise retarded by the want of necessary supplies, the most unhappyconsequences may follow. Those who may be justly chargeable withneglect, will have to answer for it to their country, their allies, tothe present generation, and to posterity. I hope, entreat, expect, theutmost possible efforts on the part of your State; and confide in yourExcellency's prudence and vigor to render those efforts effectual. I beg to know, most speedily, Sir, what supplies are collected, andat what places; as also the times and places at which the remainder isto be expected. I cannot express to you my solicitude on thisoccasion. My declaration to Congress, when I entered upon my office, will prevent the blame of ill accidents from lighting upon me, even ifI were less attentive than I am; but it is impossible not to feel mostdeeply on occasions where the greatest objects may be impaired ordestroyed, by indolence or neglect. I must, therefore, again reiteratemy requests; and while I assure you, that nothing but the urgency ofour affairs would render me thus importunate, I must also assure you, that while those affairs continue so urgent, I must continue toimportune. With all possible respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. [41] FOOTNOTES: [41] _August 21st. _ During my stay it camp, I had constantapplications for money from almost everybody, as all had claims on thepublic. I took with me only one hundred and fifty guineas; and, finding so many demands, I thought it best to satisfy none, thereforebrought the money back. I had conferences with the Quarter MasterGeneral, Paymaster General, Clothier General, Commissary General ofIssues, Director General of the Hospitals, and with many otherpersons; but as these chiefly ran on the wants of themselves andothers employed in their departments, I could only recommend thestrictest economy in their expenditures, that I might thereby be thebetter warranted in making reasonable requisitions from the severalStates; always promising what I mean most punctually to perform, thatis, to use my utmost endeavors to establish such revenues, as willenable the regular payment of their salaries and other just demands;but always concluded with assuring them, that this ultimately dependedon the several Legislatures, which could only be induced to grant suchrevenues from a conviction, that their grants would be faithfully andfrugally used. I made the same observations to the general officersand others, who spoke to me on money matters. _Diary. _ * * * * * TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. Office of Finance, August 23d, 1781. Sir, I am just returned from the head quarters of the Commander in Chief, where I have been for some days, in order to confer with him on thevarious military operations and arrangements, as far as they areconnected with the duties of my department. Of consequence the defenceof that valuable part of Virginia now invaded, became much a subjectof consideration, and I am happy to inform you, that every measurewill be pursued for its safety, which is consistent with the generalobjects of the war. The force in Virginia ought to be very considerable, for reasons, which it is unnecessary to mention to you, who are so well acquaintedwith the country. But it is necessary to observe that the supplies tothis force must be proportionably great. I have already done myselfthe honor to transmit to your Excellency an account of specificsupplies, which have been required by Congress. Virginia standsdebited for the whole, and it is not in my power, perhaps not inyours, to state as yet the credit side of that account. Let, however, the amount of the articles already furnished, be what it may, this atleast is certain, that I have the command of no money from the severalStates, which will serve to maintain a force in Virginia. Much, therefore, must depend on the provisions and forage, which that Statecan call forth. It is necessary for me to inform the General what reliance can be madeon your resources, and it is also necessary, that this informationshould be just. Your Excellency must perceive, that his arrangementswill greatly depend upon my communication; and therefore you willneed no incitement to transmit to me as soon as possible the answersto my inquiries. Let me then entreat, Sir, to know what quantity of flour, beef, andpork, both fresh and salted, and what quantity of hay and Indian corn, or other forage, can be delivered by the State of Virginia, at whatplaces, and by what times. I shall also be happy to be informed, wherethe tobacco required of your State is deposited, that I may takeproper measures for the disposal of it. With all possible respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO MESSRS LE COUTEULX & CO. Office of Finance, Philadelphia, } August 26th, 1781. } Gentlemen, My former letters advised you of the sundry bills I had drawn on youto the 2d day of this month, being numbered from one to one hundredand thirtyone inclusive, and amounting to five hundred and twentyonethousand, six hundred and thirtyfour livres, sixteen sous, and eightdernier tournois, as you will perceive by a copy of a list of saidbills, herein enclosed. To which you will find added the list ofsundry bills drawn on the 10th instant, numbered one hundred andthirtytwo to one hundred and fiftyeight inclusive, all at sixty days'sight, in favor of Mr Haym Solomans, amounting to two hundred and onethousand, three hundred and twentythree livres, eight sous tournois. On the 8th of this month I had occasion to visit his ExcellencyGeneral Washington at camp, and at my departure I left these billssigned. They were sold during my absence, and I pray that they may beduly honored. You will be enabled to pay these punctually, as hisExcellency the Minister Plenipotentiary of France has engaged, thatfive hundred thousand livres tournois, should be placed with you forthat purpose; of course you will have received one million of livres, subject to my drafts, and I shall continue to pass them on you asoccasion may require. On the 17th of July last, I drew one hill on you at sixty days, infavor of Robert Smith, or order, for five hundred thousand livres, butthat bill is either sunk, or has fallen into the enemy's hands, therefore should it ever appear it must be refused as a fraud. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS. Chatham, August 27th, 1781. Dear Sir, Accounts brought by several vessels to Philadelphia, and to theeastward, leave little doubt but that the Count de Grasse must havealready arrived in the Chesapeake, or that he must be very soon there. The Count de Rochambeau and myself have therefore determined, that notime ought to be lost in making preparations for our transportationfrom Trenton to Christiana, and from the head of the Elk down theChesapeake. I have written by this opportunity to Colonel Miles, andhave directed him immediately to engage all the proper kind of craftfor the navigation of the Delaware, which can be found inPhiladelphia, or in the creeks above and below it; and as your advicemay be useful to him, more especially as far as respects procuring thevessels at a distance from Philadelphia, I have desired him to waitupon you for that purpose. I shall also be obliged to you for using your influence with thegentlemen of Baltimore to permit any vessels, which may be in thatport to come up to the Elk to assist us in transportation. I havelittle doubt, from the cheerfulness with which they furnished theMarquis de Lafayette last winter, that they will comply with yourrequisition on the present occasion. But lest there should be anecessity for the interference of the Executive of the State, I havewritten to Governor Lee, upon that and other matters. I enclose theletter under flying seal for your information, and you will be goodenough to forward it by a chain of expresses, which is established. Any vessels, which may be procured in the Chesapeake, shouldrendezvous as soon as possible in Elk river. You will be pleased to make the deposit of flour, rum, and salt meat, at the head of the Elk, which I requested in a former letter. I am very fearful, that about fifteen hundred barrels of saltprovisions, and thirty hogsheads of rum, which I directed to be sentfrom Connecticut and Rhode Island, under convoy of the Count deBarras, would not have been ready when the fleet sailed from Newport. Should that have been the case, the disappointment will be great. Iwould wish you to see whether a like quantity of those articles can beprocured in Philadelphia, or in Maryland, if we should find that theyhave not gone round from the eastward. I must entreat you if possible to procure one month's pay in speciefor the detachment, which I have under my command. Part of the troopshave not been paid anything for a long time past, and have uponseveral occasions shown marks of great discontent. The service theyare going upon, is disagreeable to the northern regiments, but I makeno doubt, that a _douceur_ of a little hard money would put them inproper temper. If the whole sum cannot be obtained, a part of it willbe better than none, as it may be distributed in proportion to therespective wants and claims of the men. The American detachment will assemble in this neighborhood today. TheFrench army tomorrow. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * TO DONALDSON YEATES. Office of Finance, August 28th, 1781. Sir, The express which carries this letter will bring you one from ColonelMiles, on the same subject. It is necessary, that vessels be procuredas speedily us possible, to transport a body of from six to seventhousand men from the head of the Elk to Virginia, with theirnecessary apparatus. You will, therefore, collect them at the head ofthe Elk, on the 5th of September, and us soon after as may be, engagethem by the day on the cheapest terms you can, to be paid in hardmoney, and obtain as long a credit as possible. There will be littleor no risk of the vessels, and therefore you may insure them to theowners, if that will tend to obtain them either sooner or cheaper. Theexpress has letters to William Smith and Matthew Ridley, ofBaltimore, on this subject, and they will give you their advice andassistance, as will some other gentlemen, to whom I have written, should either be necessary. He has also letters to the Governor ofMaryland, who will I am confident give every aid, which the Executiveauthority of the State can afford. You will therefore either apply tothe Governor or not, as circumstances shall require. Any engagements you enter into on this account, shall be fulfilled;but I must again request, that you will be as economical as the natureof the business will permit. I expect and rely on the exertion of yourutmost industry and attention and am, Sir, very respectfully, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO B. FRANKLIN. Philadelphia, August 28th, 1781. Sir, Herewith I send you triplicates of my letters of the 13th and 14th ofJuly last, and duplicates of my letters of the 19th and 21st of Julylast. I have not yet executed the plan mentioned in mine of the 21stof July, of drawing bills on you, for reasons, which it is notnecessary to enumerate at present. Since my letter to you of the 8th of June last, I have found itnecessary to apply to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty inthis place, to direct another sum of five hundred thousand livres tobe deposited with Messrs Le Couteulx &. Co. , and I am now drawingbills for that sum, wherefore I must pray your Excellency to takemeasures, that they be put in cash to answer my drafts. Although Ihave no doubt that this will be done on the Chevalier de la Luzerne'sapplication, yet as his letters may miscarry, or other unavoidablemisfortune happen, I take this additional precaution, because it is ofthe utmost importance to the United States, that these bills be dulyhonored. The last advices from Europe inform us of M. Necker's resignation andremoval, which occasions much speculation, as to the causes whichproduced this event. I should be glad to hear from you upon thatsubject. We learn from Boston the arrival of the frigate Magicienne, with alarge store ship laden with clothing, &c. For the United States;another store ship put back to Corunna, as is said, having beendismasted in a gale of wind. If this be so, it is a loss which will bemore easily supplied than that of the Lafayette, which ship we areinformed was taken and carried into England. Colonel Laurens's embarkation on board a frigate for this place, withmoney, is also announced, and I hope she will speedily arrive. TheBoston account of the 16th of August, mentions the arrival of theMagicienne in fifty days. If Colonel Laurens had then sailed, he mustnow have been out sixtytwo days, which is a very long period for asingle frigate to be engaged in that voyage. If that frigate arrivessafe, with five hundred thousand dollars, which is, as I am informed, on board of her, it will relieve me from many very great difficulties, which I have now to struggle with, and give a much better appearanceto our affairs, as it will enable us to operate with far more vigorand activity. It is now a very long time since we have had any tidings of Mr Adams. We have indeed been informed, though not from himself, that he hadopened a loan for a million of florins; but we are much in the darkas to the success of it, as well as many other particulars relative tohis situation, which would be very interesting. _September 7th, 1781. _ Since writing the above letter, Colonel Laurenshas come to this city from Boston, at which place he arrived in theResolve, with the two store ships under her convoy, after a passageuncommonly tedious. It is certainly unnecessary to mention how greatpleasure we have received from this occurrence. Another equally pleasing, is the arrival of the Count de Grasse in theChesapeake Bay, on the 30th of August, with twentyeight sail of theline, viz. One of one hundred and ten guns, three of eightyfour guns, nineteen of seventyfour guns, four of sixtyfour guns, and one of fiftyguns. The Count de Barras sailed from Rhode Island on the 24th, sothat probably he has before this made a junction with the Count deGrasse, although he had not on the 31st of August. A detachment ofabout seven thousand men is on the way to Virginia, of which about twothousand and five hundred were at the head of the Elk. As many moremust have arrived there this evening, and the remainder