Rebuilding Britain

A Survey of Problems of Reconstruction after the World War

By

Sir Alfred Hopkinson, K. C. 

Cassell and Company, LtdLondon, New York and Melbourne1918

CONTENTS

Part I. --The Course

 1. ASPIRATIONS AND FOUNDATIONS

Part II. --Peace

 A. --INTERNATIONAL PEACE

 2. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE NEED 3. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE SCHEME 4. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE CONDITIONS 5. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--ITS SCOPE AND AIM 6. CONCLUSIONS REACHED 7. VICTORY AND PEACE

 B. --POLITICAL PEACE

 8. PEACE AND THE CONSTITUTION 9. PEACE AND DEMOCRACY

 C. --INDUSTRIAL PEACE

 10. INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS 11. LONG HOURS 12. WAGES

 D. --RELIGIOUS PEACE

 13. CO-OPERATION

Part III. --Retrenchment

 14. STATE EXPENDITURE AND INCOME 15. NATIONAL EXPENDITURE

Part IV. --Reform

 16. THE FIELD 17. RESTORATION OF LAW AND LIBERTY 18. RESTORATION OF INDUSTRY 19. HOUSING 20. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT 21. AFFORESTATION 22. LAW REFORM 23. PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE

Part V. --The Goal

 24. UNION AND REGENERATION

Part I

THE COURSE

CHAPTER I

ASPIRATIONS AND FOUNDATIONS

 _I think I see, as it were above the hill-tops of time, the glimmerings of the dawn of a better and a nobler day for the country and the people that I love so well. _--JOHN BRIGHT. 

The suggestion has been made to me that in these days of rapiddevelopment, when proposals, so bewildering in their extent, for changeand for reconstruction are being made, it would be useful to present inpopular form and in the compass of a small volume some general statementof the character of the varied problems which have arisen and of theprinciples which should guide in their solution. Possibly it seemed thata long and varied life engaged in law, politics, and education, whichalso had touched to some slight extent on the actual work of certaindepartments of Government, and had offered opportunities for travel inEuropean countries and in the East, might furnish some qualificationsfor such a task. It is not one that can be undertaken without a sense ofinadequate knowledge, and still more inadequate power of expression; butsuch a challenge cannot be refused, provided that whoever accepts itbelieves that he has some things to say which ought to be said, somelines of thought which ought to be indicated, something to urge, thetruth of which he is thoroughly convinced of. Without such convictionprevenient, "we doubt not" that books on serious subjects, even ifclever, and public speech either from platform or pulpit, "do verilyhave the nature of sin, " and the more eloquent they are the worse theoffence; with it, the very incompleteness and imperfection in the modeof presentation may even stimulate others to more thought, and to makeup deficiencies all the better for themselves. 

In attempting such a task, it must be recognised that during the lastthree years the attention of so many minds has been devoted to problemsof "reconstruction" after the War, so much has been written and saidabout them, so many suggestions made and schemes propounded, so manycommissions of inquiry appointed and reports prepared, that an attemptat full treatment of the questions involved would require a cyclopaediarather than a small volume. No one person would be able ever to readhalf of the valuable material already collected bearing on theseproblems. To deal effectively with them all would demand severallifetimes of preliminary special training. The difficulty is increasedby the fact that every week brings something new or some change in thesituation. Some new fact comes to light, some book or article ispublished, some speech made, some report issued, or even some Actpassed, which calls for consideration, and it may be for comment. 

The effect of the War has undoubtedly been to evoke far more seriousthought on the real problems of life, and also practical activity indealing with many of them. The mass of literature, including of coursethe considered utterances of men whose words exercise the most influencein moulding the opinions and guiding the action of others, grows fromday to day. If that literature consisted mainly of bitter and emptycontroversy, of the expression of mere opinions, the spinning ofplausible theories or clever presentation of interesting speculations, it would not be necessary to trouble much about it; but so large a partcontains the statement of important facts or the results of seriousstudy and of the actual experience of those who are experts in thespecial subjects of which they treat, that it is impossible to passlightly over what they write or say. There is about a large portion ofthis literature an air of reality, an earnest desire to get to theheart of a matter, to contribute to true knowledge of the varioussubjects to which the writers have devoted their attention and to find apractical solution of the problems involved. Sensationalism or merewriting for effect is the exception, not the general characteristic ofwhat is thus being constantly published on various aspects of nationalreconstruction. 

It is inevitable, therefore, that in any attempt to treat the subject asa whole some important suggestions will appear to have been overlookedor neglected, and that valuable sources of information and usefulproposals will have escaped notice, while in other cases there willappear to be repetition, even without acknowledgment of what has alreadybeen said, and said better by others. 

The justification for the attempt made in the following pages is thatthere are many people who have not the time or inclination to follow upspecial questions fully, but may be glad of a summary, and that a meresketch-plan of the whole ground to be covered, filled in here and therein more detail, may have its use as a kind of bird's-eye view by whichthe relations of a number of subjects to each other and the generalcharacter of each may be seen. 

For convenience of treatment and as an aid to memory the variousproblems to be discussed are arranged under three heads; following theold Victorian watchwords of the party which claimed to beprogressive--Peace, Retrenchment, Reform. 

The policy once indicated by these terms may in many cases have beendiscarded, and no doubt they were often used in a sense very differentfrom that in which they must serve in our classification. "Peace" and"Retrenchment" have been used to cover a policy which by reducing theNavy would have left us naked to our enemies and a prey to starvationwithin a few months from the outbreak of war; "Reform" to denote changeswhich pedantry or envy may urge, but which could lead to no usefulpractical result. In spite of this, the three words do in fact, likethe words Liberty, Equality, Fraternity--whatever crimes may have beencommitted in their name--indicate and express three ideas that we musthave definitely before us in considering what the lines ofreconstruction ought to be. 

The spirit--the tone of mind in which the work of reconstruction isapproached--will count for much. First of all, it is essential to havehope--a real expectation not only that by strenuous effort and wiseforesight the country will meet and overcome the trials which areinevitable, and the perils which threaten after as well as during theWar, but also that a better and brighter future is in store. Plans mustbe framed and action taken under the inspiration of a firm trust thatthe ideals we aim at are to be realised, that the "things hoped for"have a potential actuality. Fatalism in politics--we use the term in theoriginal sense including ethics--is deadly, whether it is the fatalismdue to a sloppy optimism which is satisfied that somehow things willcome right whatever we do or leave undone, or to a paralysing pessimismwhich in cowardly despair accepts the triumph of evil as ordained andgives up the struggle when the prospects of victory seem dark. It wouldbe folly not to recognise that not only now, but for years to come therewill be enormous difficulties and terrible dangers to be faced; but itis possible for our hearts and minds to be filled too much with thecontemplation of them instead of looking to the goal we aim at, and thesteps we must take one by one to reach it. 

 Be not over-exquisite To cast the fashion of uncertain evils. What need a man forestall his date of grief And run to meet what he would most avoid?

There may be rocks and breakers--"a ferment of revolution"--ahead, butthe task of the pilot and the crew is to keep their eyes on the channelthrough them, and to work the ship in its course to the haven where theywould be. 

Secondly, there must be a faith to inspire action, based on a belief inan essential goodness of human nature and in its capacity forimprovement. Unless such a belief were well founded, democracy would bea thing to be dreaded and resisted by every means in our power. Asground for his belief in a better day, Bright speaks--and his languageis prophetic--of the people "sublime in their resolution. " It is thatresolution which, in spite of our unprepared condition and of all themistakes that have been made, as well as of disasters that could nothave been foreseen, and of a power in the enemy far greater and awickedness more diabolical than anyone dreamed of, will "bring victoryhome. "

To have watched the action of the electorate during the last fifty yearsleads to the conclusion that in spite of apparent vacillations it hasbeen characterised by good sense and good feeling, and that itsjudgment, so far as conditions from time to time permitted of its trueexpression, has been sound. To go about the country now and see whatearnest and useful work is being quietly done, what loss and sufferingbravely borne, confirms and renews the trust in our fellow-countrymenwhich might be shaken if we listened only to the utterances in the Pressand in Parliament. 

"Trust in the people" should be a habit of mind--a rule of actiontacitly adopted--not a party watchword. Tell a man or boy--more thanonce--that you trust him, and he will probably take it--and not withouta warrant--that you don't, that in fact you have grave doubts but do notwholly despair. The phrase might be taboo on the platform to raise cheapcheers but silently recognised in the Cabinet as a guide in action. Howmuch better would it have been all through the War, and how much betternow, if there were no concealment, except when information given mightassist the enemy, if we knew at once even when things went wrong! Therehave been times when it was necessary, in order to know at all what wasreally going on, to read the German reports rather than our own, subjectof course to a discount. The difficulty with those German preparationsis to determine whether the discount for intentional falsificationshould be 5 per cent. Or 90 per cent. Candour, however, leads us ratherto admit the former as generally nearer the mark when militaryoperations have been the subject of them, at least until the Germansbegan to suffer serious defeats in the field. 

It would have been far better, too, to have assumed--there was realground for the assumption--that the nation was ready and willing at onceto make any sacrifice, to submit to privation, to rouse itself to anyeffort if only the necessity for it were made clear, and if it could besatisfied that so far as possible the burdens would be distributedequally among all. 

Increased taxation properly adjusted has almost been a general demand, but unfairness in its incidence even on comparatively small matters isintensely resented. The Food Control Ministry whose orders affecteverybody's daily comfort is positively popular, while the profiteer andthe food-hoarder arouse the bitterest, though perhaps not alwaysdiscriminating, indignation. Skilled workmen have been almost driven tostrike, not from want of patriotism, nor from desire for profit out ofthe War, but because of the unfairness of leaving their wage at a leveloften below that of the unskilled and even of casual importations. Thefatal delays which were sometimes quite unnecessary, in dealing withcomplaints have added to the feeling of unrest. Suspicions were evenaroused sometimes that delays were intentional. 

A like spirit of confidence is required in the statement of "War Aims. "The higher our aims are put--if put honestly--the more earnest andcomplete is the response. Stated as they were by Mr. Asquith, with hisusual masterly precision of language, they received a practicallyunanimous and enthusiastic approval. There was nothing sordid in themotives which induced the best of our youth to offer their lives fortheir country's cause. 

Before the War it was a lack of "Trust in the people" which contributedto our unprepared condition. How much nearer would victory havebeen--possibly, indeed, there would have been no war--if our Governmentand leading men had, instead of carping at the great man who had trueinsight, stated plainly and calmly that great perils were threatened, that it was necessary to set our house in order, to make militarytraining more general, to use all available knowledge in making readythe machinery which would be necessary in case war was thrust upon ussuddenly! It was not "the people" who were responsible for the fact thatthe storm found us so unprepared. They would not have resented beingtold the truth, and asked to act accordingly. Even a candidate forParliament may sometimes say what he really thinks, and yet not repelthe electors, as witness one who, being asked long ago what was his viewabout "one man one vote, " answered, "It is a good question for a schooldebating society. Let us talk about something important. Our first needis a strong navy; without that we should be starving, perhaps eatingeach other, or submitting to the most degrading terms, within a fewmonths of the outbreak of war, and the second is the increasedproduction of food at home to make us more self-supporting in time ofneed. Let us think of these things. " He was elected by the votes of theartizans and agricultural labourers in a constituency where at theelection before there had been a great majority for the opposingcandidate, though he had no personal influence, had spent nothing in"nursing the constituency, " and refused to give pledges or act as adelegate to register the instructions of any caucus. He died, politically, without abjuring his faith. It was not the electors whohastened his decease. 

When a democratic Government is definitely established as in Englandnow, the alternatives for trust are either to hold aloof in despairawaiting the débâcle, to resist to the bitter end with a result likethat which Stephenson said would occur if a cow attempted to stop hislocomotive, or to try humbug and flattery. You do not flatter those youtrust. We are not speaking of that delightful flattery practised byIrishmen out of exuberant spirits or to create a genial atmosphere, butwhich is so easily succeeded by equally picturesque and imaginativedenunciation. To resent is as foolish as to believe either, though wemust admit that it is often a pleasure to be a recipient of the one andto hear the other _façon de parler_ addressed to our opponents. For thestolid Saxon it is a good maxim to tell the truth as pleasantly aspossible, but to tell it plainly, and to be honest in admitting defectsand recognising dangers. We are on the whole rather an ignorantnation--probably not more so than others, if we except the Germans andpossibly the Scandinavians. We are not, as a rule, clear-headed oraccurate thinkers, though we have generally a large fund of practicalgood sense. We lack constructive imagination, but have a certainoriginality and real power of initiative in dealing with practicalproblems as they arise, and much dogged perseverance in "carrying athing through. " These, like most other general propositions, are subjectto exceptions and open to many objections, but they contain a sufficientelement of truth to be worth noting. 

It is well plainly to recognise that if democracy is to be a blessinginstead of a curse there are three conditions necessary to control andguide its action. First, with the consciousness of power there must be adeep sense of responsibility. Secondly, with freedom of action theremust be a law-abiding spirit, a habit of obedience to those laws ofaction which control the arbitrary changeful will of the moment. Theprayer of the old Greek poet is one for all time:

 May my lot be to keep a reverence pure in word and deed, Controlled by laws, lofty, heaven-born, Of which the father is God alone, Not by the mortal nature of man begotten Never in oblivion lulled to sleep! God is mighty within them and grows not old. 

Thirdly, there should be an ideal of what we aim at, of what we wish thenation to become and to do, carefully thought out, and consciously setbefore us--its attainment the object of our efforts--and with that mustbe combined patient attention and steady work in planning and in takingeach practical step which will tend towards its realisation. Merecaptivating phrases are a will-of-the-wisp leading us to that "dangerousquag" of revolutionary change into which "even if a good man fall hewill find no bottom for his feet to stand on. " Reformation andrevolution are "contraries" though not perhaps "contradictories. " Eitherfor the individual or the nation vague aspiration not followed bybeneficent action is the kind of stimulant which destroys virility. Itrenders even virtue sterile, and engenders no new birth. 

The Reign of Law is the best protection of Liberty. Arbitrariness--theterm seems the nearest we have to express the idea, but it is not quitehappy, and the use of the more expressive German word "Willkür" might bepardoned--is as great a danger in a democracy as in an autocracy, and itis less capable of remedy. The "divine right of the odd man" "to governwrong" is too often assumed as an article of political faith. A newgeneration may think that to quote from an early Victorian writer is toappeal to the "dark ages"; but is there not a warning for all time inHallam's words, "the absolute Government of the majority is in generalthe most tyrannical of any"? It is possible to decapitate a king whosets himself above the law, or to deport or destroy a reactionary andtyrannous aristocracy, but against the crimes or follies of anunrestrained majority there is no appeal. Chaos, "red ruin, and thebreaking up of laws" follow in their steps. A general and deep sense ofresponsibility as well as consciousness of power among "the masses" is anecessary condition for welfare in a country with democratic government. 

More of the nation's life and development has been concentrated withinthe last four years than would occupy fifty years of Europe or a "cycleof Cathay" in ordinary times. It has borne sorrows and losses whichwould have been overwhelming had it been known beforehand how greatthey would be; the call for tremendous efforts for which it was totallyunprepared has been answered with steady resolve and heroic sacrifice. Faith in human nature has been confirmed. Where there has been failureit has not been through want of courage or any shrinking from duty onthe part of the rank and file, but rather from deficiencies inleadership. Imaginative grasp of a position, clear and accuratethinking, leading to prompt and definite action, can hardly be claimedas special characteristics of our race, but once satisfied that a thinghas got to be done, that it is "up to them" to do it, checks or defeats, labour or risks do not count. Sooner or later the task is performed. The"recoil" of the British again and again after being pressed back is thestriking feature in their history. The spring is not easily wound up, but it has enormous power, and the events of to-day show that it has notlost its elasticity. But how much more might have been accomplished, howmuch loss and suffering prevented, had knowledge awakened more interestand a prophetic imagination guided and inspired action directed to adefinite goal, had we set our ideals clearly before us and carefullythought out the steps to be taken one by one towards their realisation!

The recognition of these conditions is needed now, and will in thecoming changes be needed more and more. Enthusiasm and sanity must beunited to carry us safely forward. Tradition and custom will count forless either in maintaining or in preventing what is evil. Many old modesof thought, many old habits which checked us in the downward as well ashindered us in the upward path, will have been destroyed by the firethrough which we have been passing. We need a conscious plan more thanever for rebuilding and good workmanship in execution detail by detail. 

 Image the whole, then execute the parts. Fancy the fabric Quite ere you build, ere steel strike fire from quartz, Ere mortar dab brick. 

Then take the trowel and see that brick by brick each course is trulylaid. 

But we are not building a new city on unoccupied ground; there are somefoundations truly laid which have withstood the fire and storm and whichcannot be disturbed without both risk and useless toil. There are stilledifices standing to which time has given a beauty and tradition asanctity which newer creations cannot possess. They cannot be removedwithout irreparable loss. Like any other metaphor, that of rebuilding acity as compared with the action of a state, of a nation, after a timeof change and trouble, is misleading if pressed too far. Progress for anation must rather be the growth and development of a living organismadapting itself to new conditions or altered environment. We should "lopthe moulder'd branch away, " amputate the diseased tissue, as the trueConservative policy, and tend and foster the healthy growths with utmostcare, as the true method for the Liberal who aims at improvement andfuller life. 

One other thing must be said of the spirit in which the work ofReconstruction should be undertaken, which goes to the root of the wholematter, and a word must be used which we would have avoided ifpossible--"the word is too often profaned for me to profane it. " Butsearch for a substitute has been unavailing. 

There are some words which are better unspoken, except in case ofnecessity, that become soiled by common use. The too ready employment ofthem may savour indeed of that unctuous tone which makes ordinaryEnglishmen and boys squirm. "Conscience" is one. When a man speaks ofhis conscience you at once, and quite rightly, begin to suspect him. Heis probably going to refuse some hard task which others are undertaking, to do something which is offensive to his fellows, or at best, in sheerobstinacy to insist on a course of conduct which he knows cannot bejustified by reason. Someone has defined "conscience" as the"deification of our prejudices"; the giving of a kind of divineauthority to something we will insist on doing though it brings nogood, even causes harm, to ourselves and offends and injures others, orthe giving a name which should be sacred as commanding what we want todo for other reasons. A staunch Nonconformist--one of the clearestthinkers and probably the finest preacher of the last generation--how hewould have hated the phrase, but one cannot pause for another!--trulysaid of the passive resisters in his day, "There is a deal more ofpolitics than of conscience in their action. " Yet there are times wheneven the word conscience may have to be used, and no other will suffice. Another is "Duty"--so often put forward as the excuse for people doingsomething stupid, probably something they have been in the habit ofdoing and seem unable to give up, but which is really only a nuisance tothemselves and also to others. Yet there are under the abused wordsideas which should be the guide of life. 

The third is "Love"--an earnest and intense desire for the welfare ofour fellow-men, keen joy in their happiness, keen sorrow in theirtroubles. The word is out and shall not, except perhaps in a quotation, be used again. To use the word lightly or without grave reason seemsalmost a breach of the third clause of the Decalogue, remembering whatis said to be its equivalent by one who of all men who have lived hadthe most intimate means of knowing. All work of reconstruction must beinspired by a spirit of true philanthropy; without that the labour is invain. There is no other motive power that can move the world in the pathof true progress. 

It will be said that this is both obvious and to be ignored--a platitudewith a flavour of cant. Is it? Do we not hear again and again the appealto envy and hatred as motives of action, a desire in social life to pulldown, if levelling up is not immediately practicable? Is not jealousy ofthe success of others, whether individuals or classes or states, againand again what really prompts a policy? Even in dealing with thecountries which are our declared enemies, the desire to injure oughtnot to be our guide. If and when they relinquish the aims and cease fromsuch acts as forced us into war with them and make restitution for thewrongs they have committed, the right policy is, as far as possible, having clue regard to the just claims and interest of our friends, to dowhat will be for their true benefit also in the long run. No doubt thereis a disgraceful and fatal policy, sometimes adopted by EnglishGovernments, to be resolutely withstood--the policy of trying "toconciliate our enemies by giving away our friends. " We shall hear of itagain in dealing both with Ireland and with certain colonies whenGermany claims their return. On the other hand, the first maxim in allnegotiation, the first principle of sound diplomacy, is always to giveto the other side, and give without grudging, all he wants, provided itdoes not interfere with what it is important for your side to secure. Never be afraid of giving the opposing party too much, provided you getwhat your side really ought to have. How often has one heard indiscussing a settlement the objection raised that the other party isgetting too much! It is an old-time fallacy to think that practical goodsense and the highest philanthropy are antagonistic; only be certainthat if in any case they seem to be so, the latter is to prevail. 

With a good map you may safely have Mr. Worldly Wiseman's company to thevillage of Morality, and visit the "judicious gentleman named Legality"and "his charming son Civility"--yet find a straight road thence to theCelestial City without deviating to the "great town" of Carnal Policy. An apology perhaps is due in the twentieth century for using thelanguage of an earlier day; but everyone naturally thinks in thelanguage in which he was brought up, and education is now no doubtsufficiently general to make allusion recognisable and translation easy. There are still some survivals from a past generation who prefer eventhe "minor prophets" as literature to the most "up-to-date" modernutterances, though they have long ago relinquished the idea that thereis the slightest personal merit in doing so. Even when the olderlanguage was half forgotten there were within our memory some who woulduse it if they could, and perhaps did so when they felt strongly, as aScotsman in strange lands may, when deeply moved, revert to whatconvention insists on calling his "native doric. "

The question may fairly be put to all who are dealing with proposals forreconstruction: "Is the aim you have in view definitely and clearly topromote the general benefit?" Most would no doubt be able quite honestlyto answer, "Yes, that is my desire"; but we must go a step farther, "Areyou willing to make that object paramount? If it were proved that inorder to provide decent housing for a number of workers your dividendswould be reduced, are you prepared still to urge that the requiredaccommodation shall be provided? If the removal or the imposition of aparticular tariff will benefit the community as a whole, are youprepared to vote for such a change, though owing to it the business inwhich you are personally interested may make less profit?" There aresome men whose conduct shows that an answer could be given by them inthe affirmative. When the great majority can so answer with truth, weneed have no fear that the rebuilding of Britain, even if mistakes aremade, will be on sound foundations. 

To sum up: in considering each proposal we must first examine the spiritand the aim. Try the spirit, test the aims put before us by every meansin our power; venture to measure them by the moral canons of the greatthinkers and seers which have stood the test of time. Adopt the rules towhich the acts of those who have benefited mankind have conformed orwhich have received the consent of the best--the "golden" rule, hardthough it be to apply rightly and thoroughly, or Kant's principle thateach act of the individual (or community) is to be tested by thestandard whether or no it can be made of universal application, whetherit can command approval if taken as a guide for their actions by othermen or other nations as well as our own. Goodwill and Charity, to bestrong and true, must begin at home, but for their full fruition requirea field which has no bounds. 

 That man's the best Cosmopolite Who loves his native country best. 

Part II

PEACE

_A. --INTERNATIONAL PEACE_

CHAPTER II

LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE NEED

 _Unless a nation, like an individual, have some purpose, some ideal, some motive which lies outside of and beyond self-interest and self-aggrandisement, war must continue on the face of this earth until the day when the last and strongest man shall look out upon a world that has been depopulated in its pursuit of a false ideal. _--NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER. 

Paramount in importance above everything else is the establishment andmaintenance of peace between nations. No remedies for disease, no rulesfor healthy life will avail, if the arteries through which thelife-blood is pouring away remain open still or are only temporarilyclosed and liable after a brief interval to burst out anew. The vitalityof the nation would be gone beyond recovery if another generation of itsbest manhood were to be sacrificed and its materiall resources againsquandered to meet the necessities of a great war. 

Every day that the War lasts forces on us more clearly the fact thatScience, not only natural science--physics and chemistry--but also thescientific organisation of the State as an instrument of war, has sodeveloped the means of destruction as either to blot out humanity or toleave the greater part of mankind in abject and bitter slavery to thepowers that can wield most effectively the instruments of death and oftorture, if war between the leading nations breaks out again after aninterval of seeming peace. How warfare has changed within living memory!Five-and-twenty years ago the highest authority on naval constructionspoke with contempt of the submarine as a factor in war at sea. No onethen had solved the old world problem of aerial flight. Some of the mostdistinguished men of science regarded the attempts which were then beingmade as hopeless. It then seemed still to be a mere dream of poets. Wireless telegraphy was only a matter of speculation, a thing which afew only thought of as a possibility of the future. Man has indeedplucked the fruit of the tree of knowledge for his own destruction. Whatmay be the result of another quarter of a century of like advancement ofthe knowledge of the means of spreading "death throughout the world andbitter woe"? It may not be, as Dr. Murray Butler says, that thestrongest man will remain alone in a depopulated world. The strongestmay succumb to the inventions for destruction and the survivors may be afew of those maimed or weakened by disease whom the storm has passedover as too obscure, of too little importance even for the messengers ofDeath to remember and to relieve from their misery. This is notrhetorical exaggeration. The weapons of offence regularly win in theirrace with the weapons of defence. Fortresses that took years toconstruct are shattered in a day. The ironclad is sunk by the torpedo. How very little margin lay between this country and starvation throughaction of submarines! Suppose the enemy had possessed five times as manysubmarines from the first, would our defensive measures have prevailed?How small an extension in the enemy's power in the air would haveenabled him in a single night to leave London a mass of ruins, its wholepopulation which had not fled dying in torment from poisonous gases!Another five-and-twenty years of advance in scientific knowledge equalto that of the last five-and-twenty years may easily make such a resultpossible. 

But some man--one of those who never look beyond the next year and theirown street, and expects always to carry on business as usual--will saythat the nations will be exhausted and tired of war, and this War willbe the last. Dare any country trust to that unless a new spirit isinfused into the nations and definite steps are taken to prevent war?Did those who had the best means of knowledge--the Government of theday--imagine that such a war as this would break out suddenly? If theydid, they would be guilty of a crime almost unparalleled in leaving usso unprepared and fiddling with such questions--"Welsh Disestablishment"and the like--as occupied their time and attention and excited thepolitical controversies of the months and years immediately precedingthe War. 

Assume even that no new war does break out again actually, dare anynation neglect to keep up its naval and military armaments on a scalefar greater than before? How is the burden to be met when every pennythat can be raised as revenue will be needed to meet the charge on ourgigantic debt and the necessary claims for carrying on Government, tosay nothing of improving the conditions of life? We cannot, nor canother nations, go on using up capital and borrowing indefinitely. Thechoice is between assured peace and certain ruin, even if no waractually occurs. How can peace be assured? It would be well for some ofthose with the requisite historical knowledge and insight to tracecarefully the causes which have led to war in the past, to attempt adiagnosis of the disease which has again and again devastated the world. A vain classification might perhaps be made into religious wars, dynastic wars, trade wars; but is there not one element common almost toall, namely, the will to power, the desire and intention of some man orset of men to impose their will on others, regardless of justice, whichforbids the exercise of force to prevent each thinking, speaking, actingas he will, provided he does not injure the rights of others? It was theassertion of a claim to dominate which led to the eighty years' war whenSpain tried to impose her yoke on the Netherlands, and blended withdesire for gain a crusade against the faiths which rejected thesupremacy of Rome. Was the Thirty years War a religious war or astruggle between rulers to assert and extend their powers? Take any oneof the series of long wars, such as those of Louis XIV. Or of Napoleon, under what head of such a classification do they fall? Does not thecommon element above mentioned apply to all of them?

The urgency of taking definite steps to secure peace has been recognisedalready, much thought has been devoted to it, and schemes even in somedetail have been suggested for dealing with it. The idea of a League ofNations to secure peace is occupying the attention of many of the wisestminds and of the statesmen who hold the most responsible positions. Itis meeting with strong popular support, at all events in Britain and inthe United States. France and Italy are examining the proposal. It iswell, however, where attractive phrases are used and schemes proposed, to subject them carefully to the double test: how far they cover theground and meet the real difficulties; and, secondly, how they wouldwork out in practice in the circumstances which are likely to arise. Wewant to look at the question as a whole, to see exactly what we have toaim at, sometimes to reiterate what seem almost useless truisms. Theobvious is too often overlooked. First we need to recognise the actualfacts, then let the right spirit grow up and become general, and afterthat attempt to plan the best machinery and test its probable effect andefficiency by seeing how it would be expected to work in various specialcases. 

There are now in the world two fundamentally different ways of lookingat international relations. On the one hand, we have the assertionsexpressed definitely in words by many Germans and acted uponconsistently without qualification by the German Government, thatjustice is the interest of the stronger; that power and force may be, and indeed ought to be, exerted by a State without any check on moralgrounds; that a strong nation must realise itself, develop and use itsstrength without regard to the so-called rights of the weaker; that"those should take who have the power, and those should keep who can. "To them Reason, Common Sense, even the Divine Law seem to say: "Assertthyself; have the will to power. " Where such a spirit exists there canbe no binding force in agreements, rules of international law are afarce, but convenient perhaps at times for embarrassing the action ofopponents who wish to treat them with respect. The dictates of humanitymay be set aside at discretion. With that spirit argument is useless. With those who are inspired by it there can be no compromise, no truce. It must be met by force inspired by moral earnestness. In that strugglethe alternative for the world is victory or death. Every man who fallsfighting against such a foe dies a martyr, witnessing by his death thatso far as in him lies the embodied powers of evil shall not prevail. Unless the Power which thus claims to dominate is defeated it is uselessto talk of peace. On the other hand, it is essential to recognise, andkeep ever before us, the spirit which is opposed to this claim fordomination, this denial of the existence of justice, and to renew in thewhole nation the spirit in which it entered into the War. 

CHAPTER III

LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE SCHEME

 _If any peace after the War is to be permanent there must be a settlement not only between territorial claims but an arrangement with regard to the machinery by which peace will be maintained in the future. _

Perhaps the most convenient way to gain a more definite idea of what theproposal for a League of Nations really means, to understand both itsadvantages and the difficulties involved in it, may be to follow thedebate on the subject initiated by Lord Parmoor in the House of Lords inMarch of 1918. It shows that the idea of a League of Nations to preventwar is taking definite shape, and is not regarded by practicalmen--statesmen with experience of the actual conduct of internationalaffairs, and lawyers who as members of the judicial committee of thePrivy Council have had to devote their attention to questions ofinternational law--as outside the range of practical politics. It showsalso that the idea will stand the test of discussion and calm criticism. 

Lord Lansdowne--to whom, whatever may be thought of some recentutterances, the country owes a debt of gratitude too little recognised, especially for his conduct of foreign affairs at a most difficult periodduring the Boer War--stated his opinion that "in a league pronouncing asentence of international outlawry upon any one country that broke awayfrom its obligations you would have a material guarantee for themaintenance of peace. " He pointed out how "the existence of such aleague might perhaps have prevented the War in July of 1914, as it wasimpossible in that time of clamour and confusion when one suggestionafter another made by those who, like Sir Edward Grey, were working forpeace was rejected, to put forward a definite proposal for dealing withthe dispute in a manner provided for by previous agreement. " LordParker, whose authority carries the greatest weight with juristseverywhere, having the true lawyer's instinct for putting vagueproposals into definite shape, actually presented a draft of heads ofagreement for the establishment of a League. [1] These heads would, tosay the least, form the basis for discussion leading to practicalresults. One or two of his proposed clauses may be quoted as expressingin definite language the fundamental principles which must be the basisof any such League. The first may appear perhaps only a "pious opinion. "It is really very much more. Assent to it means the complete repudiationof the ideas which have guided German policy--the ideas which made worldwar inevitable, and which will inevitably lead to war in the futureunless they are abandoned. Any nation which assents to the clause tellsthe world that it expressly rejects those ideas and agrees that itsaction shall be guided by principles diametrically opposed to them. Assent to a declaration of the kind suggested would certainly affect thespirit in which international questions are approached in future, andprobably the resulting action also. It runs:

"The League to recognise that war from whatever cause is a danger to ourcommon civilisation, and that international disputes ought to be settledon principles of right and justice and not by force of arms. " The lastclause dealing with the admission of new members of the League is thecomplement of this. There is to be power "to admit a nation as a memberof the League, if satisfied in each case that the nation bona fideaccepts the principle on which the League is founded, and bona fideintends that international disputes shall thereafter be settled bypeaceful means. " It is contemplated, and rightly contemplated, thatthere should be a possibility for the Central Empires to join the Leaguesooner or later, but it can only be on terms of their rulers at the timesaying expressly, "We abjure in the sight of the world and of our ownpeople those principles of action which German rulers and leaders ofthought have been inculcating for two generations. " The choice forGermany would be either to stand excommunicated from the brotherhood ofnations for ever, or to say plainly, "I declare what my professors andschoolmasters have for half a century had to teach to be false; thedoctrines of Treitschke and of his disciple von Bernhardi are anathema;it is infamous to adopt the statement of the German writer that 'It isof no importance to me whether an action is just or unjust, ' or that 'IfI am powerful enough to perform any deed, then I am justified in doingit. ' I renounce such leaders and teachers and all their words and works, so that I will not follow or be led by them. " It may be urged that therecantation might not be sincere, but it would discredit the authorityof those who attempt to revive the damnable doctrines. [2]

The great difficulty, of course, arises as to the means of enforcing theagreement against war, of finding some proper and effective sanction tosecure its observance. It may be well to note that throughout thisdiscussion the word sanction is used in the strict legal sense, meaningsome definite penalty or punishment to be inflicted on a wrong-doer. Itis the existence of such a "sanction" which is the clearest way ofenforcing obedience, and gives a rule of conduct the force of law. 

Two definite proposals are made in Lord Parker's scheme. (1) "If an actof war be committed against any member of the League, the Council is tonotify it, and thereupon every member should (_a_) break off diplomaticrelations with the nation guilty of such act; (_b_) prohibit and takeeffective steps to prevent all trade and commerce between itself and theguilty party; (_c_) place an embargo upon all ships and property of theguilty nation found in its territorial waters or within itsterritories. "

A very similar suggestion, though not quite so definite, was made by thepresent writer in an article on "Sanction in International Law, " whichappeared in the Italian Journal "Scientia" in 1916. "The nations mightagree that any belligerent which wilfully violates or invades neutralterritory shall be treated as a moral leper. Without actually going towar they should cease to have dealings with the invader, forbid allintercourse of their subjects with the country which violates theneutral territory. "

For the sake of brevity this may be called the "economic boycott, " butit is really very much more than simply economic pressure. It is acommon habit in political discussions to confuse very different things, to which the same name is given, and the term "economic boycott" isbeing used to cover three proposals of very different character. (_a_)It may mean a permanent exclusion of Germany from the markets of theworld to punish its people for supporting the crimes of its rulers andincidentally to secure for ourselves a valuable extension of trade byreason of the exclusion of a rival. (_b_) It may mean a temporarymeasure to insure that agreed terms of peace are observed by those whodisregard "mere scraps of paper, " to act as a guarantee that restitutionshall be made for wrongs done, to check the revival and extension of theenemy's armaments, to make the German people feel the disadvantages andloss caused by their action, and the desirability of joining withothers in repudiating war as a means of settling disputes or assertingnational claims. (_c_) It may mean a sanction for breach of thestipulations contained in the agreement on which the League of Nationsis founded, i. E. , a punishment to be inflicted on anyone who infringesthe agreement he has made--a means of insuring performance of its terms. It is in this last sense that it is used in the present discussion. 

(2) The second sanction proposed in the scheme is of a still moreserious character. The clause to embody it runs as follows:

"Certain members of the League specified in a schedule and to consist ofthe chief military and naval powers, should agree, if required to do soby a resolution of the League, to commence war against the guiltynation, and to prosecute such war by land and sea until the guiltynation shall have accepted terms which shall be approved by the League. "

This proposal might more effectually prevent wrong-doing, but, even ifcarefully guarded as Lord Parker proposes, appears open to seriousobjections. There seems grave reason to fear that while intended toprevent war, it might really be the cause of disputes, and possibly ofwar of the most deadly kind. Such a stipulation might cast a terribleburden on a strong naval power like Great Britain, and have mostdisastrous consequences. We are bound to maintain a strong navy to keepopen communication between the different parts of the Empire and also toprotect our food supplies. Without sea power Britain could in a fewmonths be starved into submission to any terms in case of war, but tomaintain a large navy to be at the beck and call of a Councilrepresenting all the nations who cared to join the proposed League wouldbe intolerable. Suppose, for example, the United States demandedsatisfaction for some outrage on American subjects, or suppose Americansubjects were threatened with massacre in some unsettled country such asMexico, and in order to obtain satisfaction or to protect its subjectssent some warships to a Mexican port and landed an armed force, not withany object of aggression, but to prevent irreparable injuries. SupposeGreat Britain was of opinion that the American demand was amplyjustified, but that a majority of representatives of the League, oreven, as Lord Parker's scheme suggests, a majority of the powers namedin the Schedule, took a contrary view and called on Great Britain tofulfil the agreement to use her naval force and commence and prosecuteto the bitter end a war against the United States because its Governmenthad acted at once instead of waiting while the representatives of ascore of other nations were discussing whether any action waspermissible. Would not the alternative between breaking the engagementand undertaking a bitter and ruinous war against a powerful and friendlynation put us in an intolerable position? Half a dozen States in theLeague might for one reason or another wish to resist the claim of theUnited States for redress. Names of States which might possibly socombine could be given, but it is better to refrain. It is notinconceivable that German penetration and intrigue at some future timemight promote a combination of the kind. All sorts of influences mightbe brought to bear on certain of the States and on theirrepresentatives. Dynastic claims might even affect them. 

Unless it be with some country which she can trust and whose Governmentand its aims she can thoroughly rely upon, and then only for somelimited and specific purpose, Great Britain, or any other naval ormilitary power, ought not to bind itself to go to war and employ itsforces. We must be free to reduce those forces or to refrain fromemploying them in making war. An engagement which might incircumstances, the real character of which no one can foresee atpresent, compel us to undertake a war at the bidding of others is athing to which we ought never to consent. Engagements to make war arenot a safe way of promoting peace. They may possibly be justified wherethere is some clearly specified object, some defined case in whichnations ally themselves to prevent some particular wrong, such, forexample, as guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. Even for a singlespecific agreement of this kind a very strong case is required, but thatis a totally different thing from agreeing to provide a kind of worldpolice to enforce and execute the orders of a Council of heterogeneousStates under conditions the nature of which no one can predict now. Wecannot tell beforehand with any certainty what will be the realcharacter of the proposed League Council, nor what motives may inspireits members at some future time, nor whom the majority of them will infact represent. It does not necessarily follow that there can be nosanction of any kind to enforce the rules of International Law or thedecisions of a League of Nations to prevent a breach of internationalpeace, no penalty attaching to those who disregard those rules or areguilty of breaking that peace. As already stated, the economic boycott, every member of the League agreeing to treat an aggressor as an outlaw, and without actually going to war ceasing to have any dealings with him, and forbidding all intercourse of its subjects with the peace-breaker, is likely to be really effective. Lord Shaw, whose interest in thesubject is no new thing, and who has devoted long and carefulconsideration to it, later in the debate gave the weight of hisauthority as to the efficacy of such measures. "Let it, " he said, "beknown once and for all that from the moment a nation becomes a traitorto the League it becomes, _ipso facto_, an economic outlaw, then themotive both for being included within and for remaining within theLeague will be increased a hundredfold, and wholly for the benefit ofmankind. "

Of course, logically many of the objections which can be urged againstan agreement to make war might also be urged against an agreement for aboycott of this kind, but in practice the risks in the case of theboycott would be far less serious. Members of a club might well agree toexpel and to cut a member who assaults another, but it would be adifferent matter to agree that, they should be able to order thestrongest man in the club to go to his house and thrash the offenderuntil he makes such compensation as may seem satisfactory to them. A manwho objected to be put on a "schedule" of members liable to be deputedfor such a mission would not necessarily be a coward. He might possiblythink that the member assaulted did in fact deserve a horse-whipping, though he might deprecate such a proceeding, and consider that theaffair, or the dispute between the parties, ought to have been dealtwith by the club committee as a case for expulsion. A hatred ofinjustice, resentment against wrong, if it really exists in nations andindividuals, will make itself felt. Without it, formal agreements willbe found to be of little use. The objections to a League of Nationshaving power practically to order certain of its members to make war donot in any way prevent the establishment of international tribunalsbeing followed by useful results. Without any express sanctions toenforce them as above suggested, their decisions will usually be obeyedin practice. There is and will be plenty of scope for the action of suchtribunals. A nation may hate war, may recognise its perils and theinevitable losses involved, but may feel that an unwarrantable claim isbeing made against it which it is bound to resist. It may, however, beperfectly willing to submit the point to any tribunal which evenpurports to be impartial, and abide by its decision. In this way somesystems of law have grown up. They began by regulating procedure. Eachof two parties claimed something as his property, was ready to fight tomaintain his right; but such contests might result in injustice, andwere certainly injurious to the peace of the State. In early Roman Laweach party who claimed the object in dispute touched it with his spear, showing his readiness to fight for it; then some respected citizen--_virpietate gravis_--stepped in, and each party, without fear that hisrefraining from fighting would expose him to future encroachments on hisrights, could agree to abide by his decision. As time goes on, what wasmerely the casual intervention of an arbitrator becomes an habitualrule, and eventually the fixed law of the land. Custom develops bygeneral consent into law. Trial by combat may become obsolete inpractice even long before it becomes illegal. There are many cases inwhich a man (or a nation) dare not give way, though he knows that itwill cost him more to fight the case. A rough Lancashire manufacturerwas once advised against fighting a difficult case on the ground thatthe result was uncertain, and the costs would in any event be veryheavy, more than the value of the matter in dispute. He said afterwardsto his solicitor with some force, "If I give in in this, that ---- willcome into my kitchen, kick me, and ask what business I have there. No, I'll fight him now. " He brought his action and won, and found theprediction as to costs was only too fully borne out, even thoughjudgment in the Court of Appeal was finally given in his favour. The manwho says he will not fight in any circumstances invites injuries, thoughthe man who fights when he could honourably avoid it is pretty sure torue his decision. 

Where two high-spirited persons are engaged in a dispute, and each isready to maintain his cause with the sword, the intervention of a thirdmay save both from the disasters of a battle. The words of the Douglaswhen intervening in a heated contest, "The first who strikes shall be myfoe, " may sometimes be a model for the real peacemaker. But he wouldcertainly have resented the idea of agreeing to keep prepared, readyarmed to fight at the bidding of a number of other chiefs, anyone whoused force to prevent or punish some injury to himself. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: The death of Lord Parker, which occurred soon after thesewords were written, has deprived the country of the services of one ofthe few great jurists at a time when they are most sorely needed. Thereare many good lawyers, many judicial minds acute in seizing the reallyrelevant points in a complicated case, but very few, perhaps none, whounited to legal learning and judicial penetration so broad a grasp ofprinciple and appreciation of the larger issues involved in decisionsgiven. ]

[Footnote 2: A passage in Mr. Brailsford's book on a "League ofNations, " published some months before the debate took place, but whichI had not seen when the above lines were written, puts the point mostforcibly:

"We set out to destroy Prussian militarism. It will be destroyed at themoment when a German Government pledges itself to enter a league basedon arbitration and conciliation. "]

CHAPTER IV

LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE CONDITIONS

After an adjourned debate on June 27th, 1918, in which Lord Curzonpointed out several practical difficulties that would have to be faced, the House of Lords, surely not a body to be carried away by anyephemeral current of popular feeling[3] or captivated by a vague phrase, passed with practical unanimity a resolution in these terms, "That thisHouse approves of the principle of a League of Nations, and commends toHis Majesty's Government a study of the conditions required for itsrealisation. " It in effect declared the "preamble proved, " and proposedthat "the clauses" should be considered. At the suggestion of LordBryce--a true friend of peace, if ever there was one--certain wordscontained in the original resolution proposing that there should be atribunal constituted "whose orders shall be enforceable by adequatesanction" were omitted. The question of sanction is, no doubt, a crucialone, but it seemed better to substitute the more general words urging aninquiry into the conditions necessary for the establishment of a League, in fact to see generally--looking at the question as a whole--whatdefinite and practical steps should be taken to bring the League intoexistence and define its constitution, aims and powers. In passing sucha resolution the House of Lords was expressing the feeling of thenation. Its great importance was that by an assembly so critical, containing men of such varied experience and-with special knowledge bothof law and of foreign affairs, a resolution supporting the idea of aLeague was accepted with real unanimity. 

It would be most unfortunate if the approval of the proposal to give theLeague powers to direct the use of the naval and military forces ofcertain of its members were to be made a condition precedent to approvalof the principle of a League and as necessarily implied in it. Earnestadvocates of that principle may dissent entirely from Viscount Grey'sstatement in his pamphlet, published about the time when the debate tookplace, that "those States that have power must be ready to use all theforce, economic, military or naval, that they possess. " "_Anything lessthan this is of no value. _" They may hold, on the contrary, that aLeague might be of great value without any agreement binding certain ofits members to employ--which implies an obligation to maintain--navaland military forces and armaments at the bidding of the League Councilon a scale and in the manner which would either be settled from time totime by representatives of other nations or be the subject of somepreliminary agreement. Settling the terms of such an agreement mightinvolve serious disputes and delay the establishment of the Leagueindefinitely. The moral influence due to the existence of a Leagueembracing all nations which regard war as an evil to be stopped ifpossible, would be great. A Declaration of Faith, in which those whohold a common belief give expression to it, has its effect. An agreementbetween nations or individuals, even where there is no legal sanction, would be regarded as something that they will try to carry out. Thebreach of such an agreement would excite the "resentment which is thelife-blood of law. " Still the risk of disregard of the obligations isgreat unless there is a definite material sanction, an evil imposed byforce on a wrong-doer, and no doubt it will be urged that someobjections to employ military and naval power to enforce the obligationsimposed by the League may be raised against the less drastic proposalfor an economic boycott, but in actual working the two things, asalready pointed out, differ enormously. The suggested economic boycottimposes a similar obligation on all members of the League; all alike canimmediately forbid all intercourse by their subjects with the aggressor, instead of imposing on certain members the duty of going to war. Secondly, it does not imply the maintenance of great armaments by anyState. 

It is constantly found that a penalty of smaller amount, a less severepunishment, is more likely to prevent a wrong than a heavier one, provided that it is prompt and certain. Had Germany known a few monthssooner that Britain would assuredly go to war and put into such war herwhole resources if Belgium were invaded, it is not improbable that thatoutrage would never have been committed; but had Germany also known thatthe moment her troops crossed the Belgian frontier every German ship inthe United States would be interned, every American citizen punished asa criminal by the United States Government if he traded with Germany, that "intercourse" with the aggressor would be at once forbidden, andthat these restraints would be continued until complete restitution hadbeen made, is it not morally certain that Belgium would not have beeninvaded? War might have been prevented. In fear of such an injury toGerman trade and commerce, the bankers of Berlin and Frankfort wouldhave denounced war; the merchants of Hamburg and Bremen would have beenthe strongest advocates of peace. A like test might be applied to othercases of aggression. The effects of breaking off diplomatic--and, stillmore, commercial--relationships, although no shot is fired and noregiment mobilised, and of mere neutrality differ _toto coelo_. The verypeople who are least influenced by moral restraints, who scorn justice, will be most influenced by the financial losses and the destruction oftheir trade. 

It was, no doubt, right "to commend a study of the question" to HisMajesty's Government, but it is also well to commend to the Governmentthe desirability of consultation with those outside the Governmentdepartments who have given study to it already. Like other problems, itshould be considered in advance during the War. As Lord Shaw forciblypointed out, "The project does not mean the slackening of our efforts ora weakening of our forces or timidity in our policy in the present War. If it did I would not be associated with it for one hour. "

To quote Lord Grey's words, Germany has to be convinced that force doesnot pay, that the aims and policy of her military rulers inflictintolerable and also unnecessary suffering upon her. The regeneration ofGermany, a real new birth, is necessary if the peace of the world is tobe secured; and surely by now we might have learned that suchregeneration will never come unless Germany is beaten in this War. AsLord Grey says, "Recent military success and the ascendancy of Prussianmilitarism have reduced the advocates of anything but force to silence"in Germany. As these words are written comes the report of the sinkingof the hospital ship _Llandovery Castle_, followed by cold-blooded anddeliberate murder. The mass of German crime grows daily. 

The "economic boycott" above referred to differs absolutely in its aimand character from the proposal to impose a permanent and continuousboycott on German commerce to maintain and extend British or other tradeat the expense of Germany. Phrases are sometimes used here which seem tobe almost a repetition of those so dear to the Pan-German party. "Destroy British commerce that German may replace it, " is echoed back as"Destroy German commerce that British may replace it. " The whole ideathat the progress and extension of the trade and industry of one countryis an injury to another is radically false. A spirit of jealousy, regarding the prosperity of others as involving injury to ourselves, isa curse to the individual, to the class, or to the nation which isimbued with it. 

To put these questions on the highest moral basis--on a true religiousbasis, if you will--is not cant, but only a recognition of the realfacts. The world will without doubt everlastingly perish unless thistrue faith is maintained and acted upon. Self-interest andself-aggrandisement as dominant motives inevitably lead to destruction, hastened by every advance in the knowledge and in the efficiency ofthose who take them as their guides. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 3: These words were written before July 9th, and perhaps nowrequire some modification. ]

CHAPTER V

LEAGUE OF NATIONS--ITS SCOPE AND AIM

 _Just so while it is highly important to have controversies between nations settled by arbitration rather than by war, and the growth of sentiment in favour of that peaceable method of settlement is one of the great advances in civilisation of this generation; yet the true basis of peace among men is to be found in a just and considerate spirit among the people who rule our modern democracies, in their regard for the rights of other countries and in their desire to be fair and kindly in the treatment of the subjects which give rise to international controversies. The basis of peace and order is "the self-restraint of the thousands of people who make up the community, and their willingness to obey the law and regard the rights of others. _"--ELIHU ROOT. 

No League of Peace, however, can be sufficient guarantee against a powerwhich is highly organised, vigorous and united, if it desires war. Either such a power must be so defeated and so weakened as to be unableto renew hostilities, or its character so altered as to make it give upthe desire for aggression and domination. As Mr. Gerard points out, "Itis only by an evolution of Germany herself towards Liberalism that theworld will be given such guarantees of future peace as will justify thetermination of this War. Liberalism in this sense does not mean violentrevolution, but does mean a spirit opposed to that which animates thepresent Government of Germany, and will continue to do so if no changeis made in that Government. " "The whole world, " as Mr. Gerard says, "feels that peace made with its present Government would not be lasting, that such a peace would mean the detachment of some of the Allies fromthe present world alliance against Germany, preparation by Germany inlight of her needs as disclosed by the War, and the declaration of a newwar in which there would be no battle of the Marne to turn back the tideof German world conquest. " No such change of government can be imposedfrom without. Every German would resent, and rightly, any suchinterference. Mr. Balfour has declared expressly that a claim to changethe form of government in Germany is not one of our war aims. The changemust be a change of spirit, which will not come unless facts prove thatthe violent assertion of the claim to domination, to override justicewhere self-interest appears to be served thereby, has led to disaster, and is in reality opposed to self-interest in the long run. As a meansof carrying out the ideas of Germany in its relations with othercountries, it must be admitted that its Government is a singularlyeffective machine. It is those ideas which must be given up if a realchange is to be made. The clever devil could have invented nothingbetter than the highly organised machinery of the German Government fordoing his work. There are two conditions, at all events, which arenecessary in regard to any such change if permanent peace is to result. 

First, that we should not look for a disruption of settled and orderlygovernment in Germany. The anarchy of Russia does not make for worldpeace. Would not a reasonable man, however liberal his views, prefer forhis country the rule of the Kaiser and his devotees to the rule of aLenin and of Bolsheviks?

Second, it must be clear that we do not desire the destruction ofGermany--a futile desire, even if not wicked--but its regeneration. Nodoubt for a time, whatever happens in Germany, it will be impossible toforget the crimes that have been committed. British sailors willnaturally refuse all association with those who have been guilty of theseries of murders at sea. Any attempt, however, to exclude Germany fromthe markets of the world, permanently to destroy German commerce for alltime, would make permanent peace impossible. To make that a war aimwould be to strengthen every evil influence in Germany, and if done withthe object of securing gain to ourselves by forcible means, woulddegrade us almost to the level of those who forced this War upon theworld. It was the purity of our aims that united all the best elementsof the nation in entering upon and in prosecuting the War, and in facingits losses. It was that which has confirmed the stability of thealliance, and from the beginning of the War made the best and mostenlightened Americans earnest supporters of our cause, and has finallybrought in the whole American nation, sworn to see the accomplishment ofthose aims. The aims with which Britain entered on the War appealedirresistibly to the people of the whole Empire, and not least to theimagination of the Indian races. An Indian friend of wide experience andcalm and independent judgment wrote to me at the time, saying he hadnever seen anything like the spirit of intense loyalty called out by thebelief of Indians that Britain was taking up a heavy burden to protectweaker nations from aggression and to maintain justice. [4] Let us keepthose aims pure to the end. It would, of course, be affectation tosuggest that our object in the War is now simply a chivalrous desire toprotect the weak or maintain justice. We now know that it is also topreserve our own existence as a nation, and that it would be better forus and our children that Britain should be sunk beneath the sea thanthat Germany should achieve a complete victory. 

It must be reiterated that until Germans and Austrians can be admittedto free intercourse with other nations we can have no complete worldpeace. For such admission the conditions precedent above stated areessential. But if these are complied with, we must make our choicebetween the possibility of general peace with a League of Nationsembracing all and a state of "veiled and suspended warfare. " Thispregnant phrase caught my eye after the foregoing paragraphs werewritten. It is one to be remembered. 

Although there is no sign at present of a changed spirit in the Germanrulers, or in the party which is now dominant in Germany, the prospectof an alteration in the spirit of the German people is not hopeless, unless they emerge from the War victorious. A significant passage from aGerman paper is quoted by Sir Dugald Clerk in the most valuable andencouraging address on the "Stability of Britain, " delivered by him tothe Royal Society of Arts in 1916. "So the Germans are awakening to aconsciousness of the futility of their dream of domination founded uponthe idea of might, irrespective of the rights of other nations, and theywill ultimately be forced to accept the idea, so strange to themhitherto, that honesty between nations is as necessary as between manand man. " The whole address should be read as an antidote by any whotake a "gloomy joy in depreciation, " as a tonic by those who aredepressed by our failures and apprehensive of our future. 

To maintain a real peace based on goodwill, we want to get rid of thejealous spirit which regards the prosperity of one nation as an injuryto others. "The economic and financial strength of this country isfounded upon the welfare not merely of the British people, butpractically of all countries. " "Commerce is not a war. It will be foundthat wealth increases simultaneously in industrious nations. " "We mustnot even forget that a poverty-stricken Germany and Austria would reacton the whole world. " "Punish the Germans and Austrians by allmeans--they thoroughly deserve it--but do not imagine that by cuttingthose nations out of the world's commerce the other nations can berendered more wealthy. " These general statements do not exclude, ofcourse, the possibility that it may be found necessary for a time by"economic pressure" to secure performance by the enemy of certain terms, nor that, during a period of reconstruction and readjustment, theconditions affecting certain industries may not demand some specialtemporary protection for them. There may for a time have to berestrictions on certain imports from the enemy countries, and on certainexports to them, but all such proposals ought to be very jealouslyscrutinised, not only in regard to their effect on the particular tradesdirectly affected, but on the country as a whole. The use of suchweapons often injures those who use them more than those against whomthey are used. Would not a German Minister of Propaganda, or a GermanCommittee on War Aims, wishing to stimulate active support for the Waramong the German masses, be well advised to circulate some of theresolutions that have been passed by certain bodies in England andscatter them broadcast in Central Europe, with a few careful glosses andcomments to point the moral? They would be a valuable asset for a German"ginger group. " The open door into and out of this country forcommodities generally has made it an emporium for world trade, and beenone of the main causes why, in spite of deficient home production ofnecessaries, we have been able to stand the economic strain of the War. Striking off the fetters that it has been found necessary toimpose--sometimes with undue strictness and pedantic minuteness--onBritish commerce and industry will be one of the first things to behoped for from peace. It is impossible to give detailed examples here. Ask any merchant, he will give you specific instances of the need for arecovered freedom. Questions are so closely involved with each otherthat we may seem to be mixing up national trade interests with the idealstriving for peace and goodwill. Yet, after all, self-interest rightlyunderstood and regard for the interests of others, with an honest wishfor their welfare, are not feelings mutually exclusive. There is highauthority for saying that "serving the Lord" is not incompatible with"diligence in business. "

It is quite possible to lay too much stress on the necessity fordefinite and formal sanctions to enforce agreements. There are cases inwhich the enforcement of a definite penalty for a wrongful act or forbreach of an agreement is very difficult, but in which the "sense ofmoral obligation, " "respect for public opinion, " and "reliance onprinciples of mutual consent" do regularly operate so strongly that therules of conduct laid down are in fact observed. On the ManchesterExchange thousands of agreements involving millions of money are made, the breach of which could not be made the ground of a successful actionat law. The number of cases of repudiation of such agreements is almostnegligible. To plead the Statute of Frauds in an action for non-deliveryor non-acceptance of goods under such informal agreements might be adefence in the law courts, but would not save the defendant from theindeterminate but effective penalties due to the feeling of his fellowsthat he was acting dishonourably. It is instructive to notice that indealing with the question of industrial disputes, which are in many waysanalogous to international, at least where they arise between organisedbodies of employers and of workpeople, the Whitley Committee, in asupplemental report issued in January, 1918, expressed the opinion: (1)that no attempt should be made to establish compulsory arbitration orcompulsory legislation to prevent strikes and lock-outs; (2) that thereshould be standing arbitration councils or panels of arbitrators to whomdisputes arising could be voluntarily referred; (3) that provisionshould be made for independent inquiry and report as to the merits oftrade disputes; (4) that legal penalties for breach of an award or of anagreement made to settle a trade dispute should not be imposed; (5) thatthe decisions of industrial tribunals and arbitrators should beco-ordinated as far as possible, and that there should be opportunityfor interchange of opinion between the arbitrators whose awards shouldbe circulated. A body of customary law on the subject would thus grow upwithout legal sanction, but of great value in promoting uniformity andpreventing the ill-feeling which would arise from conflicting decisionsin different cases involving similar questions. Those who have taken anypart in deciding questions affecting wages or trade conditions havefound the need of some standard to appeal to, and felt the danger likelyto arise from giving decisions either less or more favourable to eitherparty than had been given in other districts in similar circumstances. In an analogous way, decisions of the prize court of one country arequoted in the courts of other countries, although they are not bindingon them. International Law did exist, and had an important practicalinfluence. Diplomatists did appeal to it, and the prize tribunals, inadministering the law, stated distinctly that they would be guided byand would apply the principles of that law, even if the orders issued bythe administrative Government of their own country were at variance withit. The decision of the Privy Council in the case of the _Zamora_establishes the principle that the law which prize courts will follow isInternational Law, and that they will do so though some Order in Councilmay conflict with it. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 4: How strong this belief was among many of those who hadoften been in opposition to the British Government was shown at ameeting in Bombay early in the War. The enthusiastic speech of thechairman, the late Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, one of the ablest and mostpersistent critics of British rule in India for very many years, is oneto be remembered. ]

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSIONS REACHED

We may now state in order certain definite conclusions which appear tofollow from the arguments urged above:--

1. --It is to be expected that during the next thirty years, a periodless than that which has elapsed since the Franco-German War, thescientific knowledge of the means of carrying on offensive warfare willhave made such advances and become so generally applied, that, ifanother world war breaks out, not only will material damage be causedwhich can never be repaired, but the best part of the human race willeither be destroyed or suffer deterioration as disastrous as completedestruction, and that this result will be accompanied by appallingmisery. 

2. --Unless there is a real assurance of peace, even if actual war doesnot break out, the maintenance of armaments and the preparation for warwould place a burden which would be absolutely intolerable on theleading nations of mankind. 

3. --Owing to the close connection through modern means of communicationbetween one nation and another and the way in which their interests areinterlocked, a war between two States is liable to develop into a worldwar. If one nation endeavours to promote its interests by imposing itswill by force on another, the other nations must either stand by whilethe injury is done, in which case it is almost certain that the injurywill be repeated by subsequent attacks on some of them, or the nationsmust league themselves together to prevent aggression and the assertionof the claim to ascendancy. 

4. --The complete defeat of Germany, and the punishment therebyinflicted on the German rulers and the people who have supported them, will be the best vindication of the principles of international justicepossible, and will operate as a sanction for international morality anda warning against future aggressions or claims to dominate put forwardby Germany or any other State. 

5. --The defeat of Germany in the present War, followed by subsequentpressure on Germany through economic boycott or else by a clearly provedchange in the principles and aims of the German nation, accompanied by adefinite repudiation of the persons and the policy and organisationwhich have led to the War, is absolutely essential for the future peaceof the world. 