tomorrow. There are landed from the fleet, three thousand men, and we are toldthese will receive an addition of one thousand and five hundredmarines, besides the army under the command of the Marquis deLafayette, which was before in Virginia, and consists of about fivethousand, including the militia. Lord Cornwallis was entrenched atYork, in Virginia, with five thousand men. General Washington takesthe command of the southern army in person. The fleet under the Countde Grasse took on its way a packet from Charleston to Great Britain, on board of which was Lord Rawdon. From this combination ofcircumstances, you will perceive, that we have reason to flatterourselves with the expectation of pleasing occurrences. With the greatest respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Finance, August 28th, 1781. Sir, My circular letter to the Governors, of the 25th of July, a copywhereof was sent to Congress on the 6th of August, contains a solemnassurance, that all the accounts of the several States with the UnitedStates should be speedily liquidated, if I could possibly effect it, and that my efforts for that purpose should be unceasing. If afterthis declaration, I could possibly have forgotten it, the referencemade to me, on the 23d instant, of two letters from the State ofMassachusetts and a report on them of the 14th instant, would havecalled for an immediate attention. I have thought much on this subject and feel very anxious about it. The settlement of those accounts is of the utmost importance, for, until it be completed, the States will persuade themselves into anopinion that their exertions are unequal. Each will believe in thesuperiority of its own efforts. Each claim the merit of having donemore than others; and each continue desirous of relaxing to anequality of the supposed deficiencies of its neighbors. Hence itfollows, that every day they become more and more negligent, adangerous supineness pervades the continent, and recommendations ofCongress, capable in the year 1775 of rousing all America to action, now lie neglected. The settlement of former accounts being considered as a thingforgotten, men, naturally reasoning from them to those which are nowpresent, conclude, that they also will drop into forgetfulness, andconsider everything not furnished as so much saved. The Legislatureswill not call forth the resources of their respective constituents. The public operations languish. The necessity of purchasing on creditenhances expense. The want of that credit compels to the use of force. That force offends. The country is daily more plunged in debt, and itsrevenues more deeply anticipated. A situation so dangerous calls formore accurate principles of administration, and these cannot toospeedily be adopted. The settlement of accounts is the first step, butit is necessary not only that this settlement be speedy but that it befinal; for, if it be not final, the disputes on that subject will havethe same baleful influence with those now subsisting. Disunion amongthe States must follow in the event. Disgust must take place in themoment. The same opprobrious indolence will continue, and in themeantime it is to little purpose, that our country abounds in men andsubsistence, if they cannot be called forth for her defence. All the requisitions of Congress upon the several States contain aprovision for future liquidation, when the quotas shall have beenascertained according to the article of confederation. The evilconsequences which have followed from this are very evident, and thegreat advantages which would have resulted from rendering everyappointment final and conclusive are equally evident. But those, who, on such ground, build a censure against Congress, ought to consider, that they could not act otherwise, before the confederation wascompleted. The changes which have already happened in the affairs of the severalStates at the different periods of the war are so great, that anyapportionment formerly made, however equitable then, would beinequitable now. To determine the quota, therefore, from the presentsituation, or from any particular moment of the past, must be equallyimproper. But the quotas must be determined at some period or other. If we suppose it already done, we shall clearly see how manyinconveniences would have been avoided, and how many advantagesgained. True it is, that let this final adjustment of the quota takeplace when it will, difficulties will arise by reason of those changesin the circumstances of the several States, which have been alreadymentioned. But those difficulties will be daily increased, and becomeat length insurmountable. If a final determination of past quotas weremade now, it must be arbitrary in some degree; but if we carry ourideas forward to the end of several years, it must be still morearbitrary. To attempt a settlement of accounts subject to afterrevision, and after determination, is still worse; for it is liable toevery objection, which lies against leaving them unsettled, to everydifficulty, which could attend the final settlement, and has theadditional evil, that by placing the several precise balancesimmediately before the eyes of Congress, they could take no step, which would not be charged with partiality. I will dwell no longer onthis subject, for I trust the United States in Congress will agreewith me in one leading position, that after taking a general view ofthe past, from the commencement of the war to the present moment, acertain rate or quota should be established for each State of thewhole expense now incurred, excepting the public debt of the UnitedStates. I will presently assign the reasons for this exception; butthat general position which I have advanced is the corner stone;without it nothing can be done, at least such is my conviction. Hencewe have the irresistible conclusions, 1st. That while a demand of Congress is the mere request of a loan, instead of a complete appointment of ---- it will not be attended to. 2dly. That while from the unsettled state of public accounts, theindividual States are led to suppose that there is a balance in theirfavor, by superior exertions for which they neither have, nor are liketo have any credit, they will relax their efforts. 3dly. That the final settlement of these accounts cannot take placeuntil the quotas be finally adjusted. 4thly. That a settlement of accounts, which is not final will [blankin the manuscript. ] I feel, therefore, a demonstration, that the past circumstances andsituations of the several States should be candidly reviewed, that theapportionment of all the past expenses should be made now, and that itshould be final. Thus, if the whole expense be stated at one hundred, each State would be declared chargeable with a certain number of partsof that hundred, and thus a standard will be established by which todetermine the proportion, let the amount be what it may. I know it isnot possible to do strict justice, but it is certain that lessinjustice will be done in this mode than any other, and that withoutadopting it nothing effectual can be done. After the proportion is fixed the principles on which to admit thevarious charges will next come into consideration. I know it will bedifficult to draw such a line as will apply to all cases, or whichwill be absolutely just even in those to which it does apply. Yetneither of these objections ought to prevent Congress from laying downthese general rules, which shall on the whole appear to be mostequitable. The various requisitions have been made payable at certaindays. The value, therefore, of the demand ought to be estimated at theday of payment fixed by each, and the proper mode of doing this wouldbe by the table of depreciation, formed the 29th day of July, 1780, inpursuance of the Act of Congress of the 28th day of June preceding. Itis possible that this table is not perfect; but we must remember, thatit has been fixed by the authority of the United States, and actedupon. It ought, therefore, to be adhered to; for there is always lessof inconvenience and danger in pursuing an established rule, than inthe frequent change of rules; because the former is at the worst onlya partial, but the latter is a general evil. Assuming then this tableas a standard, the account of the requisitions previous to the 18th ofMarch, 1780, will stand thus; by the resolutions of the 22d ofNovember, 1777, there is payable as follows. dollars. Ninetieths. January 1st, 1778, 1, 250, 000 dollars, equal to 857, 222 20 April 1st, 1778, 1, 250, 000 dollars, equal to 621, 423 55 July 1st, 1778, 1, 250, 000 412, 864 52 4 October 1st, 1778, 1, 250, 000 268, 472 2 By the resolutions of January 2d, 1779, and May 21st, 1779, there is payable by January 1st, 1780, 60, 000, 000 dollars, equal to 2, 042, 500 By the resolution of October 6th, 1779, payable by February 1st, 1780, 15, 000, 000, equal to 451, 041 60 March 1st, 1780, 15, 000, 000, equal to 401, 450 30 ---------- ---- 5, 054, 982 39 4 Thus the whole demand made on the States, from the beginning of thewar to the 1st of March, 1780, is but little more than five millionsof dollars. And yet this demand, moderate as it is, has not beencomplied with. By the various resolutions of Congress on the subject of requisitionsit is provided, that interest at six per cent shall be charged on thesums due, and allowed on the sums paid. The sums paid do, in noinstances, amount to the value of the demand, but each State has anaccount against the Union for advances, by supplies furnished ofvarious kinds, and by payments made to militia. As no taxes were laidby the States, the sums they expended were procured partly from thecontinental treasury and partly by the emission of State currency, which tended to depreciate the continental paper, and impede itscirculation. A consideration of the mischiefs arising from thiscircumstance will much diminish the merit, which is assumed from thoseadvances. If the State paper had not been issued, the same servicesmight have been performed by an equal sum of continental money, andthe general torrent of depreciation would then have swept away thoseexpenditures, which now exist as State charges. From hence it might instrictness be inferred, that the continent should not be charged forthe amount of State paper advanced, and that amount be estimated atits value when redeemed by the State, especially as Congress have notonly urged the States not to emit money, but even to call in what theyhad already emitted. But this inference would perhaps be rather toostrong. No such idea has been formerly advanced by Congress, andtherefore the States, not having had due notice, might conceive thedetermination at this late period to be inequitable. On the whole, therefore, it may be proper to estimate the sums paid bythem according to the rule already noticed, especially as the methodof redeeming the old continental money formerly adopted, will, ifpursued, work some degree of equality. For it will create a demand forthe old money in those States, which, by the amount of their ownemissions, have expelled it from themselves and forced it upon theirneighbors. There must, however, be a distinction made in the advancesof the several States; much of them has been for the pay and supportof the militia, and much of that for the private defence of particularStates, and of that again a part has frequently been unnecessary. Togo, at this late period, into a close investigation of the subject, isimpracticable, and perhaps dangerous. Neither would it answer anyvaluable purpose. Some general rule, therefore, must be adopted, andpropriety seems to require, that credit should be given only for thoseexpenditures on militia, which were previously authorised and requiredby express resolutions of Congress. With respect to all otherarticles, there is also to be noted a distinction between those whichwere furnished by the several States previously to the 22d ofNovember, 1777, when the first demand of money was made, and thosemade subsequently to that period. I would propose that the former, asalso the militia expenses not expressly authorised as above mentioned, should be taken together into one account, and the specie value of thewhole estimated. That the amount of both, throughout America, shouldbe apportioned by the same standard with the other expenses. And thatthe several actual expenditures of each State should be settled andliquidated with its proportional part of the whole, and the severalbalances carried to their respective debits and credits in the generalaccounts. These balances should bear interest at six per cent to the18th of March, 1780. Thus, suppose the whole of those expenses shouldamount to one million of dollars, and that the State A be held to paynine, and the State B ten parts out of every hundred; the State Awould be accountable for ninety thousand dollars, and the State B forone hundred thousand dollars. And if it should appear, that the formerhad paid one hundred thousand, and the latter only ninety thousand, the former would be credited, and the latter debited ten thousanddollars, with six per cent interest. I would propose, that the advances made by the several States, subsequent to the 22d of November, and prior to the 18th of March, 1780, excepting those to militia not authorised, should be estimatedas aforesaid, and carried to account regularly upon the advances ofmoney made to each from the Continental treasury, and theapportionment of the several demands made by Congress, in like mannerwith the moneys paid to their order. And that interest, at six percent, should be charged or credited upon the several balances, untilthe 18th of March, 1780. I would further propose, that on this day these balances, and thosebefore mentioned, should be liquidated together, and the finalcapitals be considered as principal sums, bearing interest at six percent. Thus, supposing the State A, in one account, to be credited tenthousand dollars, amounting, with interest, to eleven thousand, anddebited in the other account five thousand, amounting, with interest, to six; in that case, the final balance, on the 18th of March, wouldbe a credit of five thousand dollars. On the 18th of March, we come to a new and more enlightened era ofpublic accounts. The appointment formerly mentioned as preliminary toa settlement, will determine the quota due by each State for the twohundred millions of old Continental money, valued at forty for one. These resolutions of the 18th of March, 1780, not having been fullycomplied with, there appears to be a propriety in the following plan. 1st. To charge the several States with their proportions of it at thatrate. 