6. --The formation of a League of Nations willing to bind themselvestogether for common objects, of which the prevention of war is the mostimportant, may not only be the most effective way of securing peace butalso provide a means for the consideration and adoption of measuresintended for the common welfare of all. Such a League may, probablymust, come into existence, and its aims and methods be formulated, before Germany and her Allies could be admitted to it; but as soon asGermany and her Allies can give adequate assurances that they will adoptand be bound by the principles laid down as the foundation of theLeague, they should be admitted to it. Until this is possible the Leaguemust partake of the nature of a defensive alliance rather than of aworld-wide league of peace. 

7. --Whether any definite sanction for enforcing the principles on whichthe League is founded and the stipulations which it contains can beimposed or not, the League may be of great value by giving the weight ofinternational opinion expressly to those principles. Public opinion ofthe nations so expressed might often be effective even though notenforced by a definite sanction. 

8. --Of the two definite sanctions proposed, namely, (_a_) the so-called"economic boycott" and (_b_) the use of the naval and military forces ofthe leagued States or of certain States selected from them byarrangement, the economic boycott which can readily be applied by allmembers of the League alike, and that without keeping up any largearmaments, is likely to be effective and is free from the most seriousobjections against the other sanction suggested. 

9. --So many difficulties would arise in fixing the terms of anystipulations as to the employment of military and naval forces to carryinto effect the requirements of the League, that to make such provisionsa necessary preliminary condition to the existence of the League fromthe outset might indefinitely delay the formation of such a League, and, further, the discussion of such terms would be likely to lead tofriction. The obligation imposed on certain States might involve a veryheavy burden, first, in keeping up armaments and possibly, later, inactually going to war. Such stipulations, for reasons above stated andillustrated, might place the leading powers in a position of greatembarrassment, and might actually themselves become the cause of seriouswars. 

10. --The practice of making Secret Treaties by which the Sovereigns, theForeign Ministers, or the diplomatists of any nation can bind it oughtto be discontinued. The experience of the action of this country as wellas of others during the present War, as well as before it, supports thisconclusion. Negotiations must no doubt be carried on through theordinary diplomatic channels, but before a complete and bindingagreement is entered into, the duly constituted representatives of thepopular will should know and give their sanction to what is being done. On the other hand, for unauthorised persons or any self-constitutedbodies or conferences to attempt to pre-judge such questions and tocarry on negotiations either with regular or irregular representativesof other nations is pernicious. Such action is likely both to lead toconfusion and to hamper the action of the authorised representatives ofthe nation, and is really opposed to sound principles of democracy, which must be based on the duly expressed will of the nation as a whole, and not of any section. 

11. --Much may be done in settling the terms of peace after the War byacting so as to remove probable causes of war in the future. Theadoption of some of the methods used in the past, as, for example, atthe Congress at Vienna, is sure to lead to future difficulties. Terms ofpeace should not be matters for the kind of bargaining between thepowerful States by which one gives up something in consideration ofanother giving up something else in exchange, and the contractingparties treat smaller States or weaker nations as "pawns" in the game. Each territory about which any question arises, each subject which hasto be dealt with, should be treated independently in accordance with therequirements of justice, and especially having regard to the welfare ofthe people most directly affected by it. No claim, for example, on thepart of Germany to be compensated for evacuating and making reparationto Belgium by having some advantage in some other part of the worldshould be entertained for a moment. To do so would be equivalent tobargaining with a criminal as to the compensation to be paid to him forgiving up what he has acquired by his crimes. It is, however, legitimatein considering the question of self-determination by the people of anyterritory to consider how far such people have established or canestablish a peaceful and orderly government, and how far thearrangements to be made as regards any country or district will affectthe safety of contiguous countries or may give rise to future disputesand really be productive of war. 

12. --Whether a League is established or not, treaties for submittingdisputes to arbitration, and if possible to tribunals permanentlyconstituted, will still be valuable in the future as in the past. Thedecisions of regular tribunals composed of impartial persons who inspirerespect will gradually form a body of customary law, and be precedentsguiding action in the future. The attempt of Germany to override notonly precedents but also express agreements with regard to the conductof war, if it fails, does not discredit the value of such attempts aswere made at The Hague to embody in definite form the international lawon the subjects with which they endeavoured to deal. A careful revisionof the provisions agreed to at The Hague in light of subsequentknowledge is desirable. They only become a dead letter if one nationutterly disregards them and does so without incurring a penalty in someform. 

13. --It is not desirable to attempt to go into exact detail in all thearrangements so made. For example, the attempt to enumerate a list ofarticles which are to be deemed contraband, as was tried in theDeclaration of London, has led to preposterous results. Articles whichat one time were of no use in war have become, through the advance inscientific knowledge, the material for making the most deadly and mostcruel instruments in the course of the present War. 

14. --An attempt must be made to secure at least partial disarmament. Provision as to the disarmament of Germany should be one of the terms ofpeace. The extent and character of any arrangements as to generaldisarmament require separate and detailed consideration. It wouldnaturally be one of the subjects to be discussed by any League which maybe formed. It is well to note from the outset (a) that a fleet isessential to the British Empire for purely defensive purposes, and formaintaining connection between the different parts of the Empire, but agreat reduction in the size of the fleet may be possible by arrangement. The Allied Powers will recognise that it was the existence of theBritish fleet that saved them from defeat, and in some cases from utterdestruction. (6) That for a nation to train its citizens as a defensiveforce on the Swiss model may actually tend to preserve peace, and alsohave a very useful influence on the morale of a nation. A defensiveforce of this kind would not have the character or the aims which makea great professional army a menace to peace. 

15. --Lastly, it is undesirable and would be futile to attempt to set upa "supernational sovereign authority. " The scope of any League--itspowers and its objects--should be clearly defined, and the independentsovereign States should bind themselves, as contracting parties, tocarry out the terms agreed, and all should agree beforehand as to thesteps they would take to prevent or to punish any violation of thoseterms. 

CHAPTER VII

VICTORY AND PEACE

 _Toi qui nous apportas l'épée_-- _Le glaive de Justice_-- _Et nous ordonnas de l'acheter_ _Fût ce an prix de nos tuniques, _ _Toi qui renversas les tables des marchants_ _Installés sous Tes portiques, _ _Donne à nos bras la foi et la rage à nos coeurs_ _Afin que la Victoire couronne de fleurs_ _Le front de nos enfants. _-- EMILE CAMMAERTS, "Prière Pâques, " 1915. 

A few still perhaps remain of those who, as under-graduates at the timeof the Franco-German War, remember Dean Stanley's first sermons aftermany years of exclusion from the Oxford University pulpit. Using in oneof them his favourite plan of giving life to ancient literature bymodern illustrations and conversely making modern tendencies clearer byreferences to ancient thought, he took the words of the Hebrew prophet, applying them to the troubles and strife of the time. "Who is this thatcometh from Edom with dyed garments from Bozrah?" What will emerge fromthe bloodshed of war and the chaos of communal revolution? The answerwas given--"It may be, it must be a united Germany; it may be, it mustbe a regenerate France. "

Truly it has been a regenerate France that, with firm resolve and calmcourage, has suffered and withstood invasion, far different from theFrance which in 1870 went to war with light heart, excited andunprepared, anticipating easy victory. War shattered the Empire and thetrue soul of France was found. 

Well might the "Song before Sunrise" again greet the purified France:--

 Who is this that rises red with wounds and splendid. All her breast and brow made beautiful with scars?

May we soon be able to add the conclusion!--

 In her eyes the light and fire of long pain ended, In her lips a song as of the morning stars. 

The prophecy in both parts was fulfilled. Germany did indeed becomeunited, united not only by closer political ties between all itsdivisions, but united in its aims and in its methods, conscious of unionand of strength, marvellous in its power of organisation, fitting eachmember into his special position in the consolidated state, and mouldinghim for the place he was to occupy; drilled from earliest youth how toact and how to think, his commonest acts done, and very gestures made, according to rule. Yet they, too, had their ideals. I remember in 1871, the year after the Franco-German War, meeting a party of Germans whowere unveiling a tablet by the Pasterze Glacier in memory of a comradefallen in the war--Karl Hoffman, a pioneer of mountaineering in theGlockner district--and hearing their impassioned speeches. The mountainsof Austrian Tyrol were to them "die Alpen seines Vaterlandes, " and thesong with the refrain, "Lieb Vaterland muss grösser sein" echoed fromthe rocks, "My beloved Fatherland must be greater"; may not this be theexpression of a noble patriotism? But it so easily turns to "my countrymust have more, must take more, " and becomes the very watchword ofgreed. "Deutschland über Alles" might perhaps mean first to the German"My country before everything to me. " _Corruptio optimi pessima_, iteasily becomes "Germany over all, "--the country which dominates aninferior world and is thus the condensed motto of supreme insolence. "Insolence breeds the tyrant, " and the doom the ancient poet prophesiesis the divine ordinance to be fulfilled by the action of man. "Insolence, swollen with vain thought, mounts to the highest place, andis hurled down to the doom decreed. "

Insolence seems the nearest equivalent for the Greek word [Greek:hybris], which implies much more. Some translate it "pride. " It is asense of superiority, greater strength, higher culture, leading to aclaim to dominate the minds and the lives, the destinies, of others, andthen in its arrogant self-assertion to override all laws and allrestraints imposed by justice. It is the exact opposite of the Christianprecept: "Let each esteem other better than himself. " This, like someother Christian precepts, may never have been meant to express the wholetruth, but only that side which men are naturally apt to neglect. It washardly necessary to insist that men should defend themselves againstattack, maintain their rights, and keep their self-respect. There aresome crimes, too, which it required no special revelation to condemn;man revolts from them as _contra naturam_. One of these crimes isrefusal to aid their fellow-countrymen who are fighting againstaggression. 

With the spirit that claims to dominate in its "will to power, " tooverride the eternal laws of justice, there can be no compromise. Untilthat spirit is vanquished, the answer to the question, "Is it peace?"must be, "What hast thou to do with peace, so long as thy brutal actsand thy tyrannies are so many?" The order is given to smite. With profitnow we may recall the old narrative, --"And he smote thrice, and stayed. And the man of God was wroth with him, and said, Thou shouldest havesmitten five or six times; then hadst thou smitten" the enemy till thouhadst destroyed his evil will. The work must be completed thoroughly;but that task once accomplished, to continue war, whether open orveiled, either to satisfy national hatred and the mere wish forvengeance, or, still more, in the desire of gain, would be to become--touse George Herbert's words--"parcel devils in damnation" with those whohave driven or beguiled Germany to crime against humanity and to her ownundoing. It is but too easy for heroic effort and firm determination todefend the right, to be corrupted either by a spirit of insolence orgreed. Even as we sow the seeds for a fruitful harvest of good, thearch-enemy may be sowing the tares. On the other hand, to cease fromwork and from struggle, either through fear or slackness or weariness, or even from that pacific temperament which shrinks from contest of anykind, may have results almost equally fatal. That other prayer of theGreek poet is for us also. "But I ask that the god will never relax thatstruggle which is for the State's true welfare"--"the contest in whichcitizen vies with citizen who shall best serve the State. "

_B. --POLITICAL PEACE_

CHAPTER VIII

PEACE AND THE CONSTITUTION

 _The question for the British nation is--Can we work our course pacifically on firm land into the New Era, or must it be for us as for others, through the black abysses of Anarchy, hardly escaping, if we do with all our struggles escape, the jaws of eternal death?_--THOMAS CARLYLE. 

It is not only international peace that must be assured. As a necessarycondition for reconstruction comes the need for Peace, peace real andlasting, and peace all round. There may be times when the nation or theindividual needs the bracing stimulus, if not of war, at least ofcompetition and of conflict in the realm of thought and in the realm ofaction; times when old institutions, old creeds, old systems, oldcustoms, are fiercely attacked and vigorously defended. The storm clearsthe air, and the struggle ends in the survival of the fittest. After theWar the nations, and our own not least, wearied of strife, exhausted bylosses, will need all their energies to repair those losses, to rebuild, often in quite new form, what the havoc of war has destroyed, and toadapt themselves to the changed conditions of an altered world. It willbe a time neither for contest nor for rest, but for co-operation, mutualhelp in the work, not merely of restoration, but of building upsomething better in its place, where the old has been destroyed, orshown its defects under the strain. For this, Peace is needed, peace notonly between the nations, but peace between different classes andopposing parties, and even divergent Churches; international, industrial, political and religious peace. There will be so much thatought by general agreement to be done, the ideals to be set before uswill have so much in common, their realisation will need so much work inconcert, such concurrence as to the practical steps to be taken, suchgoodwill among those who must work together with a common aim, that a"truce of God" between those who were once opponents may be called for. For a time at least old shibboleths might be forgotten, and the oldso-called "principles, " round which so many barren contests of the pasthave been waged, might cease to hamper us in adopting the practicalmeasures which the exigencies of the time demand. 

It is a significant fact, a note of sure and certain hope of theultimate result in the struggle against the powers of darkness, that menare ready now to think and to act on the assumption that completevictory will be achieved, and that the foundations for reconstructionmay now be laid, even while war is raging most fiercely. This work ofpreparation to meet the difficulties that will arise after the War neednot interfere in any way with the paramount necessity of carrying on theWar to a successful issue, or divert the attention of those who areengaged in that task. It is indeed matter for congratulation that in thepresent Parliament, in spite of necessary preoccupation with mattersdirectly affecting the conduct of the War, a great Parliamentary Reform, changing and enlarging the basis of representation, has been carriedthrough, and that the way to a great advance in Education has been madepossible. 

These great changes have been made with something approaching to generalconcurrence. On one question unfortunately proposals made as part oftheir considered scheme for electoral reform by a representativeconference were set aside. The influence of old party machinery and asluggish reluctance to take the trouble to understand either itscharacter or its importance prevented the introduction of a system ofproportional representation. The representatives of the caucuses scoreda success towards slamming the door of the House of Commons in the faceof the detached judgment, moderation of language, and independence ofcharacter which Parliament needs. The electors desire to have suchqualities in their representatives, but care is taken to prevent theirgiving effect to it. But it is better to let even that question rest fora time. 

It would have been most unfortunate if it had been necessary, after theWar, when delay in dealing with many matters which will be most urgentwould be disastrous, to arouse contests about alterations in theelectorate and mode of election. The new Parliament may, after all, turnout to be fairly representative of the nation, and may set about thepractical work of reconstruction at once. It would have been anadvantage if the Reform of the House of Lords could also have beendisposed of in the present Parliament, but it is not one of thequestions upon which the welfare of the country will immediately depend. Everyone admits the need for reform; the abolition of the"backwoods-man" must come; but it is the men of most experience inpublic affairs who regularly attend sittings of the House of Lords, andthey contribute even now a valuable element in promoting usefullegislation as well as in revising and amending the Bills initiated inanother place. Most of the amendments of the Law which marked the latterhalf of the nineteenth century were first introduced in the House ofLords. 

During this time of severe test, it cannot be denied that the House ofLords has gained in the respect of the nation, that its debates have notonly been dignified but often useful and enlightening, nor that, as atother times in its past history, it has shown itself to be quite asready as the other House to be a guardian of law and of liberty. Thebusiness ability of many of its members has also been conspicuous, andthe value of the experience of those who have taken part in thegovernment of British possessions beyond the seas and of their knowledgeof other countries has been demonstrated. 

Of the Crown and its influence it is unnecessary, perhaps unbecoming, to say much. It has made for the unity of the Empire, not only as asymbol, but, so far as the strict limitations of our Constitutionpermit, as an active force. The existence of the monarchy and thecharacter of three successive sovereigns, and their real personalinterest in its people, are among the causes why India has been, andespecially why the Native States have been, as a rule, so loyal in thistime of danger, when the support of the whole Empire was so much needed. In our own country the example set of ever ready and earnest sympathywith all who are suffering from the effects of the War, feeling itsstrain and bearing its burdens, from the highest to the humblest, andalso of that simplicity of life now so vitally important for all in thetime of general self-denial, which is necessary or, at any rate, a dutyfor all, has been one of the real factors in knitting all classes of thenation together in useful service and willing sacrifice. Could anyoneread the royal speech to the nation on July 6th, 1918, and the words ofthe Archbishop of Canterbury at St. Paul's, and of the leaders inParliament, without feeling what a mighty influence for good there is inthe British monarchy? Those words were not decorous platitudes demandedby convention, but the expression of genuine and intense feeling. 

 The sober freedom out of which there springs Our loyal passion for our temperate kings

is an inheritance of our country which no theoretical discussions aboutforms of government can interfere with, unless we are insane enough toabandon the practical good sense that has brought the nation safelythrough so many perils, in deference to some _a priori_ argument aboutthe best form of government, and the logical result of some so-calledprinciples. In politics--always using the term in its broad meaning, andnot as denoting the disputes and manoeuvres of parties, like thecontests between the green and blue factions of Byzantium--there is astrong presumption that whatever is recommended as "logical" is alsofoolish. It would be well to prescribe a severe course of Burke for the_a priori_ theorists, and while they are occupied with it, set ourselvesto the real work. We should not forget, too, that Court influence, whichin some past times fostered corruption in political life, has for eightyyears been as a rule a purifying influence. It would not be easy for anyMinister, pressed by the political exigencies of the hour, to submit, even for formal approval, to a sovereign who has only the nationalinterest to think of, perhaps most difficult of all to a high-minded andclear-headed woman, a course of action that was dishonourable or mean. 

However important the influence of the Crown and the functions of aSecond Chamber may be, it is the House of Commons which is thecorner-stone of the Constitution. Through it the will of the nation mustbe expressed, and embodied in definite action. The representatives inthat House are those chosen by the nation by regular and legal methodsto exercise their judgment, to enact laws, and to control acts of theexecutive. It is essential not only to maintain, but to restore theposition of the House of Commons, and insure for it the respect andconfidence of the people. It is impossible to deny that respect andconfidence have been shaken, and that the position of the House isthreatened from two opposite quarters. We hear it daily spoken of as"that talking shop"; it has been said that it would be better, insteadof having a fine statue of Cromwell outside, to have a living Cromwellinside to purge it thoroughly. The story of the officer who, onreturning to England after long residence in the East, asked his fatherif "that nonsense was going on still, " represents a feeling which iswidespread. The present House of Commons, the existence of which hasbeen necessarily prolonged, has been the subject of bitter andcontemptuous criticism. Much of that criticism is unfair. In spite ofthe fact that its attention had first to be directed to questionsdirectly affecting the War, it has passed the largest extension of thefranchise ever made, and in doing so without doubt carried out the wishof the nation. It got rid of the fetters imposed on the free expressionof the will of the electors, and the restrictions placed on the freeselection of candidates of small means, by putting the expenses ofreturning officers on public funds, and also by making better provisionfor the revision of the register of voters. A number of useful Billshave been passed, and it has been a means of eliciting information fromthe Government which the country ought to have, but which wouldotherwise have been withheld. It has voted the necessary supplies forcarrying on the War, and freely and readily assented to the increasedtaxation that was essential. Unfortunately it is the practice in aportion of the Press always to give prominence to the strange antics ofcertain members and the vicious attempts made by some to embarrass theGovernment in carrying on the War. A scene in the House of Commons isfully reported; the good work done, especially by certain usefulcommittees, passes almost unnoticed. It is true, however, that thecharacter of many of the debates has been regrettable, and that asregards what is perhaps its most important function, namely, the controlof expenditure, the House has not been able to exercise its functions asit should. 

It was pointed out years ago that the House of Commons was in practiceceasing to be what it ought, according to Constitutional theory, to be, "a deliberative assembly of the representatives of the nation discussingand forming judgments on national policy, instituting legislation anddetermining its form, " and was becoming simply "a body for registeringthe decrees of a Cabinet. " In practice it was assumed to be "the duty ofthe minority in opposition to find objections to the proposals of theGovernment, representing the majority, and to occupy time in votingagainst them as often as possible, and on the other hand that it is theduty of the majority to refrain from discussion, to applaud Ministers, and to make sure that whatever they propose shall be carried byundiminished numbers. " In this respect the present House is no worsethan its predecessors for the last thirty years; the political truce hasindeed improved matters in some respects. It is at least doubtfulwhether under "pre-War conditions" either the Representation of thePeople Bill or the Education Bill could have been carried, certainlythey would not have been passed in a form to secure so much generalconsent. Instead of such consent, some measure strongly opposed by aminority might have been forced through by free use of the closure. Anew danger has arisen, however, of a still more serious kind, threatening the position of the House of Commons. It is that, instead ofnational policy being controlled by legislation, settled by a recognisedconstitutional body elected according to definite rules and representingthe nation, the real power of initiative and real directing force maypass to some other body or bodies unknown to the law and representingonly a class or even to certain writers in the popular Press. The Houseof Commons, unless its constitutional powers and its independence aremaintained or restored, may become a body for registering and givinglegal sanction to the resolutions of some conference or conventionindefinite in its constitution, but highly organised for the purpose ofmaking representatives in Parliament mere delegates to carry out theproposals of the majority of those who themselves had acted as delegatesof a section only of the community. 

The course of revolution in Russia should be a warning to all. Russia ispassing through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, where is heard "thecontinual howling and yelling of a people under unutterable misery, whosit there bound in affliction and iron, and over it hang thediscouraging clouds of confusion; death also does always spread hiswings over it. In a word it is every whit a dreadful being utterlywithout order. " Had there been in Russia a regularly constitutedassembly possessing adequate power and representing the nation as awhole, including the "bourgeoisie"--who also "are God's creatures"--aswell as workmen, instead of irregular bodies appealing to the greed andhatred of a class, most of the misery through which Russia is passingmight have been prevented, and the prospects of early restoration wouldhave been assured. The British nation is too sane, too used to orderlyfreedom, to adopt either the spirit or the methods of the Bolsheviks, but we may hear of them even in this country. They may perhaps giveserious trouble and interfere with progress on sound lines. The historicHouse of Commons must be the means of carrying out Reconstruction so faras legislation, and of controlling it so far as State action isrequired. Some changes in its methods will be discussed in the chapterson Reform, but the maintenance of the Constitution as the bestinstrument for promoting orderly, peaceful, and real progress isessential. 

The peace we need would only be uselessly disturbed, and the practicalreforms most urgently required would only be delayed by raisingcontroversial questions about the form of the Constitution. We may welllet them alone, and get on with something that will be of real benefit. 

CHAPTER IX

PEACE AND DEMOCRACY

 _There is no more unsafe politician than a conscientiously rigid doctrinaire, nothing more sure to end in disaster than a theoretic volume of policy that admits of no pliability for contingencies. _--J. R. LOWELL. 

It is often assumed that a change in the form of Government in Germanywould completely alter the attitude and conduct of the nation, andsecure permanent peace, but that alone would not be sufficient. It wouldundoubtedly help; for under a more popular Government it would be easierfor a different spirit in the German nation to assert itself. Democracies, however, have from time to time been aggressive, and haveclaimed to dominate their neighbours. A change far deeper than a changein the form of Government is needed. The claim put forward both by wordand deed to impose the German will on others by organised force of anykind must be abandoned utterly, if the world is to be really at peacewith Germany and with those whom Germany has been able to compel or tobeguile into alliance with her. The conflict is not simply betweenautocracy or oligarchy and democracy, but between different ideals anddiametrically opposed notions of duty. The conception of their State asan organisation carefully arranged to impose its will on othersregardless of their feelings and their rights must be eradicated. Democracy and Liberty do not necessarily go together. There may bedemocracy without liberty, and it is possible though not probable thatthere may be real liberty without the form of democracy. An enlightenedmonarch, governing as well as reigning, may express the real will of anation more truly than the vote of a majority of representatives; andindividual liberty may be more secure under such a monarch than when itis dependent on the result of divisions taken when party passion isrunning high. But such a rule must lack the element of stability. TheAntonines pass away and Commodus and Heliogabalus rule in their place. Permanent strength and settled liberty are best secured when the acts ofGovernment are the expression of the conscious will of the nation as awhole, where the people think out for themselves the general lines ofaction and the Government is their minister. It is not enough that thereshould be a just rule in which they acquiesce, but it is they themselveswho should act--through agents, no doubt--and learn the habit of formingright judgments and acting justly. To deny him a share in politicallife--that is, in deciding the action of the State to which hebelongs--is to deprive a man of one of those "activities of the soulwhich constitute happiness, " to take from him one of the things thatmakes a full life for those who really live among their fellows. Theremay always be a few who live apart, contemplative souls

 insphered In regions mild, of calm and serene air, Above the smoke and stir of this dim spot Which men call earth. 

Some may build themselves a Palace of Art where they may live alone;some may sink themselves in luxury or repose in sluggish indifference, careless of the life of others round them, with neither the heart tofeel nor head to understand anything beyond their own immediate wants. But the highest aim and fullest life for man generally--as "an animalmore social than the bee"--is

 To go and join head and heart and hand, Active and firm to fight the bloodless fight Of science, freedom, and the truth in Christ. 

Political action may be one of the means of carrying on that fight. Isit not one of the "rights of man" to be allowed to join in it?

It is, however, not to be forgotten that men acting in the mass, justas men acting individually, may act under sudden impulse, may do underthe influence of temporary passion, even of a generous emotion, thingswhich they would regret afterwards, and feel to be an error. Some checkson such sudden action are most essential in a democracy, because thereis no appeal from its decision. A reverence for tradition, for thoserules of conduct which have stood the test of time, is one restraininginfluence, but more formal restraints on sudden decisions and violentchanges are necessary. A single vote of a popular assembly may notrepresent the well-considered judgment and permanent will of the people. Steps may be taken which it is impossible to recall. To insist on anappeal from "Philip drunk to Philip sober" is not to deprive him of hisreal liberty. It is a safeguard, not an infringement of the principlesof true democracy, to provide some body of men of experience who canexercise an independent judgment, and who, when some violent change isproposed, have the right and the duty to reply in effect:

 Old things may not be therefore true, Oh brother men, nor yet the new; Ah, still awhile the old thought retain, And yet consider it again. 

Such a justification, such a statement of the function of a SecondChamber, not directly elected, may provoke a histrionic smile amongextreme advocates of so-called popular rights, but has never evoked anargument which can displace it as based on sound reason and commonsense. There are some changes, too, which ought not to be made without aspecific appeal to the people on that particular issue. To make them aspart of the programme, as one plank in the platform of a party dominantfor the moment, is not to execute but to evade the real will of thenation. We know by experience how the vote of a popular representativeassembly may represent the opinion of "a bare majority of a baremajority;" conceivably anything over one-eighth of the nation. Acommittee is elected by some eager partisans supposed to represent aparty. That party perhaps represents a bare majority of theconstituency. The caucus chooses a candidate whose views suit a baremajority of its members who hold the most extreme views. He and othersgo to Parliament as representing one party, and a majority of suchmembers decides what policy shall be adopted. Party discipline compelsthe acquiescence of the rest. The machine is cleverly constructed tomake the will of certain party managers of mere sections of theconstituencies the dominant factor. No wonder that they denounceProportional Representation as a dangerous fad. Undoubtedly the will ofthe people must prevail, but the exercise of that will should depend onand be the result of their own deliberate judgment. Whether what is doneis a blessing or curse depends not on whether it is the act of anautocrat, of an aristocracy, or of a democracy, but on the character ofthe act and the spirit which prompts it. A great audience in Londonrecently heard the true position summed up in few words--I quote Dr. Campbell Morgan from memory--"It is said we want to make the world safefor democracy. What we really need is to make democracy safe for theworld. "

_C. --INDUSTRIAL PEACE_

CHAPTER X

INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS

 _To secure industrial peace on terms just and honourable to both sides would be to double the national strength whether in industry or citizenship. _--MEMORANDUM OF THE GARTON FOUNDATION. 

Under this head it will be convenient to treat not only of the steps tobe taken to prevent disputes or secure their settlement by peacefulmeans, and to promote a more hearty co-operation of employer andemployed, but also of various other questions affecting industry, such, for example, as increased production and increased saving. Withoutindustrial peace there will be no industrial or commercial prosperity, and without a fair amount of prosperity it will be very difficult if notimpossible to preserve industrial peace. As the War proceeds thesequestions become more and more urgent; after it, they will be moreserious and more pressing than ever. Already the need for taking certainsteps at once and for preparing a future policy is recognised. Anyonewho wishes to have before him a clear statement of the industrialsituation and of the effects of the War upon it, cannot do better thanread, and read with care, the revised memorandum prepared under theauspices of the Garton Foundation and published in October, 1916. Singularly impartial and judicious, it does not gloss over thedifficulties and perils which must be faced, but throughout there is anote of hopefulness--an anticipation of a better state of things--ifwhile "the forces of change are visibly at work we do not allow them tohurry us blindly with them, " but "direct them along the path of orderedprogress. " Some of the specific remedies suggested, of the proposalsadumbrated, may be open to criticism--criticism is, indeed, invited--butit is evident that nothing is suggested that has not been the subject ofcareful consideration of the facts. Some of the proposals have alreadybeen put into fairly definite form in the Whitley Report, and havereceived the approval of the Government. Industrial Councils are to beestablished. The object of them will be to consider "constructivemeasures for the improvement of industrial conditions and the increaseof efficiency. " They will not be confined to specific points of dispute. They are to be established in industries which are "highly organised, "where the employer and employed already possess some definiteassociation or union which represents them respectively. There are to benational, district, and workshop councils set up. Their object differsfrom that of the Conciliation Boards for Arbitration or the Trade Boardsestablished to settle some specific question such as a minimum wage tobe paid, or some question that has given rise to a dispute betweenemployers and employed. Such a mode of settlement is a great advance onleaving differences to be settled by an industrial war--a strike orlock-out. The Boards will still be needed, just as arbitration tribunalswill be required to settle specific disputes between nations. The aim inboth cases is to substitute arbitration for war (or its equivalent) orthreats of war. Something more is aimed at in the establishment ofIndustrial Councils. They contemplate a "continuous and constructiveco-operation of Capital and Management on the one hand and Labour on theother. " They are not tribunals for the settlement of disputes which havearisen, but joint committees which can discuss and propose methods ofdealing with any question affecting working-conditions generally, e. G. , the introduction of new machinery and its effect on employment and thestatus as well as the wages of the workpeople, and even its economiceffect generally. Suggestions can be made as to changes which may"increase output or economise effort" and eliminate waste. The effect ofany alterations on the health of those engaged in any industry would bewithin their purview. The idea is to promote co-operation, to make allrecognise certain common interests, not merely to adjust competingclaims. In international affairs the nearest analogy would be a Leagueof Nations for promoting the common interest of all. While, of course, the main object of such a league is common action to prevent breaches ofthe international peace by restraining wrong-doers, it should not be thesole object. In the case of Industrial Councils the object is to promotethe general welfare of all engaged in the trade and to increaseproductive efficiency, as well as to secure fair terms between theparties and prevent disputes. If such a Council has been established forany industry Government Departments will consult it, and not the TradeBoard, on any questions affecting that industry; but the constitution ofthe Council should make provision by which Trade Boards can beconsulted. Roughly speaking, "the functions of the Trade Board will becalled into operation mainly in the case of the less organised trades, and the highly organised trades will be the sphere of the IndustrialCouncils. " These, in their most developed form, will be national, district, and local. 

A memorandum which has official sanction states that the chief duty ofthe Trade Boards, on the other hand, is to fix minimum rates of wageswhich can be imposed by law. They are needed primarily to insure that intrades where the workers have no official organisation to guard theirinterest a living wage shall be secured for all. They are statutorybodies set up under an Act of Parliament just passed, and will beconnected with the Ministry of Labour, by which their members arelargely nominated. The work of such Boards is being extended. 

Detailed discussion of the character of the work which may be expectedto be done by the councils and of its probable effects would be beyondthe scope of this volume, and would require special knowledge of theindustries concerned. It will vary in different industries and indifferent places. In some, success may be confidently expected, inothers there will probably be failures. The aim of the proposal iscertainly one to be desired, and the method for attaining it promisesmany beneficial results. There appear to be some dangers involved whichit may be well to consider. Useful work may be hindered owing to, first, the time and attention required for the meetings and discussions of thevarious councils, and the risk that clever and fluent talkers mayprolong debate and generate friction and may perhaps exercise an undueinfluence. Probably this will not be found a serious danger. Experienceover a considerable district shows that those who are chosen by theTrade Unions to represent them are usually clear-headed and businesslikemen, who grasp a point quickly and, while carefully guarding theinterests of those whom they represent, are fair-minded and ready to doall they can to promote the national interest also. Secondly, there maybe a tendency to interfere too much in questions of management, evenwhere full and detailed knowledge of trade conditions of the moment andof possible appliances that may be used is required, and prompt actionmay be necessary. A man steering a boat in a storm would hardly succeedif he had to consult a committee before moving the helm. The object ofthe councils would not be to undertake the general management of thebusiness, but should be directed to the relation of workers andmanagement, to secure efficiency and greater production, a fairparticipation in and distribution of the benefits derived from success, and wholesome conditions for those engaged in the work, and to avoiddispute by agreeing action beforehand wherever possible. Thirdly, inthis as in most other cases where power is given to representatives oforganised bodies, there is a risk of undue interference with theliberty of those who do not belong to them or who are in a minority. Adead level of uniformity may be secured, experiments and new lines ofaction by enterprising and original minds may be interfered with. Theold problem of reconciling high organisation and corporate action withindividual liberty may present itself in an acute form. 

Already before the War the tendency to crush out individuality wasbecoming stronger and stronger, the private firms of manufacturers werebeing squeezed out by highly organised combines, or tempted by highprices offered to hand over their businesses to them. In banking, similarly, the absorption and amalgamation of smaller banks has beengoing on with startling rapidity. The personal relationship between thecustomer and the banker, who would grant loans and overdrafts because heknew the character and position of the borrower in each case, will nolonger exist. The business was safe enough when the manager of a countrybank probably knew whether a customer's butcher's bills were becomingexcessive. Now everything must be referred to London for decisionaccording to some fixed general rule. The convenience and theaccommodation of the man with a small account count for very little. Amore serious question is the effect which these amalgamations may haveon the relations between bankers and those who are engaged inmanufacturing business. 

The old personal relationship between the mill-owner and his employees, when his garden adjoined the mill yard, when they spoke of him by hisChristian name, and he knew their family affairs and was ready to helpin time of difficulty and distress and to take a lead in any localeffort or support any local charity, has been rapidly disappearing. There still are, however, many employers to whom the happiness andwelfare of their workpeople is a matter of deepest concern. They have ahuman interest in them, and take a pride in improving the conditions oftheir life. They have other aims than simply securing as big a dividendas possible for the eager shareholders of a huge combine. It is, nodoubt, usually large employers of labour who are thus able and willingto make provision for the welfare of the people in their employ. Somehave established libraries and reading-rooms, and have provided classesfor giving instruction likely to be useful to the boys and young menengaged in their works. Conditions of labour would be greatly improvedif the example of the best firms in such matters were generallyfollowed. 

The more complete organisation of trades under powerful councils maytend to a virtual monopoly being obtained by a limited number of largeand influential firms, and the result may be prejudicial to the consumerby limiting competition. That is not certainly the object, but it may bean incidental effect of the organisation which is needed for fulldevelopment of the system of councils. In some cases State support andcontrol acting in conjunction with private firms of great influence isto be introduced to unify an industry under one management. Support andcontrol may possibly be necessary in some cases, but the extension ofsuch methods should be jealously watched. In the manufacture of dyes, for example, it seems that the Government and a very powerfulmanufacturing firm or combination are arranging to act together. Thoseoutside this combination will have no chance of competing. In thisparticular case the scheme may be useful, but careful provision isnecessary to protect customers for the commodities produced. It maybecome a very serious thing for manufacturers of piece goods whenstruggling to maintain their position in the world markets, and theslightest addition to cost of production may close a market to them, ifthey find that they cannot purchase the dyes they require in thecheapest market, or those who dye goods for them must increase theircharges, because one organisation can fix prices, and import from abroadis prohibited in order to protect a special home industry. 

Possibly it may be necessary for a time to give such protection tocertain industries, involving a preliminary expenditure of a largecapital; but the fact that the dye industry had gone from England toGermany was, in the opinion of many, due not so much to free and opencompetition as to the circumstances that (1) the German producers paidmore attention to systematic chemical research bearing on the industry, and (2) that our absurd patent law operated to throttle Englishproduction. The founder of the successful firm of Levinstein, Limited, Mr. Ivan Levinstein, seeing by his own experience how our patent lawsprevented the development of the dye industry in England, devoted yearsof work to obtain an alteration of these laws, but with only partialsuccess. The Government, after very long delays, attempted to deal withthe matter, but it is not yet satisfactorily settled. A Bill on thesubject is now before Parliament. A list can be given of more than adozen cases--there may have been many others--in which theBadische-Anilin Fabrik was plaintiff against firms in this country. Theresult was to aid the rapid development of the huge works near Mannheimnow used to manufacture poisonous gases, while the works in this countrywere crippled. Strangely enough, it was an English chemist (Sir W. Perkin) who made the discoveries which led to the development of thisindustry; but it is generally possible where competition is keen to takeout subsidiary patents for small improvements which really enable thesubsequent patentee to command the market. Sometimes the root inventionfor some reason cannot be made the subject of a valid patent, or thepatent for it expires before its full commercial value has beenrealised, and the minor improvements give the holder of patents for thema virtual monopoly. 

All along the line, too, the big firm is favoured at the expense of thesmaller. The position of the small tradesman is often a very hard one. The shopkeeper in a village or small town near the metropolis pays heavyrates for the upkeep of roads which are torn to pieces by the heavymotors of the great distributing firms delivering goods to those whowould otherwise be his customers, perhaps with petrol specially exemptedfrom taxation. The firm which by widespread advertisements can inducepeople to buy an article with some familiar name attached, reaps agigantic fortune, while the man who makes the same article and cannotspend money on advertisement gains a mere pittance. The advertisementswhich disfigure the country are not taxed, as in other countries, andthe issue of advertising circulars has been subsidised by the PostOffice, which delivered them at a rate lower than that charged fordelivery of the letters, or even the postcards, of the poorest, thoughthe trouble involved is the same. The patent laws, again, have beenexploited to protect the large manufacturer, who fences some form ofproduction by taking out a string of patents often where there is nomeritorious invention at all. The rubbishy specifications are flourishedin the face of a poor competitor, and form a basis for threats which aman who is not wealthy dare not resist, knowing the heavy cost offighting any patent action whether successful or not. "To him that hathshall be given" ought not to be a maxim to guide legislators or anydepartment of Government. 

To return from this digression. One great advantage of the councilswould be that those who represent the workmen upon them will probably bemen who are actually engaged in manual work in the trades concerned, orhave been so engaged, and who will look at each question practically. The agitator who lives on grievances and disputes, the politician "onthe make, " or the well-meaning and half-informed enthusiast fromoutside, is not likely to find a place on councils whose object it is tosee how interests which investors, managers, and workmen have in commoncan best be promoted, and how the share of each in the work and itsprofits can be more fairly assigned and distributed instead of attentionbeing concentrated on matters in which their interests seem to be inconflict. 

Another difficulty of more direct importance with regard to theproposed councils is already arising. The relative powers and positionof the shop stewards chosen by the men in each works and of the unionsrepresenting industry as a whole in any district have to be settled. There are also overlapping unions competing for influence and support, and sometimes doing so by making excessive demands. The events of thenext few months may lead either to an accentuation or to a partialsolution of these questions which are perhaps the most serious atpresent affecting industrial peace. It is better not to anticipate. Prophecy might be falsified too soon and too palpably, and the position, which changes from week to week, is too critical for anyone to discussunless he has full and exact knowledge of the facts and clearunderstanding of the way in which undercurrents are setting. 

CHAPTER XI

LONG HOURS

 _Our life is turned_ _Out of her course wherever man is made_ _An offering, or a sacrifice, a tool_ _Or implement, a passive thing employed_ _As a brute mean, without acknowledgment_ _Of common right or interest in the end. _ --WILLIAM WORDSWORTH. 

There is no doubt that among the causes of unrest one of the mostserious, probably much more so than either employers or workmen aregenerally conscious of, is the long hours of work. Those who have had tohear questions arising out of labour disputes have noticed the state oftension produced by the weariness and strain of too prolonged andcontinuous work. Even in the domestic circle an overworked man is oftenfound less amiable and more ready to find fault. A harassed manager anda deputation of jaded workmen may be really very good fellows and yetfind that some comparatively small question raises strong feeling andmutual recrimination, and then leads to rash action resulting in openstrife, strikes, and lock-outs, and the judicial proceedings which maybe necessary in consequence of them. "A Skilled Labourer, " writing inthe _Quarterly Review_, mentions as the first of the four principalgrievances of workmen--"the hours are too long. " Long hours have beenaccepted on both sides partly because during the War the call of thecountry for increased output, especially of munitions, was so urgent, and partly because it was thought that higher profits would thereby beobtained, and certainly higher wages earned. It seems, however, wellestablished that longer hours do not necessarily mean increased output. There is a limit to the time during which a man can do even routine workeffectively. If men were to be regarded only as machines for turning outwork of a certain class, very long hours would be bad business. Wherethe work involves special skill and thought the evil results of longhours, even measured simply by the gross amount done, are still moreserious. Everyone who has had to do with young students and still morewith parents disappointed by their sons' failures must again and againhave found that the cause of failure was too many hours devoted toreading. The students acquired the habit of sitting over their booksworrying their minds, but really absorbing nothing. A senior wranglerhas been known to find five or six hours a day of real work atmathematics as much as he could stand. Of course, work involving littlehard physical exertion and hardly any mental effort can go on muchlonger, but the very monotony which in some ways makes it easy, has adeadening effect. A factory operative minding a "mule" being asked: "Isit not very hard work always watching and piecing threads?" answered, "No, but it is very dree work. " But the evil effects of too long hoursare not confined to the fact that unrest or disputes arise from thestate of feeling produced nor to the diminution of production due tofatigue. Recurrent strains continued over a long period indeeddeteriorate even things which are inanimate. The "fatigue of metals" hasbeen the subject of careful investigations. It is time that fatigue ofhuman beings, even looked at as machines, were more fully considered. [5]

The great and often permanent physical injury caused by too prolongedwork is specially serious for women. Many women are such willing workersthat they go on overtaxing their strength. Among girls and womenstudents the fatigue from overstrain in preparing for examinations, fromwhich boys and men may rapidly recover, often results in permanentphysical and even mental degeneration. Many who have watched the effectsof such continuous study would advocate a complete sabbatical year inwhich systematic study should be suspended entirely for girls at someperiod between fourteen and eighteen. 

It is impossible to have a healthy nation if the majority, or any verylarge part of it, work for excessive hours even in the factories wherethe best methods are employed to make the conditions as healthy aspossible. Medical men of the highest authority regard the influence oftoo prolonged hours of work as one which urgently demands attention. Enlightened and experienced men of business like Lord Leverhulme haveexpressed very strong views on the subject. Man, however, cannot belooked on as a mere machine for production, nor is even health the onlyquestion for him as a human being. He must have time for other pursuits, for recreation, for a fuller life. As civilisation and education advancethis need becomes stronger. The duller the work the greater the need forthose who have any natural mental activity to find resources of interestoutside. The pleasure derived from literature and science should be opento all. No one who knows working people can deny that the demand for itexists. A fitter on weekly wages used to show in a poor cottage one ofthe best collections of British butterflies and moths, made entirely byhimself. Many of them had been captured late at night on Chat Moss. Ahair-dresser has told how to watch the habits of birds was the delightof his Sunday bicycle rides; his assistant called attention to somelittle known poet whose works had a special appeal for him; another saidit was the study in his rare holidays at the seaside and in localmuseums of some form of animal life--the name of it, now forgotten, would convey no meaning to most University graduates--that made hisinterest in life. You may find a large audience of workmen interested ina lecture on Shelley, and some of them as well acquainted with his poemsas the lecturer. Such cases as these may perhaps be exceptional, butgiven opportunity and sympathetic help and advice, they might bemultiplied almost indefinitely. Other men want time for cultivation ofallotments, which ought to be within the reach of thousands of urbanworkers who find in them a perennial source of interest. A growingnumber take a keen pleasure in seeing something of the beauties of theirown country. Tramping through the Yorkshire dales and knowing them well, it was interesting to meet one who knew them better, and to find that hewas a chimney-sweep, who saved up his earnings to spend his holidaysregularly there. 

The success of the Workers' Educational Association shows both thestrength of the demand among the workmen, and sometimes, too, amongworking women, for intellectual life and their capacity to make use ofany opportunities offered for regular study. It is to be hoped that itspromoters will not forget that some branches of natural science andliterature, opening new realms of interest removed from the ordinarycares of life, are at least as important subjects for study as economicand social problems, and that one of the most important of such problemsis how to give those who must earn their daily bread by work that isoften dull and wearisome, the opportunity of sharing as far as possiblein the intellectual life. We may well wish Mr. Mansbridge and hisfriends success as pioneers in the work of reconstruction, and renewedand extended activity when the pressure of War requirements is removed. It is to be hoped that the original ideals of the Association may neverbe forgotten. 

The aim of the Association is neither technical, i. E. , to make workmenbetter qualified for their special work, nor to attain a higher generaleducation with a view to their obtaining employment of a different classand ceasing to be manual workers. It is to enable them, while continuingto earn their living by manual work, to participate in the fuller lifegiven by intellectual activity. There are some subjects which can bepursued and studied _thoroughly_ with pleasure and profit without anylong or exact preliminary training. With some wise guidance in readingand some stimulating criticism to help him, the workman can reallyobtain all that is important from the study of the literature of his ownlanguage--to learn to know and to enjoy the best that has been written. It is of no importance that he will probably not become a "literaryexpert, " able to trace the influence of this or that obscure writer ofone age or country on the literature of another. It is to be hoped thathe will not learn the kind of literary jargon affected by so many moderncritics, or attempt in his essays to imitate those who think thatobscurity indicates profundity. There are some sciences, too, especiallycertain branches of natural science, which can be pursued by men whosetime is mainly taken up by manual work. 

The idea of erecting an educational ladder by which all will proceedfrom the elementary to the secondary school and thence to theUniversity, is a false one. Any such ladder must continue to be narrowat the top. It is impossible in any economic conditions that we arelikely to see in our time that the majority of our people will be ableto devote their whole lives to study until the age at which a Universitycourse can be finished. Indeed, for all classes there is a moderntendency to prolong the school period unduly, to keep boys under thediscipline and following the methods of the secondary school untilnineteen years of age, so that they finish a University course, which isalso becoming more prolonged, after twenty-three, and then at last takeup their vocational training. Neither parents nor the nation can affordto make such a course the normal one. It is no doubt of the greatestimportance to secure a career for special talent so that poverty shallnot prevent a really able boy or girl following such a course of studyas would enable his or her talents to have their full scope. The oldGrammar Schools, especially in the North of England, afford manyexamples of poor boys who by means of their school and Universityscholarships were enabled to obtain the best training the country couldgive, and so attain the highest positions in Church and State. Thesemust necessarily be the few. It is a cruelty by means of scholarships totempt those who have neither the financial means nor exceptional talentto try for a career in which there will really be no opening for them. Even with the limited number of scholarships which local authoritieshave been able to offer, there have been many cases in which bittercomplaints have been raised that young people had been induced toprepare themselves for some walk in life in which there was no demandfor their services. Of course, the more knowledge is required in variousindustries the more scope there will be for those who have had a longtraining, but there is nothing more injurious to the State than to turnout a number of persons who have had a prolonged academic training, butwho are not able to do something for which there is a demand, and forwhich the world is willing to pay. The results of such a course ofaction may be seen on a large scale in India. In one of the colleges ofan Indian University in a large manufacturing town, fourteen youngmen--very agreeable and frank, outspoken fellows--met at random in oneof the hostels, were asked what, on completing their college course, they intended to do; twelve answered to become "pleaders, " and two hopedfor something in the Government service. None proposed to followmanufacturing industry, agriculture, or commerce. The legal professionwhich they proposed to enter was so crowded that pleaders are said tohave been competing with each other to obtain cases by a kind of Dutchauction regarding fees, and also to promote litigation wilfully in orderto obtain a living. It is from a kind of "intellectual proletariat" inall countries, that dangerous political agitators are drawn who take uppolitical life not to improve the conditions of their fellows, but tofind some sort of a career for themselves, having no useful occupationto turn to. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 5: Since the above lines were written I hear that a Committeeof Inquiry has been appointed by the Government to report on thesubject. ]

CHAPTER XII

WAGES[6]

 _How shall we better distribute the product of industry, and allay the unrest of which we hear so much? There's only one way--by improving our methods of production. To effect this the earnest and active co-operation between those engaged in industry must be employed. _

 _. . . No longer must a man be supported by his union when he refuses to mind two lathes because the custom of the factory confines him to one. No longer must an employer assign as a reason for cutting prices that the man's wages are too high. . . . Each side must endeavour better to understand the outlook of the other. _--SIR HUGH BELL. 

The second grievance mentioned in the _Quarterly_ article alreadyreferred to is: "The wages are too low. " To remedy this grievance, increased productivity, along with greater economy in working, is thefirst essential in order to obtain the funds out of which higher wagescan be paid; the second, to get a fair allocation and distribution ofthe profit made. Increased benefit will also be a stimulus to betterwork. 

For a crowded country like ours to maintain a leading position inindustry is obviously a necessary condition either of welfare orprogress. It is of first importance to secure work of high quality. Ahighly civilised and trained nation must hold its own by the superiorquality of the articles produced as well as by being able to supply bothits own needs and to compete in prices with others by the quantity ofoutput. It may be possible, for example, to hold the market for finespinning when other countries are well able to supply coarse yarns fromtheir own factories. Hitherto this country has been able to maintain alead in industry largely through causes which are no longer operative. Thus, we had (1) a settled Government when Germany and Italy weredivided into a number of small and inefficient and often very badlygoverned States, when France was exhausted and unsettled, and whenAmerica was only in its infancy; and (2) the advantage due to the factthat the great discoveries and inventions which advanced industry weremostly made in Britain, when industry was developing at the close of theeighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century. Many of theseinventions were made by manual workers who, by intuitive genius, sawwhat was needed to meet the requirements that arose in practice. Therewas not then that fund of accumulated scientific knowledge andexperience in existence which anyone must have before he can make anyadvance or improvement to-day. There was an interesting print publishedsome forty years ago giving portraits of the Englishmen who had madecontributions to practical science and who might have been assembledtogether in one room in 1808. It included many who made their inventionsas manual workers. Murdock, who invented a new lathe, and developed theuse of coal gas, worked until over forty years old for a wage of a pounda week; Davy had been apprenticed to an apothecary; Bramah, who inventeda new hydraulic press, once worked with a village carpenter; Bolton andWatt and Nasmyth, the inventor of the steam hammer, were practicalengineers. Never in the world's history has there been such a galaxy ofpractical talent and inventive power as those whose portraits are shownin this picture. Now a larger amount of preliminary knowledge as to whathas already been done and of the sciences is necessary, in most cases atleast, before useful inventions can be made. The more widely thisscientific knowledge can be made available throughout all classes in thecountry the greater is the possibility of maintaining our lead. It isalso important to maintain, so far as technical education can give it, skill in carrying out methods already established and improving them, and also in making the worker more adaptable to new conditions andaltered circumstances instead of being a mere machine able to do oneclass of work only, and adhering simply to the one rigid method which hemay have learnt. But knowledge and training are not all that is wanted. It is essential that all classes connected with industry should realisethat increased production in established and well-understood industriesis essential, and that it can only be obtained, first, by willing andvigorous work on the part of the workman, aiming at producing as much aspossible in the hours during which labour can be efficiently carried onwithout detriment to health or depriving the labourer of theopportunities of enjoying a life outside his daily routine; and, secondly, by the increased use of the best machinery and labour-savingappliances and working such machinery to its fullest capacity. Insteadof that, it has often been the policy to restrict the production of eachman's labour, one reason being lest there should not be enoughemployment to go round, and also to view the introduction of machinerywhich might displace labour with hostility and suspicion. In order togive the leisure which the workman needs for a full and healthy life, and to provide a wage which will enable him to secure the comforts whichhe rightly desires, as well as to obtain adequate remuneration for thosewho manage businesses, and interest on their money for those whosecapital is to be embarked in them, increased production is necessary;but it cannot be expected that workmen will realise this or desire theresult unless they know certainly that they will obtain at once abenefit from it. It has too often been the case that where some newinvention has been made, or new machinery introduced, or the conditionsof trade have enabled an industry to be more profitable, the workman hasnot shared in the benefits obtained until he has pressed for an increaseof wages, even to the extent of striking or threatening to strike. Thefaults and jealousies leading to restricted production are not all onone side. Cases have arisen when a manager has let out a piece of workto a group of workmen at a price which has resulted in a larger outputin a given time at less cost, though the amount paid to each man hasbeen higher owing to increased diligence, yet the employers raisedobjections, because the wages earned were "more than such men ought tohave. "

It is essential if the workers are to make it their aim to increaseproduction and to use every effort with that object, that they shouldknow that of a certainty, and at once, they will get a benefit from whatis done. At present it is commonly the case that in order to obtain anadequate wage the worker works overtime, and presses to have overtimework, because the rate of pay for overtime is higher, and that duringthe normal hours of work he does less. Cases have actually been known inwhich the worst class of workmen play during the greater part of theweek, and then have gone, during the War at all events, to work for theweek-end, including Sunday, at a very high rate of wages at some otherplace. In the short time of working at abnormal rates they have gainedas high wages as the steady and efficient workman who keeps steadily atwork through the normal hours. As long as such conditions exist we shallnot have the shorter hours which are necessary for healthy and happylife, and we shall have the friction and irritation which arise from toolong hours of work. A higher rate of wages during shorter hours of work, when the work is done with vigour and efficiency, and the certainty thatthe wage will be increased if results are favourable, are necessaryconditions for industrial welfare and industrial peace. The wage systemshould be so designed as to make it clear that the wage is a share inthe industry's earnings which is to advance as these earnings advance. A"regulated slide of wages rising with the prosperity of the industry asa whole" would help to secure this without friction. Methods ofindustrial remuneration giving an assurance of thus sharing the benefitof increased or more economical production are required. A valuable workon such methods, which are already very various, was published by thelate Mr. David Schloss many years ago. New methods will, no doubt, befound. The problem, however, is one for judicial treatment by those whohave devoted special study to it. 

The methods already tried include the more general adoption ofpiece-wage, progressive wage arranged in various ways giving a fixedrate for the hours worked plus an additional sum proportionate to theexcess of output over a fixed standard, collective piece-work, contractwork, co-operative work, sub-contract, profit-sharing in various formsincluding special bonus, product-sharing, and industrial co-operation. 

Each method should be considered on its merits, in the light of theexperience already gained, and having regard to its applicability toeach class of industry. The aim and the principles which must guideendeavours to achieve it are clearly stated by Mr. Schloss:

"But while a reduction of hours of labour, say to eight hours in theday, may readily be admitted to be on grounds both economic or socialhighly desirable, yet it is no less desirable that during those eighthours every working man in the country shall use his best availabletools and machinery, and, performing as much labour as he can performwithout exerting himself to an extent prejudicial to his health orinconsistent with his reasonable comfort, produce an output as large aspossible. In the interest of the people as a whole it is expedient thatthe remuneration of the labour of the industrial classes shall beincreased, and since this remuneration is paid out of the nationalincome, it is a matter of great importance not only that the workingclasses shall succeed in obtaining for themselves a far ampler share inthe national income than they at present receive, but also that theproductive powers of the working classes shall be exercised in a mannercalculated to secure that this income shall be of the largest possibledimensions. "

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 6: This chapter is intended to refer to what may be regardedas normal conditions. In some cases the recent rise in wages has beenexcessive. The present position is chaotic, and the ill-advised mannerin which the 12-1/2 per cent. Advance was made has added to labourtroubles and will cause great difficulty in the future. ]

_D. --RELIGIOUS PEACE_

CHAPTER XIII

CO-OPERATION

 _Children of men! the Unseen Power, whose eye_ _For ever doth accompany mankind, _ _Hath looked on no religion scornfully_ _That man did ever find. _ --MATTHEW ARNOLD. 

This is not the place to discuss the merits or demerits of anytheological views or of any system of Church government, but thequestion of the influence of religion on the life of the State and theway in which and conditions under which it can be rightly exercisedcannot be overlooked. There is no doubt whatever that religiousinfluence might be a most potent and useful factor in Reconstruction, using the word in the broadest sense. There are some branches of work inwhich no other known influence can effect what is required. Leavingaside for the moment the fact that there are needs of humanity whichreligion alone can satisfy, and looking only to social improvement, thepower of religion has been proved again and again, especially in dealingwith the cases that seem most difficult and almost hopeless. In India, for example, there are certain debased tribes which are habituallycriminal, and have, in fact, by tradition devoted themselves to thecommission of crime. The only agency which has been able to effect areclamation and improvement of these tribes is the Salvation Army, which, by general consent, even of those who have no sympathy with itsparticular religious views, has achieved wonderful results. There is nodoubt, too, that some of the worst parts of certain seaports in our owncountry have been vastly improved by the same agency. This has been doneby a definite appeal made on religious grounds, and those who have madeit have been inspired by religious motives. It required, however, a bodywhich had peculiar methods of its own to do it. The basis of the action, also, of such organisations as the Church Army and the Young Men's andYoung Women's Christian Associations is definitely religious, and thevigorous and successful way in which their work has been carried on bysuch associations is due mainly to the influence of religion. It wouldbe well for our present purpose to treat the question from a position, whether real or assumed, of absolute detachment from any particularreligious belief, and from any special religious community. Looked ateven from such a detached position, it appears that the first conditionrequired to enable religious influence to be effectively exercised is tosecure religious peace. It is impossible to deny that there has been akind of jealousy and hostility between those who hold different opinionsabout theological and ecclesiastical questions which injures the work ofall. Anyone, for example, who was in the habit of meeting educatedIndians at the time of the Kikuyu controversy could not have helpednoticing the harm done to the cause of the Christian religion by thatcontroversy. There were Indians, whose attitude to Christianity beforemight almost have been called wistful admiration, seeing the brighterhope and fuller life it opened to all classes, and the universalbrotherhood of men which it proclaimed, who then spoke in an alteredtone, and their feeling seemed to be tinged with a half-concealed andalmost contemptuous pity. How much beneficial action might be taken byreligious bodies acting in co-operation! There is a deep truth in aremark once made by the late Bishop of Manchester, Dr. Moorhouse, whenspeaking of possible co-operation on a certain matter between peoplebelonging to different religious communities: "It would be so easy didwe only recognise how large is the area covered by things on which weagree, how important they are, compared with those on which we differ. "Some have felt so keenly the injury done by religious differences thatschemes have been put forward for corporate union of a number ofdifferent Churches. Such union may or may not be possible, but, even ifit is, is it best to bring about such a union by any compromise underwhich one side gives up part of what it regards as useful and importantin exchange for a similar concession on the other? May not a kind ofconfederation between different bodies for certain purposes, eachmaintaining its separate existence, be better than formal incorporation?May there not be a unity of spirit and bond of peace between those whoseviews differ, without either party giving up the iota to which he mayattach importance? Forms devoutly prized and helpful to one man may berepellent and a hindrance to others. 

There is much to be learnt from a saying quoted by Sir Edwin Pears inwriting of certain Mahommedan sects: "The paths leading to God are asnumerous as the breaths of His creatures; hence they consider religioustoleration as a duty. " Toleration does not mean simply abstinence fromthe thumbscrew and the rack or even the repeal of the Conventicle or theFive Mile Act, but appreciation of the religious opinions and practicesof others, and due respect for them. Without formal union there may notonly be peace and goodwill between bodies which keep up their separateorganisations, they might also act together heartily and effectivelyboth in philanthropic work and in combating certain evils for which theinfluence of religion is the most effective cure. It is a good sign ofthe times that a joint volume has already been published on Religion andReconstruction, containing essays by a number of those whose views nodoubt differ widely, but who find no difficulty in uniting in a commonundertaking. The book contains essays by Bishop Welldon, Dr. Orchard, Monsignor Poock, and others representing different communions, and theyappear to have had no difficulty at all in a joint enterprise of thiskind. 

Is there any sufficient reason why the leaders of religious thoughtbelonging to other denominations should not be invited sometimes tospeak in the pulpits of the National Church? They would not use theoccasion for attacking Episcopacy. Conversely it might be a wholesomething if a Bishop or other well-known Episcopalian clergymanoccasionally spoke to the great congregations in such familiar Londonmeeting-places as the Newington Tabernacle or the City Temple. Theymight be trusted not to choose Apostolic Succession as their subject. Joint religious services have already been held, and the practice mightbe extended. The Bishop of London has been seen in Hyde Park on theplatform with representative men from the Wesleyans, Independents (it ispleasanter to use the old name rather than "Congregationalist, " whichmay be correct, but is hideous), and Presbyterians, with a band from theSalvation Army in attendance. Such things do good, and are the bestreply to the orators by the Reformers' Tree, whose most effective weaponis to sneer--not unnaturally--at the enmity amongst Christians. A"church" parade for the Volunteers has in a village been held in theBaptist chapel, and many who had never entered a Nonconformist place ofworship before, felt how real "unity of spirit" did exist. 