2dly. To fix some future day for the full compliance with theresolution. 3dly. To receive old paper at the rate of forty for one, in dischargeof those proportions, until that day; and, 4thly. To charge the balances then unpaid in specie, with a debit andcredit of interest at six per cent in the manner before mentioned. I am sensible, that many persons now condemn the resolutions of the18th of March, and among these are found some of those who warmlyadvocated it previously to that period. It is not my business to enterinto arguments on the subject. Be those resolutions wise or unwise, they are acts of the sovereign authority, which have been obeyed bysome, if not by all, and therefore those who have obeyed ought not tosuffer by their obedience. They are acts for the redemption of billsissued by that sovereign, and they have formed the standard of publicopinion with respect to those bills. If, therefore, for argument'ssake, it were admitted, that the measure was impolitic and unjust, yet, now that it has taken place, there would certainly be bothinjustice and bad policy in altering it. The respective States haveeither obeyed it in the whole, or in part, or have totally neglectedit. The first have a right to insist upon a compliance with it. Thesecond must have so far accommodated themselves to it, as thatinterior mischiefs would arise from changing the system. And the last, whatever may be their claim to superior wisdom, will at leastacknowledge, that the precedent of disobedience once established, ourUnion must soon be at an end, and the authority of Congress reduced toa metaphysical idea. Besides, the claim of such States must ultimatelyrest on the foundation of their own neglect; and as this will alwaysbe in their own power, it will be sufficient to rear any argument forany purpose. By the resolutions of the 18th of March, 1780, ten millions of dollarsof new paper were to have been issued, whereof four millions were tobe at the order of Congress. By the resolutions of the 26th of August, 1780, three millions more were demanded. By the resolutions of the 4thof November, 1780, besides the specific supplies, an additional demandwas made of one million, six hundred and fortytwo thousand, ninehundred and eightyseven and two thirds dollars in money; and by theresolutions of the 16th of March, 1781, six millions more arerequired. These sums amount in the whole to fourteen millions, sixhundred and fortytwo thousand, nine hundred and eightyseven dollarsand two thirds. A very small part of this sum has yet been paid; butadmitting that there may have been circulated by the United States twomillions, six hundred and fortytwo thousand, nine hundred andeightyseven dollars and two thirds, twelve millions would still remaindue. If from this we deduct the whole of the new emissions, it wouldleave a balance of two millions. I propose, therefore, the followingplan. 1st. That no more of these new emissions be used on any pretence. 2dly. That as fast as the old Continental money is brought in, theseveral States be credited for the new emissions to have been issuedas specie, agreeably to the several resolutions of Congress upon thatsubject; and, 3dly. That on all those requisitions last mentioned, the money of thenew emissions of any particular State be received as specie. It is true that these propositions are liable to exception, but theyhave the great advantage of being consistent with former resolutionsof Congress, which should always be attended to as much as possible. I am sure that Congress must be convinced of this, for they are not tolearn, that authority is weakened by the frequent change of measuresand pursuits; that such changes injure the reputation of supreme powerin public opinion, and that opinion is the source and support of thesovereign authority. It is further to be observed, that the motivesfor complying with the resolutions of the 18th of March, will, if theabove plan is adopted, become very strong; for in that case, everyforty dollars of old Continental, paid by a State, will produce to thecredit side of its account three dollars in specie; because in thefirst place, the whole proportion of old Continental being changed atforty for one, and receivable until a certain day at the same rate, that payment will so far operate a discharge of one dollar; and in thesecond place, it will entitle the State to two dollars of the newemission, which not being issued, will also be carried to its creditupon its several requisitions. It will be in the wisdom of the United States, in Congress assembled, to determine whether after the expiration of the day to be fixed forthe above purpose, they will permit the possessors of the oldContinental money to bring it in loan at the rate of forty for one. Itis true, that this might operate against those States, who have notcomplied with the resolutions of the 18th of March, 1780, and who havenot now the old Continental to comply with it; but it is entirelyconsistent with the former resolutions of Congress, and the States arethemselves blamable for the neglect. Besides, those who now hold theContinental do it either from choice, because of their confidence inCongress, or from necessity, because it has been poured in upon themfrom those places where it was of inferior value, and thisinferiority was owing to the neglect of those States in not passingthe laws which Congress recommended. There is, therefore, a degree ofjustice and firmness in that measure, which will create confidence inthe future acts of the United States. Whatever principles may be established for settling these accounts, and however just they may be, many doubts will arise in theapplication of them. It must always be remembered, that the States areindependent; and that while they are pressed to a compliance withtheir duty, they must have full evidence, that Congress act fairly. Itmight therefore be proper, that for the settlement of their accounts, Commissioners should be chosen as follows; one by the State, one bythe United States, one by the other two, and the decision of themajority to be final. Hitherto I have taken no notice of the specific supplies called forfrom the several States. Many of these have been furnished, and manyremain to be provided. I would exclude them entirely from the otherpublic accounts; but as the apportionment so often mentioned, willgive a rule to go by, I shall continue to press for the supplies; orwhere they are not wanted, make such composition with the States inlieu of those which remain to be furnished, as the public serviceshall render most eligible. I have observed, that the public debts ought to be excepted from theapportionment of past expenses. The reason is clear. Those debts, orat least a great part of them, may subsist until the relative wealthof the States has entirely changed. Those who are now most rich, maybecome poor, and those who are poor, may become rich. This is not all;these debts are hitherto unfunded. The creditors have indeed thegeneral promise of government, and some of them have certificates asevidences of that promise; but until measures are taken to providesolid funds for the final payment, the public credit must languish. Toan enlightened mind, it is needless to debate on the advantagesresulting from national credit. Congress will doubtless pursue thesteps necessary for its perfect establishment. And this cannot beotherwise accomplished, than by raising taxes in hard money fromsources which must be productive and increasing. Those taxes must beso bound to the public creditors for the debts due to them, that theproduce cannot be diverted. These taxes ought to be raised from thesame articles, at the same rates, and in the same manner throughoutthe whole confederation; and consequently, a present apportionment ofthe public debts will be as unnecessary as it would be unjust. I think it my duty, while I am upon this subject, to mention myopinion, that in addition to the five per cent called for on articlesimported, and on prizes and prize goods, it would be proper toappropriate to the payment of the public debts, a land tax, a polltax, and an excise on spirituous liquors. I readily grant that neitherof these taxes would be strictly equal between the States, nor indeedcan any other tax be so, but I am convinced, that all of them takentogether, would be as nearly equal as the fluctuating nature of humanaffairs will permit. I am, however, to observe in addition, that theland tax should be laid at a certain rate per acre, because thesuperior certainty of such a tax will give it the preference ofothers, although it cannot perhaps be so great as might have beenexpected. Whatever inequalities may remain, must be adjusted amongindividuals, by the several States in raising their quotas, andalthough those quotas will be most considerable during the war, yetit must be remembered, that after the conclusion of it, such sums willbe necessary for the establishing a marine and other nationalpurposes, as will still enable the States to continue their interiorregulations for equalizing the general taxes. Among the public debts, there are a considerable number ofcertificates given by public officers to the citizens of the severalStates for articles occasionally taken for the public use. Withrespect to these certificates, it is unnecessary to mention, that theyhave anticipated the revenue, and brought us to the brink ofdestruction. But it is time to pay a particular attention to them. Many ways may be fallen upon for their liquidation, all of which areperhaps justly exceptionable. 1st. They may be consolidated with the rest of the public debt, and bemade payable at a future period; but this could only be by forcing aloan from the people, many of whom are unable to make it, and ofconsequence it would be a hard measure, if not an unjust one. Perhapsit could not be executed, for laws repugnant to the general feelingsof mankind are only a dead letter. 2dly. Another mode is by receivingthem in taxes, but this is very dangerous for several reasons, amongwhich, the two following are cogent. The public revenue will not bearsuch a heavy deduction at those certificates would create, and thecollectors of taxes would be liable to be defrauded themselves, or theremedy for that would give them opportunities of defrauding thepublic, which considering the natural bent and disposition of manymen, ought to be carefully provided against. A third mode would be, byturning over the holders of these certificates to their respectiveStates, and giving credit for them on account of the specificsupplies. This may in some degree become necessary in cases where thenegligence of the States on the one hand, and the necessities of thearmy on the other, have compelled to seize by force what ought to havebeen collected by law. But in many cases it cannot be done, and itwould be improper in many others where it is practicable. Among the bad consequences, which attend the present mode of supplyingour armies, or rather leaving them to supply themselves, it is one ofno small magnitude, that the officers who are compelled to themelancholy duty of plundering their fellow citizens, endeavor by thesum of their certificates, to compensate for the manner of taking aswell as for the value of the thing taken. Nor is that all; where thereis a disposition for fraud, an ample opportunity is afforded to commitit. Whatever may be the cause, I am informed, that these certificatesare for sums vastly beyond the value of the services and articlesobtained for them. The respective States would naturally be led togive to these certificates their specified value, and it cannot beexpected that they will scrutinise them so rigidly as they ought, ifthey are to be accepted in discharge of demands existing against theparticular State. To all these modes there are also some furtherobjections. Among which it is my duty to state the following. Theaccounts of the several staff officers still remain unsettled. Thecertificates given by them, if they are to be paid by the public, ought to be carried both to the debit and credit of their cashaccounts, and the articles obtained carried to their debit in theaccount of expenditures. Of consequence the amount of these lastdebits must depend much upon the amount of the certificates, andtherefore either the certificates given should be known, and theaccounts settled with those charges, or the account should besettled, and no other certificates allowed but such as are charged init. A further mode of liquidating these certificates would be, bypurchasing them from the holders; but it is needless to state anyother objections to it than the want of money, which is felt throughall our operations. There still remains this method. 1st. That at present those certificates should neither be receivablein taxes nor transferable. 2dly. That they should be taken up and examined in the course ofsettling the public accounts. 3dly. That they should be brought to the amount in specie, which thearticle procured, or service performed, was reasonably worth. 4thly. That where the sum due to any person on certificates is small, a bill for the amount should be given, payable at the distance of ayear. 5thly. That where the sum is large it should be divided into fivedifferent parts, and bills given payable in one, two, three, four, andfive years, calculating on each part an interest of six per cent, andadding it to the amount. As if for instance, the sum were one hundredpounds, then the bills would be for twentyone pounds four shillings, twentytwo pounds eight shillings, twentythree pounds twelve shillings, twentyfour pounds sixteen shillings, and twentyfive pounds. 6thly. That these bills should be drawn payable to the bearer, and insuch form as not to be counterfeited without great difficulty. 7thly. That they should be receivable in continental taxes, within anyof the States, as cash, at the times when they are respectively due, or if not so received, payable by the continental treasurer, or anyreceiver of the continental taxes, on demand, after collecting thetaxes, in which they were respectively receivable. In this way a credit would be obtained not only without injury, butprobably with advantage to the individual. The anticipation of thepublic revenue would not be very great, and, as a list of these noteswould be kept, the amount of every year's anticipation would beaccurately known. Exceptions may probably be found even to this mode, but unfortunately for us, we have only an alternative of difficulties. All which human prudence can do in such cases is to choose the least. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. Office of Finance, Philadelphia, } August 28th, 1781. } Sir, Whilst I was at Head Quarters, near Dobbs's Ferry, the determinationwas taken by his Excellency the Commander in Chief, to send a veryconsiderable force against the enemy's troops under Earl Cornwallis inVirginia; and immediately on my return hither, I did myself the honorto address your Excellency, respecting the specific supplies due fromthe State of Maryland to the United States, upon the requisitions ofCongress, of the 25th of February and 4th of November, 1780, wellknowing the whole balance due on these calls of Congress would, nowbecome absolutely necessary to the intended operations. I am very sensible that your government have upon all occasionsexecuted demands of Congress with a decision and vigor, which doesthem honor, and on that account I should decline saying anythingcalculated to stimulate their present exertions, did I not know, thateverything depends thereon. Virginia, North and South Carolina, havelong subsisted large armies, and that expense of provisions must cometo their credit. The New England States, New York, New Jersey, andPennsylvania, have supported, and must continue to support, the mainarmy. Pennsylvania will also contribute towards the support of thesouthern army, and her supplies will be directed both ways, ascircumstances may require. Delaware and Maryland must chiefly bedepended on. Virginia and North Carolina will, I hope, continue to doall they can. But your Excellency must be perfectly sensible, that Ihave not any funds wherewith to purchase supplies; no State in theUnion has hitherto supplied me with money, except Pennsylvania. But asthe money of that State is (in consequence of plans adopted for thatpurpose) very rapidly rising in value, it would be improper to call itinto circulation at present, when it is at the rate of only two forone, though it has been as low as seven, because the public interestwould thereby be injured, and indeed I might be charged with defeatingthe measures I myself had taken, in the very moment when they bidfairest for success. The security of your State, the safety of individuals and theirproperty are so immediately connected with the present operations, that I persuade myself your Excellency will receive every aid andsupport in your exertions, that you can wish, both from public bodiesand individuals. My dependence therefore, on receiving the suppliesfrom your State seems well founded. I have the honor to transmit your Excellency herewith a letter fromthe Commander in Chief on the same subject, which will add weight tomy entreaties. I have written to Donaldson Yeates, Quarter Master ofthe States of Maryland and Delaware, to procure immediately as manycraft or vessels suitable for transporting the troops from the head ofthe Elk to Virginia, as will carry about seven thousand men, with thenecessary provisions and apparatus. I have written to Mr Ridley, William Smith, and some others in Baltimore, to assist in procuringthese vessels, and should any application to your Excellency benecessary on this subject, I persuade myself, that the authority ofthe government or weight of its influence will be brought in aid ofthe Quarter Master's endeavors to procure the shipping. I have alsowritten to Mr Calhoun to know what part of the specific supplies hehas ready, and what prospects for the remainder. He must bestirhimself, as indeed must every person on whom the procuring of thesearticles depends. While the demands for the campaign are constantly transmitted to me, and so much depends upon the measures I am constantly taking toeconomise the public funds and facilitate our military operations, your Excellency will perceive that full, early, and accurateintelligence upon the various objects of my Department is of theutmost importance. I must, therefore, reiterate my requests for it. Toact from necessity and on the spur of occasion is not only the sourceof waste and extravagance, but frequently defeats plans otherwise thebest concerted, while on the other hand, that timely forecast andearly provision, which complete knowledge of circumstances can alonepermit of, will save much public money, and go very far to insurevictory to our arms. I am, with great respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. [42] FOOTNOTES: [42] _August 30th. _ Went out to meet his Excellency GeneralWashington, who arrived in this city about one o'clock, amidst theuniversal acclamations of the citizens, who displayed every mark ofjoy on the occasion. His Excellency alighted at the City Tavern, received the compliments of many gentlemen, who went out to escorthim, and of others who came there to pay him their respects, and thenadjourned to my house with his suit, Count de Rochambeau, theChevalier Chastellux, General Knox, General Moultrie, and others, todinner. The owners of several ships in the harbor ordered them outinto the stream, and fired salutes, whilst we drank, The UnitedStates, His Most Christian Majesty, His Catholic Majesty, The UnitedProvinces, The Allied Armies, Count de Grasse's speedy arrival, &c. &c. _Diary. _ * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES. Office of Finance, September 4th, 1781. Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose the plan of a National Bank, which Ilaid before the United States in Congress assembled on the 17th day ofMay last, and which was adopted by them on the 26th. I have now thepleasure to inform your Excellency, that an election for Directorswill be held in this city on the 1st day of November next. It is important that the execution of this plan be facilitated as muchas possible, and particularly that of it which relates to thecurrency of the bank notes. The inhabitants of the United Statesalready suffer from the want of a circulating medium. Of consequencethe taxes must soon press heavily on the people. My feelings conspirewith my duty in prompting me to alleviate those burdens. Therefore Ipray the speedy attention of your Legislature to that resolution, bywhich the notes are to be receivable in payment of all taxes, duties, or debts due, or that may become due or payable to the United States. I do not doubt either the credit or currency of bank notes, but I wishto render them equally useful to America in the individual as well ascollective capacity, and to supply the necessities of the husbandmanas well as the merchant. I shall not at present mention the otherarticles to be attended to; nor will I adduce any arguments in favorof my present proposition, as it is evidently calculated for the easeand benefit of the people you preside over. I hope, however, that yourLegislature will not only pass the proper laws to make bank notesreceivable in the manner mentioned in the resolution, but that it willbe done soon. With all possible respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. [43] FOOTNOTES: [43] _September 5th. _ The Commander in Chief having repeatedly urged, both by letter and in conversation, the necessity of advancing amonth's pay to the detachment of troops marching to the southward, under the command of Major General Lincoln, and my funds and resourcesbeing at this time totally inadequate to make that advance, and at thesame time answer the various demands that are indispensable, I madeapplication to the Count de Rochambeau for a loan of twenty thousandhard dollars, for such time as his military chest could, withoutinconvenience, spare that sum, promising repayment at the time heshould name. I was desired to meet the Count at the Chevalier de la Luzerne'shouse, which I did on Wednesday the 5th instant, where I met the saidMinister, Count de Rochambeau, and General Chastellux. They informedme of their strong desire to comply with my request, but that theirtreasury was at present not well filled, considering the daily drainsupon it, and that although they had money arrived at Boston, it wouldrequire six or eight weeks to get it from thence, that although theyexpected money by the fleet of Count de Grasse, yet it was not thenarrived, and of course that supply was less certain than the other;that the Intendant and the Treasurer were set out for the head of theElk, and their consent was necessary however, they concluded thissubject with requesting that I should ride down to Chester, where weshould overtake those gentlemen, and if it were possible onconsideration of all circumstances they would supply the moneyrequired. General Washington was extremely desirous, that the troops shouldreceive their month's pay, as great symptoms of discontent hadappeared on their passing through this city without it. This affairbeing considered of great importance, I desired Mr Gouverneur Morris, my assistant, to accompany me, on account of his speaking fluently theFrench language. We set out at three o'clock for Chester, and on theroad met an express from General Washington, who left us in themorning to join his troops at the head of the Elk, with the agreeablenews of the safe arrival of Count de Grasse and his fleet in theChesapeake. This news I received with infinite satisfaction on everyaccount, and among the rest one reason was the facility it would givethe French treasury in complying with my views, and this I found wasactually the case, as Count de Rochambeau very readily agreed atChester to supply at the head of the Elk twenty thousand hard dollars, to such person as I should appoint to receive them. I engaged toreplace the same sum in their treasury by the 1st day of October next. On Thursday forenoon I returned to this city about twelve o'clockhaving been impeded in my journey by meeting the last division of theFrench army, their artillery, and baggage on the road. On my return Iimmediately despatched Mr Philip Audibert, Deputy Paymaster General, to the head of the Elk, with orders to receive the money, pay thetroops, &c. Agreeably to instructions given him in writing. In theconferences with Count de Rochambeau and General Chastellux, theyasked whether, if upon any occasion their treasury should stand inneed of temporary aids, I thought they could procure loans in thiscity. I answered, that money is very scarce, that the people who haveproperty generally keep it employed, and that no certain dependencecan be placed on any given sums, but that I knew the people to be verygenerally disposed to assist our generous allies, and should suchoccasions offer, I was certain they would exert themselves; and as tomy own part they might on every occasion command my utmost services, assistance, and exertions, both as a public officer, and as anindividual. I mentioned to them again the affair of exchange, showingthat they had reduced the price below what it had been raised to by mymeasures, and requested that in future when they expected to raisemoney by bills, they should in good time previously lodge them withthe Minister, and that on his giving me timely notice, I would causethe most advantageous sale to be made of them, and deliver him themoney without any other charge or deduction, than the expense of thebrokerage. I observed, that this mode of proceeding was now became essentiallynecessary, as there is no general market for bills of exchange to thesouthward, but that Philadelphia, in that respect, is as Boston to theeastern States. They answered, that they expected to procure theirsupplies with money, without occasion to draw bills, but if ithappened otherwise they would pursue my advice. In regard to thearticles of provisions, forage, wood, transportation, &c. Necessaryfor their army, and which, when at camp, I had offered to procure forthem on the same terms as for the continental army, by contract, Iproposed to postpone that matter, as it might be best to continuetheir present method of supplies during the active scenes they arelikely to be engaged in, as their Agents have given satisfaction, andare acquainted in the country where they are going, and that I couldadvertise for proposals to supply them the ensuing winter, and laybefore them such offers or proposals as I should receive. Thisappeared very satisfactory, and here that subject rests for thepresent. _Diary. _ * * * * * TO THE COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU. Office of Finance, September 6th, 1781. Sir, In consequence of the conversation I had the honor to hold with yourExcellency yesterday, and your promise to supply the United Stateswith the sum of twenty thousand dollars, for an immediate purpose, tobe replaced on the 1st day of October next, I have directed Mr PhilipAudibert, the bearer of this letter, to wait upon you. I shall bemuch obliged to your Excellency if you will be pleased to direct, thatthe above sum be paid to Mr Audibert, and that duplicate receipts betaken of him, one of which I pray may be transmitted to me. I willtake care that the money be replaced at the time agreed upon. Withevery wish for the most brilliant success to the allied arms, and foryour own personal glory, I am, very respectfully, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Chester, September 6th, 1781. Dear General, Permit me most sincerely to congratulate you on the arrival of theFrench fleet, and to express my warmest wishes for the success of yourfuture operations. As soon as I arrive at Philadelphia, I shall give directions for theDeputy Paymaster to repair to the head of the Elk, and make thepayment of a month's pay in specie to the detachment under the commandof General Lincoln. I wish the States had enabled me to do more, butit is to be lamented, that the supineness of the several Legislaturesstill leaves the servants of the public to struggle with unmeriteddistresses. It shall, however, be a part of my business to rouse them intoexertion, and I hope soon to see the army better paid than heretofore, and I confide, that your Excellency will, with every other publicofficer, exert your influence to aid me in this necessary task. With the greatest respect, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS. Head of the Elk, September 6th, 1781. Dear Sir, Every day discovers to me the increasing