Another fruitful opportunity for joint work is in the realm of study andof theological education. This object would be promoted by theestablishment in our Universities of theological faculties where apart--it may be a large part but not the whole--of the training of thosewho intend to enter the ministry or for other reasons to devotethemselves to theological study may be carried on. Such a faculty hasbeen instituted with marked success in Manchester. No test is imposedexcept tests of knowledge, but the faculty has been said to be the mostharmonious in the University. Whatever body he belongs to, whateverChurch he wishes to serve, the student could not fail to gain profitfrom studying the language of the New Testament under a scholar like thelate Professor Moulton, and would never find anything that--to use thewords of the founder of the University--"could be reasonably offensiveto the conscience of any student. " Already the effect of such a facultyin advancing theological study and still more in uniting members ofdifferent communions in the pursuit of truth has been most marked. 

There is one point, however, in considering the influence of religion onReconstruction which must be borne in mind. Untold harm has been done inthe past by the intrusion of the lawgiver or the judge into the domainof religion, and, on the other hand, by the intrusion of the minister ofreligion into the domain of the legislator or the magistrate. It isessential that in dealing with any question of legislation or politicalaction the clergy and ministers of all denominations, if they take partat all, should speak as citizens, and not professionally. They, invirtue of their office, ought not to be, and they have the highestauthority for not claiming to be, judges or lawgivers. They have not, and ought not to claim, any authority to decide on the lawfulness ofpaying tribute to Caesar; any such claim must be strenuously resisted. The use of religious sanctions as weapons of political warfare is notwholly obsolete. We hear of it from across St. George's Channel--itshould be condemned like poison gas on the battlefield. And, lastly, itmust never be forgotten that there are certain things with regard towhich attempted suppression by law is certain to result in evil anddisaster. With regard to these things the influence of religion, on theother hand, may be all-effective if it is kept absolutely distinct fromany question of legislation or of legal penalties. The spheres ofreligion and the criminal law must never be confused. Shakespeare, "themirror of human nature" for all time, once blended bitter irony withinfinite pathos. "Measure for Measure" has its warning for every age. It would be well to study the ugliest as well as the most beautifulparts of that drama, and see what it really means, and what is itslesson. 

Exercised within its proper sphere the influence of religion may stillbe as potent a force now as in the past. It may inspire the right frameof mind in dealing with every question, may encourage hope, sustainfaith, and diffuse charity. 

Reiterated until wearisome we hear the question asked, "What is wrongwith the Church?" sometimes from outside with a tone almost of contempt, with little, or no care, for remedy if anything be wrong; sometimes fromwithin with a note of anxiety, uncertain whether it is safe to confessopenly the fact that anything can so be wrong. To the question comingfrom within the Church, a voice might answer from the outer galilee, "Isnot what is wrong with the Church--like what is wrong with most ofus--thinking, perhaps talking, too much of itself, considering whatfigure it makes in the world, rather than in self-forgetful devotiongiving itself to the work set before it, to delivering some message inwhich it intensely believes as necessary for mankind?" It has beenlikened to a bride; is not the bride too self-conscious, thinkingwhether her garb is not fine enough or too fine, her possessions toosmall or too large, her influence too weak or opposition to it toostrong? How much discussion is devoted to the question, what phrasesmust be repeated, what forms adopted, to pass the janitor who guards herdoors! As has been truly said, the really useful reform for all of uswould be that each should do his appointed work at least ten per cent. Better than he has done it before. The work to be done should be thespecial work assigned to each and for which each is best fitted. We longfor peace, but in settling the constitution of a League of Nations itwill be the jurist not the churchman who will help us. In aiming atpolitical or industrial peace the practical good sense of thestatesman, the employer, and the workman will best point out what iswanted; the Church, as such, is better out of the way in framinglegislation. But suppose even that we establish securely internationaland political, industrial and social peace, is that peace all we need?Shall we not still in youth be restless, anxious about the future of ourown lives and the lives of those nearest to us, unsettled by ambitionsfor what we may not attain, disappointed at the little progress we make;restless all through life, disturbed by thoughts of what we desire butcannot have; restless, most of all, in age, knowing that attainment isno longer possible, and, if we have attained anything, feeling howlittle it is worth? Who will take for his proper sphere to show the wayto a peace which may pass the understanding of those who, indisappointment and loss and vain endeavour, which will go on even if thedreams of national and social progress and improvement are realised, andalike in failure or success, will need that peace more and more as longas the life of man lasts? Sometimes we see among those round us calmfaces the living "index of a mind" at peace, which make us feel thatthere are those working in our midst in whom that peace exists. Let hertell the way to that and the answer would be, "There is nothing wrongwith the Church; she is fulfilling her mission; ever, as of old, willglad welcome greet the footsteps of him that bringeth good tidings, thatpublisheth peace. " [7]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 7: The word "Church" is used in the sense which each readerchooses to attach to it. Definition in such matters leads todissension. ]

Part III

RETRENCHMENT

CHAPTER XIV

STATE EXPENDITURE AND INCOME

 _Political economy, as a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects, first, to provide plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people or, more properly, to enable them to provide such a revenue or subsistence for themselves, and, secondly, to supply the slate or commonwealth with a revenue sufficient for the public services. _--ADAM SMITH. 

Taking first the second of the two objects mentioned by Adam Smith, itwill be convenient under the heading of "Retrenchment" to treat not onlythe question of economy in the expenditure of the State, but also theother side of the account, and consider what general lines of actionshould be adopted to make revenue balance expenditure, in the firstplace by reducing expenditure, and, in the second, by increasingrevenue, in view of the fact that the absolutely necessary expenditurewill be enormously enhanced to meet the interest on the National Debt. Assuming that the War were to end in the spring of 1919, the debt willprobably amount to about seven thousand millions after allowing forloans due from the Allies and Dominions so far as they are likely to bethen recoverable. Taking interest at 5 per cent. With a sinking fund ofonly half per cent. , it is estimated that the permanent annual charge inrespect of the Debt will then be about 380 millions. No doubt part ofthe Debt bears interest at a lower rate than 5 per cent. , but a portionhas been borrowed at a higher. This is on the assumption that the Warwill end within this financial year. Even if the War does end within thefinancial year, much of the expenditure occasioned by it must go onduring the period of demobilisation, and during part of that period theDebt will probably go on growing, as it can hardly be expected thatsufficient revenue can be raised by taxation to meet this continuedexpenditure directly due to the War. There will also be for many yearsto come a very heavy expenditure on pensions, and, whatever othersavings may be effected, the duty of providing pensions for injured anddisabled sailors and soldiers is paramount, and the provision must bemade generously. 

It seems highly probable, therefore, that the annual Debt service willultimately amount to nearly 400 millions, and may be much more if theWar goes on over 1919. It is a gigantic burden to bear. Mr. Bonar Lawhas stated in the House of Commons that a loan of one thousand millionsrepresents the labour of ten million men for a whole year, so we maytake it that the annual charge for the National Debt will require thewhole labour of four million men to meet it, and that this charge willbe continuous for many years. The normal expenditure after the War, apart from Debt service, has been reckoned to be 270 millions. It willcertainly be more unless rigid economy is practised and all the newschemes which are being proposed involving expenditure of money arecarefully scrutinised to see whether the expenditure is such as thecountry ought to undertake in view of its financial obligations. As theDebt service will be practically constant and irreducible unless revenuelargely exceeds the total annual expenditure, which is very improbable, it is clear that a strong effort must be made to reduce this expenditureand also, so far as possible, to increase the State revenue. Unless thisis done there will be a deficit even after the War, and the Debt willhave to be increased to meet it. There is no question of greaterurgency, and it must be resolutely faced. We shall probably find adisposition, both in the Government and in Parliament, to shirk it. Theinfluence of the extension of the electorate will, in all likelihood, beagainst rather than in favour of economy. There is a common assumptionthat people can get the State to pay for things instead of paying forthem themselves; that there is no need to practise personal economy orto save because the State will provide. Wage-earners who began bypractising some self-denial in order to save have said, "What is the useof troubling? The man who saves is really no better off than the man whospends all his earnings, as the State will provide what is required tomeet the needs of the latter. "

What, then, can be done to reduce expenditure? It is impossible to domore than indicate in outline the machinery by which this expenditure isor might be controlled. During the War, for various reasons, the regularand ordinary checks on extravagance and waste have almost ceased tooperate. The situation seems to have been getting worse until theappointment of a Special Committee of the House of Commons on NationalExpenditure in July, 1917. The Committee consisted of men with businessknowledge, and its reports have furnished valuable suggestions. On sucha subject anybody who has not direct access to documents and definitepersonal knowledge of the work and expenditure of various departments, and also some personal experience in State finance, may well hesitate toexpress an opinion, and will prefer to quote the views of those who havefuller information and better means of judging. There has been muchwaste; what has gone on has even been described as a "wild orgy ofextravagance. " The phrase has been used not only by irresponsiblecritics, but by business men whose words carry weight. Let us call twowitnesses out of many available. 

Mr. H. Samuel, in speaking of the work of the Select Committee, as lateas June 19, 1918, said, in the House of Commons, "that the Committee hadformed the opinion that in some cases the staffs of Governmentdepartments had been swollen beyond all estimation; that they werefrequently ill-organised; that there was much waste of labour andconsequently of money in their establishments; that the Treasury had notrisen to the occasion during the War, and the Committee had regretfullycome to the conclusion that the War Office had been adopting adeliberately obstructive attitude. " Mr. Runciman on the same occasionstated that "lax expenditure and loose control over distribution ofpublic money went far beyond the immediate departments concerned. Itwent down into every factory, and the general effect was a scale ofnational extravagance from which we should recover after the War onlywith the greatest difficulty. "

We shall not recover at all except by immediate, determined and, aboveall, methodical action. Small economies, as Mr. Gladstone long agopointed out, are not to be despised. It is no doubt right to put upnotices in Government offices not to put coal on the fire after threeo'clock, but these savings will not go far when half a million can bethrown away on the bogs and rocks round Loch Doon with no useful resultof any kind, and yet nobody seems to be made responsible for this waste, nor can anyone say why it was allowed. We hear again and again ofimprovident contracts and extravagant purchases, and also of absurd costincurred in supervising minute details. Why cannot clear generalauthority to act on the spot in certain matters be given to someresponsible person, instead of instituting a system of checks whichoften cause great delay as well as expense? A water pipe at a camp wantssome slight repair, costing less than half a sovereign. No one there hasauthority to give an order, a well-paid official must be sent a day'sjourney to inspect, and incurs expenses far exceeding the cost of thework to be done. Why is good agricultural land taken for a site whenthere is plenty of land near which is waste or of little value? Why doesa well-known firm which has a telephone and a post-bag think it worthwhile to pay £15, 000 for an introduction to a Government Department? Whyhave we heard again and again of prices paid for goods greatly in excessof the price for which they could be obtained from well-establishedfirms in the trade? Such instances could be multiplied, but enough hascome to light publicly, and been proved, to show how essential it is tohave some authority to deal with such matters and stop the leakagewhich becomes a torrent. Apparently there has been an improvement latelyin many respects, but we are yet a long way from perfection. 

There will be an immense dead weight of influence against economy owingto the fact that so many persons are interested in keeping up andincreasing expenditure. As was said in the debate above referred to, "Itlooks as if London were becoming a huge bureaucratic town where everyonewill be working in some Government department or other. " One might sayeveryone of all ages, remembering a remark made by someone entering abuilding near Whitehall, and seeing the crowd of girls and boys in thecorridor, "I thought I was coming to a Government office, but it seemsto be a crêche. "

For efficiency as well as for economy a thorough revision of theexecutive departments of the Government is necessary. There is no doubtthat the present system has grown up at haphazard. It would be difficultfor anyone to form a clear idea of the duties assigned to or powersconferred on the various departments, to say who in each department hasauthority to do certain acts, or is responsible for seeing that they aredone properly. 

To get the best account of the executive departments in England as theyexisted before the War we must go to America. Professor A. L. Lowell'sbook may be taken as the standard work on that subject. The chapters onthe Executive Departments, the Treasury, and the Civil Service give aclear and interesting account of the administrative arrangements of theBritish Government. He shows how new departments have grown up from timeto time to meet some new want as it arose, but their powers are oftenill defined. Various Boards were created, but in some cases it became anestablished practice that the Board should not meet, or a Committee ofCouncil was set up and the work carried on under the supposed directionof "my Lords. " It was a mere fiction. There has been no clear andconsistent scheme for distributing the work of Government between thevarious departments on any intelligible principles. 

All are spending money, some of them enormous sums. Staffs are growinginordinately, much of the work is duplicated, much consists incommunications with other departments which would be unnecessary if thework of each were better defined. 

It should be clear in each department who has authority to decide anyparticular question, to incur expenditure, to enter into bindingagreements. The executive government of the country is in a chaoticstate, relieved to some extent by the good sense and good feeling of themembers of the great army of officials who carry it on. No one can denythat the Civil Service is not only pure, but, taken as a whole, itsmembers individually are both able and industrious. It is betterorganisation that is required. Some of the new Ministries ought to bescrapped directly the War is over, and the business of others continuedonly so far as necessary for winding up. But these new departments willdie hard. 

Since the War new departments have grown up like mushrooms, sometimeswithout any clear statement of their functions or powers being made, andthere has not been time to settle them at leisure by a course ofpractice. The result is overlapping, friction which would be intolerablebut for the good-natured forbearance which English people have for astate of confusion, waste of time and money in sending minutes, and incorrespondence between different departments, and often delays whichhave had most unfortunate results. Does anyone know exactly what are therespective functions and powers of the Ministry of Reconstruction, theMinistry of Labour, the Board of Trade, the Ministry of Pensions, theMinistry of National Service, the Board of Works, the Ministry of FoodControl, the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, the War TradeDepartment, the Home Office, the Local Government Board, the Committeeon Food Production, the Restriction of Enemy Supply Committee, thePriorities Committees, the Ministry of Munitions, etc. , etc. The listmight easily be extended. 

A thorough revision of the executive departments is necessary ifgovernment is to be both efficient and economical. There is plenty ofgood material in the Civil Service, and it will always be easy to obtainmore. It is the system or want of system that is wrong. 

The next question is to provide or restore a more effective generalcontrol over expenditure and impose checks on the growing expenditurewhich has been so marked in recent years, even before the War. 

The ordinary machinery for dealing with and controlling expenditure isor should be fourfold. 

(1) The spending departments make definite estimates or are supposed todo so. Since the War, this has not been the rule. Of course, there aremany cases in which it would have been absolutely impossible to let theitems of proposed expenditure be published or discussed in the House ofCommons; but, as soon as War requirements permit it, proper estimatesshould again be prepared and pressure put upon the departments to reducethem. At present the pressure is all the other way; the heads of thedepartments apparently like to have a large establishment as well as toextend their jurisdiction. It is not merely to give their departmentmore importance and a claim therefore to higher salaries; sometimes itis the natural tendency of the vigorous man to enlarge the scope of hisinfluence. _Boni judicis_, says the old maxim, _ampliarejurisdictionem_. ("It is characteristic of the good judge to extend hisjurisdiction. ") It would be a good thing if instead of estimates beinglaid directly before a Committee of the whole House of Commons, wheresome small item is often the subject of long and acrimonious debate andmillions are passed without comment or consideration in a few minutes, the estimates of each department were fully considered as a whole bysome small competent Committee of the House, uninfluenced by partyfeeling, and representatives of departments could be asked questions ontheir estimates. 

To compare small things with great, a committee of this kind has beenfound of the highest value in institutions where there are variousdepartments requiring large expenditure. It is usually then felt by eachperson who sends in an estimate that it is to the credit of hisdepartment not to make claims for expenditure which cannot be justified. When the scale and character of the expenditure have been scrutinisedand the estimate has been passed, it is much better to leave a very freehand as to the exact mode of expenditure. Outside control then becomesirritating, and is itself a cause of extravagance; it means moreaccounts, more correspondence, more consideration of papers. 

(2) The Treasury is supposed to have the function of control, but achange appears to have taken place, and it has now to a great extentlost its control, and has even itself become a spending body. ProfessorA. L. Lowell, in the work above referred to, after speaking of theTreasury as the department which exhibits in the highest degree themerits of the British Government, points out that even ten years ago, "with the waning desire for economy and the growth of other interests, the Treasury has to some extent lost its predominant position; althoughit will no doubt maintain its control over the details of expenditure, one cannot feel certain that its head will regain the powerful influenceupon general or financial policy exerted thirty years ago. " A veryguarded statement, as was becoming in an author writing in anothercountry at a time when the tendencies to which he alludes were onlybeginning to show themselves. Things have advanced during the last tenyears in the direction Professor Lowell indicated as probable, and it ishigh time that this advance should be stopped. 

We might venture to ask, indeed, the following questions: (i) Has notthe Treasury during the last ten years lost a large portion of itscontrol, and since the War almost its whole control over expenditure ona large scale? (ii) Is the Treasury not more concerned with paltrydetails than in imposing any real check on the extravagance of spendingdepartments? (iii) Has not the policy sometimes been actually toencourage expenditure, and has not there been one case at least, even ofintroducing vexatious taxation where the amount collected is far lessthan the cost of collection? (iv) What has the Treasury done to preventor control "the orgy of extravagance" since the War began? Thedepartment of State which has to do with revenue, with getting as muchas possible and spending only what is necessary, which has the duty of"making both ends meet, " ought to resume its functions and regain itsinfluence so that the Government may be conducted "on strict businessprinciples, " to use Professor Lowell's phrase, "as it was throughout agreat part of the nineteenth century. "

(3) The Cabinet should exercise more controlling power, and recogniseits collective responsibility for keeping down expenditure. As ProfessorLowell points out, the position of the Chancellor of the Exchequer inthe Cabinet was one of almost commanding influence. In Mr. Gladstone'stime his powerful personality, regularly exercised in favour of nationaleconomy, did certainly have a great effect in preventing extravagance, and some other Chancellors of the Exchequer no doubt used an influencein that direction, but can it be safely asserted that there is in theCabinet as a whole sufficient attention given to retrenchment?

(4) Lastly, the House of Commons is supposed to control expenditure. That control has generally been used, and quite rightly, as a means ofcalling attention to grievances, and as giving an opportunity forcriticism of the executive; but the House of Commons should also putpressure on the executive to curtail expenditure, not so much bydiscussing small details which would be far better dealt with by such asmall Estimates Examination Committee as suggested, but by using itsinfluence generally against an increase of expenditure unless a clearcase for it is made out. During the War, Parliamentary control, at leastuntil the appointment of the Committee above mentioned, seems almost tohave gone. The House of Commons does not now exercise its influence asit ought, to check extravagance, and probably the more widely theelectorate is extended, as already said, the less will the House ofCommons care to exercise rigid control in favour of economy. It isalways an easy way of getting popularity to be what is called "generous"when dealing with other people's money. Everyone who looks after thepublic interest by trying to prevent expenditure, whether national orlocal, which is not imperatively called for, is styled mean andnarrow-minded, and his task is a thankless one. Everyone who wants moneyspent will be able to make out a plausible case, either that the amountis so small or the object is so important that what he asks must begranted, and he will have some eager constituents to back him up. Thebest chance for economy is to have a body of men whose decisions theHouse will respect and not overrule, except for really good cause, whohave both the knowledge and the strength of character to go through theestimates and call attention to the cases in which substantialreductions could be effected, or proposals for increased expenditurerefused. It will not be an agreeable task, and now probably less popularthan ever. The masses admire lavish expenditure whether by public bodiesor by the private person who spends his money "like a gentleman, " and itis to be feared there will not be much help from the women electors, aswomen, although they may practise economy occasionally themselves, usually regard it as a most objectionable virtue in a man. How often infamilies do we find the mother and sisters will admire theself-indulgent idle youth who spends money freely even if he borrowsfrom them, rather than the steady, plodding son who, by rigid economyand personal self-denial, helps to provide them with the means oflivelihood!

Turning to the other side of the account, what can be done to increasethe revenue of the State? It has been estimated that for the year1919-20 it will amount to £900, 000, 000, but of this £300, 000, 000 isexcess profits duty, which can hardly continue--in its present form atleast--beyond the period during which additional expenditure above thepermanent normal requirements is needed, in order to carry outdemobilisation. Putting the permanent charge to meet interest on debtand the cost of the public services at £670, 000, 000, there may be adeficit even if the present rate of taxation is maintained, and thenormal expenditure remains at its existing level. There will be nosurplus for the reduction of debt, or to meet new demands. Some newsources of revenue must, if possible, be found, and the old ones requirereadjustment. 

Income tax, if levied on the present system, has touched the extremelimit. A rate of taxation willingly borne to meet the cost of war whiledanger threatened will be felt more and more burdensome as time goes on. To meet a higher income tax there will be pressure to increase salariespaid by the Government and all public authorities. An official salaryfixed at £5, 000 a year when income tax was one shilling and sixpence, may be thought insufficient when it is nearly ten shillings includingsuper-tax. Persons have incurred liabilities for rent and other fixedpayments which they are not able to reduce. All along the line therewill be claims for higher payments for services rendered or goodssupplied. On the other hand, industrial undertakings will have to paymore for the capital they must borrow to carry on and develop theirwork, and 6 per cent. Instead of 4 per cent. Will have to be paid fordebenture capital now raised by the best industrial companies. For thosewho have money to lend, the burden of tax may thus be practically met byan increased income, but for those whose money is locked up in permanentinvestments there will be no indirect relief in higher rates ofinterest. Income tax, house duty, and rates will absorb so much that themargin for voluntary expenditure will be small even out of incomes thatare nominally high. 

The death duties, especially where a deceased person leaves a largefamily, already cause much hardship. A general increase in the existingrates of estate duty cannot be made without discouraging thrift. It is ahardship if it is made impossible for parents to make reasonableprovision for children some of whom may from various causes be unable toearn for themselves. On the contrary, where there are no children and nowidow to be provided for, death duties might be much increased withoutcausing hardship. A very much higher legacy duty might be charged in thecase of large sums passing on death to persons other than the widow, direct descendants, or other near relatives of a deceased person. Onsmall legacies the present rates should suffice, but there is no moralclaim for distant relatives to be allowed to take large sums. Wouldthere be any real hardship in imposing a heavy duty of, say, 25 percent. On gifts over, say, £1, 000 to collateral relations not dependenton the testator or to strangers? Or there might be a graded scaleaccording to the remoteness of the relationship. In case of intestacy itwould be often a real advantage to take the _whole property_ for theState, if there were no relations within the third or fourth degree, i. E. , uncles and aunts, and nephews and nieces being in the thirddegree, first cousins in the fourth. Economists for the last hundredyears--Bentham, Mill, and others--have advocated such a change. Nearlyevery judge or officer of the Courts who has to do with theadministration of estates would support a change which would do awaywith much wasteful litigation and disappoint no reasonable expectations. No source of revenue should be neglected if it can truly be said that byimposing the additional taxation proposed there will be (i) nodislocation of trade or hampering of industry or commerce; (ii) nodiscouragement of thrift; (iii) no real hardship; (iv) no great expenseincurred in collection in proportion to the amount raised. It is onlysheer stupidity that refuses to adopt a means of raising even a smallamount when the method proposed for doing so would have positivelybeneficial results in other ways. 

The land increment duty should be a warning as regards cost ofcollection. That cost relatively to the amount produced has beenenormous. But actual cost of collection as returned, represents only asmall part of the expenditure really caused by the tax. The time takenup in making returns and filling up forms and obtaining the necessaryadvice in doing so is a burden on those who own even the smallest landedproperty and causes real hardship and injury. It discourages people fromacquiring small properties. 

The only other source of additional revenue in immediate contemplationappears to be the luxury tax. If this can be levied so as to fall onarticles which are really luxuries, i. E. , things not required for fulland healthy life, the effect of such a tax should be wholly beneficial. If, notwithstanding the tax, people go on buying such luxuries the Statewill gain. If, on the other hand, the effect of the tax is to checkexpenditure on luxuries it will be a gain to the country, because itsproductive power and its purchasing power will be used to obtainarticles which are really valuable and do promote national welfare. Theidea that those who spend money on luxuries are helping trade, and sobenefiting others, ought to have been exploded long ago. If the industrywhich has been devoted to producing articles which are really uselesswere diverted to producing things of utility, the aggregate of humanhappiness would be greatly increased. A difficulty in applying the taxis that the price of an article is little criterion as to whether it isa luxury or not. 

There are two other sources from which additional revenue might beobtained. 

First, to impose again an export duty on coal. Such a duty would helprather than hinder British industry. That industry is dependentabsolutely on the supply of coal. British Coal Measures are an assetwhich enables the country to keep industries going, but it is a wastingasset. Deeper and better mining may have upset calculations made byProfessor Jevons many years ago when he warned the country of thedisastrous consequences of using up our coal supplies, but sooner orlater the pinch will come. An export duty ought to be imposed on coaldirectly the present war restrictions can be removed. Our stores of coalcannot be indefinitely increased by increased industry. If the dutyoperated to reduce export of coal British manufacturers would gain, andbe able to produce commodities at less cost. If the demand from abroadwere so strong that export did not diminish, the country would gain tothe whole extent of the duty paid by foreign purchasers. The ordinaryarguments in favour of free trade do not support objection to such anexport duty as this. There will be ample demand for all the coal thatcan be produced. Even if there were not, it would be well not to use itup so quickly. There are some kinds of coal, of which the amountavailable is very limited, yet until the War broke out quantities ofsuch coal were freely sent to other countries, some of it to those whoare now at war with us, and so used to help our enemies, who got theprecious mineral cheap because we refused to allow the imposition of anexport duty. Probably the duty when it was tried was not imposed in thebest way, being charged at a fixed rate per ton instead of on an _advalorem_ scale, but this fault could easily be corrected. Specialexceptions in favour of Colonies or Allies, or for the supply of certainplaces, might be made by arrangement in consideration of some equivalentfavour, or to meet some particular need. 

The other suggestion involves more difficulties, and is of a morefar-reaching character. Would it not be possible to replace to someextent the excess profits duty, which cannot be permanent, by a duty on"excess dividends, " that is, on the amounts paid out of the profits of abusiness for the use of capital above a certain percentage? The excessprofits duty, in spite of all its anomalies and the difficulties ofassessment, has saved the financial situation during the War; a tax onexcess dividends might "save the situation" afterwards. When a businessis successful, paying, as many businesses have recently done, dividendsof 30 to 50 per cent. , and sometimes even more, the return made to thosewho have invested money in them is clearly excessive. From suchprofitable businesses those who have the responsible management no doubtmay generally get better remuneration, possibly the workmen may get asmall bonus or share in such profits, but those who by a mere stroke ofgood luck have embarked their money in these businesses, shareholderswho very likely know nothing whatever about the conduct of them, benefitenormously. Such a tax would not discourage thrift or prevent a personfrom getting a reasonable return on his savings. Take the case, say, oftwo professional men. Both, by hard work and using up their lives in theeffort, manage to make a fair income and bring up their families. One ofthem, to make provision for the future, invests £2, 000 in safesecurities with fixed rate of interest, and £2, 000 in some company whosebusiness is of a more or less speculative character, but by good fortunebecomes able to pay a dividend of 30 per cent. The other invests a likesum in firm securities, and £2, 000 in another company which turns out afailure. Neither of them has anything to do with the conduct of thebusiness of the company in which he invests, but one has got a tip fromsome friend or other who thinks he knows of a good thing. The work ofthe two men is exactly the same; it is a mere fluke that one gets a hugereturn and the other puts his money into a company which, without anyfault on his part, brings in nothing. 

The tax suggested would be levied on the excessive profits distributedin respect of the capital embarked in businesses of every kind. It waspointed out long ago that a tax thus levied on all alike would be paidwholly by the capitalist and "would neither affect the prices of thecommodities produced nor the distribution of capital. " The duty might begraded according to the percentage to be received on the capital ofeach investor. It might be reasonable for the first 10 per cent. To payonly the ordinary rate of income tax. Money in fixed permanentsecurities may now produce 5 per cent. Or 6 per cent. , and theadditional 4 per cent. Free from the excess duty would be a fair returnfor risk and an inducement to enterprise. The rate of excess duty mightbe increased according to the excess of profits above 10 per cent. Untilwhen the profits reached, say, 30 per cent. The duty on the amount inexcess of 20 per cent. Might be very high. The effect of the tax wouldnot be to reduce the spending power of the community; it would only bethat the State instead of the individual would to the extent of the dutyobtain the power of purchasing what it required, and discharging itsliabilities with the money it took from excessive profits. The amount ofthe tax, the method of grading and mode of levying it, would requirecareful consideration; but if the difficulties and inequalitiesintroduced by the War excess profits duty could be met, there seems noreason why the difficulties of the tax thus proposed should not be alsosolved; at all events, an attempt should be made to see how it wouldwork out. 

Where money is rapidly acquired by some stroke of fortune and is not theresult of steady industry the result is constantly unwise and oftenharmful expenditure either by those who have acquired it or theirimmediate successors. There is an old Lancashire saying as to fortunesrapidly made, that there are only three generations from clogs to clogs:"What is unreasonably gathered is also unreasonably spent by the personsinto whose hands it finally falls. " It may be spent "in a stupefyingluxury twice harmful both in being indulged in by the rich and witnessedby the poor. "

There is a great danger to the State at the present time from largeamounts of money rapidly acquired being accumulated in few hands. Thereare many signs that we are likely to enter a period which may bedescribed as the reign of the "nouveaux riches. " The great financiers, the persons with enormous interests in huge combines, will exercise moreand more an undue and dangerous influence on fiscal policy and politicallife. The old nobility and the class of country gentlemen will have lesspower. Their resources will be seriously crippled, and their familiesperhaps extinguished through losses in the War. The middle class, which, in the last century, exercised the strongest influence on politicallife, and from which most of our men of letters and science have sprung, may now be crushed. On the more highly educated part of the middleclasses whose means are limited the burden of the War has fallen mostheavily. Taxation seems deliberately arranged to place as heavy a burdenas possible on those of the middle classes who have children to bring upand to educate in the way they think best, and who endeavour to providemeans by which their families can occupy the same position in life whichtheir parents have done. The rate of income tax paid by a bachelor and aspinster is increased if they marry, although their necessary expenseswill be enormously increased if they have a family to support. Abachelor with £500 a year may be living in ease and luxury; if hemarries and has four or five children to educate he may find difficultyin meeting the needs of his family with £1, 500. In the same way thedeath duties are absurdly small on the estate of the bachelor who leavesno family, but are a real hardship on the family of the man who diesleaving a number of children. 

The tendency is towards a rapid accumulation of huge fortunes. Inconsidering the incidence of taxation Bacon's advice might well beremembered: "Above all things, good policy is to be used that thetreasure and moneys in a State be not gathered into few hands, forotherwise the State may have great stock and yet starve, for money islike muck, not good except it be spread. "

CHAPTER XV

NATIONAL EXPENDITURE

 _But where is the money to come from? Yes, that is to be asked. Let us as quite the first business in this our national crisis look not only into our affairs but into our accounts and obtain some notion of how we annually spend our money, and what we are getting for it. Not the public revenue only; of that some account is rendered already. But let us do the best we can to set down the items of the national private expenditure and know what we spend altogether and how. _--JOHN RUSKIN. 

The revenue and expenditure of the State have already been discussed;over that the State has a direct control. Over the expenditure of thenation the control of the State is only indirect. Though the twoquestions should be kept distinct, one affects the other. Both arevitally important and now more serious than ever in view of the hugedebt and other conditions which will exist after the War. How are we toprovide and pay for the commodities we need for the support of thenation? Before the War the balance required to pay for the excess ofimports over exports was apparently provided, first, by interest oninvestments in other countries--Englishmen having provided capital allover the world--and, second, by freights. A large amount of theseforeign investments has been sold. How far shall we still be a creditorcountry after the War? As regards freights, British shipping hassuffered very heavy losses. One of the first duties both during andafter the War must be to repair the losses and increase British tonnageavailable for trade. To this end no effort should be spared, and theState should do all that is possible to foster shipbuilding, or evenundertake the work itself, if possible without interfering, asunfortunately it has already done, with the output of privateshipbuilding yards. 

As regards national as well as State expenditure, it will be essential, first, to increase the income, and second, to guard against every formof waste. To increase the income the only way is to increase productionboth from the land and the factory (_a_) of things needed for use athome, (_b_) of things which can be sold abroad, i. E. , exported inexchange for the supplies that must be imported. In both cases it isnecessary to consider not merely the increase in the amount produced orthe volume of trade, but how far are the articles produced for home useor imported from abroad of real value in promoting the healthy life ofthe nation, how far are they things that are really needed. Books onpolitical economy have sometimes stated that only "value in exchange isto be considered"; "value in use" is still more important. We want toascertain the things that will really do us good, and devote ourenergies to the production and importation of such things. The teachingsof the physiologist as to food values, the study of hygiene in itswidest sense, must form part of political economy in the true sense aswell as the laws of supply and demand or the theory of wages or offoreign exchange or currency. 

Some of the methods for obtaining increased production from industry bybetter conditions of labour leading to more effective efforts have beendiscussed in another chapter; the question of obtaining increased outputfrom the land so as to produce a larger amount of food for homeconsumption will be mentioned in a subsequent chapter dealing withreconstruction or reform relating to agriculture. Improved forestry maybe regarded as a branch of the same subject. 

With regard to expenditure, it will be incumbent on all classes to actrigorously so as to prevent waste, but it is not to be expected that thenational expenditure as a whole can be greatly reduced as compared withthe pre-War standard. The expenditure of certain classes of peoplemight, of course, be greatly reduced without any injury to healthy lifeor development or in any way impairing real efficiency or even affectingtheir happiness; but as regards the majority this is not so. Theconditions of life of the working classes, especially as regards suchmatters as housing, require to be improved. It is a wiser expenditure, not a reduction in expenditure, that must be the aim for them. Theexpenditure on drink is, of course, unnecessarily large, and in manycases absolutely detrimental, and a reduction in this respect isrequired for national well-being. The manner of dealing with thequestion must be the subject of separate consideration; but it is aremarkable fact that, though no evil has been more prominent, though formore than half a century no subject has provoked more discussion, thoughnone has been the object of more organised attempts at reform, in nonehas so little of value been done by State action or legislation, atleast until the establishment of the Board of Control during the War. 

A second source of saving would be to prevent the waste of food whichgoes on in all classes. It is not only that food is actually thrownaway, but that too little attempt is made to choose and to use thehealthiest and most nutritious forms of food, and there is anindisposition to try any unaccustomed form of food. If one were askedwhat would be the most useful practical reform at the present time, probably the best answer would be, "Promote more general use of oatmealporridge. " Attention to the best choice and use of food would do much tomake a healthy nation, and at the same time effect a saving inexpenditure. "Grow more oats and eat them" would be a wise precept forthe nation to follow. With that, an effort must be made to secure afuller supply of milk at lower prices. This is vital for the welfare ofthe coming generation. The cost of transport and of distribution of milkmight be reduced by better organisation. 

Allied to this subject is the enormous waste caused by ignorance ofcookery. A really excellent dinner in France or in Switzerland is oftenmade from materials which would be despised in this country. Anyone whois in the habit of roaming about the country on foot or on a bicyclewill know that in many parts it is impossible to get a decent meal; theprovision made is frequently nasty without being cheap. In ruraldistricts in France delicious meals can be obtained at a lower price. Domestic economy should be taught in every school, and to people ofevery rank, but the teaching should be practical. I remember wishing tosee in an excellent school something of the teaching of domesticeconomy, and found the girls and boys, instead of learning to cook, werelearning what was called science, writing down in copy-books "theoperative principle of tea is theme. " This kind of pseudo-science, teaching people to write a jargon which conveys no meaning to theirminds, is one of the things which is called education, but is reallymental demoralisation. The process may be continued, perhaps, in classeson "practical citizenship" for adolescents, who will be taught to say"the operative principle for the amelioration of states isdemocratisation. " Great improvements in the teaching of domestic economyhave been made during the last few years in many places, but there is nodoubt that an enormous amount of waste is due to ignorance and neglectin the choice and preparation of food. 

Again, every possible effort should be made to encourage habits ofthrift, and to provide satisfactory modes of investment for smallsavings. As regards this question, War conditions have positively had abeneficial effect. The need for all classes to contribute to War Loanshas been recognised; facilities to enable the small investor tocontribute have been carefully arranged, and the War Savings Committeeshave done admirable work in bringing the question home to the people. The result has been on the whole most satisfactory. Not only has a verysubstantial sum been provided towards meeting the cost of the War, buthabits of thrift have been fostered, and the sense of having a stake inthe country, a direct financial interest in the national funds, makesfor order and will form an element of stability in national life whichwill be invaluable. 

Notwithstanding the "ingrained prejudice against thrift" among themajority of all classes, which is a marked characteristic of the Englishnation as compared, for example, with the French, the number of holdersof national securities has increased enormously. Before the outbreak ofthe War it appears that only 345, 100 persons held securities of theBritish Government. It was estimated that at the end of the year 1917Government securities had been distributed among no fewer than 16million persons, including 10 million holdings of War SavingsCertificates. [8] It was further estimated that "during 1917 over 51millions were contributed to the Post Office issues of War securities, which, together with the net value of nearly 64 millions from WarSavings Certificates and an increase of deposits over withdrawals in thePost Office Savings Bank of no less than £5, 683, 000, provides in all asum of £120, 723, 000 odd, the total contributions of small investorsduring the year. " Since the beginning of the War the contributions ofsmall investors already amount in all to a grand total of about£253, 000, 000. 

Care in expenditure and a habit of saving will, in view of the financialposition after the War, be alike necessary; the nation cannot affordwaste in any form; after the War, as well as during the War, thenational welfare demands that any balance beyond what is required forhealthy life should be saved and made available to meet the nationalneeds, including not only the fulfilment of the national obligations, which is an imperative condition for the maintenance of credit andprosperity, but also the provision of the means for future betterment, material or moral. We do not wish to reduce useful expenditure, but toget money for what we need by increasing production and by more carefulspending. It will be a time for all classes to refrain from expenditureon luxuries or ostentation, or in fulfilling those imagined claims whichconvention imposes. In different ways almost all classes are fettered bythese conventional obligations. How much of the expenditure of a personwith fairly good income is devoted to things which give him noadditional pleasure and confer no real benefit on himself or others!Both rich and poor waste great quantities of food, sometimes becausethey are afraid of being thought mean if they did not do so. There is astrange power exercised over our acts and our liberty is curtailed bythe opinions of our neighbours or members of the same class. Much mightbe accomplished if we could enlist these conventions on the side ofeconomy. Why, for example, should it not be considered "worse form" totake on the plate good food that is not wanted and leave it, than to eatpeas with a knife? How greatly did an alliance with Mrs. Grundy supportmorality in mid-Victorian days! If we could turn social observances fromencouraging extravagance to promoting economy, it would go far towardseliminating national waste. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 8: See _Economist_, July 13, 1918. ]

Part IV

REFORM

CHAPTER XVI

THE FIELD

 _Above all things, order and distribution and singling out of parts is the life of despatch. _--FRANCIS BACON. 

It has been usual to associate the term "reform" mainly withconstitutional changes, and especially with the extension of thefranchise. Fortunately, the present Parliament has dealt with thatquestion in a manner which makes great further changes unnecessary, andwill leave the new Parliament free to deal with others. Instead oftaking up time with the discussion of alterations in the franchise andarrangements for elections, the legislative machinery should be readyfor use. But it is not merely to legislation that we have to look. Moreand more will depend on the action of executive departments ofGovernment. Their field of activity has been extended during the War, and new departments have been established. Some of the new activitiesshould be continued after the War, others should be stopped as soon aspossible. It will be necessary to discriminate carefully. The powers oflocal authorities may be increased, and those authorities may be urgedto more energetic use of them. There will probably be strong demands forinterference by the State and local authorities, and the advantage ofthe free action of private individuals is likely to be overlooked, although where it is possible for a reform to be carried out by privateeffort better results are usually obtained, and at less cost than byaction of the State. We are suffering and shall probably continue tosuffer from too much regulation. One of the first reforms will be toget rid of restrictions which the War has for a time renderednecessary, to restore liberty of action, and to stop the expenditureoccasioned by State interference wherever such interference is no longerneeded. 

Using the term "reform" to include all improvements which can be madeeither by restoring former conditions or by introducing beneficialchanges, it will be necessary to look into each question separately andsee in what cases and to what extent action by the State is required toaccomplish the end desired. The most convenient course will be to drawup a list of subjects which ought to be dealt with, and then see how far(i) legislation, and (ii) executive action by some department are calledfor in each case, and how far private action will be effective. 

The following appear to be the most important and most urgent matterswhich require to be considered either during the War or immediatelyafter peace is declared. All of them will involve some action on thepart of the State, although in many cases that action will be to enablevoluntary associations or private individuals to take up the work and toaid them in doing so. 

The list, though by no means complete, looks formidable:--

1. Restore constitutional law and liberty. 

2. Remove the fetters on trade, commerce and industry. 

3. Demobilise the army and decide what naval and military forces willstill have to be maintained, and what provision ought to be made inregard to military training in the future. 

4. Reform the War Office. [9] Reconsider the constitution and procedureof courts martial, and provide for really judicial inquiry intogrievances. Revive and use the Territorial system. 

5. Complete the arrangements for adequate pensions and develop means forgiving such technical training and providing such openings for work aswill enable partially disabled men to earn comfortable subsistence inaddition. 

6. Provide permanent homes and sanatoria for those who are moreseriously injured, and find suitable light employment for those who canundertake it. 

7. Arrange the best places and provide proper training for dischargedsoldiers and sailors (and others) who may be willing to settle on theland. 

8. Consider how to restore the discharged men to their former places oraccustomed work, and how to meet the needs of the temporary workers whowill be displaced. 

9. Curtail the vast expenditure on the departments organised for Warwork, reducing the staffs and finding other work for those who must bedischarged. Dispense altogether with some of the new Ministries. Thequestion of employment for women after the War will be most urgent. 

10. Organise and correlate the various departments so as to secure moreefficiency, and so assign and arrange the work of each as to avoidcircumlocution, friction and waste. 

11. Reconstitute the Cabinet on clearer lines, and let competence forthe work of each department, instead of recognition of party services, be the guide in appointing the Minister responsible for each. 

12. Reform the procedure of the House of Commons to check verbosity andfacilitate business. [10] Delegate certain powers and duties. 

13. Find means for raising additional revenue and making the incidenceof taxation fairer. In particular, revise the provisions as to incometax and death duties, so as to increase revenue without adding to thehardships and burdens due to the present conditions. Some definite stepswith that object are quite practicable. 

14. Examine what industries, if any, are to be specially fostered as"key industries, " and whether this can be done without injury to otherindustries or adding to the heavy cost borne by the consumer. 

15. Arrange plans for enabling labour to co-operate fully in settlingthe conditions under which industry is to be carried on, and makeprovision for preventing disputes, increasing production, allocatingprofits fairly, and for reducing hours of work without diminishingoutput. 

16. Provide more and better housing, not only to secure the bareaccommodation necessary for health and decency, but also to makeattractive homes. 

17. Increase the productivity of the land and promote agriculture, notonly for financial reasons, but to maintain and induce the growth of alarger rural population. Stimulate education and research bearing onagriculture. 

18. Develop industrial villages, and also land settlements andco-operative farming. Multiply allotments, both urban and rural, so faras economic conditions permit and there is a supply of people desirousand capable of working them. 

19. Introduce methods enabling persons without ready capital to acquiretheir cottages or small holdings by paying instalments on reasonableterms. Why not an Ashbourne Act for England?

20. Control the liquor traffic, not with a view to injure the publican, but to promote temperance, remembering that the business of thelicensed victualler should be to provide wholesome food as well asdrink, not to act merely as manager of a licensed house for extendingthe trade, and enhancing the profits of a brewery or distillery. 

21. Simplify the Land Laws and make transfer easier and less costly. 

22. Amend the law relating to marriage, and also on some pointsaffecting personal status and devolution of property on death. 

23. Consolidate the Statute Law and amend and codify the Criminal Law. Carry out the amendment of the Patent Law. 

24. Aid the development of Education without destroying the liberty ofteacher or scholar or the variety of methods by too much control, rigidsystem, or over-elaborate organisation. 

25. Combat disease, encourage research in preventive medicine, andextend the application of its results. In particular carry on thecampaign against infectious and contagious diseases, and especiallyagainst venereal disease. 

26. Make better provision for playing-fields and open spaces, preserveplaces of historic interest and natural beauty, and make them accessiblefor the enjoyment of those who really care for them. 

27. Develop fisheries. 

28. Undertake afforestation systematically. 

29. Improve and cheapen internal transport, especially by revivingwaterways. 

A fairly long programme, but it might be added to. Some of it isessential, all of it useful; some of it wants carefully guarding; noneof it is beyond the sphere of practical politics. We cannot afford toneglect any of the items. All the activities of the Government, of theLegislature, and of private effort will be needed. It is worth noticethat there is not a single question in the whole list that need divideParliament or the country on party lines. 

This list deals only with strictly home matters. Concurrently it willbe necessary to deal with international questions, such as the formationof the League for securing peace, the constitution and regulation oftribunals for settling disputes, the resuscitation of International Lawand reconsideration of its rules. An attempt should be made towardsassimilating, by arrangement, the laws of the mother country and thecolonies and also of different nations, affecting commerce, and also asregards personal status--nationality, naturalisation, and the validityof marriages. 

The whole subject of co-operation between different parts of the Empirein determining its policy and dealing with matters affecting the wholedemands earnest and immediate attention. The totally different questionof the devolution of powers to any parts of the United Kingdom has yetto be settled. The claims of national sentiment have to be recognisedwhile the welfare and safety of the whole are secured. What are theunits to be on which powers can be conferred, and what should be theirextent? Who exactly are those whose national claims are being asserted, and how far are they at unity among themselves? All these questions mustbe treated as matters for constructive statesmanship, not as pawns inparty contests. They must be dealt with as practical problems havingregard to the special circumstances of each case, not as opportunitiesfor embodying some general political theory. There is a commendableopportunism which knows how to take "occasion by the hand, " to do thewisest thing under the conditions subsisting at the time, as well as ablameworthy one, which looks out how to use them for personal advantage. There will be need, too, for the "trimmer on principle"--the man who, when the boat is going over on one side, deliberately and quicklytransfers his weight to the other, or the steers-man who tacks when thewind is contrary in order to bring his ship to the port where hispassengers desire to land. Such a man, as was said of Lord Halifax inthe time of Charles II, "must not be confounded with the vulgar crowd ofrenegades, for though like them he passed from side to side, histransition was always in the _direction opposite to theirs_. The partyto which he belonged was the party which at that moment he liked least, because it was the party of which he had the nearest view. He was, therefore, always severe upon his violent associates, and was always infriendly relation with his moderate opponents. "

It is obviously impossible to discuss all these questions in a volume, still less to propound in detail the steps to be taken in dealing withthem. Most of the more pressing ones will be touched upon and somesuggestions made with regard to them; a few worked out rather more fullyas examples. In some cases the remedies are obvious, and could beapplied without difficulty, in others they require great specialknowledge and careful thought, and their application will involveserious risks unless very great care and skill are used. To appeardogmatic in speaking of these subjects is inevitable if one would bedefinite; mistakes may be made, but "truth emerges from error morereadily than from confusion. "

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 9: The last report of the Select Committee on Expenditureshows some of the grounds why this is urgent, and that very strongresolution will be needed to effect reform. The Prime Minister'sdetermined action in insisting on unity of command for the Allied forceshas already saved the country from enormous losses and done more thanany other action of the Government to bring victory nearer. Any laymanof average intelligence could see that the step was necessary; where didthe opposition come from? There are politicians who would use theircountry's troubles to secure a party triumph. ]

[Footnote 10: The abuse of the power of asking questions in Parliamenthas become a scandal. There are a few persistent persons whose desire toembarrass a Government they dislike, in carrying on the War, makes themindifferent to the injury they may do to the national cause. Some checkis necessary. The right to question Ministers is one of the mostimportant safeguards against improper action by the executive, but theHouse of Commons is discredited by the manner in which that right hasoften been exercised of late. A report of proceedings in question-timeconstantly brings to mind a scene in "Alice in Wonderland, " and theretort made to the arch-interrogator, "Why do you waste time askingquestions to which there is no answer?"]

CHAPTER XVII

RESTORATION OF LAW AND LIBERTY

 _What is long suspended is in danger of being totally abrogated. _--EDMUND BURKE. 

It is hardly too much to say that English Constitutional Law has beenscrapped since the War. Immediately after the establishment of Peace thefirst duty will be to restore the old Constitutional Law which has beensuspended to meet the new conditions due to the War, and to revive againthe old safeguards for the liberty and rights of the subject againstarbitrary action by the executive. The nation has rightly acquiesced inthe exercise of powers by the executive during the War in a manner whichnothing but the necessity of the time could justify. Powers to take aperson's property at the will of some executive department without anydefinite principle or procedure even for assessing compensation ought atonce to cease when there is no longer immediate urgency for using suchpowers to secure the safety of the country. Powers to deprive persons oftheir liberty on vague charges, or to try anyone except by ordinarycourse of law in the regular Courts, should be discontinued. The Reignof Law must be re-established to control the executive Government aswell as the private citizen. Nothing is more infectious than a habit ofsubstituting arbitrary will for law. Tyranny breeds anarchy, and anarchytyranny in regular succession, and "the authority of one man overanother not regulated by fixed law or justified by absolute necessity istyranny. " With the advent of Peace "_Dora_ must disappear. "

Even before the War there had been a tendency, on the one hand, tosubstitute administrative action for regular judicial procedure, and, onthe other, to allow certain associations to act without regard to law, to injure individuals and infringe their rights without remedy. Thattendency must be checked or liberty will be destroyed. Law and libertyas well as law and order are correlative terms. A real control overexpenditure must be re-established and made more effective than it waseven before the necessities of war in our unprepared condition made thepresent hand-to-mouth procedure to some extent excusable. Thehappy-go-lucky way in which new Ministries and new departments withvague and ill-defined but enormous powers have been created must come toan end. We should have some definite and recognised method ofauthorising changes in the system of Government. To set aside theCabinet which, although it had no legal position, had powers sanctionedand established by long constitutional custom, and to concentrateauthority in a small body selected and increased or diminished from timeto time at the will of a Prime Minister, was probably necessary forsuccessful prosecution of the War, but nothing else could justify someof the irregularities that have been committed. 

Doctrines have been put forward sometimes in the Courts during the Warby counsel representing the Crown--i. E. , in effect some Ministry--whichwould have seemed questionable even in the days of the Stuarts. Thewhole of the special War Legislation, both Statutes and Orders of allkinds, will require to be revised and, unless there is strong reason tothe contrary in any special cases, repealed. The burden of proof shouldbe on those who think any of this exceptional legislation should beretained. Of course, care must be taken, especially in matters affectingcommerce and industry, to give due notice of alterations and to changegradually so as not to prejudice arrangements already made and contractsin course of fulfilment. 

Special attention will have to be given to the early removal of thoserestraints on trade--prohibition of exports and imports--which have beenfrequently necessary, either to retain in the country what is wanted tosatisfy home requirements or to prevent goods from finding their way tothe enemy, or to ensure that the limited tonnage available is used tobring the commodities which are vital to meet the pressing needs eitherof the forces engaged in War or of the civilian population. Theserestraints, however, are not only most harassing to merchants andinvolve much additional labour when labour is scarce, but if continuedwould prevent this country from carrying on the valuable entrepôt tradefor which its geographical position, its financial resources, and itscommand of shipping specially fit it. That trade at least depends on themaintenance of a policy of the open door both for coming in and goingout. England is a good distributing centre--unless by artificialrestrictions we destroy our opportunities. Merchants and manufacturershave been very patient as a rule under the fetters it has been thoughtnecessary to impose to meet War conditions; these fetters should beremoved as soon as possible. Unless this is done they will be fatallyhandicapped when Hamburg and Bremen again come into competition withthem as distributing centres for the countries now neutral, and even forthose which have been in alliance with us. 

There is sure to be a cry to protect certain industries; in some casesit may be necessary to do so for a time at least, but every such claimshould be most jealously scrutinised. The interests of any powerfulsection of the community always find influential advocates. They canexercise strong pressure on any Government or on Members of Parliament. The general interests of the people who have no trade organisation tosupport them will be likely to be overlooked. The restoration of freedomis the first reform that should attend the restoration of Peace. 

CHAPTER XVIII

RESTORATION OF INDUSTRY

 _Neither one person nor any number of persons is warranted in saying to another human being of ripe years that he shall not do with his life for his own benefit what he chooses to do with it. _--JOHN STUART MILL. 

The next task will be the restoration of industry to its ordinarychannels, and the return of the men who have been in the army tocivilian occupations. Mr. Bonar Law has said that nothing has everhappened more wonderful than the way in which the British Empire haschanged its Peace organisation into a War organisation. To reverse theprocess and change the War organisation into a Peace organisation may bestill more difficult. In creating the War organisation enormous sums ofmoney have been expended, the wheels have been lavishly greased toenable the new machinery to work. That process cannot continue, as withthe reorganisation after Peace there must also be retrenchment. In theWar Cabinet's Report for 1917 it is said that "1917 may be described asthe year in which State control was extended until it covered not onlynational activities directly affecting the military effort but everysection of industry, production, transport, and manufacture. " To get ridof some of that control as regards industry as well as commerce, must beone of the first steps in reconstruction. State interference not onlyinvolves the expense of an enormous army of officials, inspectors, clerks, accountants, and others, but also causes friction, while theregulations which it has been found necessary to impose have been one ofthe causes of labour unrest. Any State regulations of labour are rightlywatched with the greatest jealousy. Pledges have been given thatcertain pre-War conditions as regards labour shall be re-established assoon as possible. 

During the War the exceptional conditions demanded exceptional measures. To prevent competition for labour in order to fulfil the enormouslyprofitable contracts when the demand for munitions was so imperative, special legislation was found absolutely necessary before the end of thefirst year of the War. Employers had to be prohibited from engagingworkmen who had been on munitions work within six weeks before taking upnew employment, unless they had a certificate that the workmen had leftwith the former employer's consent, or a tribunal held that consent hadbeen unreasonably withheld. Many persons who were in a position to forma sound opinion consider that this provision "saved the situation. " Atall events, it prevented the workmen, under the influence of theinducements offered by competing employers, from running from place toplace to find where the highest wage could be obtained, and dislocatingthe work in which they had been engaged. 

The provision for manufacture of munitions had to be made veryhurriedly, as it took the Government and the heads of the army a longtime to realise the fact that in a war against the organised forces ofGermany greater quantities of munitions of all sorts, some of anentirely new kind, would be required by the army and navy. Our infantrywere exposed to the bombardment of the enemy while the British artillerywas unable to reply. Nothing is more wonderful and more creditable tothe Minister who first took charge of the matter, to the heads ofproducing firms, and also to the workmen and the leaders of their Tradeunions all over the country, than the way in which new factories werebuilt, old factories enlarged, and output increased to the utmost. Inthe course of a few months rough vacant spaces all over the country werecovered with admirably planned and well organised works. In a short timeemployers generally learned to understand and to observe therestrictions imposed, which were for the common good, though oftenirritating to individuals. 

There was, however, some dissatisfaction among many of the workmen, andafter two years the provisions as to certificates were repealed, and theMinistry of Munitions obtained wide powers for giving directions as toremuneration, and also to prevent munition workers from being taken forother work. The Ministry also exercised powers for regulating whatworkmen of different classes should be allowed to go to variousestablishments. Such regulation was and is necessary, but it will be arelief to British industry when this State control and the restrictionsand regulations it involves can be done away with. The process ofreversion to normal conditions as regards industry will take time, especially in adapting establishments where the products of the munitionworks are articles which are not required in time of peace. Fortunately, there will be a great demand for labour after the War to resume workthat has been postponed, as well as for new undertakings, especially forhousing and for repairs and renewals in railways, roads, and buildings. Work that has been put on one side to allow undivided attention to begiven to munitions will require the services of a great number ofpersons and help to prevent unemployment which might otherwise arisewhen the new army is disbanded. 

Of the questions affecting employment after the War, the position ofdischarged soldiers and sailors naturally comes first. They may bedivided into two classes, namely, those who are in any way disabled, andwho are discharged during the War suffering from some kind of injury tolimb or to health, and, secondly, those who will be discharged when thearmy is demobilised. For the first class, the honour of the nationdemands that proper and liberal provision should be made by pensions, having regard to the nature and extent of the injury received. For thetotally disabled there must be an adequate subsistence; for thepartially disabled the object will be, in addition to the pension, tofind suitable employment and to train those who wish to take up some newemployment suited to the varied requirements of men who have beendisabled in different ways, and also in which higher remuneration may beobtained by reason of a skill thus acquired, and the greater demand forwork of the class. It has been estimated that, apart from the provisionfor officers, forty millions a year will be required for pensions forsoldiers and sailors. It is an expenditure which the country would leastthink of grudging. The Ministry of Pensions, in co-operation with otherDepartments concerned, has already taken in hand the question of dealingwith the disabled, not only as regards the regulation and payment ofpensions, but also as to qualifying those who are partially disabled totake up suitable employment. The work thus begun will have to go on fora considerable period after the close of the War. So far as inquirieshave at present been made, a large percentage of the partially disabledmen will be able to go back to the employment in which they were engagedbefore the War; others will be able to find similar employment withoutspecial training; many will be engaged in various simple lightoccupations. 

In selecting men for positions as caretakers, office porters, and othersof a similar kind, good feeling will naturally cause preference to begiven to the men who have met with injury while fighting for theircountry. There will be a large number, however, who may wish to take upemployment of a different description from that in which they wereengaged before the War, and they will be glad of the opportunity ofpreparing themselves for it. For these men the Ministry, acting inco-operation with local authorities, and especially with local educationcommittees, is arranging courses of technical training. During theperiod of training a payment, usually about twenty-seven shillings perweek, is made to the men. The character of the training to be given andthe provision to be made for it have been settled with advisorycommittees of persons engaged in and well acquainted with therequirements of the trade. This kind of co-operation and the practice oftaking the advice of members of the trade from the very beginning, havebeen invaluable both in preventing mistakes and in creating goodwilltowards the schemes which have been set on foot. The training, ofcourse, differs according to the needs of different localities, butalready suitable courses have been provided in different places, inboot-making, tailoring, furniture-repairing, basket-making, building, printing, aircraft-manufacturing, dental mechanics, and many othertrades. Men who otherwise might have been condemned to useless liveswith a bare subsistence will, through the measures thus taken, be ableto earn a comfortable wage in some employment where their disablementdoes not seriously interfere with their work. What has been done in thismatter should be as widely known as possible, and facilities fortraining should be extended to give preparation for other suitabletrades. 

Most of all, it is desirable that as many men as possible should betrained for agricultural and horticultural work, and should have theopportunity of healthy outdoor employment. To do such work efficiently, training for those who have not been brought up to it is, of course, necessary. This training may be given on farms acquired for the purposeeither by some public authority or by individuals or by philanthropicassociations. Work of the kind has been already started, and should beextended as fast as any demand for such training is found to exist. There is, unfortunately, reason to believe that the number of dischargedmen able to take up work on the land and desirous of doing so will notbe very large. 

In connection with the permanent employment of these disabled men, schemes have been set on foot which hold out the most attractiveprospects as affording healthier conditions, brighter and pleasanterhomes, and as enabling useful production to go on with efficiency underconditions in which the life of the worker may be passed insurroundings which will give some satisfaction to the aesthetic sense. These schemes include the formation of (i) industrial villages in theneighbourhood of towns, of which the one at Lancaster, referred to inthe next chapter (p. 145), may be taken as a type, and (ii) new villagesestablished, or old villages extended in places which are easilyaccessible, and not too remote from facilities for the education ofchildren and from the attractions of a town. In these villages organisedcultivation will be carried on. 

Co-operative farming is already being tried. A very interesting andhopeful experiment in working a farm on co-operative lines under themanagement of a skilled director has been made near Maidstone, where afarm has been acquired by private effort. It has received a name of goodomen--the Vanguard Farm. 

Another proposal which may lead to very valuable results is theestablishment of nurseries for forest trees on land reclaimed from thesea, or in other places where the soil is light and can be acquired atmoderate cost. These and similar schemes, though intended in the firstinstance specially for partially disabled men, should be permanent. Whenfairly started they are expected to be self-supporting. 

It is obviously impossible to treat of all the questions in the longlist given above, and also impossible to deal with any of themcompletely. All that can be done is to give a general idea of the kindof thing that is wanted; then to select a few subjects as furnishingrather fuller indications of possible lines of action; and then--just asexamples--work out one or two in more detail. 