necessity of some money forthe troops. I hope by this time you are provided to give a month'spay. I find it of the last importance to hasten forward myself to jointhe Marquis de Lafayette as soon as possible. I may leave this in afew hours; I cannot do it, however, without entreating you in thewarmest terms to send on a month's pay at least, with all theexpedition possible. I wish it to come on the wings of speed. I am, Dear Sir, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS. Head of the Elk, September 7th, 1781. Dear Sir, I have received your two favors of yesterday. I find myself so pressedby circumstances, that it will be impossible for me to stay at thisplace till the payment of the money committed to Mr Audibert can beeffected. I must leave the head of the Elk this afternoon or earlytomorrow morning. I shall however leave instructions with GeneralLincoln to do all that is necessary on the occasion. The sum of twenty thousand dollars will fall much short of the sumnecessary. The five hundred guineas on my own account I have received. I have the honor to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. * * * * * TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Office of Finance, September 10th, 1781. Dear Sir, The sole intent of this is to acknowledge the receipt of your twoletters of the 7th instant; that which related to the month's pay youwould see was answered by the steps previously taken, but I am a gooddeal disappointed and put to inconvenience by the money at the Elkfalling short of the object, which obliges me to send money thitherthat was absolutely necessary to fulfil my engagements here. I muststruggle through these difficulties, but the doing so requires thatattention and time, which ought to be bestowed upon greater objects. The letter respecting the criminal was too late, the poor fellow wasgone. I am sorry for it, and remain your Excellency's most obedient, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. [44] FOOTNOTES: [44] _September 18th. _ Several members of Congress and others calledon me last evening, desirous to know the reasons for my writing to MrJay a letter of the 15th of August last, which being intercepted, Rivington has published, and graced with his remarks, wherein I directMr Jay to protest certain bills of exchange drawn by authority ofCongress. The explanation is easily given, as the ship on board whichI had remitted these bills was taken. The moment I knew her fate, Ijudged it proper to stop payment of the bills, lest the enemy, withtheir usual cunning, might attempt to procure the money; but I am nowof opinion, that the Captain sunk them when captured. _Diary. _ * * * * * B. FRANKLIN TO ROBERT MORRIS. Passy, September 12th, 1781. Dear Sir, I have received your letters of July 13th, 14th, 19th, and 21st, allat once, by way of L'Orient. The originals of those you mention tohave sent by Major Franks are not yet come to hand, nor have I heardof his arrival in Spain. Your letters of June 6th and 8th were remarkably lucky in getting tohand. I think I have received seven of the copies you had theprecaution to send of them. I enclose copies of my answers. I have now the pleasure to acquaint you, that I have obtained apromise of the sum I wanted to pay the bills I had accepted for thepurchases made in Holland; so that your supplying me with remittancesfor that purpose, which I requested, is now unnecessary, and I shallfinish the year with honor. But it is as much as I can do, with theaid of the sum I stopped in Holland; the drafts on Mr Jay and on MrAdams much exceeding what I had been made to expect. I had been informed, that the Congress had promised to draw no morebills on Europe, after the month of March last, till they should knowthey had funds here; but I learn from Mr Adams, that some bills havebeen lately presented to him, drawn June 22d, on Mr Laurens, who isin the tower, which makes the proceeding seem extraordinary. Mr Adamscannot pay these bills, and I cannot engage for them; for I see by theminutes of Congress you have sent me, that though they have stoppedissuing bills drawn on the Ministers at Madrid, and the Hague, untilthey shall be assured that funds are provided for paying them, theyhave left open to be sold those drawn on their Minister at Versailles, funds or no funds; which, in the situation you will see I am in by theletters of the Count de Vergennes, terrifies me; for I have promisednot to accept any drafts made on me by order of Congress, if suchshould be after the time above mentioned, unless I have funds in myhands, or in view, to pay them. After its being declared to me, thatsuch bills could not be provided for, and my promise not to engage forthem, it will be impossible to ask for the money, if I should acceptthem; and I believe those bills of Mr Ross must go back protested. The projected loan in Holland has of late some appearances of success. I am indeed told it is agreed to by the States; but I do not yet thinkit so certain as to venture, or advise the venturing, to act inexpectation of it. The instant it is assured, I will send you adviceof it by every opportunity, and will, from time to time, send parts ofit in cash by such ships of war as can conveniently take it. I cannot write to you fully by this opportunity. I will not, however, delay acquainting you, that having the fullest confidence in yourassurances of enabling me to pay them, I shall cheerfully accept yourbills for four hundred thousand livres. Captain Gillon has sailed from Holland, without taking under hisconvoy the two vessels that were freighted to carry the goodspurchased by Captain Jackson, in Holland. There has been terriblemanagement there; and from the confusion in the ship, before and whenshe sailed, it is a question if she ever arrives in America. They are hard at work here, in providing the supplies to replace thoselost in the Marquis de Lafayette. With best wishes of success to you in your new employment, andassurances of every aid I can afford you, I am, Dear Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN. * * * * * TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Finance, September 20th, 1781. Sir, His Excellency the Count de Rochambeau having generously made me avery considerable advance of money, I was thereby enabled to give thedetachment of our army under General Lincoln, one month's pay, whichwas earnestly pressed upon me by the Commander in Chief. I promised M. De Rochambeau, that I would replace the sum borrowed, on the first ofnext month, wherever the army should then be. The movement which lately took place to the southward, has beenattended with a variety of expenses, which have been very heavy, andhave absorbed all the money I could command, notwithstanding whichmany demands still remain unsatisfied, so that I cannot obtain thesums necessary for the service from any ordinary means. As it is probable that the moneys which the Count de Grasse hasbrought, will prevent any immediate want by the fleets or armies ofhis Most Christian Majesty in the States of Maryland and Virginia, Iam induced to believe, that no inconvenience would arise fromdelaying the payment, until the money in Boston shall be broughtforward, which will be speedily, as a very active person has gone forit, who will lose no time in the business committed to him. Should your Excellency be of this opinion, I shall be glad if you willsignify it to me, and if that be in your power, that you will extendthe time when payment is to be made. But if you think the money mustbe forwarded to Virginia immediately, you may depend that I willinstantly endeavor to procure it, and although that cannot be done butwith great difficulty and much loss, yet nothing shall deter me fromcomplying with my engagements. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA. Office of Finance, September 20th, 1781. Sir, I am honored with your Excellency's letter of this date, and mostsincerely wish my situation was such as to justify a promise of aid, equal to the present necessities; I mean the necessities that will becreated by the call of the militia at this time, but unluckily thelate movements of the army have so entirely drained me of money, thatI have been obliged to pledge my personal credit very deeply in avariety of instances, besides borrowing money from my friends, andadvancing, to promote the public service, every shilling of my own. Inthis situation I was preparing an application to the honorable Counciland Assembly for relief from my advances, from the State ofPennsylvania, and this will be the more necessary, as this alarmwhilst it lasts will cut off all possibility of recruiting thetreasury. Those who possess hard money will keep it, and those whohave demands will become more eager for payment, therefore, all I canpromise is the use of my credit, and an exertion of any influence Imay have in favor of such measures as may be deemed necessary. At thesame time I do not recede from my first opinion, that the enemy do notmeditate any attack on this city. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. [45] FOOTNOTES: [45] _September 21st. _ At one o'clock I waited on the President of theState of Pennsylvania, at his house in Market Street, and met there MrPeters and Mr Cornell, of the Board of War, General St Clair, GeneralIrvine, and General Irwin, of the militia. This conference lasted aconsiderable time, and in its consequences took up the rest of theday. I gave it as my opinion, that Sir Henry Clinton did not intendfor this city, nevertheless, as the inhabitants are alarmed anduneasy, I agreed to the propriety of being prepared, although Ilamented the expense such preparations would put us to. I advised theplacing a garrison at Mud Island, and putting that place in a postureof defence, and mentioned the plan proposed to me by Mr Paine, ofcollecting immediately one quarter's rent from all the houses inPhiladelphia, in order to have an immediate supply of money to defraythe expenses, &c. _Diary. _ * * * * * TO M. DE LA LUZERNE. Office of Finance, September 25th, 1781. Sir, I received last night your Excellency's billet requesting to beinformed of the amount of the bills drawn by me; as Superintendent ofthe Finances, on Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. Of Paris, under the sanctionof your engagements. This communication I intended making to your Excellency in consequenceof the conversation that passed between us a few days since; but itwas only yesterday that I completed the delivery of such bills as hadbeen sold previous to that conversation, which amounted to fiftyseventhousand seven hundred and eighty livres; and now on summing up thewhole I find, that I have drawn one hundred and eightyone sets ofbills, all at sixty days' sight, in favor of various persons to whomthey have been sold, amounting to nine hundred and one thousand andeighteen livres, four sous, and eight deniers tournois; of these billsthree hundred and seventysix thousand one hundred and twentytwolivres, ten sous, have been sold at five shillings and six pence forfive livres, and five hundred and twenty four thousand eight hundredand ninetyfive livres, fourteen sous, eight deniers, at six shillingsfor five livres; by which it appears the discount does not exceedsixteen and five eighths per cent on the value in Europe; and werethis money to be imported I suppose the freight and insurance mightamount to nearly the value of that discount; if so, this mode ofbringing it into use is not a bad one. Besides I must again observe, that by a union of management in the sale of bills drawn for theservice of his Most Christian Majesty's fleets and armies, and thosedrawn for account of the United States, still better prices might beobtained, nay, I should not despair of trying to raise the price ofexchange to par, by means of partial importations of money, andpassing bills before the expenditure thereof, so that necessity mightnot have any influence in fixing the price. What your Excellency has said to me respecting the advances made thisyear by his Majesty to the United States, has left on my mind thoseimpressions you intended to make. You may depend, Sir; that it is mywish, and shall be a part of my study, to render these States aslittle troublesome to his Majesty as possible, and I shall probablyhave many opportunities to convince you, that it is a fixed point withme, that the United States, to become truly independent, must trustmore to their own exertions, and lean but lightly on their allies. But, Sir, you must remember the situation, in which I found theiraffairs; you are not ignorant, that although I have cut off entirelymany sources of expense, and curtailed others, yet that I have notbeen able to obtain either supplies of money or permanent revenue fromthe States, which however I attribute chiefly to the recess of theseveral Legislatures during the greatest part of the time that I havebeen in office, for I hope and expect that they will severally attendto the calls upon them, when they shall come to know their realsituation. But in the meanwhile, what am I to do if the means of supplyingindispensable wants are cut off? The important operations now carryingon by General Washington depend so materially on the performance of myengagements, that the most fatal consequences may ensue from anybreach of them. Your Excellency well remembers, that you thoughtyourself justifiable, in giving me assurances, that Messrs Le Couteulx& Co. Should be supplied with one million five hundred thousand livrestournois, to answer my drafts to that extent; the produce whereof tobe employed in the service of the present campaign. You will alsorecollect, that previous to my journey in August to camp, I judged itnecessary to know, whether that sum was the whole on which I couldplace dependence, because, as the General's operations would in agreat measure depend on the aids I could afford him, it was absolutelyincumbent on me to be informed of their extent in every channel, through which I expected them to flow. Your Excellency, convinced of the propriety of my observations, and ofthe actual necessities of our situation, ventured the assurance ofanother million of livres. Therefore, whilst I was at camp, during theconsultations on the measures, I gave his Excellency reason tobelieve, that the amount of two millions five hundred thousand livresof bills on France, in conjunction with the resources provided byCongress, should