Two subjects, namely, Housing and Agricultural Development, must beselected, because their vital importance demands attention from all whocare about the welfare of the nation. Another subject, namely, LawReform, is selected because it is comparatively easy to say what oughtto be done and to frame Acts embodying the required reforms. 

CHAPTER XIX

HOUSING

 _Owing to house shortage in Sheffield, two wooden pigsties are being inhabited, one by a man and his wife and two children, and the other by a man and his wife. Both men are discharged soldiers. _--DAILY PAPER. 

There will be no rest, and should be none, until every industrious manor woman who wishes to have a real home can have one, where everyone whohas children can bring them up under conditions where decency can bemaintained and healthy life be possible. It is a question of urgency inrural as well as in urban districts, in the most remote places equallywith the great cities. In this matter it is no case of having to createor stimulate a desire for improvement. The demand has existed for years, but after the War will be more imperative than ever. Somehow or other itmust be supplied more fully. Attempts have been made again and again todeal with the question. Its importance is recognised and specialinquiries are now being made as to the best means to be adopted. It isstated that at the present time half a million additional houses forworking people are required, and that 100, 000 more should be providedannually to meet the normal increase of population and to replace houseswhich have to be demolished. 

It will be necessary to consider, first, the provision to be made tomeet the existing shortage of house accommodation both in urban andrural districts. At present a large portion of the population cannotfind a home or even any kind of accommodation that affords reasonablecomfort and decency. Since the War, in some places, such as Barrow, theconditions have been absolutely intolerable, and when those who areengaged in the army abroad return, the state of things in some districtsmay be worse. The President of the Local Government Board recentlystated that 1, 103 local authorities in England and Wales had reportedthat houses for the working classes were required in their areas, andthat the number of houses they needed probably exceeded 300, 000. Asabove stated, the total requirement is much greater. The deficiency ofaccommodation has been one of the prime causes of labour unrest; theprices charged for any kind of shelter have been enormous; in some casesthe same bed is occupied by one set of people immediately the prioroccupants have gone to work, and "the bed is never even cold. " Theovercrowding of agricultural labourers and their families in miserablecottages, often out of repair and letting in the rain, has long been ascandal. Something has been done by benevolent landowners, who buildcottages which they let on terms which bring little return for the moneyspent on them; but it is quite impossible to rely either on the workingof the law of supply and demand or on private benevolence for meetingthe difficulty. Strong and immediate action by the State is needed. Adequate powers should be given to local authorities, and pressure putupon them, if needed, to ensure that such powers are exercised. Suchaction is already being taken, and compulsory powers to acquire landwill be given. In assessing compensation, the great urban landowner whohas done nothing to contribute to the growth of the town or to promoteits industries, ought not to receive the full value of the land, asenhanced by the necessary expansion of the town and thereby convertedinto building land, with an added amount for compulsory purchase. Themanner in which the Lands Clauses Consolidation Act has been worked hasadded enormously to the burden of most great public undertakings. Thecompensation awarded has often been outrageous, and the expense incurredin assessing it one of the grossest scandals. It would be easy to givenumerous instances from actual experience. 

But there is not only need for more accommodation, but also for moreattractive accommodation. There is no reason why the home of a humanfamily should as a rule be, as it is in most of the towns in England atpresent, a hideous object. What has been done at Port Sunlight, atBournville and other places shows that, by proper forethought and wiseexpenditure, small houses which it is a pleasure instead of a pain tolook upon, can be provided. Another good example of what can be done maybe seen in the change effected in the residences for the poorer classesmade on the property of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners at Walworth inSouth London. What is now a pleasant exception ought to be a regularrule. Means ought also to be taken to ensure that urban workers shouldhave the opportunity of obtaining an allotment, if not adjoining, atleast within reasonable distance of their homes, where they may growfruit and vegetables and enjoy what is, after all, one of the greatestof the quiet pleasures of life, watching the growth of the plants whichthey have cultivated, and enjoying the products. 

Round some towns, the estates of great landowners form a ring fencebarring any growth of the town until, when trade is good and the town isexpanding, extravagant prices can be obtained for the land of which theyhave the monopoly. High ground rents are fixed when trade is inflated, jerry-builders then start erecting houses, borrowing sometimes frombuilding societies the whole amount required to enable them to build, and the houses are either sold or let at very high rents. The cottagesare put up in the cheapest possible way consistent with the by-laws ofthe local authorities. When a cycle of bad trade occurs the propertyfalls in value, it goes out of repair, tenants have no interest whateverin keeping it decent, it falls into a disgusting condition, mortgageesforeclose. In many cases the building societies that have lent money onthe property to its full value, by arrangement between the secretary ofthe society and the speculative builder, have gone into liquidation, andthe industrious people who have placed their money in the societieshave lost their investments. And last, there have even been disputesbetween the owner of the ground rent who wishes to re-enter and thelocal authority as to the payment of charges for making streets in thedistrict which has fallen into decay. This is no fancy picture. Thosewho have had legal practice over a period of years in some of our largetowns will confirm it from their own experience. 

There is no valid reason why, when land is converted from agriculturalland into building land in the neighbourhood of a large town without anyeffort on the part of the landowner, a definite portion of such landshould not be set aside for allotments or open spaces without payment, on the same grounds that a person who is erecting buildings on the landis obliged to comply with building regulations to secure propersanitation, although it might be more profitable to build without anyregard whatever for the health of the prospective tenants. Of course, itmay not always be possible to set aside a portion of any given piece ofland which is sold for building, but in that case the landowner shouldcontribute an equivalent value out of the proceeds of the land which hesells towards providing the allotments or open spaces required elsewherein the neighbourhood. Such a provision would not be really burdensome, as no contribution either in land or money would be made except at thetime when a largely increased revenue was to be derived from the land. It is not to be forgotten that the large urban landlord usually pays norates towards meeting the requirements of the town, and receives thefull amount of the rent fixed practically for all time at a period ofinflation, although the rates may have enormously increased to meet thecost of the things which the municipality has to provide for the needsof a large and industrious but often very poor population. 

An example has been given of what private enterprise may do in providingnot merely accommodation for working people, but accommodation withreally attractive surroundings, in the action taken by the family ofthe late Sir Thomas Storey, at Lancaster. They, under the advice of oneof the highest authorities on town planning, Mr. T. H. Mawson, have givenan estate adjoining the town, which will be laid out in an attractivemanner, with avenues arranged to afford pleasing prospects. The primaryobject at present is to provide homes in the neighbourhood of a factoryto be erected where disabled soldiers may engage in some kind ofsuitable manufacturing work, but the scheme is intended to be permanent. The houses will be near the factory; there will be playgrounds, drying-grounds, probably garden allotments, a hostel for single men, areading-room, and some place of amusement. The development of industrialvillages by private enterprise, encouraged in every possible way, is oneof the most hopeful things to look forward to in the rebuilding ofBritain. There can be no greater pleasure for anyone who has any visionof what the future of housing accommodation for the working classes maybe than to read Mr. Mawson's charming volume on "Industrial Villages forPartially Disabled Soldiers and Sailors as an Imperial Obligation. "

Another useful means of improving the conditions of housing for workingpeople has been adopted in many places by carrying on the movementinitiated by Octavia Hill. Property has been acquired and placed underthe management of some voluntary association, usually of ladies, whowill collect rents of reasonable amount and see that the property andits surroundings are kept in proper condition. Various associations ofthe kind have been established; the Manchester Housing Company, Limited, may be taken as an example of such arrangements for managing urbancottage property. In the last report it is stated that the Company hasowned or managed 114 houses, and the directors are assured that thesanitary conditions under which the tenants are housed have steadilyconduced to the lowering of the death-rate. The personal interest takenin the tenants as well as in the houses by the managers has had amarked influence for good. The scheme is self-supporting, and in 1917 adividend of 4-1/2 per cent, was paid. 

Lastly, there should be some method, provided by public authority, through which workers or other persons of small means can become ownersof their houses. Building societies came into existence with thisobject, and were put under statutory regulation by the Legislature in1836, and subsequently by an Act of 1874. In many cases facilities givenby building societies have been very useful in accomplishing theoriginal objects of such societies; in other cases, for reasons aboveindicated, they have been a failure. By using the credit of theGovernment money to enable properties to be acquired can be obtained, orcould have been obtained, at a lower rate. Instalments covering interestat that rate and providing a sinking fund towards the repayment of theprincipal would be of substantially less amount than the subscriptionsto the building societies, and would not exceed the rents tenants havebeen accustomed to pay without any prospective advantage. Schemes topractise thrift and to induce people to take a greater interest in theirhomes and to enable them to acquire homes which are really attractive onreasonable terms are to be encouraged by every means which theLegislature or private individuals can adopt without causingpauperisation. The object can be achieved on fair business terms andwithout substantial risk of loss. Under the Ashbourne and the WyndhamActs in Ireland there has been, at all events until recently, practically no failure to pay the required instalments. 

A committee has been appointed to investigate the housing question, andits reports will no doubt contain valuable suggestions for dealingpractically and at once with a matter so vitally important to therebuilding of Britain. 

CHAPTER XX

AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

 _In all kingdoms this first and original art [agriculture]--this foundation of all others--must be pursued and encouraged, or the rest will faint and be languid. _--ARTHUR YOUNG. 

The most important practical reform of all is to make the land moreproductive, to put it to the most profitable use. By profitable use wedo not mean using it so as to bring the owner the largest return inmoney per acre, aiming at the largest net profit by reducing expenditureas much as possible and growing whatever will fetch the highest price atleast cost of production. The really useful object is to lay out and useall the land of the country in such a way as to produce the greatestaggregate of commodities which are of real intrinsic value for use orwhich can be exchanged for useful commodities coming from other nations;in particular to produce in our own country as much wholesome food aspossible, and in so doing to support as large an agricultural populationas possible in reasonable comfort and health. To grow in our own countrya larger proportion of the food we consume is necessary, first, in orderto meet our own needs from our own internal resources, and so reduce theamount which has to be paid to other countries for the commodities theysupply; secondly, in case of war, to avoid the risk of starvation andreduce the strain on the Navy and on the Mercantile Marine due to thenecessity of bringing the larger part of the essential food of thecountry overseas and also, what may be equally important, to avoid thedistress which may be caused owing to the country being unable toprovide the means of payment for the immense proportion of the foodrequired which must be brought from overseas. It was long ago pointedout that the "trades by which the British people has believed it to bethe highest of destinies to maintain itself cannot now long remainundisputed in its hands. "

The next object is to increase the agricultural population. It has beenfound again and again in other countries as well as our own that a largeand healthy agricultural population is essential to keep up the physiqueof a nation. The town folk tend to decay unless constantly replenishedby influx from the country. One good effect of the War has been todirect attention to the vital importance of this subject, and carefulinquiries have been made and useful steps taken which have had theeffect of greatly increasing the home production of food. 

The subject is treated clearly in a popular way in a book published in1917 on Agriculture after the War by Sir A. D. Hall, now secretary of theBoard of Agriculture, and in fuller detail in the report of a committeeof which Lord Selborne was chairman. The report was published at thebeginning of 1918; some of the proposals have been already acted upon, others will no doubt be the basis of future action by the Board ofAgriculture and the Ministry of Reconstruction. 

Before the War the imports of food less re-exports amounted to about 229millions annually, or, to put the case in another way, about half of thetotal food consumed in the British Islands was brought overseas; but "ifthe most essential foodstuff, wheat, is considered, less than one-fifthof what we required was produced in the country. " The position was oneof terrible insecurity; but for the efficiency of the Navy the countrywould have been starved into complete submission in this War, and itsprosperity and liberty would have been lost for ever. After the War thefinancial question of the continued ability of the nation to pay for thefood we require is probably the most serious we have to face. The firstremedy for the existing state of things is the increase of tillage. Assuming that the same pecuniary profit can be obtained by using anyland for tillage as for pasture or other purposes, it is obvious that itis right to do everything possible to get that land devoted to tillage, first, as national insurance for the reasons above stated, and, second, to support a larger population under healthy conditions. One of thegreat causes of discontent, of vagrancy, and of distress in thesixteenth century was certainly the conversion of large tracts which hadformerly been arable into pasture land, because the land laid down aspasture would produce a larger profit to the owner though it supported amuch smaller population and required far less labour. A considerableportion of the rural population was thrown out of employment and thesupply of food was diminished. Again and again the decay of theagricultural population has been the ground of complaint. Goldsmithspeaks of it beautifully and pathetically in the "Deserted Village, " andthe process went on, becoming year after year a greater national peril;but the Government and Parliament seemed to care little about it, sothat even during the last forty years, according to the statement of SirA. D. Hall, "the productivity of the land of Great Britain as a whole hasdeclined. " Although a far larger rent might be obtained from the wealthywho use a great part of Scotland for shooting than could be obtainedfrom crofters, national welfare demands that it should be used forcrofts and to raise the population which has supplied our armies withmany of the finest soldiers and the whole Empire with many of its bestcolonists. Of course, there are large tracts of such a character thatpeople cannot support themselves in tolerable comfort by tilling them, and it is better that land of that kind should be used for sheep ifpossible, and, in cases where even this is impossible, for deer forestsor grouse moors, subject to reasonable public rights of access. 

Among the measures which may be taken to increase the home productionof food the following may be mentioned:--

1. --_Improved farming or intensification of agriculture under theexisting system. _ It is admitted that English, and perhaps still moreScottish, farming at its best is admirably conducted. Fortunately, verymany of the large landowners are themselves keenly interested inagriculture and take a pride in promoting it. It is perhaps notgenerally known what a useful and valuable trade the country carries onin the export of pedigree stock. The prices obtained for the best bredBritish bulls, rams and boars are very high. An extension over allsuitable parts of the country of the highest type of British farmingwould add to the wealth of the country immensely. 

Connected with this subject is the promotion of agricultural education, and along with that of agricultural research. Very great advances havebeen made of recent years, and it would be an utterly false economy tostarve productive work of this kind. It ought to be held a disgrace fora country landowner not to have some knowledge of agriculture andinterest in it. 

2. --_Industrialised farms_, i. E. , the organisation of large farms to bemanaged as business enterprises under the control of a general manager. If farming was thus carried on on a large scale machinery would beemployed to its full advantage, and there would be economy in buying andselling wholesale and avoiding waste in preparing for and placingcommodities on the market. The most highly trained, skilled andenergetic management would be obtained for farms of this kind. It is tobe noticed that, although some commodities can equally well be producedby small culture, it is generally only on a large scale that cereals canbe profitably cultivated. 

3. --_Co-operative farming. _--The subject is one of special interest, asco-operative farming in some form was historically the basis of thewhole system of society in many countries. Experiments in co-operativefarming may be tried with advantage. They may take various forms. Itwill, no doubt, be found that in certain branches of farming, such asdairy farming in some districts, co-operative action is almost necessaryto success. The experience of Denmark has shown how much can be done tokeep up a definite standard in butter, for example, by sending milk tosome large, well-equipped and well-managed dairy. Such establishmentshave also far better opportunities for dealing with transport anddistribution. 

4. --_Colonies of Small Holdings. _--It is to be hoped that when thetroops are demobilised, and the Small Holdings Acts are put into fulleroperation, the number of small holdings will be increased. A populationof independent yeomen is the best reservoir of the manhood of anycountry. No finer race has existed than the statesmen who cultivated thesmall farms among the hills of Cumberland and Westmorland. 

5. --_There is a great deal of land, both on the seashore and in inlanddistricts, which might be reclaimed. _--The cost of such work would beheavy, but the return in greater aggregate production and in providingmeans to support a larger country population would be most important. This question will be alluded to briefly in Chapter XXI. 

6. --_Important industries_, such as basket-making and many others, mightbe carried on in rural districts along with their principal work bythose engaged in agriculture or horticulture, just as Swiss peasants bywood carving, when agricultural operations are impossible, produce anumber of articles for which there is a substantial demand in othercountries. 

7. --Last, and perhaps the most interesting and important step of all, is_to increase allotments. _ The demand for allotments, both by theagricultural population in rural districts and by the urban populationwho are engaged in industrial or even in commercial pursuits in theforge towns, is very keen. The effect of the War and the more pressingneed for home-grown food have stimulated the demand, and in trying tomeet it, both the Board of Agriculture and private individuals andlocal authorities have done splendid work, which ought to be recognisedas one of the most beneficial movements which have taken place withinliving memory. More than seventy years ago William Howitt calledattention to the advantages derived from the system of urban allotmentsadopted near his own town of Nottingham, and attention has beensubsequently drawn to the subject, but its importance was not fullyrealised until the outbreak of the War. An enormous advance has alreadybeen made, and if the right steps are taken for securing more permanenceof tenure, and for obtaining land on fair terms near to the homes of theworkers, a far greater and more lasting advance will be made. The numberof allotments in England and Wales before the War was about 570, 000. Itis estimated that now there are upwards of 1, 400, 000. The urbanallotments have increased enormously, an interest has been added to thelives of many workers; their supply of wholesome food of their owngrowing has been increased and the health of these urban workerspromoted. At present the total area taken up by allotments is about200, 000 acres. If half of these are devoted, say, to growing potatoesand produce an average of seven tons per acre, the allotment holders inEngland and Wales would this year grow "700, 000 tons of the mostessential war-time crop practically on the spot where the crop is to beconsumed. " It appears that, taking the whole of England and Wales, therewas an allotment holding for one household in twelve before the War. OnMay 1st, 1918, one household in five held an allotment. In the countyboroughs before the War one household in thirty-two possessed anallotment, now the proportion is one household in nine, and the processis going on. It is the most encouraging development, whether looked atfrom the economic point of view or from the point of view of nationalhealth and happiness, that has taken place within living memory. Theurban allotments are regularly worked by persons who are engaged invarious forms of industry during the greater part of their time, and itis found that the allotments must be small, usually about fifteen to anacre. They ought to be as near as possible to the homes of the peoplewho work them. One of the reasons pointed out for the slow developmentof the system, even where it has been so successful as in Nottinghamlong before the War, was the distance of the allotments from the homesof the workers. In town planning there should be an attempt whereverpossible to arrange for allotments close to the new small dwellingswhich are erected. It will be essential, however, to insist (i) on morepermanent tenure for those who work their allotments properly and keepthem in good condition; (ii) that the land required should be obtainedon reasonable terms. Some landowners have themselves voluntarily takenthe matter in hand, but in other cases compulsion will be necessary, and, as already stated, it will be right that where the land has beenagricultural or vacant land, bringing in a small or even no return, theprice or rent paid for it should be based on its agricultural value plussome reasonable addition, and not on the enormously enhanced value ofthe land as land which has become building land owing to the growth ofthe urban population in the neighbourhood. It will be desirable toarrange by co-operative or municipal action for the supply of seeds, plants and fertilisers, and also for the sale of any surplus produce notrequired by the holder for his own use. 

The admirable work which is being done by the Board of Agriculture inencouraging allotments ought to be recognised and supported in everypossible way. 

CHAPTER XXI

AFFORESTATION

 _Thou, too, great father of the British floods, _ _With joyful pride survey'st our lofty woods, _ _Where towering oaks their growing honours rear_ _And future navies on thy shores appear. _--ALEXANDER POPE. 

We shall use the word afforestation here to denote the steps to be takenfor promoting the growth of timber on a large scale. The original sensein which it is employed in any historical or legal work is quitedifferent. There it means turning a track of land into a forest, and aforest did not mean land covered with timber trees, but a "certainterritory of woody grounds and fruitful pastures, privileged for wildbeasts and fowles of the forest to rest and abide in, " in "theprotection of the King for his princely delight and pleasure. " It wassubject to special jurisdiction, and special officers were appointedover it "to the end that it may the better be preserved and kept for aplace of recreation and pastime meet for the royal dignity of a prince. "The Forest Laws were oppressive, and for the purpose of afforestationmany wrongs were committed. In the Crown forests, like Epping Forest andthe New Forest, there were a number of commoners who had special rightsof pasture and of taking certain things from the forest, such asfirewood "that might do them good. " It is by the assertion of suchancient rights of common that Epping Forest has been preserved as aplace of recreation for the people of East London, and that so much ofthe New Forest remains open land. The latter is a source of perennialenjoyment to those who visit it, and maintains the successors of theold forest commoners in prosperity, due largely to the fact that theycan graze ponies there and feed pigs on the acorns and beechmast. Whatever steps are taken to promote the growth of timber--and much hasbeen done from time to time in the New Forest with that object--it isimportant that these valuable common rights should be preserved, andthat the value of open lands for the health and recreation of the peopleshould not be overlooked. 

The need for systematic action and for the Government to take steps topromote the growth of timber in the United Kingdom has been pointed outfrom time to time. The Board of Agriculture in 1911 drew up a memorandumpointing out that "British forestry was far behind that of other leadingEuropean States, " and that "the growing of timber had never in thiscountry been recognised as a business"; that "there had been nocontinuity of policy with regard to it. " When the War broke out itappears that only eight per cent, of the total amount of timber requiredfor home use was grown in the United Kingdom, ninety-two per cent, hadto be brought from oversea. The War showed how perilous and how costly athing it is to neglect home production of necessaries. 

When all our shipping was required for other purposes, it was a mostserious matter to take up tonnage with a cargo so bulky as timber, occupying probably more ship space in proportion to its value than anyother. More timber was required for huts and sheds, for railwaysleepers, and a variety of other purposes. For the construction ofaircraft special kinds of timber were needed. The demand for pit propsin enormous quantities was urgent and continuous. At the same time theloss of shipping through submarine action became very serious. Fortunately our French Allies had been more provident in conserving andpromoting their home supplies. Forestry in France had been carefullyfostered by the Government. To take one example alone, the Landes, thedistrict near the coast between Bordeaux and Bayonne, which had oncebeen a region of dreary marsh, shifting sand, or scanty pasture, hadbeen turned into splendid forest by wise forethought a century ago, andyielded great supplies of valuable timber. Science has pointed out manyways in which small and waste wood also can be used for the productionof a number of substances necessary in peace and still more urgentlyrequired in war. The Landes country was noted for its production ofrosin. Thousands of cups into which it exudes from cuts in the trees areto be seen when passing through the forests in that region. 

Shortage of tonnage during the War made it necessary to use the homesupply of wood of the United Kingdom to the fullest extent. A controllerof timber supplies was appointed, though, as usual, rather late in theday. Under his energetic management a very large part of the timberneeded was obtained in this country. It was essential to get all thatwas possible, but the result is inevitable "that we shall have to face aperiod in which production will be much below even the low figure whichit had reached before the War. Not only have mature crops been felled inall parts of the United Kingdom, but thousands of acres of young orimmature woods have been felled for pit-wood and other purposes, or havebeen thinned to a degree which renders clearing and replantingabsolutely essential. "

One painful result has also been to deprive certain places of thebeautiful trees which gave the countryside there its special charm. There is no plainer case for taking in hand the question ofreconstruction at once, for framing a clear policy as to the steps to beused to repair the losses caused by war, and to ensure that in thefuture we shall not be so completely dependent on supplies from abroadthrough neglect of the possibilities of production at home. A Committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. F. D. Acland, was appointed in July, 1916, "to report upon the best means of conserving and developing the woodlandand forestry resources of the United Kingdom, having regard to theexperience gained during the War. " The report of that Committee, dealingwith the whole subject, was issued in 1918, and is a model of clearstatement, and a mine of information made readily accessible. It gives afull survey of the present position, and sets forth a "forest policyrecommended" which is definite and worked out in detail. The Committeefind that "the timber position at home is bad, that prospects of supplyfrom abroad are becoming doubtful, that ample supplies in time ofemergency are a national necessity of the very first importance, thatthey can only be secured for certain if the timber be grown at home, andfinally, that it is essential for the State to take a very much moreactive part in forestry than it has been content to take in the past. "State action is becoming, perhaps, too much the fashion--free individualaction is generally far better--but in this matter, which is one of"national insurance, " State action is necessary, and reasons of aconclusive character are given--such as the long period required beforethe crop can be matured and any return obtained, and the uncertainty asto the future conditions and factors on which its ultimateprofitableness will depend--showing why the matter should be taken inhand by the State. Such action would, of course, not exclude individualor local action; indeed, private enterprise might also be helped by theState in many ways, including the giving of expert advice and making theresults of the best scientific research available to all. 

The work of afforestation would provide a healthy and suitableemployment for discharged soldiers who preferred a country life toresuming their occupations in towns. The number taking up forest work, however, would probably be very small. There are also some branches offorest work which would be suitable for partially disabled soldiers. Avery interesting scheme has been framed for establishing forestnurseries on reclaimed lands. One specially suitable site has beensuggested on the shore of the River Kent at the head of Morecambe Bay, near Grange-over-Sands, where land was reclaimed after the making of theFurness Railway. The reclaimed land would be suitable for a forestnursery for raising young trees. The soil is light, so the work would behealthy and would not be too strenuous. The scheme has been worked outin detail, and an attractive description of it is given by Mr. Mawson. There are other places where reclaimed land or other land with light andsuitable soil might be used for such nurseries. Partially disabled menmight also be trained for the lighter kinds of forest work, such, forexample, as the "marking of thinnings. " It is of a technical character, but does not involve any serious physical strain. 

CHAPTER XXII

LAW REFORM

 _I should not be an advocate for the repeal of any law because it happened to be in opposition to temporary prejudices, but I object to certain laws because they are inconsistent with the deliberate and permanent opinion of the public. _--SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH. 

Compared with some of the other great questions involved inReconstruction, mere reforms in the law may often seem almost trivial, but they have the advantage of being easier to handle than social andeconomic reforms. It is not so difficult to state exactly what iswanted, to embody the proposals in definite shape in a Bill, and to passit if the Parliamentary machine is properly used. The incapacity ofParliament to deal with remedial legislation embodied in a Bill clearlydrawn is often exaggerated. A reform merely in Parliamentary procedurewould go far to remedy the existing congestion. A case could be quotedfrom very short Parliamentary experience where a private member, surprised at getting first place in the ballot, adopted a friend'ssuggestion to attempt a long-needed practical reform. The subject hastoo much technical difficulty to be explained here, but the Bill wasdrafted in an hour or two, passed the House of Commons early oneafternoon without alteration, and the House of Lords with slight verbalchanges. It became law in two or three weeks, and the Act is now usedwith beneficial results in the Courts almost daily. A real injustice wasprevented and practical inconvenience removed, but the measure wasnearly wrecked by some theorists who wished to extend the principle ofthe Bill logically, as they said, but in a manner which would have madeit virtually unworkable, without benefit to a single human being. Asmall matter, but instructive. 

Much may be learned from the procedure of Grand Committees. In some, atleast, the average length of speeches is about three minutes, and theyare confined to the definite point in hand. Members vote according totheir view of the merits, knowing what they are voting about, and maydefeat the Government without causing a political crisis. A case hasoccurred where the representative of the Government, who knew little ofthe subject in question, was left in a minority of one against a solidvote of the rest of the Committee. "Downstairs" the point might havebeen decided the other way by a score or two of members rushing in, asSir George Trevelyan once described it, "between two mouthfuls of soup, "asking, "Are we Ayes or Noes?" and shepherded into a division lobbyaccordingly. 

Another step needed to aid Law Reform would be the appointment of aMinister of Justice, whose business it would be to consider proposedreforms, to see that they were put into proper shape and to assist ingetting them passed. The same Minister might have the duty of attendingto arrangements for the convenient and prompt administration of justice, but should have no judicial functions of any kind and should notinterfere in any way with the action of the Courts. It is impossible toguard too jealously against substituting decisions of any department ofGovernment for the law of the land as declared and administered by theregular Courts of Justice. Mr. Samuel Garrett, the President of the LawSociety, dealt with the question very fully in January, 1918, in anaddress which has since been published. We may view the establishment ofanother new Ministry with something like horror, but a strong case ismade out for it here. Definite functions are suggested for such aMinistry, and it is probable that it might in the long run save expenseas well as promote efficiency. Mr. Garrett very forcibly says:

"Law Reform hangs fire for want of an officer of State armed with thepower of conducting the necessary inquiries and investigations, andsupplying the necessary driving force to initiate and prepare therequisite legislative measures and to pass them through Parliament, andwith strength to overcome the _vis inertiae_ of a preoccupied andill-informed public and the active opposition of vested interests. Without such an officer the cause of reform is hopeless. " It is now andin the immediate future that such reform is, and will be, most pressing. A reformed is naturally also a reforming Parliament as it was after1832. 

There are a large number of reforms in the law which ought to be takenin hand at once. The nature of the amendments needed is clear; all thatis required is that they should be brought in proper form beforeParliament, and that the Government should use its influence to get thempassed. It would be difficult for the Lord Chancellor to see to thiswork efficiently and regularly along with his other duties, and it iscertainly impossible for the Law Officers, whose duty it is to representthe Crown in the Courts and to advise the Government on questions oflaw, to undertake this duty. It could be done if a capable solicitor orbarrister who had experience of cases relating to property, not just asuccessful advocate but a lawyer well acquainted with the practicaldifficulties which make amendment in the law desirable, were put incharge of the work. 

It is a complete mistake to imagine that devolution to other bodies ofthe legislative powers of Parliament would do what is required in thisrespect. Such a delegation as regards many subjects would make confusionworse confounded. Questions relating to marriage and personal status, naturalisation, the law of companies, all branches of commercial law, the law of contracts, and the law relating to devolution of property, should be dealt with by one body, whose aim should be to assimilate thelaw on these subjects over as wide an area as possible. Endless trouble, litigation and uncertainty arise from an unnecessary variety of laws onsuch subjects as these. It would be well, indeed, with regard to suchsubjects, to endeavour to assimilate the law of the Colonies and of theMother Country, and to enter into negotiations with other countries tofacilitate their commercial intercourse by enacting similar laws onsubjects of this kind as far as may be. 

It is impossible, without taking up too much space and entering too muchinto technical detail, to do more than indicate in general terms some ofthe reforms in the law which demand early attention. The following maybe given as examples:

(1) The complete revision of the Statute Law, consolidating the law oneach subject as far as possible, and in some cases amending it at thesame time. The present state of English Statute Law is a disgrace to anycivilised nation. There are subjects on which it is almost impossible tosay what the law is, owing, amongst other causes, to the pernicioushabit of legislation by reference from one statute to another. Judges, the legal advisers to parties in litigation, clerks to localauthorities, and others, ought to have in compendious form before themthe whole Statute Law on a subject under discussion. Much good and verylaborious work has been done under the direction of the Committee onStatute Law, but their duties should be extended and fuller facilitiesafforded for more complete and more rapid revision. These powers shouldinclude that of presenting at the same time to Parliament minorincidental amendments in the Statute Law which would remove doubts andinconsistency, and get rid of obsolete provisions. Either a Minister ofJustice or one of the existing Ministers along with his other dutiesshould be definitely responsible for seeing that the work is donewithout undue delay or expense. Probably a small Joint Committee ofLords and Commons might consider any cases where amendments were made, and, if they approved of the revised and consolidated Statutes, theCommittee stage in both Houses might be dispensed with, and a singlereading of the Bill of revision or even merely "to lay it on the table"would be quite sufficient to preserve the general authority ofParliament over legislation of this kind. A small executive departmentshould be established under the direction of the Minister for dealingwith all details and drafting the proposed Bills. There should be apermanent head of such a department with a small but efficient staff andproper accommodation for carrying on the work, which would becontinuous, in order not only to put but to keep the Statute Law inproper form. The head of such a department should have a very free handas regards the mode of carrying on the work, subject to certain generalregulations laid down as to the scope of his duties, and the expensethat might be incurred, and the department should be free from some atleast of the ordinary conditions relating to the Civil Service. With theadvantage of existing experience, such a department might be constitutedon sound lines within a week or two, and its work would result in savingtime and trouble to Courts, to local authorities, to privateindividuals, and to various government departments themselves. The costof such a department would be covered over and over again by theimprovements effected. It is a comparatively small matter, but the linesof action are so clear and so definite, and it would be so easy to makethe necessary arrangements in a few days, that it might be taken as anexample of the way to effect a reform promptly. 

The huge mass of emergency legislation which has come into existencesince the War would no doubt require separate consideration. Thatexceptional legislation will have to be revised and almost the whole ofit repealed, in some cases at once and in others within a short timeafter the close of the War. This question is already engaging theattention of the Government. It is not an easy task, but the transitionto freedom should be made as rapidly as possible. The action to betaken, however, in many cases, will very closely affect trade, and inthese cases the question is not one primarily for lawyers; even theofficials with most experience will require the advice and guidance ofthose who know each trade practically. The more anyone in the dischargeof official duties learns of the course of trade in any commodity themore he will recognise the necessity for practical knowledge of theconditions of _that_ trade, and the futility of attempting to deal withany question affecting it without hearing those who have been actuallyengaged in it. What an intelligent open-minded man might expect tohappen is very often exactly what does not in fact happen. It istempting to give concrete examples which have forced themselves intonotice, but limitation of space forbids. 

(2) The law on certain subjects should now be codified. This is adifferent question from the revision of the Statute Law and theintroduction of something like order into that chaos. It is, however, probable that a general codification now would do harm, and there arestrong grounds for contending that Case Law, with its capacity forgrowth and adaptation to new conditions as they arise and to unforeseencircumstances, is often more convenient and indeed more scientific thana code. Criminal Law, however, at least so far as it relates toindictable offences, ought to be embodied in a definite and completecode, and in the process of codification certain amendments might bemade. 

(3) The law as to murder and homicide, for example, urgently requiresconsiderable amendment. The present state of the law classing togetheras murder acts of totally different character and decreeing thepunishment of death for all alike is most unsatisfactory, and in somecases revolting to the moral sense. The whole doctrine of "constructivemurder" should be done away with, and only those acts treated as murderand punishable with death where the accused intended deliberately thedeath of his victim, and was not acting under great provocation or underthe kind of mental distress or anxiety which might be reasonablysupposed to affect his--it might indicate the usual nature of suchcases better to say "her"--judgment and power of control. 

There are also a number of alterations in the law relating to thedevolution of property, and to personal status which ought to be made bythe new Parliament at an early date. Most of them have been suggestedlong ago, but as no party capital was to be made out of law reforms, such reforms have generally been neglected unless taken up by a LordChancellor or some other legal authority with political influence. A fewof these alterations may be enumerated. 

(4) The devolution of real estate in case of intestacy should beassimilated to that of personal estate. The present state of the law isoften a great injustice, especially to women, and women will now be in aposition to demand its amendment. If a man dies intestate, leaving awealthy son and half a dozen daughters quite unprovided for, the sontakes all the real property, and the daughters may be left penniless, but if the property happens to be leasehold for 1, 000 years, thedaughters share equally. The present state of the law is a survival ofthe time when ownership of freehold land implied personal service. 

(5) Estates tail might be abolished or at least alienation of suchestates made simpler. 

(6) Copyhold tenure with its inconvenient incidents should be convertedinto freehold. 

(7) Both as a means of raising revenue, and to prevent uselesslitigation without in any way discouraging thrift or disappointinglegitimate expectations, the State should take the whole property as towhich anyone dies intestate without leaving near relations. The wholesubject of Death Duties needs reconsideration; a mere increase of theseduties all round would cause intolerable hardship in some cases andwould discourage people from attempting by careful foresight to makeprovision for those dependent on them, but when very large sums devolveon death to persons who are not dependents, the State might take a muchlarger portion of a deceased person's property than it does at present. If a multi-millionaire dies without leaving a wife or linealdescendants, there would be no hardship in taking fifty per cent. Of hisproperty--not devoted to charitable purposes--for the State. It wouldnot be difficult to frame provisions to meet the possibility ofsettlements being made to evade the duty. 

(8) Legitimation by subsequent marriage would remove many cases of greathardship, and might aid in inducing fathers to recognise their duties tochildren for whose existence they are responsible, and also to themothers of such children. 

(9) A regular form of legal adoption should be provided by which, subject to some form of public sanction to secure that the adoptingparents are fit and able to take such responsibility, persons might givechildren, whom they desire to adopt, a recognised legal position. Thelosses caused by the War make this question one of increased practicalimportance. 

(10) The reform of the law as to marriage ought not to be longerdelayed. The question has already been carefully considered by theCommission of which Lord Gorell was chairman. This subject will, nodoubt, provoke controversy, and it is impossible to discuss it fullyhere, but delay may have serious consequences. 

The above incomplete list will be sufficient to indicate in a fairlydefinite way some of the work that has to be done in Law Reform. It iscertainly a heavy task, but in almost all cases the lines on whichreform could be carried out are clear, and it only requires that thematter should be resolutely taken in hand. If a small expert committeeto consider each branch of the subject and draft the necessary Billswere appointed, or some Minister were made definitely responsible forattending to such matters, and if the procedure in Parliament werereformed as suggested, the congestion in Parliament need not preventthese reforms from being carried through rapidly. 

CHAPTER XXIII

PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE

 _Find us men skilled, make a new Downing Street fit for the new era. _--THOMAS CARLYLE. 

No one will imagine that the long list of questions that have beenmentioned covers the whole field of reconstruction, still less that theanswers suggested are complete. Some of the suggestions made may befruitful, others not. Enough has been said to show how huge that taskis, and how it will need for its accomplishment all the knowledge andwisdom, and all the energy available. It is, therefore, clear that everyproposal which may be made must be examined on its merits, not as itaffects any party or personal interests, and that those who are electedto decide or appointed to deal with any matter shall in each case bechosen because of their fitness for the work assigned, not because theirinfluence or support may be useful to any party or coterie. 

Political life from bottom to top must be purified if reform is to becarried out on just and sound lines. On this question plain speaking isessential. For some time elements of corruption have been growing up inEnglish politics, which it will be one of the first duties of theelectorate and of a new and reformed Parliament to get rid of. The veryword "politician" has become a term of contempt. The country is alive tothe evil and ought to insist that it shall be promptly dealt with. Thetask is not an agreeable one. Those who have anything personally to gainor to lose in political life will naturally shrink from it. At the sametime, nothing is worse than to overstate the case, and nothing easierthan to create an atmosphere of suspicion without definite evidence. Directly the word "purity" is mentioned in any sense, there is atendency to put forward something startling, "to pander to the lust forthe lurid. " It would be an excellent thing to put a tax on the use ofadjectives, at all events in the discussion of any question of politicsor morals, as fines are sometimes imposed for the unnecessary oroffensive expletives employed as a common form of emphasis. 

One or two definite changes could be made which would go far to promotepolitical purity. (1) No "honour" should be conferred on any Member ofParliament while he retains his seat there. It ought to be consideredsufficient honour to belong to that assembly. Gratitude to a Governmentfor personal favours of this kind, either already conferred or to come, should not enter as a disturbing element affecting a man's politicalaction. There is much to be said for the rule that acceptance of anoffice of profit under the Crown vacates a seat in the House of Commons. The rule should apply to the acceptance of any honour. Perhaps anexception might be made allowing a limited number of members, who hadserved at least ten years in Parliament, to be placed on the PrivyCouncil on the advice of a Select Committee of the House. Such a coursewould strengthen the Privy Council by the addition of experienced menwho had won the respect of their fellow-members irrespective of party, but had never taken office. An appointment so made would neither be thereward of docility or assiduity in attending divisions, nor aprophylactic against too critical tongues; it would be a mark of respectfrom those whom long association had given the means of judging. Thereare some men in every Parliament whose high character and unobtrusivework through a long period of service have won the special regard oftheir fellow-members, even though opposed to them in politics, and anopportunity of expressing that feeling would be welcomed. The selectionwould be a real honour, and would be bestowed in recognition ofindependence of character and steady useful work. Peerages might stillbe conferred on the advice of the Prime Minister, as a peerage rendersthe recipient incapable of sitting in the House of Commons, and theexistence of Ministries does not depend on votes in the Lords. 

(2) The party whips ought to have nothing to do with the conferment ofhonours of any kind, whether on members of the House of Commons orothers. The considerations which must be uppermost in the mind of awhip, whose duty it is to fill the division lobbies for his party, oughtnot to affect the fountain of honour. 

(3) The accounts of the party associations ought to be published. It maybe right for well-to-do people who feel keenly on political questions tocontribute to help party organisation, to aid in providing the moneynecessary to enable promising men, who have not the means for payingtheir own election expenses, to contest a seat and to enter Parliament. There is nothing derogatory to a candidate in accepting assistance ofthe kind. Many men who were unable to fight an election without it, would prefer to have it openly stated that they had received suchassistance. Why should a young man whom a poor constituency would liketo adopt, and who can only afford, say, £100 towards the cost ofcontesting a seat, object to his constituents knowing that the balancehad been found from funds provided by others who wish well to the causehe is advocating? If the system is wrong, let it be abolished; if right, why try to preserve secrecy?

(4) No one should be allowed to contribute to party funds who hasreceived a peerage or other "honour" within a given period, and ifanyone has contributed to such funds before receiving an honour theamount paid should be publicly announced. Everyone has heard, and anyoneacquainted with what goes on could give instances, of cases where acontribution has been asked from those whose services to the communityare supposed to be recognised by some title of honour. 

A change is needed in the method of selecting candidates. Two exampleswill illustrate the kind of thing that takes place. 

A. B. Had made a respectable fortune in a well-known and useful business, and retired to a comfortable home in Parkshire. His practical good senseand knowledge of affairs had made him a useful member of the countycouncil, and he was a regular supporter of all benevolent movements inthe district. A vacancy was expected in the parliamentary representationof the neighbouring borough of Slowcombe, and A. B. , feeling the call toa larger sphere of usefulness--prompted also by Mrs. A. B. , for whosecharming social qualities the society of Slowcombe was unable, and theantiquated exclusiveness of Parkshire families was unwilling, to affordsufficient scope--desired to fill the vacancy. The party managers wereapproached, and were delighted to find so suitable a candidate, providedthat A. B. Would agree to spend at least £---- a year "in nursing theconstituency, " which was unable to move without such nursing. It isbetter not to name the amount asked lest it should lead to a painfulidentification of the real name of the place, and also because it was solarge that it would be discredited by all except the unfortunatecandidates for similar places. A. B. Was compelled to answer, "It is morethan I can possibly afford, " and added in his own mind, "Would it beright if I could?" He has had to console himself with growing roses andbreeding pigs, and attending the county bench; no doubt in every way avaluable member of society, but the larger sphere of usefulness isclosed to him. 

Dyeborough is a town where business methods are better understood. Thelate member having resigned, the chairman and agent for one party, greatly exercised as to the means of providing for the expenses ofattending to the register and maintaining local interest in theprinciples of the party, and in the "great cause" which it supports, wisely communicated with "headquarters. " As to what passes there, religious silence should be observed. There is no evidence available, and to pry into such mysteries were profane, but shortly afterwards itis announced that Mr. X. , with the highest recommendations, will addressthe association. The local managers are quietly informed that he iswilling to pay all expenses of the local organisation, to subscribe tothe party clubs, and to spend money freely in the constituency. X. Appears from Weissnichtwo with a bevy of carpet bags and some heavycheque books. He is a man of business, has "made money"--meaning usuallyacquired money of other people by any means not forbidden by law. Theoratorical arts which served to influence prospective shareholders aresufficient to fill the prepared caucus with at least an appearance ofenthusiasm, and the open-minded candidate has sufficient democraticsentiment to adopt every plank in the party programme, or "any otherdamned nonsense" that he thinks will be agreeable. The virtuousDyeborough yields to the golden shower, and embraces the charmingstranger. It takes his subscriptions with content, and watches hiscareer with pride. A far-seeing sporting man offers two to one that inthree years the new member will be recognised by a title--of course a"marketable title" suggests a lawyer--but no one is rash enough to takeup the bet. (No wonder that Proportional Representation or any otherproposal which would interfere with the working of such a convenientsystem is rejected by the party politicians. ) Everyone has beensatisfied. The local party managers have been relieved from all anxiety, the local charities and political clubs add handsome subscriptions totheir lists, headquarters and the whips have--to put the casemildly--not diminished their funds, and can reckon on a safe seat andsteady vote. X. Has entered on a career of public service marked at eachstep by successive honours. The only drawback is that if he should betranslated to "another place, " it would be found that the borough hadbecome accustomed to such a scale of expenditure from its member that"no one but a very rich and ambitious man would venture to come forwardas a candidate there. " It offers, however, a splendid chance for aSocialist who can make unlimited promises as to the benefits that he andhis friends could confer by taking the money of other people anddistributing it in a liberal spirit. As for X. , we must see that talentsso pre-eminent are not lost to the State, and if no Ministerial officeis vacant we must create one, and ask no questions as to its cost or thenature of its operations. 

Could these claims on the purse as a condition in the selection ofcandidates be prevented, a great step would be taken towards purifyingpolitical life. If the question were resolutely faced, the abuse couldbe stopped. The late Lord James, when in charge of the Corrupt PracticesBill, was told that the stringent clause limiting election expenseswould wreck his scheme. He persisted, and afterwards said that it wasthat clause which did most to help the Bill through, because so manycountry gentlemen who had suffered through agricultural depression gaveit their hearty support as affording a means of freeing them from theextortionate claims of a set of persons who used an election to obtainmoney for imaginary services to the unfortunate candidates. 

To read in the various biographical memoirs and reminiscences which havebeen published during the last twenty years how Cabinets have been puttogether, may amuse the cynical and evoke interest in those who watchpolitics as a game, but is painful to the citizen who wishes to see thecountry well governed, and who suffers if it is not. Sometimes, indeed, the formation of a Ministry seems more like the distribution of lootamong successful campaigners, or a tactical disposition of the officersfor continuing a contest than the provision of the best means andselection of the best men for each part of the work of governing thecountry. 

In spite, however, of some glaring instances where such appointmentshave led to disaster or serious loss, the result has, on the whole, beennot so bad as might have been expected. Those who have won their way inthe open conflicts in Parliament and the country have been men who haveplayed a fair game according to the rules. Their personal charactershave stood high. Dishonourable action has been rare, almost unknown. Asa rule, the abilities of those called to the Front Bench have probablybeen rather above the average among the country gentlemen, lawyers andmen of business who have been associated with them; a few have shownconspicuous ability; most by experience of affairs soon gain a specialaptitude in dealing with them. Anyhow the open recognition of partyclaims publicly recognised is infinitely better, as Burke urged, andhistory from his day to ours proves, than backstairs influence or merelypersonal ties, and still more than using official position as a tributeto wealth, and the advantages which wealth can confer on those who do ithomage. It is the system which is to blame, not the men to be condemned. Those who denounce the members of a Government most fiercely would beonly too happy to accept an invitation to meet them at dinner. Ask themost eloquent writer of philippics who has known, say a score ofMinisters on both sides personally, and who is reasonably tolerant, modest and candid, which of them does he believe really to be either aknave or a fool; he will answer, "None, though I am not quite sure aboutX. " We all have our ineradicable antipathies. Fortunately there issomething forensic about English political contests. The astonishedclient sees the advocates who have been hottest in conflict walking awayarm in arm. We must make allowance for the requirements of the forum, and at the same time be thankful that while there may be somethingrotten in the state of politics, those who become prominent in politicallife are honourable men. To some it may seem half an insult to state thefact, but the kind of talk both public and private too frequently heardto-day makes it necessary to insist upon it. Even Members of Parliamenton the opposite side are as a rule quite respectable citizens. Tomaintaining a correct attitude of antagonism too close knowledge ofopponents may sometimes be a hindrance, and it was not without reasonthat one engaged in a violent controversy on being told that if he knewY. , his antagonist, he would be sure to like him, replied, "That is thereason why I have always refused an introduction to him. "

Lastly, when the right men have been selected, they should be supported, their acts and proposals, of course, criticised if necessary, but notmade the subject of perpetual and irritating nagging, or dull refusal tounderstand and appreciate what they are doing and aiming at. They maynot expect gratitude. Most people learn in the course of life thatrecognition given and gratitude shown for any work done varies inverselyas the trouble they have taken, and the difficulty of the task, even ifit has been successfully carried through, but while they are engaged init they must claim not to be hindered and thwarted in their work bythose who can prove that every possible way of doing something whichmust be done is wrong, but never show the right way to do it. It ismarvellous how some of those in the most responsible positions manage toget through their business at all in face of the constant sniping ofthose who, like the Scots elder in the story, can neither work nor pray, but can "object. " The splendid service rendered to the country by thepresent Prime Minister in bringing about a unity of command was carriedthrough in face of bitter and persistent opposition set up both by thosewho claimed to be guarding the proper position of the militaryprofession, and also by those who do not regard victory in the War as anobject of their desire. 

In the earlier part of 1918, when speaking of a question above mentionedto one whose services had been called for by the State to meet specialdifficulties, the conversation somehow turned to speaking of our ages, and he, said of himself: "I wish I were twenty years younger, that Imight see the results of what is going on now. " It is the naturalattitude of the true worker to think of the "far goal. " He has beencalled away in the midst of his work, and "from this side" will not seewhat is to come in these next twenty years, but the history of this agewill be very incomplete if it does not record and show the deepsignificance of the fact that one who undertook a task bristling withdifficulties, affecting the daily life of almost everybody, subjectingit to many restraints, who never felt under "an obligation to thepopular, " won more general regard--it might fairly be saidaffection--than any other Minister in so short a time. But if the nationappreciated the Minister, we may be sure that the Minister appreciatedthe nation which accepted inconveniences and restraints with so littlegrumbling and such ready acquiescence. 

Does not everything point to the fact that one of the most necessaryreforms is to appoint as Minister for each department the most capableman to do the work required there, one who has the knowledge andforesight to direct aright, instead of looking round to see which of thevarious offices to be filled will satisfy the "claims" of such and sucha politician?

Above all, we want to see the Government of the country kept free fromthe influence of financial rings or of commercial organisations whichmay exercise an undue power in determining national policy. Patrioticfeeling may be exploited to promote the self-interest of sections of thecommunity. Those who direct the State should never be involved, whetherdirectly or indirectly, in schemes which have for their object theacquisition of individual gain at the expense of the nation as a whole. 

Part V

THE GOAL

CHAPTER XXIV

UNION AND REGENERATION

 _So from day to day and strength to strength you shall build up indeed by art, by thought, and by just will an ecclesia of England of which it shall not be said, "See what manner of stones are here, " but "See what manner of men. _"--JOHN RUSKIN. 

One subject most vital to all progress on sound lines, which affects notonly present reconstruction, but the whole future of the nation, andinvolves not only definite action now but also steady and continuousaction in all future time, has been deliberately omitted. The questionof Education, of the training of the coming generation on right lines, requires separate treatment in a way more complete and thorough, if itis to be of any use at all, than can be given to it incidentally among alarge number of other subjects. [11] The Education Act, which was passedin 1918 with so much goodwill, will give opportunities for thedevelopment of education, but whether it is a benefit or not will dependon how it is used and the kind of education given. The example ofGermany shows how education, highly organised at every stage, reduced toa system in accordance with theories thought out most carefully, mayhave disastrous effects. From the Kindergarten to the University theGermans have had their completely graded system extending to all classesof society; they have elaborated their theories with care, and appliedthem thoroughly at every stage. Thoughtful students of education, bothin this country and in America, have made German methods the subject oftheir study, and offered to them when they could the flattery ofimitation. Those who wished to learn the best methods of teaching havemade the works of Herbart their text-book; they have studied the workof Kirchensteiner and attended the lectures of Rein at Jena. To know thelast thesis published in a German university had become a necessaryqualification for recognition as a scholar, and the best passport for anappointment to many of the higher teaching posts in England. But theemphatic warning comes from the experience of Germany that even the veryperfection of educational systems and methods may be used so as to be acurse to the country which has adopted them. Published statistics showthat juvenile crime, often of the most revolting kind, is rampant, andhas been increasing in Germany, that suicides have become common evenamongst the very young. The highly efficient mental drill provided byGerman education, even the devotion to knowledge shown by the Germanpeople, whatever benefits it may once have conferred, applied as it nowis, must be recognised as one of the causes why Germany, so long as itretains its present spirit and its present aims, has come to be rightlyregarded as an enemy to mankind. It is essential that there should besomething more than a keen desire to acquire knowledge of every sort, and to apply it for practical purposes--the Germans have thatpre-eminently; or a love of order and organisation and a persistent andplodding industry in carrying out plans that have been carefully thoughtout beforehand--the Germans have that also; or an intense devotion tothe Fatherland--the German people have a fervent and perfectly genuinelove for their country. The moral downfall of Germany, and the materiallosses which she will suffer whatever the other results of the War maybe, are not simply due either to autocracy or to the domination of anaristocratic class, or to deficiencies in art--the power to make thingswell--or in thought--the power to plan a course of action clearly--butto the absence of a "just will. " The regeneration of Germany means thesubstitution of a just for an unjust will, not simply the spread ofdemocratic ideals, desirable though these may be, nor the substitutionof democratic for autocratic or aristocratic government. For our ownnation, too, a "just will" amongst all classes of the community is thenecessary condition for future welfare. 

Another warning is necessary. In elaborate plans for reconstruction andreorganisation by more deliberate and far-reaching action of the Stateand of organised associations there is often a risk of impairing or evendestroying individual liberty. The more complete organisation andreduction to definite system of education, for example, may result inhampering free thought and action both of teacher and scholar. For them, as for an army, it is the "initiative" that counts. In industry, incommerce, in political life, and also in intellectual and even inreligious life, there is a danger that the free development of theindividual may be checked and healthy growth prevented byover-regulation. In education especially, "self-determination" withinreasonable limits is as necessary for the well-being of the individualas it is in government for the well-being of nations. We may dread theextended exercise of the powers of "directors of education" when they gobeyond administration and include the choice of subjects and of methods. The best educational movement of our day--the Boy ScoutsAssociation--was initiated and is carried on without the intervention ofthe State or of local authorities. 

In conclusion two other points may be offered for consideration. In ourmethods of education do we not find the idea more and more prevalentthat it is necessary for all, in order to be thorough, to devote theirtime and energy to exact manipulation? It is true that you cannot make agood chemist, or even apothecary, without giving days and weeks to exactuse of balances or to watching filter papers and the like but the merelayman may learn in a short time with profit the meaning of a chemicalequation, and find a kind of diagrammatic knowledge sufficient to meetall he requires. To discard what is irrelevant to the purpose is one ofthe most difficult but most important things to be learned. Instead ofusing "Euclid" as a means of teaching scholars to reason, they areexpected to use compasses carefully to make circles round--a matter ofno importance whatever for the matter in hand--but it diverts theirattention from the true object of study. There is a lesson for others inthe highly emphasised remark once addressed by a great advocate to hisjunior who was taking an over-elaborate note, "Stop that scratching andattend to the case. " But intellectually the worst of all is the dangerthat education will be directed to teaching and to learning merephrases. It saves thought and provides us with a kind of paper currencyconventionally accepted, though of no real value. In every subject westudy, in every department of life, in law, in politics, and inreligion, the domination of the phrase fetters thought and pervertsaction. It is tempting to give examples, but we must forbear. 

"Time is our tedious song should here have ending, " but those who cannever see the accomplishment of what they hope for, the old "who dreamdreams, " may be forgiven if they try once more to get some vision of theland which others "if strong and of a good courage" will "go in topossess. " It may, perhaps, in the sunset light seem brighter from faroff than those who first enter it will find it to be, or, it may be, thedistant prospect discloses but a part of what they will conquer. 

Again the question will be asked, What will emerge from this struggle, this untold bloodshed, these bitter losses and widespread destruction, what will be the harvest that this "red rain" will make to grow, whatChurch will spring from the blood of the martyred youth--a greatmultitude which no man can number? Again we may answer, as after the warhalf a century ago, so short in its duration, and so limited in itsextent as compared with the World War of to-day, "For the victors Union, for the vanquished Regeneration. " Who will the victors be? Rightly shallwe think first of our own land of Britain with all the dominions thatform the Empire built up by the labour and the valour of its sons andcalled by its name, united now by the closer bonds of common efforts, common sacrifices and common resolves, loyal to one throne, the symbolof its unity, cherishing one record of heroic deeds, the example and theinspiration for the generations to come; above all, as a country that is"at unity with itself, " free from intestine war of party against party, creed against creed, and class against class. 

But this War has not been a war of Empire against Empire, of Nation onlyagainst Nation. It has been waged by the alliance of the people all overthe world who believe in justice, in a law which says, "Thou shalt not, because thou hast the power and the will to thine own advantage, usethat power to dominate others and exercise that will regardless of theirrights. " The victors will be all the Nations who are leagued together toresist such a claim, and the union must be a union of all who joined inthe struggle with that common purpose, united when peace comes in theprayer and the determination that there shall be war no more. Yet theprospect opens for a union wider even than that. Those who took no partin the conflict, some perhaps because the peril was too deadly, theiropportunity of defence too weak, may also join the League. Some, likethe Swiss, have served the cause of humanity by their generous receptionof sick and wounded. Some, like the Norwegians, have themselves sufferedcruel wrongs by the ruthlessness of our foes. 

Lastly, we must look forward to the possibility of a real peace withGermany, a readmission of Germany to the commonwealth of Nations, arestoration in the future of friendly intercourse with the Germanpeople. 

Never again shall we of the older generation cross the German frontiersave in answer to some clear call of imperative duty. We should bemore--or perhaps less--than human to wish it. Day after day we have reador our eyes have seen the reiterated and continued acts of infamy doneunder the direction of those whom the majority of the German people notonly submit to as their rulers, but follow willingly as their guides. 

Nor for years to come will many of the men of younger age risk thechance of contact with those who were responsible for or committed suchcrimes as they have witnessed from the day when German troops firstentered Belgium four years ago to the sinking of the last hospital shipor last murder of wounded men and of nurses under the shadow of the RedCross. 

But a new generation will follow us who may find and may accept awelcome from a younger German race who had no part in the sins againsthumanity committed by the Germans of to-day. Some, indeed, of thatyounger race will have learned from their own fathers who suffered forthem, to detest those crimes. 

For another generation of Englishmen it may be possible once again tofind even in Germany something to enjoy and to admire. They may watchfrom the Schlossgarten at Heidelberg the sun go down beyond the Rhineover Alsace, then again united to France; they may wander again infriendly talk with some forester under the pines of the Schwarzwald andlisten to the singing of the familiar Volkslieder--Tannenbaum or HaidenRöslein--by a people who have a natural gift for song; they may inNuremberg again look with delight on the marvels in stone wrought by itscraftsmen or seek out the hidden meanings in the mystic art of AlbrechtDürer; perhaps be whirled along in the Isar "rolling rapidly" throughthe baths of Munich or plunge in the crystal depths of the König See;from the highlands of Bavaria they may lift up their eyes to the longranges of the snowy Alps of Tyrol, and, as the decennial cycle comesround and the reverent peasants re-enact the sacred drama, may maketheir pilgrimage to Ammergau and share the thrill passing along thecrowded benches when the children's voices are heard, and they enter, waving their palm branches, that those who watch their beautifulcounterfeit may recall, with imagination vivid like a child's, anotherprocession of joyous children, nineteen hundred years ago. 

The rest of mankind would be the poorer if it were cut off for ever fromsome of the things which Germany has given and might again give to theworld in the realm of thought--in science and literature--and in music;things which have added and may again add to the knowledge and to thebeauty of life. But let there be no mistake. Such a future is possibleonly if the powers which are dominant in Germany are utterly destroyed;but that is not enough, there must be a regeneration of the Germanpeople. The alternative for Germany must be either exclusion fromintercourse with the rest of mankind save those who desire to share inher crimes, and who will also share in her outlawry, or a change ofspirit and of purpose in the nation. If such a change comes, we "dare beknown to think" that the renewal of friendly relations with the Germanpeople is an object we desire to attain. 

For us, too, comes the double warning. Strange voices are already heardamong us; some seem like echoes of the German spirit we are fighting toexorcise, others of that anarchic spirit still more fatal that makes alawless democracy the most deadly foe of liberty and ordered progress. If we in our turn make self-interest, regardless of the rights ofothers, our guide, find in hatred, envy and jealousy our stimulus toaction, victory will confer no lasting blessing and the end of this Warwill bring no real peace. The recognition of dangers threatened must befor us the incentive to greater effort, with plans more carefullythought out and clearer understanding of the true goal we are strivingto reach. Keeping our highest ideals always before us, labouringsteadily day by day, moving forward step by step, though the way may belong, we may look with confidence to their attainment. 

The earth moves onward, revolving in its course, bearing with it ourolder generation towards the inevitable night; it may be to the utterdarkness where "there is no work nor device nor knowledge nor wisdom, "or, "as the holy sages once did sing, " when that night comes, "Creation"may "be widen'd in man's view, " revealing the infinite depths andinnumerable bright Existences which the light of common day has hidden. But whatever our destiny may be, let us trust, as we leave the sunshineof life behind, that those gleams of hope for mankind, "faint beams thatgild the west" as our stormy day closes, are to the younger race whichis following on, the rising of a glorious dawn. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 11: Perhaps a volume on Education, supplementary to thepresent work, may be issued at some future time. ]