be brought to the support of his operations. Countingupon this as certain, General Washington has taken his measuresaccordingly. It has been my study to make the bills as productive as circumstanceswould permit, and to apply the money to the purposes for which it wasgranted, under the most scrupulous and assiduous attention to theprinciples of economy, and I may hazard the opinion, that no money hasbeen more frugally or usefully expended by the United States duringthe war, without the least danger of being put in the wrong. You are sensible that the money which arrived with Colonel Laurens, although landed on the Continent, cannot be brought into use until itsarrival here; and although I have sent for it, yet it is but now onthe road, and the General cannot stop his operations, nor can I refuseor defer compliance with my engagements until its arrival. The ruinousconsequences that would follow, must appear too strong and clear to agentleman of your reflection and information, to need any otherdemonstration than the bare mention of the facts. Consequently yourExcellency will be well convinced of the absolute necessity ofpermitting me to draw to the extent agreed upon, and I hope hisMajesty's Ministers will be too strongly impressed with apprehensionsof the fatal consequences that would follow any neglect of my bills, to suffer the least inattention to them; and as the sum in total willnot be of such magnitude as to occasion great inconvenience, I hopehis Majesty will find cause to applaud your zeal and attention uponthe occasion. A committee of Congress have laid before me the communications yourExcellency has lately made to Congress, which will claim my utmostattention, and your Excellency will do me the justice to believe thatmy most strenuous endeavors shall be to promote what is so stronglyurged by his Majesty's Ministers, the most spirited exertions of theseStates to drive the enemy from our country. And that my affection for, and gratitude to France, are unalterably fixed, as is also my respectand esteem for your Excellency's person and character. Being, Sir, your most obedient, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. _P. S. _ Upon a more exact calculation of the sale of bills, a few ofwhich were sold a little higher than the rest, I find that ninehundred one thousand and eighteen livres, four sous, eight deniers, produced fiftytwo thousand two hundred and eleven pounds, tenshillings and ninepence, Pennsylvania currency; which is equal to onehundred twentyfive thousand three hundred and seven French crowns, andseven tenths of a crown, at eight shillings four-pence, Pennsylvaniacurrency, for a crown; and the same number of livres reduced intocrowns at six livres each crown, is one hundred fifty thousand onehundred sixty-nine and four sixths crowns. Consequently the discountis little more than sixteen and a half per cent. * * * * * TO THE SPEAKER OF THE ASSEMBLY OF PENNSYLVANIA. Office of Finance, September 28th, 1781. Sir, As the Honorable House of Assembly are now sitting, and have beforethem the several letters which I had the honor to write during theirrecess to his Excellency the President in Council, I shall nowendeavor to state, in a short manner, the situation of accountsdepending between Pennsylvania and the United States, and propose suchmeasures, as, I think, will lead to a speedy and satisfactorysettlement of them. In the treasury books of the United States, there is an accountcurrent open for transactions commencing with the revolution, andcontinuing to the 18th of March, 1780, wherein the State ofPennsylvania stands charged with advances, made at different periodsduring that time, to the amount of four millions four hundred andfortyfour thousand and seven hundred dollars, and has credit to theamount of one hundred and thirtysix thousand and ninetyeight dollars. Most of these advances were made whilst money was valuable; but Iexpect that the expenditures of the State on behalf of the UnitedStates kept pace with the advances made, and that, probably, when thisaccount comes to be settled, there may be no great balance either way;but in this respect, I do not pretend to speak with certainty. However, I must here observe, that every State in the Union has anaccount of the same sort depending; wherefore, I propose thatCongress should fix such general principles as will tend to do justiceon the settlement of the whole, and appoint immediately Auditors to gothrough the whole; so that when the balance of each shall be justlyascertained, it may be paid or received, according as the same shallhappen to be due, to or from the United States, and this will putevery State on an equal footing so far. You will find by the resolution of Congress of the 22d of November, 1777, Pennsylvania is called on to pay, in four quarterly payments, commencing on the 1st day of January, 1778, the sum of six hundred andtwenty thousand dollars. By the resolutions of the 3d and 5th ofJanuary, 1779, Pennsylvania is called on to pay, during that year, thesum of one million nine hundred thousand dollars. By the resolution ofthe 21st of May, 1779, Pennsylvania was called on to pay, by the 1stof January, 1780, the sum of five millions seven hundred thousanddollars. By the resolutions of the 6th and 7th of October, 1779, amonthly tax of fifteen millions is called for, of which the proportionof Pennsylvania is two millions three hundred thousand dollars, makingfor the two months payable the 1st of February and the 1st of Marchfour millions and six hundred thousand dollars. Thus the whole ofthese requisitions appears to have amounted to twelve millions eighthundred and twenty thousand dollars, of which there appears to havebeen paid on different drafts to the amount of six millions fourhundred and fifty four thousand one hundred and fourteen dollars andtwo thirds, leaving a balance still due of six millions three hundredand sixtyfive thousand eight hundred and eightyfive dollars and onethird, of the old emissions. By the resolution of the 10th of March, 1780, the fifteen millions ofmonthly taxes is continued so as to include thirteen months, makingfor the proportion of Pennsylvania twenty nine millions nine hundredthousand dollars; of which sum ten millions six hundred thousanddollars have been paid into the Loan Office; of consequence, thereremains due nineteen millions three hundred thousand dollars. By the resolutions last mentioned, new money was to be issued, at therate of one for every twenty of the old; of which new money Congresshad reserved four tenths to their disposal, and the Treasury Boardhave already issued warrants to the amount thereof. The State paperbeing of equal value with the new emission, and the former not bearinginterest, I have thought it most for the benefit of this State and ofthe United States, to draw from the treasurer a sum of the new Statepaper equal to the balance of those four tenths, and have accordinglydone so. By the resolution of the 26th of August, 1780, the States are calledon to pay into the treasury by the last day of December then nextensuing, three millions of dollars, of which the quota of Pennsylvaniais four hundred and sixty thousand dollars. By the resolution of the 4th of November, 1780, Pennsylvania is calledupon to pay two hundred and seventythree thousand eight hundred andthirtytwo dollars and two thirds, in quarterly payments, commencingthe 1st day of May last; and by the resolution of the 16th of March, 1781, Pennsylvania is called upon to pay one million and fiftyninethousand eight hundred and sixtythree dollars, in quarterly payments, commencing the 1st day of June last. All these are payable in the newemission, or specie. Thus the whole of the requisitions will, on the1st day of March next, amount to one million seven hundred andninetythree thousand six hundred and ninetyfive dollars and twothirds. Of this sum there appears to have been paid seventeen thousandseven hundred and forty dollars; wherefore, there will still remain abalance of one million seven hundred and seventyfive thousand ninehundred and fiftyfive dollars and two thirds. By a note from David Rittenhouse, I find that he has in his hands onehundred and thirtyeight thousand nine hundred dollars of the newemission, and fourteen millions one hundred and fortyfive thousand sixhundred dollars of the old, in which latter sum, nevertheless, isincluded some State money received at seventyfive for one, the amountof which cannot be determined until it is sorted and counted;wherefore, the old emission may be estimated at about fourteenmillions. On this state of things, I take the liberty of proposing to thehonorable House, that all the old money be immediately paid in, andthe new taken out, which will be about seven hundred thousand dollars, and that, with what is now in the Treasurer's hands, will make eighthundred and thirtyeight thousand nine hundred dollars. I furtherpropose, that this be paid to me, as Superintendent of Finance, onaccount of the above balance of one million seven hundred andseventyfive thousand nine hundred and fiftyfive dollars and twothirds, which will then be reduced to nine hundred and thirtyseventhousand and fiftyfive dollars and two thirds. I further propose, thatthe remaining sums of old continental, due from the State, becollected and paid as soon as possible, which, besides dischargingthat demand, will also enable the State to receive the further sum oftwo hundred and sixty thousand dollars of the new emission, and that, being paid in as before, will still further reduce the balance againstthe State to six hundred and seventytwo thousand and fiftyfive dollarsand two thirds. There are at present in circulation of the newemission three hundred and ninetyone thousand one hundred dollars, which ought certainly to be brought in as soon as possible, andapplied to the same purposes already specified; by which means theeventual balance payable in specie, would be two hundred and eightythousand nine hundred and fiftyfive dollars and two thirds; to whichmust be added, thirteen thousand three hundred and thirtyfour dollars, required by Congress on the 8th day of January last to be paid inspecie; being together one hundred and ten thousand three hundred andfiftyeight pounds, twelve shillings and sixpence. To explain all whichmore fully, I enclose the accounts, number one, two, and three, towhich I pray leave to have reference. The specific supplies will still remain to be provided for, in orderthat all the demands of Congress may be fully answered; but I hopethat the specie tax now collecting will go a great way towards theaccomplishment of this necessary object, and at any rate, as thestate of paper, notwithstanding every effort, has not yet appreciatedto par, I would propose that no more of it be issued from thetreasury, except as equal to gold and silver, and then the collectionof the present, taxes will at least prevent any depreciation, and inthe meantime, the fund on which it was emitted, become moreproductive. The next Assembly will be able to take such additionalmeasures as may be necessary, further to raise the value of it. Thiscan only be done by holding it up from circulation, on the one hand, and on the other, by raising taxes, in which the public receive it asequivalent to the precious metals. It is my determination, as Superintendent, to deposit all the money ofthe new emission, which shall be received from the several States, inthe Continental Treasury, and not to issue one shilling of it, unlesscompelled by absolute necessity; which, I hope, will not be the case, if the States take measures to pay in the eventual balances. Whether the House will find it consistent with the situation of theirconstituents to lay an additional tax this session, is for them todetermine; but it is my duty to mention it, which I do from aconviction that it is necessary. They will perceive, that very greatarrearages are due, and they must be sensible, that taxation alone cansupport the public credit, or enable government to carry on the war. With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU. Office of Finance, October 1st, 1781. Sir, This being the day agreed upon for repayment of the moneys yourExcellency was so kind as to advance me, I do myself the honor ofassigning to you the reasons why it is not done. I had determined tomake every effort and every sacrifice for the sake of complying withmy engagements. But his Excellency, the Minister of France, perceivingthat it would be very inconvenient to me, and being convinced that youwere not in immediate want of it, was so kind as to assure me, that hewould write to you on the subject, and that, in the meantime, I mightdelay the payment until the arrival of money from the eastward. Ishall then take care to have your advance replaced. Being convinced, Sir, that M. De la Luzerne has already made theproper representations to you upon the subject, I should not havetroubled you with reading this letter, but that I feel a pleasure inseizing every opportunity to express my wishes for your success andglory, as well as to assure you, that I am, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE. Office of Finance, October 3d, 1781. Sir, I have received your letter, dated the 18th of August last, at thehigh hills of Santee, and am now to thank you for it. Yourobservations on public affairs are, I fear, too just, but I hope thatwhen our situation is thoroughly perceived by the people, they willadopt those effectual remedies, which every friend to his countryought to wish. That more power ought to be given to Congress isevident now to many, and will, probably, become soon very apparent toall. The disobedience of many States, and the partial obedience ofothers, discontents every one of them, and that will, in itself, be areason for enabling the sovereign representative to exact a compliancewith its requisitions; but, as you justly observe, all these thingsare in the womb of time, which can alone disclose the events we plagueourselves with guessing at. From the latter part of your letter, I perceive that you greatlymisunderstood me. When I requested you to draw on me, I meant toextend those drafts so far as might be necessary for secret servicemoney, and the like small, but indispensable occasions. I well knewthat you could not, by bills of exchange, supply the wants of yourarmy, and, if I had thought it practicable, I should have been moreexplicit, for I could not then have paid the bills you would havedrawn. To give you an idea of my situation as to money, I think I need onlyinform you, that since I have been in office, I have only received thesum of seven thousand five hundred pounds, Pennsylvania money, fromthe Treasury of this State, and that was in part payment of advancesmade for them. This is all I have received from the funds of America. It is true, that Colonel Laurens has lately arrived, and brought withhim a sum of money from France. And it is also true, that I have madeuse of a very limited credit given me on France, by drawing bills ofexchange; but both of these resources, taken together, are vastlyshort of what is necessary, though they have contributed to thepresent operations. I have lost no occasion of showing to the several States theirsituation, but hitherto without success; and, unless some unforeseenevent turns up very speedily, it is impossible to say what may be theconsequences. However, it is our business to hope all things, and thatProvidence, who has hitherto carried us through our difficulties, will, I trust, continue his bountiful protection. Your circumstances have long been arduous, but you have hitherto risenso superior to them, that we should be almost as much surprised now, if you should be unsuccessful, as we formerly were at your successes. I wish I could contribute to render you more easy. As far as myabilities extend, I shall do it most cheerfully; but theyunfortunately are very limited. Accept, I pray you, my good wishes, which are almost all I have to give, and believe me to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE COMMISSARY GENERAL OF PURCHASES. Office of Finance, October 4th, 1781. Sir, I have received your letters, dated at Alexandria the 19th, andWilliamsburgh the 23d of September last. I am very glad that you push hard upon the States for supplies. It is, I find, necessary that you and I should understand each other on thesubject. The General will, I dare say, take care to have as fewunnecessary mouths as possible; but, after all, a certain quantity ofprovisions is indispensably necessary. Now this quantity must befurnished by the States of Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware. If yourely on my exertions, you will, probably, be disappointed. Should theoperations against Cornwallis fail for want of supplies, the Statesmust thank their own negligence. If they will not exert themselves onthe present occasion, they never will. As to all that can be saidabout the failure of the one or of another kind of money, it is leftto themselves. Let them tax in money which will not fail. It is theirbusiness to provide supplies and money too. If they neglect or omitthis necessary duty, I again repeat, they must answer for theconsequences. I shall be glad at all times to hear from you very particularly, withall such information as you shall think necessary. But do not lean toohard upon me. Do not expect too much help from me. You will bedeceived and disappointed if you do. Urge the States. Urge Delaware inparticular. When I do furnish anything, it must be money. Let some ofyour people, therefore, apply when you intend applications. I cannotrun about the city to purchase articles. That is the duty of anassistant Commissary; and my time is too much, and, I hope, too wellemployed, to permit it. I am, Sir, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO MESSRS LE COUTEULX & CO. Office of Finance, October 12th, 1781. Gentlemen, In consequence of a new arrangement taken with his Excellency, theChevalier de la Luzerne, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, a furthersum of money will be deposited with you, subject to my drafts onbehalf of the United States of America, so that I shall continuethose drafts, as occasion may require, until, in the whole, theyamount to one million two hundred thousand livres tournois, where Ishall stop, unless circumstances should happen to induce an extensionof this operation, of which I will advise you; and whenever it iscompleted, I shall require an account current from you for the whole. I have not yet had the pleasure of receiving from you any lettersdirected to me in my official capacity, but I doubt not your punctualcare and attention to discharge all my drafts as they fall due. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE LOAN OFFICERS OF THE STATES. Office of Finance, October 13th, 1781. Sir, As the organization of the Treasury Department will soon be completed, it becomes my duty to inform you of that circumstance, and to requestthat you will prepare for a full settlement of your accounts. I mustalso request, that you will be pleased to make out and transmit to mean accurate list of all the certificates issued, with their dates, sums, and the persons to whom they were given. It will be necessarythat an account of the public debt be prepared for the publicinspection. This cannot be done until the proper materials be obtainedfrom the several offices; wherefore, I make no doubt that you willexert yourself to comply with my request. As I am informed that thelate Treasury Board gave orders for sending back the blankcertificates, I suppose they are now on the way hither; but, if thatshould not be the case, I must require an immediate performance of thedirections given by the Board, and I must insist that no morecertificates be issued on any pretence whatever. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. Philadelphia, October 16th, 1781. Sir, I would willingly write you an official letter by this post, on thesubject of supplies for the year 1782; but I must decline it, until Ican obtain the proper estimates, which are now preparing. In themeantime, as I learn that your Legislature are now sitting, I writeyou this private letter on that subject. My former public letters will fully have stated my ideas as to thepresent demands on the existing requisitions of Congress. I hope andexpect, that those requisitions will be immediately complied with. Itis my decided opinion, founded on the best observations I have beenable to make, and the most accurate and extensive information I couldpossibly obtain, that paper emissions will no longer answer thepurpose of carrying on this war, and experience must by this time haveconvinced every dispassionate observer, that specific supplies are atonce burdensome to the people, and almost useless to the government. It is unnecessary to draw the conclusion, which I am sure will strikeyour mind, that a revenue in hard money must be obtained; but I willobserve to you, that the present moment is very favorable to thatobject in your State. While the war is in your country, the expensesof it will be so diffused as to possess its inhabitants of specie, andshould it be happily removed to a distance, your commerce will bringin resources equal to your necessities. I take the liberty to request that you will communicate thesesentiments to my worthy friend Colonel Harrison, and I pray you tobelieve me very sincerely your friend, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Office of Finance, October 18th, 1781. Sir, The honorable committee, on the letter of the Board of War of the 11thinstant, have favored me with a perusal of it. I think it my duty, onthis occasion, to express my approbation of that attention the Boardof War have paid the public service. That letter has opened a subject, which had pressed itself strongly on my mind, and which I haddetermined to mention to Congress, but was restrained by the hope, that a review of their own proceedings, and a sense of ourdifficulties would soon have rendered it unnecessary. This matter being now before them, it would be unpardonable in me notto enforce those sentiments, which I myself am most deeply affectedwith. I am convinced, that a slight view of the situation, in whichtheir finances now are, will give a strong impression of the necessitythere is to guard against pecuniary solicitations from every quarter. If the revenue were equal to the demands upon it, nothing can be moresimple and clear, than that all those demands should be speedily andpunctually paid. Unfortunately this is far from being the case. Ibelieve much further than many are aware of. When I say, that I cannotcommand more than one twentieth of the sum necessary for the currentservice of the year, I am within the strictest bounds of truth. It iswith equal truth that I assure you, that I have not since myappointment received one shilling from any State in the Union, Pennsylvania excepted. And from Pennsylvania I have received papermoney to the amount of the four tenths due to the United States, theappropriation whereof Congress must be thoroughly acquainted with, andseven thousand five hundred pounds in specie, which is applied to thepayment of contracts within the State, and still leaves a balanceagainst them for articles of their specific supplies which I havefurnished. The moneys drawn for by permission of the Minister Plenipotentiary ofhis Most Christian Majesty have been already applied to the publicservice, and the engagements I have entered into amount to a veryconsiderable sum. I enclose a few out of many articles, which immediately suggestthemselves to me. Had I sought for the smaller instances they wouldhave been numerous, and of course weighty. Instead of this, I haveomitted many considerable articles, such for instance, as expense ofstores for the hospitals, much of which is now due, and more to beimmediately provided for. You will perceive, that I have not evenmentioned the expense of transporting military stores, such as shot, shells, &c. To the camp before York, which the Board of War assure mewill be very great, and indeed it must be so. Neither have I mentionedthe expense of transporting money, clothing, medicines, arms, &c. FromBoston to this place, and hence to the southward. Besides all this, Iam told it will be necessary to procure ten thousand suits of clothesfor the ensuing winter. If this be so, that article alone will amountto at least two hundred thousand dollars. I might go much further, but I shall only observe, that exclusive ofall these things the enclosed estimate amounts to above two hundredthousand dollars. Yet attention must be paid to the wants of threelarge armies. Congress know the extent of my means. In this situation of things, it is proper to ask on every occasion, before private grants of money are made, whether the public servicewill not suffer by it. But this is not all, I am bound to observe, that the expectations of our troops now in the field may be muchdisappointed, and that they will conceive it unjust to dispose of anymoneys, which might be spared, unless as an equal division among them. To press this point any further, would imply a want of thatconfidence, which I really have in the wisdom and discernment ofCongress. They will see, that while the indispensable calls for moneyto forward general operations continue to be so loud as to draw fromme all my private funds, it cannot be expected, that I shall paywarrants in favor of individuals. I am sure they will feel for me, when I mention the pain I suffer from being compelled to refuse moneyon their resolutions. A regard for their honor is the second motive ofmy conduct. I hope it is unnecessary to say, that a regard for thepublic interest is the first. I am far from wishing to insinuate aline of conduct to Congress; but I must place before their eyes thosefacts, which it is for their honor and their interest to be informedof. They will draw the proper conclusions. With the most perfect respect, I am, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. ESTIMATE. Dollars. Due to the French Treasury for so much borrowed of them at Chester, delivered at the head of the Elk, 26, 000 Due to the French army, a quantity of flour exchanged in the State of New York, to be replaced at the southward, which will require 10, 000 Due for transports hired in the Delaware and Chesapeake, 15, 000 For flour now purchasing to supply General Heath's army, 10, 000 Horses purchased last summer for the Quarter Master General, and shortly to be paid for, 4, 000 To recruit and mount Colonel Armand's Legion, 50, 000 Saddles and accoutrements for General Greene's army, 14, 000 Flour lately purchased in Virginia for General Washington's army, and now due, 5, 000 Articles necessary for General Greene's army and the transportation of articles to him, and money for essential services, 5, 000 Clothing purchased on a credit for Fort Pitt and Wyoming, 5, 000 Estimate from the Navy Board at Boston, 40, 000 Rum now sending on to General Washington's army, 5, 000 My own money already advanced for the public service, 12, 000 -------- $201, 000 * * * * * CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE SEVERAL STATES. Office of Finance, October 19th, 1781. Sir, I am now to address you on a subject of very great importance. I haveto detail some facts, which will demand the most serious attentionfrom every Legislature, and from every public officer in the UnitedStates. It is my determination to administer the affairs intrusted tomy care according to plans, which are founded in sincerity and truth. Convinced of the folly of our enemy, in supposing that anyconsiderable body of men in the United States are opposed to theRevolution, I am persuaded that, in order to remove the greater partof our difficulties, the first proper step is to state them fully tothe people through their representatives. It shall, therefore, be apart of my study to prepare every transaction for the public eye, sothat the meanest individual may be in due time informed of thoseaffairs, in which, as a free citizen, he is interested. The variousreports, which have been circulated, the publications in the severalgazettes, and even letters from some who ought to have known better, all these things have conspired to infuse an opinion, that every powerin Europe is favorable to us; that great sums of money are alreadyadvanced to us, and that still greater may be obtained. Whatever maybe the fate of my administration, I will never be subjected to thereproach of falsehood or insincerity. I, therefore, take the earliestmoment, in which I am permitted, to make those communications, whichwill give an insight into our real situation. With respect to the situation and politics of Europe, it is neither mybusiness to detail them, nor am I in a capacity to do it withcertainty. But this, at least, is certain, that the disposition of theEuropean powers, however friendly, has been too much relied upon. As aproof I need only observe, that not a single State has acknowledgedour independence except France, although our alliance with thatrespectable monarchy has now subsisted nearly four years. Yet thatmonarchy is certainly the first in the world. It is in the closestconnexion with Spain. Spain has long been engaged in the war, andstill longer solicited to form a union upon the basis of the treatywith France. The armed neutrality, which gave such splendid hopes tomany, has not yet produced the benefits expected. I will not proceedon the ground of conjecture, nor is it necessary for me to dwelllonger on our political state with respect to foreign powers. But asthere is little reason to expect, so I hope there is no American, whowould wish an alliance with any empire on earth, until they shall beso sensible of our importance, as to treat on principles of equality. The public opinion, as to the conduct of other Princes and States, hasgreatly injured us by relaxing our exertions. But the opinion as topecuniary aid has been still more pernicious. People have flatteredthemselves with a visionary idea, that nothing more was necessary, than for Congress to send a Minister abroad, and that immediately hewould obtain as much money as he chose to ask for. That, when heopened a loan, hundreds would run to see who should have the honor ofsubscribing to it, and the like. But surely a moment's reflectionshould have convinced every reasonable man, that, without the clearprospect of repayment, people will not part with their property. Havethe efforts in this country been so successful as to ground any hopesfrom abroad? Or, is it to be supposed, that foreigners will interestthemselves more in our prosperity or safety, than our citizens? Or, can it be believed, that credit will be given abroad before solidfunds are provided at home? Or, could it be imagined, that thedisorders necessarily incident to a great revolution, would beconsidered as a better source of trust and confidence, than theregularity and consistency of ancient establishments? The Congress, conformably to the public wish, have appointedMinisters, requested grants, and opened loans. In Holland they havegot nothing, and in Spain but very little. Loans were expected fromindividuals in Holland, but nothing of that sort has been, or probablywill be, obtained. Loans were not expected in Spain, unless from theKing, and from him they have been solicited with but little success. The distressed situation of public affairs forced the Congress to drawbills of exchange on their Ministers. Some were drawn on France, someon Spain, and some on Holland. The first were honored and paid, theothers were accepted, but recourse was finally had to the Court ofFrance for the payment of those also. They were drawn at long sight. The sales were slow. They were remitted from time to time, and everyopportunity afforded the Ministers of the United States to obtain themoneys for discharging them, but in vain. Of consequence, these billshave been regularly referred to the Court of France for payment; andthis has done us injury, by anticipating the aid, which France hasbeen disposed to afford us, and at the same time has justly alarmedand greatly embarrassed the French Ministry. These things it appears necessary that you should know, and yourLegislature will undoubtedly draw the proper inferences. They will seehow much has been suffered by delaying to call forth the resources ofour own country, and relying on the empty bubbles of hope, instead ofthe solid foundations of revenue. They will, I trust, clearly see, that all their hopes and expectations are narrowed down to what Francemay give or lend. But here, as in other cases, delusion takes place ofreality. We flatter ourselves with ideal prospects, and are onlyconvinced of our folly, by the fatal crisis of national distress. Inorder that you may clearly understand the succor afforded by France, Ienclose an account extracted from a statement lately, furnished toCongress by the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most ChristianMajesty. You will observe that his Majesty granted to the United States asubsidy for the current year of six millions of livres; and on arepresentation of our distresses, he was pleased to become securityfor a loan to be opened on our account in Holland. And when itappeared, that there was but little probability of obtaining any moneythere in season, he further agreed that the sum to be borrowed shouldbe advanced for us, in the first instance, from the royal treasury. Thus the gift and the loan together amount to sixteen millions oflivres, which would, if in this country, be equal only to two millionsnine hundred and sixtytwo thousand nine hundred and sixtytwo dollars, although at the rate of estimating dollars in France, it is thereequal to three millions and fortyseven thousand six hundred andnineteen dollars. But at the highest rate of exchange, which hashitherto taken place, this sum if drawn for, would have amounted to nomore than two millions five hundred and sixty thousand dollars. I havebeen thus particular with respect to the amount of this sum, becausethe difference of currencies very often tends to deceive those to whomtheir real value is not a familiar subject of attention. The enclosed account is in livres, and the two first articles containthe total of the grant and loan, amounting to sixteen millions oflivres. The remainder contains the deductions to be made; the twofirst articles whereof, amounting to two millions three hundredthousand livres is for the payment of the bills drawn on France, Spain, and Holland, which I have already mentioned, the produce of thesales whereof had been applied to the public service long before myappointment. The next article, being two millions of livres, isappropriated to the payment of the interest bills; wherefore, no partof it can be applied to other purposes. The fourth article, I need saynothing of here, as it has long been in the mouths of everybody. Thefifth and sixth articles are for those stores, which were laden onboard of four transports by order of Colonel Laurens, three of whichhave safely arrived, and the other put back in distress. The seventharticle, is in consequence of the loss of that valuable ship, theMarquis de Lafayette, which contained a great number of public stores, the replacing of which is necessary for the army and its operations, and which will amount to that sum. The last article contains the amount of moneys deposited to answer mydrafts, which have been made from time to time, and the produceappropriated to the service of the current year. On the whole, thereremains a balance of three millions and sixteen thousand four hundredand ninetynine livres. This, with the sum brought by Colonel Laurens, may be considered as of the value of about one million of dollars, which is the utmost; for it would exceed that only by twentyonethousand five hundred and seventyfour dollars, if it were now in thiscountry. Thus then you see the extent of that pecuniary succor, which hasfilled the minds of all with such teeming expectation, is narroweddown to one million of dollars. But by the best accounts and estimatesI have been able to procure, this war has hitherto cost about twentymillions annually. I do indeed expect that the future expenditureswill be greatly curtailed; but it must be remembered that the mostrigid economy has its bounds, and that it cannot exist without thepunctual performance of those engagements, on which the first stepstowards it must depend. As soon as the proper estimates for the nextyear can be made out, the demands founded upon them will be stated, and I shall shortly advertise for contracts, as the most effectualmode of husbanding our resources. I feel it to be my duty, however, toobserve, that a note this day sent to Congress, of some of myprincipal engagements for money, amounts to upwards of two hundredthousand dollars. Yet the calls for it from every quarter areincessant. I would gladly quit the subject of foreign supplies and expectationshere, but it is necessary that the States should know all, and Ishould not answer the views of Congress, if I did not add, that theCourt of France place the aid now afforded us among the number ofthose extraordinary efforts, which cannot be repeated. Thedeclaration, that no more pecuniary assistance can be afforded to us, is as plain as language will admit of; and although the applicationsmay, and probably will, be made by our Ministers to the Court ofVersailles, yet surely no prudent man would form any reliance on suchapplications, in the face of such a pointed and express assurance tothe contrary; and especially, when, to every request a short answercan be made, by asking what we have done for ourselves. Sir, I mustspeak to you most plainly. While we do nothing for ourselves, wecannot expect the assistance of others. This is a very painful subject to dwell upon, but a consideration ofgreat magnitude remains behind, and sooner or later it must comeforward. Prudence, therefore, bids us examine it now, and provide forit in season. The neglect in funding the public debt, has introduced apractice of issuing Loan Office certificates, for the interest due onother Loan Office certificates. This I have absolutely forbidden, norwill I ever consent to it. Such accumulation of debt, while itdistresses the public, and destroys its credit, by no means relievesthe unfortunate individual, who is a public creditor; for if revenueis not provided, increasing the certificates would only lessen theirvalue. This would be such a fraud as would stamp our nationalcharacter with indelible marks of infamy, and render us the reproachand contempt of all mankind. It is high time to relieve ourselvesfrom the ignominy we have already sustained, and to rescue and restorethe national credit. This can only be done by solid revenue. Disdaining, therefore, those little timid artifices, which, while theypostpone the moment of difficulty, only increase the danger andconfirm the ruin, I prefer the open declaration to all, of what is tobe expected, and whence it is to be drawn. To the public creditors, therefore, I say, that until the States provide revenues forliquidating the principal and interest of the public debt, they cannotbe paid; and to the States, I say, that they are bound by everyprinciple held sacred among men to make that provision. I have gone through the task, which I proposed to myself in writing toyour Excellency this letter, which I pray you to communicate to theLegislature of your State. I hope the Congress will soon be able totransmit their requisitions, and I shall endeavor that those be asmoderate as possible. But I must pray that every man, whether inpublic or private life, will seriously consider the importance ofcomplying with these requisitions. It is not by the brilliantsuccesses of war, the splendor of conquest, or the shouts of victory, that a wise ministry are to be affected. The superiority of nationalresources is the sure ground on which to hope for success, and thatsuperior resource steadily and perseveringly applied, must eventuallyattain its objects. It is for these reasons, that the enemy have hopedeverything from the derangement of our finances; and on the otherhand, as I am well informed, it is from the establishment of anational bank, and the forming of contracts to supply our armies, thatthey have the greatest apprehensions. By the bounty of the Almighty, we are placed in a situation where our future fate depends upon ourpresent conduct. We may be happy or miserable, as we please. If we doour duty now, the war will soon be brought to a close; if not, it maylast for many years, and what will then be its termination, it is notin human wisdom to foresee. Thoroughly convinced that the enemy mustask for peace, when we are in a condition vigorously to prosecute thewar, and that we shall be in that condition, whenever our affairs arereduced to order, and our credit restored, and that for thesepurposes, nothing more is necessary than a proper system of taxation;I cannot avoid expressing my sentiments on the subject in all thewarmth with which they flow from my heart. I hope and pray that thefacts, which I have stated, may meet that calm attention, which is dueto their importance, and that such measures may be taken as shallredound to the honor and interest of our country. With all possible respect, I have the honor to be, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE. Office of Finance, November 2d, 1781. Sir, Your favor of the 17th of September last has been delivered to me byyour Aid, Captain Pierce. Your recommendations and his own character, give him a double title to every mark of attention. I hope it is unnecessary to make assurances of my disposition torender your situation both easy and respectable. I am sure it isunnecessary to remark, how inadequate the provisions have been, whichthe States have hitherto made. At least, it is unnecessary to you. Much less need I display the detail of expenditures, which have beenrequisite for the accomplishment of that happy event, which has takenplace in Virginia. I have neither forgotten nor neglected your department. I have donethe utmost to provide clothing, arms, accoutrements, medicines, hospital stores, &c. ; and I flatter myself that you will, through thedifferent departments, receive both benefit and relief from myexertions. I have detained Captain Pierce a day, in order to make upwith infinite difficulty, one thousand pounds Pennsylvania currency ingold, which he is the bearer of, and which will, I hope, be agreeableand useful. You have done so much with so little, that my wishes toincrease your activity have every possible stimulus. I hope soon tohear that you have gathered fresh laurels; and that you may wear themas long and as happily as they have been speedily and worthilyacquired, is the earnest wish of yours, &c. ROBERT MORRIS. * * * * * END OF THE ELEVENTH VOLUME. +--------------------------------------------------------------------+| TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE. || || Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been || transcribed as four hyphens ('----'). || || Spelling variations between letters have been preserved. |+--------------------------------------------------------------------+